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Virginia Slavery Debate of 1831–1832, The
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Insurrection Authentic and Impartial Narrative of the Tragical Scene Which Was Witnessed in Southampton County (Virginia) on Monday the 22nd of August Last The slavery debate was a response to the bloodiest slave rebellion in U.S. history. On August 21, 1831, an named Nat Turner and about sixty other men killed fifty-eight white men, women, and children in . Read more about: Virginia Slavery Debate of 1831–1832, The
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en
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Encyclopedia Virginia
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https://encyclopediavirginia.org/entries/virginia-slavery-debate-of-1831-1832-the/
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Insurrection
The slavery debate was a response to the bloodiest slave rebellion in U.S. history. On August 21, 1831, an enslaved preacher named Nat Turner and about sixty other men killed fifty-eight white men, women, and children in Southampton County. They threw some bodies into bonfires and left others for the wolves. They ransacked houses and stole or destroyed possessions, but they did not engage in rape or sexual violence. Governor John Floyd mobilized the state militia, which, joined by units from North Carolina, halted the rebellion and executed about 120 African Americans without trial. Turner was captured on October 30 and hanged on November 11.
The insurrection sent shockwaves of fear throughout Virginia. It brought to many minds images of the bloody slave revolt in Haiti (1791–1804) and Gabriel’s foiled plans to burn Richmond (1800). By the end of September and into early October, discussions of slavery began to appear in newspapers such as the Richmond Enquirer and the Richmond Constitutional Whig. Letter writers raised concerns about the safety of Virginians with so many African Americans, both enslaved and free, in their midst. Others wanted to censure Black preachers and white ones, too, especially if, as one person wrote to the Whig, they discoursed “with a ranting cant about equality.”
Legislative Petitions
By October, citizens began circulating petitions related to slavery. About forty in all, signed by approximately 2,000 Virginians, mostly men, were submitted to the House of Delegates. Several called for the gradual emancipation of enslaved people, some for colonization. Many were concerned about the state’s free Blacks and their negative influence on the contentment of the enslaved and on general law and order.
A number of petitions proposed emancipation. The Virginia Yearly Meeting of the Society of Friends (Quakers) in Charles City County, in a petition dated December 14, 1831, asked the House of Delegates to consider slavery “an evil in our Country[,] an evil which has been of long continuance, and is now of increasing magnitude.” Not only should slavery be abolished, the petitioners declared, but there should be a “restoration of the African race to the inalienable rights of man.” A petition from Buckingham County, dated December 16, also suggested emancipation, but not out of fealty to the principles underlying the Declaration of Independence; rather, the signers worried that the state’s Black population was growing too fast and its white population not at all. This would leave the state unstable and at the mercy of slavery’s “menace.”
A petition from Loudoun County, dated December 30, went a step further and, after advocating gradual emancipation, called for “the removal of the entire colored population,” including those who had been free, from Virginia. Another petition, from a group of Augusta County women, dated January 19, 1832, decried “the bloody monster, which threatens us,” and urged the assembly to “remove it, ye protectors of our persons, ye guardians of our peace!”
About a third of the petitions specifically called for the removal of all free Blacks. Petitioners from Northampton County noted their “anomalous” position in society—free Blacks were neither enslaved nor fully free, and therefore of questionable loyalty. Suspecting them of engaging in “dangerous intrigues with our slaves,” the Northampton men proposed that free Blacks be exiled to Liberia. A petition from Washington County, dated December 17, conceded that free Blacks “may not be more prone to engage in insurrectionary movements than slaves:—but they are generally a great nuisance to our society.” A brief petition from Fauquier County asked that the assembly “appropriate money to transport free persons of Color to the coast of Africa, and also, the power to purchase slaves and transport them likewise.”
Petitioners from Culpeper County, meanwhile, claimed that enslaved people were monopolizing the trades and recommended that no enslaved or free Black man be “placed as an apprentice in any manner whatsoever to learn a trade or art under severe and onerous penalty.”
Female petitioners from Fluvanna County spoke for many when they declared that “a blight now hangs over our national prospects, and a cloud dims the sunshine of domestic peace throughout our State. Our ears have heard the wailings of distress, and a mysterious dread mingled with fearful suspicion, disturbs the sacred quiet of our homes. … We cannot conceal from ourselves that an evil is among us, which threatens to outgrow the growth and eclipse the brightness of our national blessings.”
Prelude to the Debate
Eyes turned to the General Assembly’s new session, set to begin on December 5. On November 17, shortly after the hanging of Nat Turner, the Constitutional Whig urged legislators to have the courage to act: “Every man feels the force of Mr. Jefferson’s metaphor, that we have the wolf by the ears, and its increasing truth. There is a general acknowledgement that something ought to be, and must be done.”
The public debate reminded Virginians of longstanding differences between those living in the eastern and in the western parts of the state. Voters east of the Blue Ridge Mountains owned a majority of the state’s enslaved population and vigorously defended their rights as enslavers. Those west of the Blue Ridge generally favored emancipation. They depended less on enslaved labor and believed that eastern enslavers enjoyed unfair privileges, among them counting their enslaved population toward representation in Congress. The Richmond Enquirer suggested that the separation of East and West was not out of the question. “We can find no substantial reasons for continuing the connection between countries geographically divided by nature, inhabited by people of different origin, habits and principles, having no intercourse, and whose legislative history from its commencement, displays incessant disagreement and collision,” the paper wrote on December 2.
Four days later, Governor Floyd issued a message to the General Assembly outlining his own preferences and priorities for the upcoming session. He thanked all those involved in putting down Turner’s insurrection and warned lawmakers that “negro preachers” have been chief among those “stirring up the spirit of revolt.” After railing against “inflammatory pamphlets” distributed by abolitionists and meddling northerners, the governor recommended that Virginia’s slave laws be revised in order “to preserve in due subordination the slave population of our state.” Finally, he echoed others’ concerns about the dangers posed by free Blacks and declared it to be “indispensably necessary for them to withdraw from this community.”
Floyd, a native of western Virginia, made no mention of emancipation, but privately he was working toward that end. In his diary he wrote, “before I leave this Government I will have contrived to have a law passed gradually abolishing slavery in this State, or at all events to begin the work by prohibiting slavery on the West side of the Blue Ridge Mountains.”
In the Committee
The House of Delegates established a thirteen-man select committee to consider the governor’s suggestions and to respond to citizen petitions referred from the full House. On December 12, the House also assigned the committee to investigate the possibility of colonizing free Blacks.
Two days later, committee member William H. Roane, a delegate from Hanover County and the grandson of Patrick Henry, presented to the House two petitions and moved they be read aloud: the Quaker petition calling for the emancipation of enslaved African Americans and one from Hanover calling for voluntary emancipation and colonization. William Goode of Mecklenburg County and his conservative allies quickly requested a suspension of the reading and moved that the House not refer the petitions to the select committee. (Goode was not a member of the committee.) Laying the groundwork for the debate to come, he then revised his motion to argue that both memorials be rejected because emancipation was “irrelevant” to the select committee’s charge to consider the governor’s message and the colonization of free Blacks.
The select committee’s chairman, William H. Brodnax of Dinwiddie County was a brigadier general of the state militia and had commanded the forces that quelled Turner’s rebellion. He responded by defending a debate on the petitions. Other states had rid themselves of slavery, he said; “they mainly removed, and, in some cases, entirely eradicated it, by the same or nearly the same plan that was recommended by Mr. Jefferson. They did not object to touch the subject; but met it boldly, and are reaping the benefits of their measures. Does any man doubt that Slavery is an evil?” Brodnax went on to point out the deleterious economic effects of slavery, asserting that it was responsible for the “decay of our prosperity, and the retrograde movement of this once flourishing Commonwealth.”
While his specific arguments may not have won wide approval, Brodnax’s desire for open debate did. The House of Delegates voted 93 to 27 to refer the Quaker petition to the select committee.
On December 17, Thomas Miller of Powhatan County requested the correspondence of Thomas Jefferson and James Monroe from 1802 be sent to the committee. After the discovery of conspiracies led by the enslaved Gabriel in 1800 and the enslaved Sancho in 1802, then-president Jefferson and then-governor Monroe discussed the possibility of cooperation in a plan to colonize the state’s Black population. On January 2, Charles J. Faulkner of Berkeley County resolved that the committee recommend to the House a scheme for gradual emancipation, while also guaranteeing to enslavers either the right to keep their current enslaved laborers or to receive “adequate compensation for their loss.”
The Richmond Enquirer, in perhaps the most influential editorial of the session, published on January 7, 1832, worried that the assembly was avoiding the real problem. “It is probable from what we hear,” the paper’s editor, Thomas Ritchie, wrote, “that the Committee on the colored population will report some plan for getting rid of free people of color—But is this all that can be done? Are we forever to suffer the greatest evil, which can scourge our land, not only to remain, but to increase in its dimensions?”
Ritchie went on to propose gradual emancipation as a means to reduce “the mass of evil.” The Whig echoed Ritchie, asserting that it would “fight by his side in this holy cause.”
Debate Begins
Until now, the debate over slavery had been informal—held in the delegates’ back rooms and parlors—or limited largely to questions framed by the governor: Should Black preachers be banned? Should slave laws be rewritten? Should free Blacks be removed from the state? Referral of the Quaker petition had been a victory for emancipationists, but it had not yet sparked a full-fledged debate. And then William Goode, perhaps unwittingly, helped to do just that.
On January 10, he asked after the committee’s progress, and Chairman Brodnax replied that it was considering two modes of action: one, the removal of free Blacks, and two, the “gradual extinction of slavery.” This second point prompted Goode to press the matter. The next day he proposed to the House that the select committee should “be discharged from the consideration of all petitions, memorials and resolutions, which have for their object, the manumission of persons held in servitude under the existing laws of this commonwealth, and that it is not expedient to legislate on the subject.” He warned that the “tranquility” of the community was in jeopardy and went on to criticize “the Public Press at Richmond” for encouraging abolition.
Goode’s resolution presented the assembly’s pro-emancipation members with the opportunity they were seeking. Thomas Jefferson Randolph of Albemarle County moved that Goode’s resolution be amended so that it instead called for legislation that would submit to a public vote a gradual emancipation and colonization plan, inspired by his grandfather Thomas Jefferson and by Randolph’s friend Edward Coles.
Debate over these two resolutions would at last constitute a focused consideration of emancipation itself, an ironic outcome for Goode, as Governor Floyd wryly noted: “the slave party … have produced the very debate they wished to avoid, and too, have entered upon it with open doors.”
By “open doors,” Floyd alluded to the House’s decision to open its galleries for these debates, allowing the public to hear the various arguments and newspapermen to transcribe and print the speeches. The Enquirer, in a January 12 editorial, celebrated that the “silence” was “broken,” and that issues of “Conscience, whose ‘small, still voice’ we must hear,” would finally be aired. The Whig also thrilled at the open debate, writing nine days later that “multitudes throng to the Capitol, and have been compensated by eloquence which would have illustrated Rome or Athens.”
Arguments on Emancipation
On January 11, Samuel McDowell Moore of Rockbridge County rose to speak on behalf of abolition. He pointed out the “evil consequences of slavery” on enslavers, who, for fear of their enslaved population, could never know “happiness, peace, and freedom from apprehension.” Slavery, he argued, had a tendency “to undermine and destroy everything like virtue and morality in the community,” promoting ignorance, primarily in the enslaved themselves. Because of the taint that accompanied Black men working the soil, free men scoffed at such labor and were instead “gradually wasting away their small patrimonial estates and raising their families in habits of idleness and extravagance.” As a result, he claimed, Virginia trailed behind other states economically. Moore also suggested that a large enslaved population might interfere with Virginia’s ability to fend off foreign aggression and that it might interfere with the growth of the white population.
The next day, James H. Gholson of Brunswick County responded with an appeal to the rights of property owners as delineated in the U.S. Constitution. Citing the Fifth Amendment, which prohibits the government from taking private property for public use without just compensation, he wondered, “if private property be not now secure in the hands of its owner, I know of no vigilance or circumspection, which could shield it from rapacity or usurpation.” He also worried that if free men were so willing to sacrifice their property, they might soon sacrifice other rights, too.
Suggesting that slavery was neither his peers’ invention nor their fault, Gholson noted that their only responsibility was to “make it subservient to the best purposes of society.” And toward that end, he observed “that the slaves of Va. are as happy a laboring class as exists upon the habitable globe … they are content today, and have no care or anxiety for tomorrow.” Gholson and others, in effect, argued that slavery was a positive good, protecting Black men and women from their own ignorance and from conditions that were worse, even for free men, in Europe. (John C. Calhoun more famously made the same argument in a speech before the U.S. Senate in 1837.)
Governor Floyd’s nephew, William B. Preston of Montgomery County, took up the question of property rights, arguing that enslaved people “are property under statute, and they must remain property until that statute is repealed.” Enslaved men and women, he said, were born with the rights of human beings, and those rights could be restored by the state. Others argued that a state in jeopardy—such as that occasioned by slavery—had an obligation to seize such property for the purposes of its own defense. Still other delegates wondered whether unborn enslaved people should be considered property and, if so, whether any emancipation scheme, no matter how ingenious, was possible.
On January 16, the select committee submitted its report to the House, declaring it “inexpedient for the present to make any legislative enactments for the abolition of slavery.” Preston offered an amendment replacing “inexpedient” with “expedient.” This led to a shift in the debate from Goode’s amendment to Preston’s, but the arguments still focused on the morality of slavery, the workability of emancipation, the limits of property rights, and the nature of liberty.
Debate Ends
On January 25, the House rejected Preston’s amendment and to the committee’s report added a preamble, proposed by Archibald Bryce Jr. of Goochland County: Profoundly sensible of the great evils arising from the condition of the coloured population of this commonwealth: induced by humanity, as well as policy, to an immediate effort for the removal in the first place, as well of those who are now free, as of such as may hereafter become free: believing that this effort, while it is in just accordance with the sentiment of the community on the subject, will absorb all our present means; and that a further action for the removal of the slaves should await a more definite development of public opinion. The preamble’s vague wording was crafted to mollify both sides, although it seemed to please the pro-emancipation delegates more. An analysis of its narrow approval, according to the historian Eva Sheppard Wolf, demonstrates that there was “significant interest in antislavery policies and a broad consensus that the free black population ought to be reduced, but the debate ended in victory for the conservatives who opposed emancipation, since the legislature decided not to consider any abolition scheme and never broached the subject again.”
A bill calling for the involuntary removal of free Blacks from Virginia was amended to require the consent of those leaving. It failed in the Senate, however, making for a “ludicrous finale,” in the words of the Constitutional Whig. A “police bill” did manage to pass both houses. It forbade both free and enslaved African Americans from preaching and prohibited enslaved people from attending nighttime religious meetings unless accompanied by their enslavers. It also barred free Blacks from participating in trades and handicrafts if they refused the opportunity to be removed to Liberia.
Writing in 1941, the historian Joseph Clarke Robert described the 1832 debate in Virginia as the “final and most brilliant of the Southern attempts to abolish slavery.” That it ended in what was largely the status quo did not seem to overly concern pro-emancipationists such as Thomas Jefferson Randolph. He told the House that the “friends of abolition have gained all they asked.” William D. Sims of Halifax County worried that the mere discussion of such matters would “lead public opinion” in the wrong direction. In fact, public opinion, at least in the Piedmont and Tidewater regions, turned more firmly against abolition, equating it with northern agitation. More than anything, however, the debates demonstrate just how divided Virginia was over slavery.
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THE LIFE AND TIMES OF JOHN KELLY, Tribune of the People.
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The Project Gutenberg eBook of The life and times of John Kelly, tribune of the people
This ebook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this ebook or online at www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you will have to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this eBook.
Title: The life and times of John Kelly, tribune of the people
Author: J. Fairfax McLaughlin
Release date: December 31, 2023 [eBook #72557]
Language: English
Original publication: United States: The American News Company, 1885
Credits: ellinora, Bryan Ness, Bob Taylor, and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images generously made available by The Internet Archive/Canadian Libraries)
*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE LIFE AND TIMES OF JOHN KELLY, TRIBUNE OF THE PEOPLE ***
[Pg iii]
PREFACE.
The life of John Kelly, written without partisan bias, and to promote no other object but the vindication of the truth of history, is presented to the reader in the following pages.
The narrative is associated with three great epochs in American history, in each of which John Kelly has acted a prominent and conservative part. If he appears in the foreground of the picture which the author has attempted to sketch of those epochs, it is because no true history of them can be written without according to him such a place. He was the champion of civil and religious liberty during the era of Know-Nothingism, and contributed as powerfully to the overthrow of the Know-Nothing party as any man in the United States, with the single exception of Henry A. Wise, of Virginia, who slew the monster outright.
In the fierce war between Barnburner and Hunker, and Hard Shell and Soft Shell Democrats, which broke out in 1848, and continued to rage throughout the State of New York with intense bitterness for eight years, John Kelly, in 1856, played the conspicuous part of pacificator both in the State and National Conventions of his party. The re-union which then took place between the Hards and Softs resulted in the nomination of Buchanan and Breckenridge at[Pg iv] Cincinnati, who were elected President and Vice-President of the United States.
The third epoch covers the contest with the Tweed Ring, and the expulsion of the Ring from Tammany Hall in 1872, when the Reformers were led by John Kelly. Grand Sachem Tweed had to give place to Grand Sachem Augustus Schell; and Sachems Peter B. Sweeny, A. Oakey Hall, and Richard B. Connolly were succeeded by Sachems Horatio Seymour, Samuel J. Tilden and John Kelly. It was not merely a change, but a revolution.
To achieve the results reached in 1872, and in the few years immediately following, a leader of consummate power was necessary. Honesty, courage, and sagacity in the highest degree were required in that leader. A man of action—not a visionary in the closet, was what the times demanded. Upon John Kelly, who sought not the position, but had it thrust upon him, then devolved the leadership of the Democratic party in New York. The events of that period have passed into history, and although there were some who at the time called Kelly a dictator, posterity will be more apt to remember him as a benefactor.
For years the subject of this memoir has been the target of calumny and misrepresentation. His whole life from childhood to the present hour is here laid before the reader, as the best answer to his maligners.
J. F. McL.
[Pg v]
THE ILLUSTRATIONS.
The author has been at much pains to procure good pictures of Mr. Kelly. The caricaturists have taken so many liberties with his face, and presented it in so many ridiculous lights, that public curiosity is felt in every part of the United States to know exactly how John Kelly does look in propria persona. To gratify this curiosity the book has been embellished by three excellent likenesses of Mr. Kelly, taken at the ages respectively of thirty-five, fifty, and fifty-eight. To Mr. Edward Bierstadt, whose picture of President Garfield has been much admired, the reproduction in artotype of the pictures for this volume was intrusted. Fine engravings were used to get the likeness, and the artotypist has executed his work with great success.
[Pg vii]
CONTENTS.
CHAPTER I. Page. Partisan Abuse.—Jackson also subjected to it.—The First detailed Narrative of Life of John Kelly, Author’s long Acquaintance with, Popular Misconception of his Character.—Anti-Kelly Crusade in the Press.—Compared to Nathaniel Macon.—Kelly a Safe Leader. 3 CHAPTER II. Birthplace and Parentage.—A Good Mother.—Anecdote of the Son.—Chastises a Larger Boy.—Narrow circumstances of his Youth.—School Days.—Loses his Father.—Employed by James Gordon Bennett in the Herald Office.—At Night School.—The Future Man as Sketched in the Utica Observer.—Discusses Political Economy with Bonamy Price of Oxford.—Relations of the Boy with Mr. Bennett.—Their Friendship.—Leaves the Herald.—Apprenticed to Jacob B. Creamer.—Encounters a Factory Bully.—A Prosperous Young Man.—Loses his Mother.—Provides for his Sisters and Brother.—No Thought of Politics.—A Glimpse at his Future Life.—Interviewed by a World Reporter.—Utica Observer upon Hostility between Kelly and Tweed.—Tweed Talks of Kelly to Herald Reporter.—The Ivy Green.—David C. Broderick.—Kelly Fond of Athletic Sports.—Becomes Captain of Emmet Guards.—A Fire Laddie.—His Intrepidity.—His Life Threatened.—Fondness for Private Theatricals.—Plays Macbeth, Othello and Hamlet.—Essays Comic Role as Toodles, &c.—Religious Strife.—Persecution of Catholics.—The Incendiary’s Torch.—St. Patrick’s Cathedral Threatened.—Bishop Dubois.—Native American Riots.—An Outbreak Imminent in New York.—Bishop Hughes Calls on the Mayor.—Election Frauds.—A Battle at the Polls.—Kelly as Leader.—Ascendency Over Others.—Enters Upon His Public Career.—Kelly, Stephens, and Wise, an Anti-Know-Nothing Triumvirate. 9[Pg viii] CHAPTER III. Alexander H. Stephens Resolves to Withdraw from Congress.—Taunted With Cowardice by Know-Nothings.—Re-enters the Field as a Candidate.—Letter to Judge Thomas.—His Great Anti-Know-Nothing Speech at Augusta, Georgia.—His Re-election.—Perversion, After His Death, of the Sentiments and Language of His Augusta Speech.—The Virginia Campaign of 1855.—Letter of Henry A. Wise, of Accomac.—His Famous Alexandria Speech.—His Wonderful Anti-Know-Nothing Campaign.—A Contest of National Importance.—A Second Patrick Henry.—His Election a Death Blow to the Know-Nothings.—Large Number of that Party in the 34th Congress.—Sketch of Henry Winter Davis, the Maryland Know-Nothing.—John Kelly Meets Davis in Debate in Congress.—Their Speeches.—The Irish Brigade Attacked and Defended.—Kelly’s Speech Published on Satin.—Anecdote of Andrew Jackson and Col. Hayne.—The Debate Becomes General.—Kelly, Akers and Campbell Take Part in it.—Minnesota and the Naturalization Laws.—John Sherman, Muscoe Garnett and John Kelly in a Lively Debate.—Sherman Insists On the Order of the Day to Cut Kelly Off.—Elihu B. Washburne Demands that Kelly be Heard.—Objection Made.—Kelly Postpones His Speech.—His Influence in New York and Congress Exerted Against Know-Nothingism.—High Estimate of His Character Expressed by Lewis Cass, James Gordon Bennett and Alexander H. Stephens.—Kelly Urges Augustus Schell’s Appointment as Collector of New York.—Kelly at Washington.—How Received.—His Simplicity of Character.—Rugged Strength.—Attracts Friends On All Sides.—Devotion of His Constituents to the Man.—They Regard Him as Another Daniel O’Connell.—Large Personal following in New York. 45 CHAPTER IV. Review of Political Parties in the United States.—Federalists and Democrats.—Maximum and Minimum Theories of Hamilton and Jefferson.—Blue Lights at New London.—Decatur and Jackson.—Massachusetts the Birthplace of the Secession Doctrine.—Speech of Josiah Quincy.—Hartford[Pg ix] Convention.—Essex Junto.—John Quincy Adams the First Protectionist President.—The Whigs.—Harrison.—Taylor.—Whig Party Buried in the Graves of Webster and Clay.—The Know-Nothing Dementia.—Federalists At Last Succeed.—Origin and Extraordinary Development of Political Abolitionism—The Jeffersonians Routed at every Point.—The Disciples of Hamilton Again in Possession of the Government.—Unfortunate Bolt of Martin Van Buren in 1848.—Tilden and Lucius Robinson Follow the Sage of Kinderhook.—Kelly Follows William L. Marcy and Horatio Seymour.—The Abolition National Conventions.—Webster Attacks the Free Soilers.—Benton on Van Buren.—Blair Invents Fremont for Wm. H. Seward.—Tilden and Kelly again in Harmony.—Robinson Governor.—His Extraordinary Crusade Against Tammany in 1879.—Hereditary Feuds.—Quarrels Between De Witt Clinton and Van Buren.—Between Wright and Marcy.—Between Tilden and Kelly.—Contrarieties of Races in New York.—Jackson and Calhoun Fall Out.—Kelly Thinks Slavery to be gotten Rid of by Emancipation.—The Fathers Thought the Same Way.—Ingalls on Brown.—Lucas on Randolph.—Pierce’s Administration.—Hards and Softs.—Kelly’s Statesmanship Displayed in Syracuse Convention of 1855.—Debate with “Prince John” Van Buren.—Kelly’s Sagacious Speech.—He lays down the Plan which brought the Rival Wings into Harmony at Cincinnati in 1856.—Fatal Mistake of Pierce in choosing New York Leaders.—Marcy Desired Kelly.—Death of Marcy.—Buchanan elected President.—Kelly wins a National Reputation at the Syracuse Convention. 102 CHAPTER V. Narrative Resumed in Chronological Order.—Kelly Elected Alderman.—Strong Men in the Board.—His Standing as a Member.—Competitor of Mike Walsh for Congress.—Sketch of Mike Walsh.—Story of the Life of a Wayward Genius.—His Sad Death.—Kelly Elected to Congress.—Great Struggle for the Speakership.—The Candidates.—A Nine Weeks Fight.—Speeches of Joshua R. Giddings, Cullen, Kelly, Howell Cobb, &c.—Sharp Words Between[Pg x] Giddings and Edmundson.—The Debate Assumes a Sectarian Complexion.—Attack on the Catholics.—Kelly in Defense.—He is the Only Catholic in Congress.—His Speech Interrupted by Know-Nothings Demanding the Previous Question.—Important Letter of Lafayette, in regard to the Catholic Clergy Read by Kelly. 142 CHAPTER VI. Seward Summons Republican Leaders to Washington to Aid Their Party in Speakership Struggle.—Horace Greeley, Thurlow Weed and James Watson Webb Repair to the Seat of Government.—Alexander H. Stephens, John Kelly and Howell Cobb, with Stephen A. Douglas, Lewis Cass, C. C. Clay and Other Democrats Oppose the Republicans.—Kelly Names Aiken for Speaker.—Aiken would have Defeated Banks but for the Blunder of a Democrat.—Banks Chosen Speaker.—A Stormy Period in Congress.—Sketch of William H. Seward.—A Historic Quarrel.—It Destroys the Whig Party.—James G. Blaine, in his Recent Work, Fails to Mention this Quarrel.—Its Momentous Consequences.—Fillmore and Seward, Taylor and Preston.—A Death at the White House Leaves Seward and Scott Amid the Ruins of the Whig Party, and Places the Sceptre in Fillmore’s Hand.—Seward Founds the Republican Party.—Election of Banks Places Seward again in the Ascendant.—The Stormy Days of 1855-60.—Democratic Weakness.—Its Causes.—Impracticables.—Dissipation in Congress.—Fire-Eaters.—Altercations and Fist Fights in the House.—Sharp Debate between John Kelly and Humphrey Marshall.—Both Get Angry.—A Collision Avoided.—Kelly’s Popularity in the House.—Devoted Friendship of Stephens and Kelly.—Charity and Benevolence of Each.—An Estimate of Kelly by Stephens in a Letter to the Author.—Kelly’s Tribute to His Departed Friend.—Declares the Georgia Statesman the Purest Man In His Intentions he had ever met. 174 CHAPTER VII. A Review of Mr. Kelly’s Congressional Career.—His Speeches.—He Addresses the House upon the State of Parties in New York.—Historical Account of Democratic[Pg xi] Divisions in that State.—Hunkers and Barnburners.—Hards and Softs.—Know-Nothings and Republicans.—Pierce’s Blunder in Choosing for Administration Leaders the Opponents of the Compromise of 1850.—Jefferson Davis Secretary of War.—Famine in the Cape de Verde Islands.—Twenty Thousand People on the Point of Perishing.—Archbishop Hughes Appealed to by Bishop Patricio.—The Archbishop Intrusts the Appeal to John Kelly, who Lays it before Congress.—Eloquent Speech of Mr. Kelly in behalf of the Sufferers.—A Vessel Ordered to Carry Food to the Afflicted Islanders.—Kelly Re-elected to Congress by an Immense Majority.—A Know-Nothing Riot in Washington in 1857.—The Mayor Powerless.—The President Calls out the Marines.—Congress Asked to Establish an Auxiliary Guard to Protect Life and Property.—Mayor Swan’s Baltimore Know-Nothings and Henry Winter Davis’s Plug Uglies.—George P. Kane, Marshal of Police Redeems Baltimore from the Rule of Assassins.—His Character and Services.—John Kelly Favors the Auxiliary Guard Bill.—His Speech Upon it.—He Rebukes Maynard of Tennessee for a Know-Nothing Sneer at a “Parcel of Irish Waiters.”—A Drunken Congressman Murders a Waiter at Willard’s Hotel.—Kelly Corrects Stanton of Ohio upon a Point of New York Political History.—The Empire Club in the Polk and Dallas Campaign.—Bill Poole’s Club.—Poole Killed.—Mr. Kelly Replies to General Quitman of Mississippi.—Pays a High Tribute to the Gallant Mississippian.—Describes the Riotous Scenes at the June Election in Washington.—The Bill Defeated.—Nichols and Washburne Attack the Bureau of Statistics in the State Department.—John Kelly Replies and Turns the Tables Upon the Attacking Members.—Edmund Flagg a Man With a Grievance.—Nichols Drops Flagg and Beats a Hasty Retreat.—The Naval Appropriation Bill.—A Disagreement.—Senate and House Appoint Conference Committees.—Kelly One of the Managers on the Part of the House.—His Speech on the Appropriation for the Brooklyn Navy Yard.—An Irish Tory’s Book, “The American Irish.”—John Kelly Traduced by the Author.—Bagenal’s Calumny Refuted.—Mr. Kelly’s Great Speech on the[Pg xii] Homestead Bill, May 25, 1858.—Advocates Colonization in the West.—A Life-long Enemy of Monopolies.—Especially of the Railroad Land-Grabbers.—Demands that the Public Domain Shall Be Reserved for the People.—John Kelly’s Standing in Congress.—His Remarkable Ability Early Recognized.—His Rapid Rise in the House.—Confronts Seward in Speakership Struggle, and in that over Collectorship of the Port of New York.—Mr. Schell Advocated by Kelly and Made Collector.—Personal and Political Relations of Kelly and Schell.—A Beautiful Picture of Friendship.—The Two New Yorkers as Devoted Friends as Gales and Seaton of the National Intelligencer, or the Cheeryble Brothers of Romance.—Society in Washington in Former Days.—Frugality and Simplicity the Rule.—Some Ancient Magnates.—Marshall and Webster Go to Market with Baskets on their Arms.—Chancellor Bibb as a Fisherman, and John Quincy Adams a Swimmer in the Potomac.—John C. Calhoun Talks Philosophy with a Georgetown College Professor.—Monroe Dies Poor.—Clay Would Rather Be Right than President.—Webster an Old School Patriot.—Calhoun Loses Jackson’s Friendship Because Mrs. Calhoun will not Visit Mrs. Eaton.—Old School Manners Still Flourish During Kelly’s Terms in Congress. 207 CHAPTER VIII. John Kelly Elected Sheriff of New York.—Difficult Duties of the Office.—He Masters Them.—The Sheriff’s Jury.—Rosewell G. Rolston.—His Opinion of John Kelly.—The Sheriff Becomes a Favorite Among Lawyers.—Kelly the Only Sheriff Ever Re-elected.—Nominated for Mayor.—Supported by Nelson J. Waterbury.—The Herald upon Kelly and A. Oakey Hall.—The Tweed Ring.—Kelly and Tilden Oppose it Vigorously.—Kelly’s Health Fails.—Loses His Family by Death.—Goes to Europe.—Visits Holy Land.—Allegory On the Cross.—Kelly No Longer Interested in the Busy Trifles of Politicians.—Enjoys a Contemplative Life.—Rumors of his Retirement from the World.—How They Originated.—His Inner Life.—His Charities and Munificent Gifts.—Bishop Ireland upon John Kelly’s Noble Character.—His Conduct During the War Between[Pg xiii] the States.—Visits the Army of the Potomac.—Harsh Treatment and Sufferings of the Waring Family.—John Kelly Petitions for Justice and Mercy.—Stanton Obdurate.—Montgomery Blair Co-operates with Kelly.—Returns to New York from Europe.—Becomes Leader of Tammany Hall.—Greatest Work of His Life.—O’Conor, Tilden and Kelly Destroy the Tweed Ring.—Tammany Sachems for 1871 and 1872.—The Story of a Great Revolution.—Death of His Two Daughters.—Declines Chairmanship of National Democratic Committee in 1872.—Mayor Havemeyer.—Commissioners Charlick and Gardner.—The Mayor’s Death.—Unfortunate Faction Fights in New York Politics.—Kelly the First Man to Bring out Tilden for Governor.—The Truth of History Vindicated.—Tilden Calls upon Kelly in 1876 Immediately Before the St. Louis Convention.—Kelly’s Pledges at the Convention.—The Election of Tilden. He Declares Tammany “the Right Wing of the Democratic Army.”—John Kelly Comptroller of New York.—Comments of the Press upon His Appointment.—His Second Marriage.—His Witty Speech at the Lotos Club Dinner.—The Presidential Election of 1884.—Kelly Holds His Forces in Hand Magnificently at the Decisive Point of the Battle, and Does for Cleveland What he had Done Before for Tilden.—A Democratic President at Last.—Kelly’s Health Impaired.—New York Times on John Kelly’s Political Shoes.—Conclusion. 244
[Pg 3]
INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER.
John Kelly is the best abused man in America. Fifty or sixty years ago Andrew Jackson was subjected to similar treatment. The hero of New Orleans lived down the slanders which were hurled thick and fast upon him by political opponents. Mr. Kelly will do the same thing, for the people, though easily imposed upon for the moment by artful men, soon correct their own misconceptions, and invariably render justice to public characters. The malice which invents slanders is incapable of transmitting them into history.
Fugitive and imperfect sketches of John Kelly’s career have appeared from time to time in the newspapers. No detailed narrative of his life has hitherto been submitted to the public. The writer of these pages is conscious of the difficulty of portraying the character of a living man. Appreciation of merit should not run into panegyric; condemnation of faults should not be spared where faults are found. The advantages possessed by the present writer to discharge the task he has undertaken have been derived from an acquaintance with Mr. Kelly extending over thirty years, and from participation in[Pg 4] public affairs in which that gentleman has been a conspicuous actor. Mr. Kelly has figured in transactions which will form an interesting chapter in the history of the present times. The testimony of a contemporary who preserves a distinct recollection of the events he describes will always be an aid to the historian of the next age, who must sift evidence in order to get at the truth, and who should reject whatever falls below that standard. There would not be so many fictions in American biography, if those who have participated in the scenes would record their honest recollection of them. The testimony of an eye-witness is in the nature of primary evidence, and the historian can have no more helpful auxiliary than such a reminiscent. The following pages are offered to the public as the contribution to American biography of one who has enjoyed unusual advantages of knowing the man he writes about.
Mr. Kelly is one of the few remarkable men the present political generation has produced. The public has read so much about him both of pure fiction and coarse abuse, that an outline sketch of his life will no doubt prove acceptable to candid readers, and furnish, at the same time, a corrective of current misrepresentations. It might seem strange to those who do not stop to consider the causes of it, that a life-long citizen of New York, who has acted a prominent part in its affairs, should have come to be misunderstood by so[Pg 5] many people. But to those who look into the matter more closely the explanation is not difficult to find. Mr. Kelly is a man of very positive character. He has antagonized powerful men, and on several memorable occasions thwarted their schemes of ambition and self-aggrandizement. He has thus excited resentments, and in their disappointment his opponents have sought revenge. Some of these gentlemen control great combinations of corporate wealth, and possess enormous private fortunes. They have not found it difficult to enlist a large section of the press into a species of anti-Kelly crusade. The weapons of partisan warfare are not very choice, and this crusade has been carried on without much regard to the amenities of journalism, but with a resolute and persistent attention to the main idea, namely, the elimination of Mr. Kelly as a political leader, by proclaiming him to be the representative of one of the worst elements of American politics. But this mode of attack, while it may answer a temporary purpose, is always in the end a weak one. Intelligent people become interested to know more of a man who excites his opponents into storms of abuse, torrents of invective, and hurricanes, as it were, of rage. Is it all real, or does it cover a purpose? That becomes the question which the public soon ask, and its answer is always favorable to truth, and fatal to the manipulators of an artificial excitement, for intelligent people have an[Pg 6] independent way of getting at the truth the moment they suspect it is being kept back, and get at it they will, and they do.
In this manner John Kelly’s political opponents have really done him a service. The universal gaze has been directed towards the man, and the monster painted by reckless partisans of other and rival politicians has been found to be no monster at all, but a plain, quiet man, honest and straightforward as old Nat. Macon himself—to whom he was once likened by the late Alexander H. Stephens—of very original and rugged order of mind, of powers of command scarcely equalled by any other statesmen in the United States to-day, a foe to humbug, a terror to corruptionists—one, in short, to inspire love and respect rather than hatred and ill-will in the minds of disinterested people.
The writer thinks he knows John Kelly intimately and thoroughly. His mind is powerful, without the acuteness of a Calhoun, or the imagination of a Webster, but as far as he sees his objects he sees with the eye of a statesman, and no judgment was ever sounder. Of ideas in their simplicity men in general have but a partial cognition, an apperception of consciousness, as philosophers term it, and not the clear perception. But the perceptive faculty is Mr. Kelly’s pre-eminent feature. He is deliberate in mental operation, trusting nothing to fancy or imagination, and not distinguished for impulsive celerity of action,[Pg 7] but almost invariably sure in his conclusions. Thus it has been sometimes, that his plans, when suddenly deranged in action by unforeseen circumstances, were not rapidly reformed, and defeat came upon him. But when he is in rest, and left to himself to devise and map out movements, his judicious arrangement and skill in deciding upon what is best to do have proved almost faultless. Incapable of fear, he has seemed to some to go forward to his objects with blind obstinacy. But those who think so have a superficial knowledge of the man, for prudence is his controlling quality. Before he reaches a decision, every circumstance and consideration is maturely weighed, all suggestions are patiently heard, all doubts exert restraint upon him. Indeed, his prudence has exposed him to the charge by more hot-headed men of being a plodder, so carefully does he labor to mature plans. It is only when he has reached a decision that his purpose becomes fixed and immovable, and he goes through with it, no matter what obstacles beset his path, or what less courageous friends may advise to change his resolution. Mr. Kelly has, in fine, granite firmness, and there is a broad distinction between firmness and doggedness.
Nature has given him a high temper, but reflection and habits of self-command have reduced it to almost perfect subjection. If aroused, however, and goaded[Pg 8] to passion, he is one of the most tremendous men in his wrath, and one of the most formidable in his mode of delivering battle. A man of warm affections and commanding presence, his personal magnetism is simply wonderful. His name, wherever he is well-known, is never mentioned at public meetings without storms of applause immediately breaking forth. His appearance at public gatherings is always the signal for hand clapping and expressions of welcome of that unmistakable sort only bestowed on a favorite. In this respect John Kelly almost rivals Henry Clay, and since the death of the illustrious Mill Boy of the Slashes no other man in America has had such an enthusiastic personal following.
While his liberality is great it is unpretentious. Publicity in well-doing is repulsive to his nature. His charity, which is almost ceaseless, is consequently always silent. The solidest kind of man in build and character, he delights in action more than words, and is known in New York as the safe leader. His natural ascendency over men is instinctively recognized. For these and kindred qualities his influence in American politics is as potent as that of any other statesman in public life, and the reader of the following pages will find, it is believed, that this influence has been always beneficially exerted.
[Pg 9]
CHAPTER II.
HIS PARENTAGE AND EARLY LIFE—SCHOOL DAYS—EMPLOYED BY JAMES GORDON BENNETT—APPRENTICED TO JACOB B. CREAMER—DAVID C. BRODERICK—KELLY, CAPTAIN OF EMMET GUARDS—ATHLETIC SPORTS—HIS FONDNESS FOR PRIVATE THEATRICALS—RELIGIOUS STRIFE—A BATTLE AT THE POLLS—KELLY AS LEADER—THE KNOW-NOTHING PARTY.
John Kelly was born in the city of New York, April 20, 1822. The home of his parents and spot of his nativity was in Hester Street near Mott, in the old Sixth, afterwards changed into the Fourteenth Ward, famous for its politicians. He springs from that stalwart race of men who have played so conspicuous a part in the history of the United States—Tyrone County Irishmen. From Tyrone County came Richard Montgomery, whom Bancroft places second only to Washington as the military genius of the Revolutionary War; thence also came Alexander Porter, the illustrious Louisiana statesman, and one of the great lights of the United States Senate in its palmiest days. Archbishop Hughes, who left his impress on the age in which he lived as one of its most remarkable men, and General James Shields, one of the[Pg 10] heroes of two American wars, who enjoyed the unprecedented distinction of having been elected to the United States Senate at various times by three great States of the Union, were both emigrants from Tyrone County, Ireland. Out of this Milesian hive, seeking his fortunes in the New World in the early part of the present century, came Hugh Kelly, father of the subject of this memoir. He married Sarah Donnelly, of County Fermanagh, a small county adjoining Tyrone. The marriage took place in Ireland. There were seven children born to the parents, of whom John was the fourth. The others were five daughters and a son, the last named after the father, Hugh. Old New Yorkers, who were acquainted with the mother of John Kelly, have informed the writer of this memoir that she was a woman of remarkable force of character, a devout Christian, and a mother who brought up her children in the love and fear of God. The children were all vivacious, and very communicative among themselves in the family circle, with the exception of John, who was quiet and thoughtful, and a better listener than talker. On one occasion a neighbor paid a visit to the Kellys, and brought news of an excursion, a pic-nic, or some such affair, that pleased and greatly excited the little ones, each of whom, save John, had something to say about it. At length the neighbor looked over at John, who had remained a silent listener, and exclaimed, “Look at[Pg 11] John there, with his big head, taking it all in, and not saying a word.” “Oh, yes,” said the mother, “that is his way; he thinks a great deal more than he talks, but be sure he is not dumb.” A New York newspaper once cynically characterized him as an ox, but the dumb ox, to use the figure of Albertus Magnus, has given a bellow which has been heard round the world. The devotion of Mrs. Kelly to her elder son was peculiarly tender. At one time, when he was a small boy, he had to cross the East River daily. The mother would often accompany him to the boat in the morning, and always went to meet him on his return in the afternoon. Other boys going and returning at the same time observed that young Kelly’s mother never failed to be at the landing in the afternoon to accompany her son home. The mischievous boys sometimes cracked jokes at his expense, and teased him about his mother’s apron strings. He stood the bantering well enough for a time, but at length grew tired of it. One of the tallest and strongest of the boys hearing that Kelly had threatened to thrash the next fellow that annoyed him on the subject, took it into his head to try his mettle. “Say, Kelly,” exclaimed this one, “how’s your mother? Boys, he’s got a good mother, sure. She won’t let him go running about the streets with the gang for fear he might learn something wicked, but comes for him and takes her little boy home every night. Come along, Johnny,[Pg 12] and be tucked in your little bed. Bah!” A flushed face and clenched fist told that Kelly would stand no more raillery of that sort. A smart battle took place on the spot between the two youngsters, and ended in the discomfiture of the larger boy. Kelly’s victory made him a favorite among his companions, and they all soon came to look upon him as a sort of leader, although he would not loiter with the crowd at street corners of evenings, nor haunt the purlieus of the city where youth loses its innocence, and flaunting vice slopes the way to ruin. Such a mother is a guardian angel to her children, and Mrs. Kelly’s afternoon escort to her son provoked no more jibes at the expense of the latter. This incident affords an insight into the methods of his boyhood, and shows how, under the fostering hand of his mother, the character of the future man was moulded. The American sin of cursing and swearing is first picked up by children running idly about the streets into all sorts of company. John Kelly was never addicted to this bad habit, and it may be doubted whether his most intimate friend of to-day ever heard him utter a profane oath. The Psalmist’s aspiration to walk soberly and chastely in the day before the Divine Face should be the aim of the rising generation. With that object in view children should be kept out of temptation in the pitfalls of a great city. After awhile, when the habits of a promising youth are formed on the right side, temptation assails[Pg 13] him in vain, and whether it be from the cot of poverty or the mansion of wealth, a hero steps forth for life’s battle, who may be depended upon to make his way, and render a good account of himself.
In the case of young Kelly, it was from the cot of poverty he emerged. His father’s and mother’s business of a small retail grocery store afforded the family a modest but comfortable living. But while John was still a small boy of eight years his father died, and the widow and her elder son had to become the bread-winners—the former managing the store, and the latter, when about ten years old, going out in quest of employment. John had attended for some two or three years the parochial school attached to old St. Patrick’s Cathedral in Mott Street. Now he had to give up the school and go to work. It was a sore trial to him, for he was ambitious of book learning, and the dream of his life was to get a good education. But he started out with a brave resolution to seek employment. For a long time the search was tedious and unsuccessful. He had to take many surly replies from ill-bred people, and often went home tired at night after a fruitless day’s rounds, to begin the work over again in the morning. But he told his disappointments to no one, unless indeed to whisper them to the fond mother whose strong heart went out in such sympathy with his own, and whose sound practical sense helped him to form some new plan for the[Pg 14] morrow. It is probable that the lesson he learned then of “man’s inhumanity to man” during his first humble trials to make his way in life was never forgotten. When the day came for himself to mount to power, and to be called upon by many young and old seeking a friendly hand to help them to their feet, John Kelly proved to be a real philanthropist, uttering the gentle word, cheering the drooping heart by the overflowing generosity and charity of his own, and never allowing a human being to pass out of his doorway without feeling better and stronger for having carried his sorrow to him.
One day John went into the Herald office, then in its infancy, and asked James Gordon Bennett whether he wanted an office boy. Mr. Bennett scanned the boy over from head to foot without making a reply. Seemingly satisfied with the first scrutiny, he began a conversation with him, which continued for five or ten minutes. There was no better judge of character than the elder Bennett, and he was always quick in making a decision. “Come in here, my lad, and take off your hat and get to work,” said he, and John Kelly found himself an employé forthwith of the great editor. No two men have ever made their mark more thoroughly in the metropolis of the United States than James Gordon Bennett and John Kelly. Did the editor descry in that first glance at the boy the latent powers which ultimately have made Kelly[Pg 15] so distinguished? “It is said,” remarked the editor of the Utica Observer, in a notice of Mr. John Kelly in that paper, “that old James Gordon Bennett took a great fancy to him. This speaks much in his praise, for the founder of the Herald was quick to see the possibilities of greatness or usefulness in an undeveloped youth.”[1]
Evening schools then but recently had been established in New York, and the youth was quick to avail himself of the advantages they afforded to boys in his situation for acquiring an education. He became a regular attendant at one of those night schools, was a diligent and close student, and, like the great Sir Thomas More, “rather greedily devoured than leisurely chewed his grammar rules.” The editor of the Utica Observer, one of Mr. Kelly’s most energetic opponents and Governor Robinson’s ablest advocate in the press, during the celebrated New York gubernatorial struggle of 1879, declared of Kelly, in the heat of that campaign, and in an article containing an attack upon him, “that there is a great deal to admire in the character of John Kelly.” Of his education the editor added: “His thirst for learning had not been satisfied in his youth, and he proceeded by study to enlarge the scope of his understanding. He became a good scholar in French, as well as in English, and for twenty years he has devoted several[Pg 16] hours of every day to the pursuit of literature and science. If anybody has imbibed the impression that Mr. Kelly is an ignorant man, he does not want to confront that delusion with an actual examination of Mr. Kelly’s acquirements. A Utica man who met him once in the presence of Prof. Bonamy Price, of Oxford, says that he held his own in a discussion on Political Economy with England’s foremost teacher of that science.”[2] He proved to be an excellent office-boy, was always at his post, and was as punctual as the clock in fulfilling engagements. He became a great favorite with Mr. Bennett, and when, at length, as he grew older he resolved to give up his employment in the Herald office in order to learn some regular business or trade, Mr. Bennett tried to dissuade him from his purpose, and offered additional compensation as an inducement for him to remain. But while greatly appreciating his employer’s kindness, young Kelly replied that his mother and her large family mainly looked to him, the elder brother, for support, and that it had always been his intention to go into business on his own account. The time had now come to carry out that purpose. Mr. Bennett, in his brusque but kindly Scotch voice, gave John some parting advice and wished him well, predicting that success awaited him in his future career. The boy now apprenticed himself[Pg 17] to Jacob B. Creamer, a grate-setter and soap-stone cutter at 346 Broome Street, then on the corner of Broome and Elizabeth, and speedily learned that trade. He had grown to be a large boy, with the thews and sinews of a young Hercules, and although he was not quarrelsome, he was high spirited and courageous, and would brook no insult from anyone. In the factory where he worked there was another young man, three or four years older than himself, a dark complexioned powerful fellow, of a domineering temper, with a reputation for fisticuffs. One day this person got angry with Kelly and struck him. Kelly returned the blow. The men in the establishment separated them, but the blood of both was up, and a fight was agreed upon between them as soon as the bell should be rung for dinner. They went into the factory yard and prepared for battle. The hands about the establishment finding the boys meant to fight, undertook to secure fair play in the encounter. Kelly was much shorter than his antagonist, and no one supposed he had any chance to win. At it they went pell mell, with a lively interchange of heavy thuds. The older youth fought rapidly, and brought Kelly down several times with furious blows. Fighting was not allowed while either of the boys was on the ground, and in this way matters progressed for fifteen or twenty minutes, Kelly getting the worst of it all the time, but showing great endurance, and urging[Pg 18] that no one should interfere. He had made thus far but very little impression on his antagonist. He observed, however, that one of his chance blows had caused the other to wince with pain. From that moment he took all the punishment the larger boy could inflict, and made the battle one of strategy, reserving himself to give a blow in the same place, which he found to be the other’s weak spot. The tide now began to turn, and it soon became evident to the onlookers that the big swarthy fellow was no match either in courage or endurance for Kelly. The latter, selecting the weak spot, laid his antagonist on his back several times by well-directed blows. The last time he fell both his strength and courage collapsed, and he bellowed out crying that he was whipped and would fight no more. One of the men who had witnessed the encounter with the closest attention from beginning to end, and saw that Kelly had won it by superior intelligence, now rushed up to him, and taking his hand exclaimed, “Well Johnny, my boy, you are a born general sure, and you will yet be a great general over men when you grow up to be a man yourself.” A few years ago an aged man entered Mr. Kelly’s crowded office at 117 Nassau street, and sent in his name with the rest. When his turn came he was admitted. “Do you not know me, Mr. Kelly?” said the old man. “No,” was the reply, “I do not recall you.” “Do you remember[Pg 19] when you were a boy the fight you had with that big swarthy fellow in Creamer’s factory yard, when one of the men told you you would one day become a great general over men? Well, I was that very man, and didn’t I tell the truth, sir?” Mr. Kelly remembered the occurrence and his visitor too, immediately, whom he had not seen for many years, and laughed heartily over the reminiscence of his youth as he shook the old man’s hand.
He worked industriously at his new occupation, and is said to have displayed mechanical skill of no mean order. In due time he set up in business for himself, made friends rapidly, and secured an excellent line of custom. He became a prosperous young man, and was remarked upon for sobriety, modesty of deportment and attention to business. It was not long before he found himself able to branch out on a more extensive scale, for his friends were numerous and willing to lend him a helping hand when the needs of his business made it expedient to ask credit. While yet a very young man, his success was sufficiently assured to justify him in establishing a soap-stone and grate factory at 40 Elizabeth street, and he also opened an office where he took business orders, in a frame building on Broome street, next door to the church over which Dr. Maclay at that time presided, and of which Dr. Cohen, in subsequent years, became the pastor. Among his customers were Thomas O’Conor,[Pg 20] father of Charles O’Conor, the lawyer; John A. Dix, afterward Governor of New York; Horace F. Clark, and many other influential people. John Kelly had now become a prosperous man. His first care was for the beloved mother who had shaped the days of his youth in the ways he should walk, but who departed this life in the most edifying sentiments of piety when he was quite a young man, scarcely twenty-one years of age. His next care was for his younger brother and five sisters, towards whom he acted as a father, and for whose education and welfare he was now able to provide in a suitable manner. His own early struggles for education had taught him to appreciate it highly in others, and he secured to his brother and sisters advantages which disciplined their youthful years and qualified them for the duties of after life. Later on he took his brother into partnership with him, but that brother and all his sisters, save one, Mrs. Thomas, who lives near Mexico, in Oswego County, New York, died many years ago. Mr. Kelly, as already mentioned, owed to his mother’s care the blessing of right training in his youth, and the consequent formation of his character in the practice of the Christian virtues. An old New Yorker who knew his mother, has told the writer she was a thorough disciplinarian, and taught her children to love the truth in all things, and that the beginning of wisdom is the fear of the Lord. His mother died[Pg 21] before her son’s brilliant success began; she who had equipped him for the battle stayed not to enjoy its triumphs.
At this period of his life John Kelly had not a dream of ever entering upon a political career. In this respect he resembled another distinguished New York statesman, the late Daniel S. Dickinson, who began life as a mechanic, became a woollen manufacturer, and, beyond being an earnest Democrat, passed several years with no inclination whatever for the field of politics. It was true, however, that even from his boyhood John Kelly displayed rare capacity to lead others, and he now found himself, in spite of preoccupation in the manufacturing business, constantly called on by neighbors seeking his advice and instinctively following him. He was once asked by a newspaper reporter if he ever sowed wild oats in his youth. “That may be called a leading question,” he replied; “I was in a gambling-house once in my life, but it was on business—not to gamble. And I never was in a house of assignation in my life. I don’t know what the inside of such a house is.” “It is charged against you,” the reporter said, “that you attend church very regularly, and that you do it for effect.” “Well,” Mr. Kelly said, “that’s a queer charge to make against any one. I had a good careful mother who sent me to the Sunday-school regularly. I have been to church regularly ever since. Under such training, no doubt,[Pg 22] I ought to be a great deal better Christian than I am. I suppose I have been very wicked sometimes, and yet I can’t recall any time when I have been wilfully bad.”[3]
“During Tweed’s ascendancy in New York politics,” said the well informed Utica editor, in the article already quoted from, “Mr. Kelly retired from Tammany Hall. Between him and Tweed the bitterest hostility always existed. It is pleasant to believe that Kelly’s superior virtue made him distasteful to the burly champion of corruption. But that does not account for their feud. During the glow of his guilty glory, Tweed’s ambition was to secure the endorsement of men of unimpeachable character. By turning back a page in political history, we might show how well he succeeded. But he could not make terms with John Kelly, for Mr. Kelly would accept no position but that of ruler. William M. Tweed swore a solemn oath that John Kelly never should control Tammany Hall—and we all know what came of it.”
Shortly before his death, while he was a prisoner in Ludlow Street Jail, Tweed was interviewed by a New York Herald reporter, and gave with undeserved freedom his impressions of the leading men he had known in politics. “Whom,” said the reporter, “do you regard as the most successful city politician of New York in the thirty years of your experience?” “John[Pg 23] Kelly,” said Tweed. “He was always a plodder—always saving something and learning something. He stood well with the Church—rather a high class man in the Church—and got his support there. I never did but one thing for him; twenty years ago I helped him beat Walsh for Congress.” “When you came to politics,” asked the reporter, “did you ever remotely entertain the idea of such proportions as the Ring afterwards assumed?” “No,” said Tweed. “The fact is, New York politics were always dishonest—long before my time. There never was a time when you couldn’t buy the Board of Aldermen, except now. If it wasn’t for John Kelly’s severity, you could buy them now.”[4]
The reporter of the World, with an odd sort of unconscious humor in his interview, not unlike Tweed’s commercial valuation of piety as an investment, so naively suggested by the words, “rather a high class man in the Church,” bluntly told Mr. Kelly that it was not only complained against him that he attended Church, but that he aggravated the matter by attending it very regularly. No wonder Kelly should have thought that a “queer charge” to make against him.
An old citizen of New York, acquainted with him from his youth, is authority for the statement that Kelly was as fully a leader of the young men of his[Pg 24] neighborhood when he first grew up, as he became of the Tammany Democrats at a later day. He was of a social disposition, and while always temperate in his habits, he would go occasionally, after getting through with his day’s work, to the Ivy Green, a famous hostelry in those days in Elm street, kept by Malachi Fallon, who went to California in 1849, and which was afterward kept by John Lord. The Ivy Green, like Stonehall’s in Fulton Street, was a popular gathering place for politicians and their friends. John Clancy, Peter B. Sweeny, Matthew Brennan, David C. Broderick, and many other active young fellows, who afterwards became prominent in politics, were in the habit of visiting the Ivy Green, and John Kelly would sometimes call there for a chat with the boys. Less frequently, but once in a great while, Kelly and Broderick, the latter being a warm friend of Kelly’s, also dropped in at the Comet, another place of resort of the same kind, kept by Manus Kelly on Mott street, where they would meet the same jolly crowd that frequented the Ivy Green, and whither came quite often the celebrated Tom Hyer, Yankee Sullivan, and other champions of the manly art of self-defence. “But,” said the writer’s informant, “none of these fighting men ever intermeddled with Kelly or Broderick. The best of them would have had his hands full if he had done so.” Poor Broderick, who afterwards became a United States[Pg 25] Senator from California, finally fell in a duel in that State.
Young Kelly was very fond of athletic sports. He was a good oarsman, was often on the water, and pulled a shell with the best. There was a crack company called the Emmet Guards in New York, when Kelly was a young man. He was first lieutenant of this company during the captaincy of James McGrath, upon whose death he was elected captain, and being fond of military matters, he brought his company to a high state of efficiency. Captain Kelly retained the command until he was elected Alderman in 1853. The Old Volunteer Fire Department was then in its zenith. He was a member of it, and one of its leading spirits. While he was in the Fire Department an incident occurred which has exercised a restraining influence over him through life. At a fireman’s parade, while he was in line of March, a burly truckman attempted to drive through the ranks. Kelly was near the horses and kept them back. The driver sprang to the ground, and made a furious attack on the young fire laddie. He received in return a blow from Kelly’s fist which ended the battle by rendering the truckman insensible. He was borne to a neighboring doctor’s office, and was resuscitated with much difficulty. For two or three days the truckman was disabled. Kelly, who had acted strictly on the defensive, nevertheless was greatly distressed for his[Pg 26] antagonist. He had been unaware of the almost phenomenal force of his own blow, and his tremendous hitting power was first fully revealed to him by the effect of his fist on the truckman. To one of his intimate friends he declared that he deeply regretted this affair, but that, perhaps, it had served a good purpose, for he was now unalterably resolved never again as long as he lived to strike any man with all his force, no matter what the provocation might be.
His herculean strength and known courage have sometimes been seized upon by opponents for disparaging paragraphs in the newspapers, just as the combativeness of Andrew Jackson, in his earlier days, was often commented upon to his detriment. But as there was nothing mean or domineering in the temper of Jackson, any more than there is in Kelly, only the high and unconquerable spirit that felt “the rapture of the strife,” Old Hickory did not suffer in popular esteem on account of his early scrimmages. In 1828 Dr. James L. Armstrong, one of his old opponents in Tennessee, gathered up and published as a political nosegay a list of nearly one hundred pistol, sword and fist fights in which Jackson had been engaged between the ages of 23 and 60. Jackson replied to this by promising to cudgel Armstrong on sight. The courage of some men is so conspicuous that they are recognized at once as heroes. In his admirable life of Nelson, Southey relates many acts of apparently[Pg 27] reckless intrepidity on the part of the hero of Trafalgar; but, as it was with Jackson, so was it with Nelson, his conduct was not the result of real recklessness; it was not the courage of the bull-dog, the maddened bull or the enraged lion, but rather the play of a spirit which rose with the occasion, the exhibition of a will not to be appalled by dangers common natures shrink from. It was such a courage the poet had in view when he made Brutus say—
On several occasions in his career John Kelly has exhibited this heroic quality. Through his agency, at a stormy political convention in New York, when several of the most notorious partisans of Tweed, while clutching to retain the power which had been wrested from their fallen chief, were beaten at every point, a resort to brute force was threatened, and several of the vilest desperadoes in the city were despatched from the hall to waylay Kelly and take his life as he passed along the street. Some of his friends divined the purpose of the would-be-assassins, and admonished Mr. Kelly of their movements. A carriage was sent for, and he was urged to get into it and be driven home, in order to avoid the bravos. Augustus Schell, Horace F. Clark, and several other friends tried to persuade him to enter the carriage. Mr. Kelly replied that he generally went home by a certain[Pg 28] route, pointing to the street where the thugs were in hiding, and it was his intention to go that way then. If anybody wanted to kill him, the opportunity would be given, as he would neither seek nor avoid such miscreants. “My friends,” he quietly remarked, “if you run away from a dog, he will be very apt to bite you.” He went out of the hall and approached the corner, keeping his eyes steadily fixed on the sinister group gathered there like beasts of prey, passed on, and was not molested. Determined to take his life, but deterred by cowardice when Kelly confronted them, the villains made a plan to secrete themselves in a small unoccupied frame house on Lexington Avenue, between 33d and 34th streets, on the following morning, and to shoot him as he went down town to business. An old man living in the neighborhood, by the merest accident overheard a part of the muttered plot of the conspirators, and saw them early next morning enter the deserted house. He was a friend of Mr. Kelly, and suspected that he was to be attacked. He went out, and meeting Mr. Kelly, told him of his suspicion, and pointed out the house in which the men were concealed. John Kelly crossed the street, and proceeded deliberately to enter the house and room from which the Ring desperadoes in dumb astonishment watched his approach. Thinking they had been betrayed—for it must have flashed upon them that Kelly would not have the madness to[Pg 29] do such a thing unless he had assistance at hand—the terrified assassins fled from the rear of the house as he entered at the front. He went into the room they had just quit, and saw four men running through a vacant lot as fast as their legs could carry them into the next street. Alone and absolutely unassisted, save by the cool judgment and unflinching courage which eminently distinguish his character, he adopted this hazardous line of conduct as the most effective way of confounding a gang of murderous ruffians, and stamping out their cowardly plots. He succeeded. The Ring men beset his path no more.
Those acquainted with John Kelly are aware that there is a humorous side to his character, and that he possesses mimic powers of a high order. It is not generally known, but it is a fact however, that when he first grew up to manhood he was one of the organizers of an Amateur Dramatic Association, which had its headquarters in a hall at the corner of Elm and Canal Streets, and which sent forth several professional actors who afterwards attained eminence on the stage. Charles Place, Samuel Truesdale, Mr. Godwin, John Kelly and other well known citizens of New York were members of this company; and several great tragedies, notably some of the now neglected ones of Shakespeare, were essayed by these aspiring youths. “Many of Mr. Kelly’s friends,” said a writer in September, 1880, in a New York weekly paper[Pg 30] called The Hour, “will be surprised to learn that he once, in the character of Macbeth, sturdily challenged Macduff to ‘lay on’; that as the sable-clad Hamlet he was accustomed to win applause as he expressed the wish that his ‘too, too solid flesh would melt’; and that his passionate outbursts as the jealous Moor in ‘Othello’, were wont to bring down the house. Equally astonished will they be to hear that, in the versatility of his genius, he was as much a favorite in ‘Toodles’ and other of Burton’s eccentric comedy parts as in the higher walk of tragedy.”
In Kelly’s younger days religious persecution and hostility to foreigners had begun to be shown in not a few localities. This intolerant spirit, which had lain dormant in America from the days of Washington to the end of Monroe’s administration, broke forth with great fury in several parts of the country after the close of the “era of good feeling.” The fathers of the Republic were liberal men who kept this spirit at a distance. Archbishop Carroll of Baltimore, the friend of Washington, was chosen by a unanimous resolution of Congress, and in compliance with the desire of the clergy and laity of all denominations, to deliver the first anniversary address upon the father of his country after his death. The address was delivered February 22, 1800, and is still preserved. Bishop Cheverus of Boston, afterwards Cardinal Archbishop of Bordeaux, France, was the warm personal friend[Pg 31] of John Adams, and when the Bishop was about to build a church in Boston, the first name on the list of his subscribers was that of President Adams. When Bishop Dubois, the friend of Lafayette, was driven into exile by the French Revolution, he found a place of refuge in Virginia, a home in the private residence of James Monroe, afterwards President, friends in his host and Patrick Henry, and, having no church of his own, a chapel in the capitol at Richmond which the legislature of Virginia placed at his disposal to be used for the offices of religion. These halcyon days of Christian charity and toleration in America were now about to be rudely interrupted. In 1831, the same Dubois, then Bishop of New York, had the mortification to see his church of St. Mary’s, in that city, set on fire by an incendiary and burned down. The first Catholic college in the State of New York was built in the neighborhood of Nyack, on the Hudson, in 1833, by this prelate. Religious bigotry incited by Rev. Dr. Brownlee and other enemies of the Catholics, soon applied the torch to the structure and reduced it to ashes. In 1834 the Ursuline Convent at Charlestown, Massachusetts, was burned and sacked. Two or three years later an anti-Catholic mob formed the design of burning St. Patrick’s Cathedral in New York. A pious churchman, Bishop Dubois was also a man of courage. If the civil authorities would not stay the fury of the mob, he determined to protect[Pg 32] himself, and defend his church from destruction. John Kelly, then a well grown youth and a favorite of Bishop Dubois, was selected by him on account of his prudence and extraordinary courage as a sort of aid de-camp to Lawrence Langdon, the leader of a large body of citizens who assembled in the vicinity of the Cathedral for defense. The streets were torn up for a considerable distance; paving stones, wagons and omnibuses were used for barricades; armed men filled the Cathedral, and the walls of the adjoining grave-yard glistened with swords and bayonets. The Bishop enjoined the utmost forbearance upon his people, and gave them positive orders not to begin the assault, and to avoid collision with the mob until the Cathedral might be attacked. Conspicuous in carrying out the orders of the leader, and in directing the movements of the defending party, and maintaining constant communication between Langdon and his followers, was young John Kelly of the Fourteenth Ward. The mob approached through Broadway, a dense body extending for several blocks, marching in solid line and filling the street from one side to the other. They turned into Prince Street and approached the Cathedral. Kelly carried the order at this moment for the defenders to lie down in the grave-yard and keep perfectly quiet. It was night, and the mob marched on until stopped by the barricades, when they found the whole neighborhood in[Pg 33] a state of siege. The ample preparations to receive them disconcerted the church-burners, and the silence of the defending party, of whose presence they had become aware, made the incendiaries wary and apprehensive. They faltered and lost heart, and slunk away in the direction of the Bowery, terrified from their wicked design by the intrepid courage of one old Bishop. They passed along the sidewalk adjoining the burial-ground in lines six deep, with frightful oaths upon their lips, while the men in the city of the dead remained as still and motionless as the tenants of the tombs below, but every finger was on a trigger, and every heart beat high with resolve to defend St. Patrick’s Cathedral and the graves of their fathers from sacrilege and desecration. Driven by cowardly fear from the church, the mob crossed to the Bowery, wrecking the houses of several Irishmen, and the tavern called the Green Dragon, on the way, and finally their fury was let loose on the private residence of Mr. Arthur Tappan, the famous abolitionist, whose windows and doors they broke, and otherwise injured his property. Thus by the prudence of the Cathedral defenders in avoiding collision with the mob, a terrible sacrifice of life was escaped, and young John Kelly, inspired by the counsel of the Bishop and his own coolness and sagacity, played a prominent part in preventing bloodshed and saving the Cathedral.
[Pg 34]
The prejudice against foreigners, an outgrowth of that aversion which the old Federal party leaders manifested towards Frenchmen, Germans and Irishmen, indeed to all foreigners except Englishmen, continued to increase in bitterness after the close of the “era of good feeling.” A political party was at last organized on a platform of disfranchisement of the Irish and “the Dutch,” the latter being a commonly used misnomer for the Germans. This party took the name of Native Americans. It advocated laws prohibiting Irish and German emigrants from landing on these shores, and practical denial of the right of suffrage, or of holding office, to those already here. For some years this unwise and unstatesmanlike policy of exclusion and proscription seriously checked the tide of emigration from Europe. Had the Native Americans prevailed, instead of the fifty odd millions of population in the United States to-day, there would have been less than twenty millions, and the wealth and greatness of the country would be diminished in like proportion. Instead of being, perhaps, the greatest nation in the world, the United States would occupy the position of a fourth or fifth-rate power, a little but not much ahead of Canada on the north, and the South American governments on the south.
As the greater number of the foreign population were Roman Catholics, a sectarian element was infused into the new party, and with bigotry superadded to a[Pg 35] widespread jealousy of foreigners, the Native American party soon signalized itself by burning down Catholic churches and colleges, and by bloody chance-medleys and deliberate riots with German and Irish adopted citizens. In the year 1844 these disturbances reached a climax. A terrible riot occurred that year in Philadelphia, in which many lives were sacrificed, and the Catholic church of St. Augustine was laid in ashes by the mob. The scenes in that city bore resemblance to some of the godless excesses in Paris during the reign of terror. To be a foreigner was to brave death, to be a Catholic to court martyrdom in free America.
It was at this juncture the Native American party in the city of New York again threatened the destruction of St. Patrick’s Cathedral. The New York Courier and Enquirer, and Evening Express fanned the passions of the people to white heat by appeals to sectarian and race prejudices. But there was a man then at the head of the Catholic Church in New York who possessed many of the qualities for which Andrew Jackson was distinguished. Bishop Hughes belonged to the tribe of the lions. He perceived that it was the favorite policy of the Native Americans to make New York city an anti-foreign stronghold. There, Catholics and adopted citizens were powerful; crushed there, it would be an easy matter to prostrate them everywhere. In the month of May, 1844, the Native American leaders in New York, invited their brethren[Pg 36] of Philadelphia, who had most distinguished themselves in the deplorable events in that city, to visit New York, and to bring with them emblems of the horrible scenes in Kensington at the time of the burning of the church of St. Augustine, the better to fire the New York heart. A delegation of Philadelphians promised to accept the invitation and carry on the emblems. A public reception, and a procession through the streets, were to take place. It became evident that the purpose of this sinister movement was to re-enact in New York the scenes which had just disgraced Philadelphia. Bishop Hughes took decisive action. He admonished Catholics to keep away from public meetings and unusual gatherings of the populace, and, to avoid in a special manner, all disturbers of the peace. That great man, in looking over the city for prudent and conservative persons to aid him in carrying out his policy of forbearance, found no one on whom he more implicitly relied, and who proved more effective in the emergency than John Kelly. Bishop Hughes and John Kelly’s father were natives of the same county and neighborhood in Ireland. Between the Bishop and his fellow countryman’s son a warm friendship existed. They were both endowed with minds of singular originality and power, both natural leaders of men, both possessed a remarkable hold on the respect and affections of the people. Among the Whigs, at this perilous juncture, Bishop[Pg 37] Hughes also found several powerful supporters, chief among whom were William H. Seward, Horace Greeley and Thurlow Weed. As the time drew near for the Native American demonstration, popular excitement and fears of a terrible riot increased. Bishop Hughes now called on the Mayor of the city, Robert H. Morris, and advised him not to allow the demonstration to take place. “Are you afraid that some of your churches may be burned?” the Mayor asked. “No, sir, but I am afraid that some of yours will be burned,” the Bishop said; “we can protect our own. I came to warn you for your own good.” “Do you think, Bishop, that your people would attack the procession?” “I do not; but the Native Americans want to provoke a Catholic riot, and if they can do it in no other way, I believe they would not scruple to attack the procession themselves, for the sake of making it appear that the Catholics had assailed them.”
“What, then, would you have me do?” asked the Mayor. “I did not come to tell you what to do,” the Bishop said. “I am a Churchman, not the Mayor of New York; but if I were the Mayor, I would examine the laws of the State and see if there were not attached to the police force a battery of artillery, and a company or so of infantry, and a squadron of horse; and I think I should find that there were; and if so, I should call them out. Moreover, I should send to Mr. Harper, the Mayor-elect, who has been[Pg 38] chosen by the votes of this party. I should remind him that these men are his supporters; I should warn him that if they carry out their designs there will be a riot; and I should urge him to use his influence in preventing the public reception of the delegates.”[5]
This characteristic stand of Bishop Hughes had its effect. No public reception of the church burners took place, but for nearly two weeks the Cathedral was guarded every night, and the mob which threatened its destruction was kept at bay. During those dark days Bishop Hughes found John Kelly to be one of the most prudent young men in the Cathedral parish, energetic in danger, conservative in conduct, and always responsive to the call of duty. His manly bearing then may be said to have laid the foundation of that enduring confidence in his judgment, and respect for his character, which the Bishop ever afterwards felt and expressed. Mr. Kelly was not a zealot, and there is not a tinge of bigotry in his nature. He was then, as he is now, a true liberal, and has always declared that religion and politics should be kept as wide apart as the poles. But he is the foe of intolerance, and while despising the arts of the demagogue, no man in New York has done more to uphold foreign citizens in their rights, and to emancipate the ballot-box from persecution on the one hand, and fraudulent voting on the other.
[Pg 39]
The Native American party finally developed into the notorious Know-Nothing movement, the party of grips, and signs, and dark-lanterns. In many of the election districts of New York no foreigner dared approach the polls. The primaries were even worse, and were conducted in defiant disregard of the election laws. In John Kelly’s ward, which was a fair illustration of every other ward in the city, any Irishman or German risked his life by going to the polls. Gangs of repeaters and thugs, as far as they could, kept all foreigners from the primaries. These tools of the Know-Nothing leaders would fill the room where the election was held, take possession of the line, crowd out their opponents by threats or violence, return again and again, force their way, after passing the spot where the votes were received, once more into the line, and repeat the farcical act of voting a second and third time, keeping up the villany until relieved by another squad of repeaters, who continued to enact the same scenes until the close of the polls. A friendly police force connived at these rascalities, and openly backed up the repeaters and ballot-box stuffers whenever a determined citizen, in the exercise of his rights, resisted expulsion from the line, or attempted to defend himself from assault. So great became the terror these law-breakers inspired, that opposition to them was practically at an end. This state of affairs was more humiliating, since the[Pg 40] majority of voters in the Fourteenth Ward were known to be Democrats. John Kelly protested against these outrages as a private citizen, and at a meeting of Democrats declared his intention of attending the next primary election in the Fourteenth Ward, then near at hand, and exercising his right of voting at all hazards. Those who knew the man knew this was not an idle boast, but many tried to dissuade him from the rash attempt, which, if persisted in, would likely enough cost him his life.
The primary election was to take place in a hall, long since removed, in the march of the city, which then stood on the corner of Grand and Elizabeth Streets. The part of the room for the inspectors’ seats was protected by a high partition, and a box desk, like a bank teller’s window, with a hole only large enough for a voter’s hand to be put through in handing his ballot, to the receiving inspector, was placed at one side of the partition. A narrow path in the main room, fenced in by high rails, to allow but one voter to approach at a time, afforded the only means of access to the polls. When the voter handed in his ballot, that was the last he saw of it, as the partition effectually shut off observation from without. As a matter of fact it was the practice of the inspector to throw the vote into a waste basket, on the floor at his feet, if it was not of the approved sort. This mode of taking the vox populi had long been in practice, and[Pg 41] was not only an open evasion of the statute, which provided for the presence of watchers for the several parties, whose legal right it was to see that all had a fair opportunity to vote, but it was adopted with the deliberate purpose of protecting the swindling inspectors from detection while engaged in the nefarious work of making way with legal ballots. On the day of the election John Kelly was early on the scene, and was accompanied by a large number of the lawful voters of the ward, who appointed him as their watcher at the polls. He and his friends forced their way into the hall, and as the black hole, behind which the frauds were practiced, was there in violation of the statute, it was straightway demolished, in order to secure at least a semblance of fairness to the voting about to take place. The Know-Nothings were at first struck dumb with astonishment at this bold step on the part of the Democrats. To defend themselves from violence was as much as the latter had previously attempted. Rage soon took the place of surprise, and a furious attack was made on those who had removed the box screen from about the inspectors’ desk. John Kelly, who had been recognized as a Democratic watcher, was also set upon by the gang of ballot-box stuffers. A fierce scuffle ensued. But the Democrats outnumbered the Know-Nothings, and drove them from the hall. The leaders of the latter party, uttering vows of vengeance, declared they would soon[Pg 42] return with reinforcements, and make short work of Kelly and his party. They repaired to the ship-carpenters’ quarters at the foot of Delaney street, and soon the news of their discomfiture was spread abroad among the thousands of mechanics in that part of the city. These mechanics were, for the most part, engaged in ship building, for those were the days when New York’s famous clipper ships whitened the seas and brought back cargoes of commerce from all parts of the world. The ship carpenters constituted a formidable body of athletic men, whose influence at elections was cast on the side of the Know-Nothings. It was not long before a body of these mechanics, over a thousand in number, was drummed up in Delaney street and vicinity, and marshalled by notorious Know-Nothing bullies, the crowd started for the hall in Grand street to inflict condign punishment upon John Kelly and the Fourteenth Ward Democrats, who had shown the unprecedented audacity of interfering with the usual Know-Nothing methods of carrying elections in that ward. In the meantime the Democrats had not been idle, but had recruited their own ranks to prepare for the threatened attack. Soon the two parties came into collision, and a desperate encounter took place. But for a second time the victory remained with the Democrats. The Know-Nothings, unaccustomed to serious opposition, were not prepared for it now, and advanced in a promiscuous manner, expecting to bear down[Pg 43] opposition and to have everything their own way. The Democrats presented a compact front, and fought in companies of ten each. The hall was cleared a second time of the assailing party. A great multitude was now gathered in the streets threatening to tear down or burn the building, when the Democrats suddenly sallied forth with the precision of veterans, and struck the Know-Nothing mob at a dozen different points simultaneously. The mob being gathered from all parts of the city greatly exceeded the Democrats in numbers, but the sub-divisions of tens on the part of the latter worked so well that their onslaught became irresistible. Soon the mob were flying in all directions, some seeking refuge in stores, others in private houses, and the rest were pursued into and through the Bowery with great impetuosity. “The hour was come and the man.” None knew it better than the Know-Nothing Dirk Hatteraicks of New York. The effect of that day’s work in the Fourteenth Ward was felt all over the city of New York for years afterwards, and its immediate consequence was to break the backbone of Know-Nothingism in the ward in which it occurred. Thereafter Democrats, whether native or foreign born, were not afraid to appear at election places. The moral effect was salutary. The timid were reassured, the indifferent were roused into interest in public affairs, and fair elections became more frequent in New York city.[Pg 44] The one strong man who had worked this revolution was John Kelly. The Irish and German population looked upon him as their deliverer, and from that day forth the Know-Nothing power on the East side of the city dwindled into insignificance, and no further attempts to stifle the voice of the majority took place. Kelly became identified in the minds of the adopted citizens of all nationalities, but especially of the Irish, who were chiefly aimed at, as their champion. Henceforth it was not possible for this strong man, this born leader of his fellows, to follow the bent of his inclinations and remain in a private station. He was elected to the Board of Aldermen, and next to the Congress of the United States. The Know-Nothings, by their excesses in New York, had raised up an adversary to their oath-bound secret organization who was destined to accomplish as much in the Empire State for equal rights to all citizens, native and foreign-born, as Alexander H. Stephens, in a similar contest, wrought out in Georgia, and Henry A. Wise, by his great anti-Know-Nothing campaign accomplished in Virginia.
[Pg 45]
CHAPTER III.
THE GREAT COMMONER OF GEORGIA—SPEECH OF A. H. STEPHENS—HENRY A. WISE OF ACCOMAC—HENRY WINTER DAVIS—HIS CHARACTER—JOHN KELLY MEETS HIM IN DEBATE—KELLY’S STANDING IN CONGRESS—HIS CHARACTER DESCRIBED BY LEWIS CASS, BY A. H. STEPHENS, AND JAMES GORDON BENNETT—THE ERA OF KNOW-NOTHINGISM—KELLY’S PART IN ITS OVERTHROW.
The future historian of the United States, when he comes to treat of that extraordinary movement in American politics called Know-Nothingism, will not do justice to the subject unless he assigns the post of honor in the work of its overthrow as a national organization to Stephens of Georgia, Wise of Virginia, and Kelly of New York. A glance at the great work accomplished by these three men is all that can be attempted in this memoir.
“True Americanism,” said Alexander H. Stephens in his memorable Anti-Know-Nothing contest in Georgia in 1855, “as I have learned it, is like true Christianity—disciples in neither are confined to any nation, clime or soil whatever. Americanism is not the product of the soil; it springs not from the land or the ground; it is not of the earth, or earthy; it emanates from the head and the heart; it looks upward,[Pg 46] and onward and outward; its life and soul are those grand ideas of government which characterize our institutions, and distinguish us from all other people; and there are no two features in our system which so signally distinguish us from all other nations as free toleration of religion and the doctrine of expatriation—the right of a man to throw off his allegiance to any and every other State, prince or potentate whatsoever, and by naturalization to be incorporated as a citizen into our body politic. Both these principles are specially provided for and firmly established in our Constitution. But these American ideas which were proclaimed in 1789 by our ‘sires of ’76’ are by their ‘sons’ at this day derided and scoffed at. We are now told that ‘naturalization’ is a ‘humbug,’ and that it is an impossibility. So did not our fathers think. This ‘humbug’ and ‘impossibility’ they planted in the Constitution; and a vindication of the same principle was one of the causes of our second war of independence. Let no man, then, barely because he was born in America, presume to be imbued with real and true ‘Americanism,’ who either ignores the direct and positive obligations of the Constitution, or ignores this, one of its most striking characteristics. An Irishman, a Frenchman, a German, or Russian, can be as thoroughly American as if he had been born within the walls of the old Independence Hall itself. Which was the ‘true[Pg 47] American,’ Arnold or Hamilton? The one was a native, the other an adopted son.”[6]
Mr. Stephens had declined to be a candidate for Congress in 1855, and the Know-Nothings taunted him with cowardice, because, they said, if he should run he knew he was doomed to defeat. His letter on Know-Nothingism to Judge Thomas, from which the preceding extract is quoted, was denounced furiously by the Know-Nothings, who loudly predicted that the letter would prove to be his political winding-sheet. These taunts were published throughout the country, and induced Mr. Stephens to change his mind, and re-enter the field as a candidate for the Thirty-fourth Congress. In a speech at Augusta, Georgia, in which he announced this purpose, he said: “I have heard that it has been said that I declined being a candidate, because a majority of the district were Know-Nothings, and I was afraid of being beaten. Now, to all men who entertain any such opinion of me, I wish to say that I was influenced by no such motive. I am afraid of nothing on earth, or above the earth, or under the earth, except to do wrong—the path of duty I shall ever endeavor to travel, ‘fearing no evil,’ and dreading no consequences. Let time-servers, and those whose whole object is to see and find out which way the popular current for the day and hour runs, that they may float upon it, fear or dread defeat if they[Pg 48] please. I would rather be defeated in a good cause than to triumph in a bad one. I would not give a fig for a man who would shrink from the discharge of duty for fear of defeat. All is not gold that glitters, and there is no telling the pure from the base until it is submitted to the fiery ordeal of the crucible and the furnace. The best test of a man’s integrity and the soundness of his principles is the furnace of popular opinion, and the hotter the furnace the better the test. I have traveled from a distant part of the State, where I first heard these floating taunts of fear—as coming from this district—for the sole and express purpose of announcing to you, one and all, and in this most public way to announce to the other counties, without distinction of party, that I am again a candidate for Congress in this district. The announcement I now make. My name is hereby presented to the district; not by any convention under a majority or a two-third rule—but by myself.
“I know, fellow-citizens, that many of you differ with me upon those exciting questions which are now dividing—and most unhappily, too, as I conceive—dividing our people. It is easy to join the shouts of the multitude, but it is hard to say to a multitude that they are wrong. I would be willing to go into one of your Know-Nothing lodges or councils, where every man would be against me, if I could be admitted without first having to put myself under obligations[Pg 49] never to tell what occurred therein, and there speak the same sentiments that I shall utter here this night. Bear with me, then, while I proceed.[7] It is to exhibit and hold up even to yourselves the great evils and dangers to be apprehended from this ‘new,’ and, I think, most vicious political ‘monster,’ that I would address you; and against the influences of which I would warn and guard you, as well as the rest of our people. While the specious outside title of the party is that ‘Americans shall rule America,’ when we come to look at its secret objects as they leak out, we find that one of its main purposes is, not that ‘Americans shall rule America,’ but that those of a particular religious faith, though as good Americans as any others, shall be ruled by the rest.
“But it is said the ‘proscription’ is not against a religious but a political enemy, and the Roman Church is a political party, dangerous and powerful. Was a bolder assertion, without one fact to rest upon, ever attempted to be palmed off upon a confiding people? The Roman Church a political party! Where are its candidates? How many do they number in our State Legislatures or in Congress? What dangers are they threatening, or what have they ever plotted? Let them be named. Was it when Lord Baltimore, a Catholic, established the colony of Maryland, and for[Pg 50] the first time on this continent established the principle of free toleration in religious worship? Was it when Charles Carroll, a Catholic, signed the Declaration of Independence? But it is said that great danger is to be apprehended from the Catholics because of a ‘secret order’ amongst them, known as Jesuits. ‘No one,’ says a Know-Nothing writer, ‘knows, or possibly can know, the extent of their influence in this country. One of them may eat at your table, instruct your children, and profess to be a good Protestant, and you never suspect him. Their great aim is to make their mark in America. Perjury to them is no sin, if the object of it be to spread Catholicism or acquire political influence in the country.’ Whether this be true of the Jesuits or not I cannot say. But I submit it to the consideration of candid minds how far it is true of the new order of Know-Nothings, which is now so strenuously endeavoring to make its mark in America, and to gain political influence in the country, not only by putting down all foreigners, and all native-born citizens who may be of Catholic faith, but also all other native-born citizens who will not take upon their necks the yoke of their power. Do not hundreds and thousands of them go about daily and hourly, denying that they belong to the order, or that they know anything about it? May they not, and do they not ‘eat at your table,’ attend your sick,[Pg 51] and some of them preach from your pulpits, and yet deny that they know anything about that ‘order’ which they are making such efforts to spread in the land? I do not say all of them do this; but is it not common with the ‘order,’ thus by some sort of equivocation and slippery construction, to mislead and deceive those with whom they converse? There is nothing worse that can be said of any man or any people indicating a destruction of morals or personal degradation, than that ‘the truth is not in him.’ It is the life and soul of all the virtues, human or divine. Tell me not that any party will effect reformation of any sort, bad as we now are in this land, which brings into disrepute this principle upon which rests all our hopes on earth, and all our hopes for immortality. And my opinion is that the Protestant ministers of the Gospel in this country, instead of joining in this New England, puritanical, proscriptive crusade against Catholics, could not render a better service to their churches, as well as the State, in the present condition of morals amongst us, than to appoint a day for everyone of them to preach to their respective congregations from this text, ‘What is truth?’ Let it also be a day set aside for fasting, humiliation and prayer—for repentance in sackcloth and ashes—on account of the alarming prevalence of the enormous sin of lying! Was there ever such a state of general distrust between man and man before? Could it ever have been said[Pg 52] of a Georgia gentleman, until within a few months past, that he says so and so, but I don’t know whether to believe him or not? Is it not bringing Protestantism, and Christianity itself, into disgrace when such remarks are daily made, and not without just cause, about Church communicants of all our Protestant denominations—and by one church member even about his fellow-member? Where is this state of things to lead to, or end, but in general deception, hypocrisy, knavery, and universal treachery?
“Was ever such tyranny heard of in any old party in this country as that which this new ‘order’ sets up? Every one of them knows, and whether they deny it or not, there is a secret monitor within that tells them that they have pledged themselves never to vote for any Roman Catholic to any office of profit or trust. They have thus pledged themselves to set up a religious test in qualifications for office against the express words of the Constitution of the United States. Their very organization is not only anti-American, anti-republican, but at war with the fundamental law of the Union, and, therefore, revolutionary in its character, thus silently and secretly to effect for all practical purposes a change in our form of government. And what is this but revolution? Not an open and manly rebellion, but a secret and covert attempt to undermine the very corner-stone of the temple of our liberties.
[Pg 53]
“Whenever any government denies to any class of its citizens an equal participation in the privileges, immunities, and honors enjoyed by all others, it parts with all just claim to their allegiance. Allegiance is due only so long as protection is extended; and protection necessarily implies an equality of right to stand or fall, according to merit, amongst all the members of society, or the citizens of the commonwealth. The best of men, after all, have enough of the old leaven of human nature left about them to fight when they feel aggrieved, outraged and trampled upon; and strange to say, where men get to fighting about religion they fight harder, and longer and more exterminatingly than upon any other subject. The history of the world teaches this. Already we see the spirit abroad which is to enkindle the fires and set the fagots a blazing—not by the Catholics, they are comparatively few and weak; their only safety is in the shield of the constitutional guarantee; minorities seldom assail majorities; and persecutions always begin with the larger numbers against the smaller. But this spirit is evinced by one of the numerous replies to my letter. The writer says: ‘We call upon the children of the Puritans of the North, and the Huguenots of the South, by the remembrance of the fires of Smithfield, and the bloody St. Bartholomew, to lay down for once all sectional difficulties,’ etc., and to join in this great American movement of proscribing Catholics.[Pg 54] What is this but the tocsin of intestine strife? Why call up the remembrance of the fires of Smithfield but to whet the Protestant appetite for vengeance? Why stir up the quiet ashes of bloody St. Bartholomew, but for the hope, perhaps, of finding therein a slumbering spark from which new fires may be started? Why exhume the atrocities, cruelties, and barbarities of ages gone by from the repose in which they have been buried for hundreds of years, unless it be to reproduce the seed, and spread amongst us the same moral infection and loathsome contagion?—just as it is said the plague is sometimes occasioned in London by disentombing and exposing to the atmosphere the latent virus of the fell disease still lingering in the dusty bones of those who died of it centuries ago. Fellow citizens, Fellow Protestants, Fellow Americans—all who reverence the constitution of your country—I entreat you, and I envoke you to give no listening ear to such fanatical appeals.
“When the principles of the Constitution are disregarded, when those ‘checks and restraints,’ put in it as Mr. Madison has told us, for ‘a defence to the people against their own temporary errors and delusions,’ are broken down and swept away, when the whole country shall have been brought under the influence of the third degree of this Know-Nothing order, if that time shall ever come, then, indeed may the days of this Republic, too, be considered as numbered.
[Pg 55]
“I wish to say something to you about this third degree, the union degree, as it is called. For under this specious title, name or guise, the arch-tempter again approaches us, quite as subtly as under the other of ‘Americans shall rule America.’ The obligation taken in this degree is ‘to uphold, maintain and defend’ the Union, without one word being said about the Constitution. Now, as much as we all, I trust, are devoted to the Union, who would have it without the Constitution? This is the life and soul of it—this is its animating spirit. It is this that gives it vitality, health, vigor, strength, growth, development and power. Without it the Union could never have been formed, and without it it cannot be maintained or held together. Where the animating principle of any living organism is extinguished, this is death, and dissolution is inevitable. You might just as well expect that the component parts of your bodies could be held together by some senseless incantations after the vital spark has departed, as that this Union can be held together by any Know-Nothing oaths when the Constitution is gone. Congress is to be done away with, except in so far as its members may be necessary, as the dumb instruments for registering the edicts of an invisible but all-powerful oligarchy. Our present Government is to be paralyzed by this boa-constrictor, which is now entwining its coils around it. It is to be supplanted and displaced by another[Pg 56] self-constituted and secretly organized body to rise up in its stead, a political ‘monster,’ more terrible to contemplate than the seven-headed beast spoken of in the Apocalypse.
“I have seen it stated in the newspapers by some unknown writer, that my letter to Col. Thomas will be my political winding-sheet. If you and the other voters of the Eighth Congressional District so will it, so let it be; there is but one other I should prefer—and that is the Constitution of my country; let me be first wrapped in this, and then covered over with that letter, and the principles I have announced this night; and thus shrouded I shall be content to be laid away, when the time comes, in my last resting-place without asking any other epitaph but the simple inscription carved upon the headstone that marks the spot—‘Here sleep the remains of one who dared to tell the people they were wrong when he believed so, and who never intentionally deceived a friend, or betrayed even an enemy.’”[8]
Thus spoke Alexander H. Stephens, Georgia’s greatest statesman, of the pernicious tendencies of the Know-Nothing party. On that speech he ran for Congress and was elected by three thousand majority. Know-Nothingism was thus slain in Georgia. Since the death of Mr. Stephens some scribbler with a talent for forgery has taken the quotation marks from the[Pg 57] paragraph about the Jesuits in the foregoing speech, affixed Mr. Stephens’s name to it, and sent it on its rounds through the press as the declared opinion of the dead statesman concerning the followers of Loyola. Mr. Stephens quoted the paragraph from a Know-Nothing writer, not to approve the attack on the Jesuits, but for the opposite purpose of showing it applied to the Know-Nothings themselves. No man in this country could use the weapon of retort with more effect than Alexander H. Stephens, and his remarks on the paragraph in question afford a favorable instance of his power in that line. That this stupid calumny on the great man who battled so nobly for the equal rights of Catholics and Protestants, Jews and Gentiles, foreign born and native Americans, should have been palmed off on the public, is less surprising than that it should have found its way into certain Catholic newspapers, in the columns of at least one of which the present writer read it shortly after the death of Mr. Stephens.
The ever memorable conflict in Virginia of 1855, between the Know-Nothings and Democrats, was led on the part of the latter by the gallant Henry A. Wise. That conflict was one of great national magnitude. If the Know-Nothings, theretofore victorious, had then succeeded, it is likely a civil war precipitated by religious fanaticism would have followed, not to be conducted between the States, as later unfortunately[Pg 58] occurred, but between citizens of the same cities, and towns and neighborhoods throughout the Union, with a fury to make humanity shudder—in every sense of the word a civil war. The Virginia election of that year was, therefore, watched with intense interest by the whole American people, and a feeling of feverish excitement was everywhere visible. Henry A. Wise, the uncompromising enemy of the Know-Nothings, was named as the Democratic candidate for Governor of Virginia. Never was such a canvass before. He went everywhere, pouring out fiery eloquence in the Western Mountains, in the Blue Ridge that milks the clouds, upon the Potomac, lovely River of Swans, on the Rappahannock, the Piankatank, Mob Jack Bay, James River, Elizabeth River, down to the North Carolina line; and wherever he went this second Patrick Henry stirred the people’s hearts as they had not been stirred before. One of the best stump speeches ever heard in this country was made by Mr. Wise at Alexandria. He had declared hostility to the Know-Nothings in a letter to a citizen of Virginia, written September 18, 1854.
In that letter he said: “I am a native Virginian; my ancestors on both sides for two hundred years were citizens of this country and this State—half English, half Scotch. I am a Protestant by birth, by baptism, by intellectual belief, and by education and by adoption. I am an American, in every fibre and in every[Pg 59] feeling an American; yet in every character, in every relation, in every sense, with all my head and all my heart, and all my might, I protest against this secret organization of native Americans and of Protestants to proscribe Roman Catholic and naturalized citizens. As early as 1787 we established a great land ordinance, the most perfect system of eminent domain, of proprietary titles, and of territorial settlements, which the world had ever beheld to bless the homeless children of men. It had the very house-warming of hospitality in it. It wielded the logwood axe, and cleared a continent of forests. It made an exodus in the old world, and dotted the new with log-cabins, around the hearths of which the tears of the aged and the oppressed were wiped away, and cherub children were born to liberty, and sang its songs, and have grown up in its strength and might and majesty. It brought together foreigners of every country and clime—immigrants from Europe of every language and religion, and its most wonderful effect has been to assimilate all races. Irish and German, English and French, Scotch and Spaniard, have met on the Western prairies, in the Western woods, and have peopled villages and towns and cities—queen cities, rivalling the marts of Eastern commerce; and the Teutonic and Celtic and Anglo-Saxon races have in a day mingled into one undistinguishable mass—and that one is American. The children of all are crossed in blood[Pg 60] in the first generation, so that ethnology can’t tell of what parentage they are—they all become brother and sister Jonathans. As in the colonies, as in the revolution, as in the last war, so have foreigners and immigrants of every religion and tongue contributed to build up the temple of American law and liberty until its spire reaches to heaven, whilst its shadow rests on earth. If there has been a turnpike road to be beaten out of the rocky metal, or a canal to be dug, foreigners and immigrants have been armed with the mattock and the spade and if a battle on sea and land had to be fought, foreigners and immigrants have been armed with the musket and the blade.
“We can name the very hour of our birth as a people. We need recur to no fable of a wolf to whelp us into existence. As a nation we are but seventy-eight years of age. Many persons are now living who were alive before this nation was born. And the ancestors of this people about two centuries only ago were foreigners, every one of them coming to the shores of this country to take it away from the aborigines, and to take possession of it by authority either directly or derivatively of Papal Power. His Holiness the Pope was the great grantor of all the new countries of North America. Foreigners in the name of the Pope and Mother Church took possession of North America, to have and to hold the same to their heirs against the heathen forever. And[Pg 61] now already their descendants are for excluding foreigners, and the Pope’s followers from an equal enjoyment of this same possession. So strange is human history. Christopher Columbus! Ferdinand and Isabella! What would they have thought of this had they foreseen it when they touched a continent and called it theirs in the name of the Holy Trinity, by authority of the keeper of the keys of Heaven, and of the great grantor of the empire and domain of earth? What would have become of our national titles to northeastern and northwestern boundaries, but for the plea of this authority, valid of old among all Christian powers?”
Writing thus in September, 1854, Mr. Wise, although he had been a Whig years before, was nominated for Governor by the Democrats in December of the same year. In his famous Alexandria speech, before discussing Know-Nothingism, he told the people some practical truths explanatory of the decadence of the prosperity of Virginia, of the
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POLLEN, George Augustus (1775-1808), of Little Bookham, Surr.
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Family and Education
b. Jan. 1775, 1st s. of Rev. George Pollen (d. 1812) of Little Bookham by Mary, da. of William Goode of Newent, Glos. educ. Eton 1789; Emmanuel, Camb. 1792; I. Temple 1792. m. 1803 at St. Petersburg, Elizabeth Primrose, da. of Sir Charles Gascoigne, Bt., counsellor of state to the Emperor of Russia, s.p.
Offices Held
Capt. Rutland vol. cav. 1796-9; col. Loyal Surr. Rangers 1799.
Biography
Pollen wrote to Pitt, 15 Jan. 1795:
I have received a most liberal education at Eton and Cambridge and both myself and my friends seem satisfied that I have not altogether neglected the advantageous opportunities I have had of improving myself. My pecuniary expectations are completely independent in consequence of my being heir to an entailed property of £5,000 p.a. at least but as I am destined to spend the remaining twelve months of my legal infancy either in the dissipations of London or in indeterminate and interrupted application, my ambition of becoming immediately useful stimulates me to offer myself ... to you ... to initiate me in ... public business in some department or other ... for the sake of employment alone.
He wrote again on 27 Feb. 1795, but nothing came of it. In January 1796 he approached Pitt through Lord Auckland for a seat in Parliament as a friend of his administration, wishing to come in ‘as easily and as cheaply as possible’. At the end of February he canvassed Leominster under the aegis of Viscount Malden*. In the ensuing election he defeated the Whig candidate sponsored by the Duke of Norfolk and survived a petition against the return.
Described as ‘a dashing young man, who is continually exercising himself for public speaking’, he made his debut on 28 Feb. 1797 in support of Sheridan’s amendment, stating that, as Britain was now ‘insulted in its navy, sinking in its trade, and dishonoured in its credit’, his confidence in Pitt’s ministry was shaken. On 1 Mar. he complimented Pitt on his concession of the call for inquiry into the Bank stoppage. On 9 Mar. he joined the ‘armed neutrality’, voting against the revival of the secret committee on the Bank and, ‘if persevered in’, for the addition of Fox to it. Next day he moved an amendment for the immediate nomination of the secret committee, without any stipulations as to its composition, but with a hint of his aversion to Members whose votes were premeditated. He was defeated by 123 votes to 40. On 13 Mar. in supporting the previous question against Harrison’s motion, he suggested that the same committee should inquire into public retrenchment, but he voted for the addition of Fox to the committee. On 22 Mar. he called for further inquiry before the Bank was indemnified for its stoppage of cash payments. On 30 Mar. he gave notice of a motion on war and peace and proceeded with it on 10 Apr. Sitting on the ministerial side, he argued that Britain, deserted by her allies, was in danger of financial ruin and invasion and that negotiation for an armistice was the more justifiable. Quoting the French Directory’s vindication of the breakdown of negotiations at Lille, he moved for an address to the King for a British manifesto to prove the government’s wish for a respectable peace. Pitt, as anticipated, announced a further peace bid and the motion was lost by 291 votes to 85. The Times commented ‘whether he will go as far we cannot say, but he is resolved to begin as early as Mr Pitt’. Like the young Pitt, he was a supporter of parliamentary reform, 26 May 1797, though he urged that it must be ‘temperate’:
Every man who went into a populous place at the time of an election must be sensible that things could not go on on this present footing. Every hand was open for a bribe. All idea of a representation was scouted. It was a mere profligate scene of corruption, and consequently presented to government the certain means of influencing the majority in that House.
It was on 10 Nov. 1797 that Pollen rallied to ministers, on the question of an armistice: opposing Sinclair’s amendment to the address, he said that peace was now impracticable and promised the utmost opposition to France. The alarmist tone of this volte-face was ridiculed in the Whig press, though Pollen was once more in opposition to Pitt on 28 Dec. 1797 when he objected to the triple tax assessment as far as small farmers were concerned. He subsequently became a cavalry officer and on 3 Apr. 1798 wrote from his barracks to Pitt to suggest a volunteer expedition to defend the Swiss against France. In September 1799 he raised a fencible regiment at his own expense. His only further gesture in the House was to vote for a call of it on Tierney’s motion, 22 Jan. 1800. He subsequently went to Halifax, Nova Scotia with his corps of rangers.
Pollen had no hope of re-election at Leominster in 1802 and, on his return from foreign service, proceeded ‘on a roving electioneering expedition’, without any prospect of success. He was defeated at Malmesbury and then at Cricklade, where he professed ‘an utter aversion to party or faction’. Subsequently he again went abroad.
Sir George Jackson, who came across him in Berlin in March 1804, described him as ‘A Colonel Pollen, who once attempted to play a part in the House of Commons and did distinguish himself as effectually there, as elsewhere, by his most consummate effrontery’. He added:
For some time he has been travelling about the Continent, because it is not very convenient to him to remain in England; and last year he married a Miss Gascoigne at St. Petersburg, after a few days’ acquaintance. He came to Berlin about a month ago, and has contrived to push himself so forward as to have the opportunity of doing a thing unheard of in the annals of this or any other court. There had been a consultation about the dresses to be worn at the f’te of the 12th in the Queen’s quadrille. Pollen went off in search of some prints and returned with them while the King and royal family were at dinner. Without any ceremony, he walked into the dining room and familiarly commenced his conversation with their majesties, who were so good as not to order him to be turned out ... He is one of the sort of travellers who bring discredit on our national character.
At the same time he was writing to Sir Joseph Banks, President of the Royal Society, in the hope of obtaining funds for a projected expedition to Lhasa to purchase the Lama’s manuscripts, and was bitterly disappointed when Banks refused to back ‘the claims of an absolute stranger’ and doubted whether public money should be entrusted ‘to a man who has been unable to take care of his own’. He was lost at sea off Memel, 7 Apr. 1808, together with Viscount Royston* (his wife was rescued): ‘if he had returned to his native country (as he was attempting to do when this dreadful accident put a period to all his hopes) ... he would have proved a distinguished ornament of it’. His body was recovered months afterwards and buried at North Berwick.
Ref Volumes: 1790-1820
Author: R. G. Thorne
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The following is information found in the records of the National Archives and Records Administration. It identifies the record group and series, with brief descriptions and locations. It does not provide actual documents. Some of the records are microfilmed, and have been noted. For further insight, see Walter B. Hill Jr.'s Prologue article on this topic. Table of Contents I.
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National Archives
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https://www.archives.gov/research/african-americans/slavery-records-civil.html
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The following is information found in the records of the National Archives and Records Administration. It identifies the record group and series, with brief descriptions and locations. It does not provide actual documents. Some of the records are microfilmed, and have been noted.
For further insight, see Walter B. Hill Jr.'s Prologue article on this topic.
Table of Contents
I. Congressional Records
II. Civil Records
RG 29: Records of the Bureau of the Census (crop schedules)
RG 36: Records of the United States Customs Service, 1745 - 1982
RG 48: Records of the Office of the Secretary of the Interior
RG 55: Records of the Government of the Virgin Islands
RG 59: General Records of the Department of State
Index to United States Documents Relating to Foreign Affairs 1828-1861
Part I: A to H
Part II: I to Q
Part III: R to Z
RG 60: General Records of the Department of Justice
RG 69: Records of the Work Projects Administration
RG 76: Records of Boundary and Claims Commissions and Arbitration
RG 206: Records of the Solicitor of the Treasury
RG 217: Records of the United States General Accounting
RG 287: Publications of the U.S. Government, 1790-1979
RG 366: Records of Civil War Special Agencies of the Treasury Department
III. Military Records
IV. Judicial Records
RG 29 Records of the Bureau of the Census (crop schedules)
RG 36 Records of the United States Customs Service, 1745 - 1982
Congress created the Custom Service on July 31, 1789 and made it a part of the Department of Treasury (September 1789). The service assisted other agencies in the enforcement of the slave trading laws that were passed between 1794 to 1820. In particular, the 1807 law prohibited the transportation of slaves after 1808, and section 9 required that all vessels of 40 tons or more carrying slaves in the coastwise trade file duplicate manifests (ports of origin and destination) showing name, age and description of each slave, the name and residence of exporter and consignee, and pledge that the slave had not been imported after 1807. Manifest records exist for four ports.
Records of Customhouses
Records are arranged chronologically by date of arrival and thereunder by name of vessel. They show name, tonnage, and nationality of vessel; date of arrival; name of master, name (usually Christian only), age, sex of slave; name and address of consignee; and name of owner.
Philadelphia, 1790 - 1840 (1/4 in.)
New Orleans, 1819 - 52 and 1860 - 61 (15 ft.)
Mobile, 1822 - 1860 (4 ft.)
Savannah, 1801 - 60 (6 ft.)
RG 48 Records of the Office of the Secretary of the Interior
By an act of Congress, March 3, 1849, the Department of Interior consolidated in one department the General Land Office (under the Secretary of Treasury), Commissioner of Indian Affairs and Office of the Commissioner of Pensions (under the Secretary of War), Patent Office (under the Secretary of State), Commissioner of Public buildings, and assumed the jurisdiction over census taking, marshals and court officers, charitable and penal institutions in the District of Columbia.
Records Relating to the Suppression of the African Slave Trade and to Negro Colonization, 1854-72
Several laws were passed in the 19th century for the suppression of the African slave trade and for support of the colonization of recaptured and free Africans. In 1861, the Interior Department assumed responsibility of administering the anti-slave trade laws and those providing for the colonization of recaptured and free Africans in Liberia and other countries. The Secretary of Interior accumulated much correspondence related to a variety of issues and subjects surrounding the suppression of the trade from the President, Congress, various executive departments, 1858-72, and from U.S. agents for liberated Africans in Liberia, 1860-65.
Register of Letters Received, 1858-1872.
LOC: 150/7/16/05, 1 vol. ent 375
Letters Received and Other Records, 1854-1872.
LOC: 150/7/16/06, bxes 1-5, ent. 376
Letters Sent, 1856 - 1872, vol. 1
LOC: 150/7/16/06, ent. 377
Press Copies of letters sent, 1861 - 1869, box 1
LOC: 150/7/16/06, ent. 378
Weekly Returns USS Atlanta, 1858-1859, vol. 1
LOC: 150/7/16/06, ent. 379
RG 55, Records of the Government of the Virgin Islands
These records were established in the Department of the Navy, effective upon the formal transfer of sovereignty over the Danish West Indies from Denmark to the United States, March 28, 1917, under authority of an act of March 3, 1917 (39 Stat. 1132). The United States purchased the islands from Denmark by treaty signed August 14, 1916, ratified by the Senate, September 7, 1916. The islands had originally been administered by the Danish West India and Guinea Company, 1672-1754, succeeded by the Danish Crown, 1754-1917, except for periods of British occupation in 1801 and 1807-1815.
Records Relating Directly to Slavery and Emancipation
Reports Received from the Governor's Committee Appointed to Sound Out the Planters Concerning the Ceding of a Free Day Off to the Laborers, 1840. 1 inch, Box 124, entry 60.
Papers concerning the Plan for the Organization of the Free Colored, 1830-1831. 1 inch, Box 133, entry 71.
Letters Received by the Governor in which the Planters Express Their Views on Gradual Emancipation, 1840. 1 inch, Box 133, entry 72.
Free Coloreds on St. Croix, 1848. Box 304, entry 82.
List of Slaves Involved in 1848 Rebellion. Box 310, entry 82.
Plantation Inventories; Slave Emancipation Claims, 1853. Box 317, entry 82.
Papers relating to Free Persons of Color, 1801-43. Box 319, entry 82.
Slave Lists, 1835, 1847. Box 322, entry 82.
Freedom Charters: A Register of the Free Colored and the Documents Proving their Status. 2 vol., 2 inches, entry 171.
Registers of Free Coloreds, 1803, 1831-32. Boxes 583-586, 12 vols., entries 214-215.
Proceedings [investigating the riots of 1848]. Box 586, 1 vol., entry 226.
Records of the Compensation Commissions, 1853-62. Boxes 587-589, plus 3 vols., entries 227-230.
Power of Attorney to Receive Payments from Compensation Bonds Issued as a Result of the 1848 Emancipation of the Slaves, 1854-56. Box 732, ¼ inch, entry 334 [MISSING].
Case Papers Concerning Contested Slave Ownership, 1803. Box 755, ¼ inch, entry 383.
Register of Colored Communicants..., 1819-1835. Box 880, 1 vol., entry 478.
Lists of Baptisms, Marriages and Burials of the Colored Inhabitants, 1820-1841. Box 880, ¼ inch, entry 479.
List of Slave Owners and Former Slaves, 1853-54. Box 1904, 1 vol., ½ inch, entry 723.
Records of Court Martial Following the Revolt of 1848. Box 2024, 1 vol., entry 854.
Annual Reports Concerning the Increase or Decrease in Number of Royal Negroes, 1765-73. Box 2377, ½ inch, entry 1062.
Records Concerning Negro Loans, 1793-1805. Box 2461, 4 vols., entries 1133- 1136.
The Oldest Records: Basic Documents From the Founding Era
Announcements, Ordinances, Orders, Resolutions, etc., 1672-1840. Boxes 568- 577, plus 19 vols., entries 187-197.
Announcements, etc., 1688-1727. Box 923, 2 vols., entries 520-522.
Records of High Level Decision-Making
Privy Council Proceedings, 1745-55. Box 1, 1 inch, entry 1.
Records of the Office of the Governor and Government Secretary 1770-1848. Boxes 1-5, including 8 vols., entries 2-9.
Records of the Governor and Government Secretary, 1830-1917. Boxes 924-934, 936-941, 39 vols., entries 523, 525-531, 534-538.
Unidentified and Unarranged Records Awaiting Fuller Description
Records of the Colonial Councils, 1780-1947. 62 Boxes, entries 1161-1163.
RG 59, General Records of the Department of State
By an act of Congress, July 27, 1789, ( 1Stat.28), the President approved establishing the first executive department of the Federal Government. Designated the Department of Foreign Affairs, (an Act of September 1789 changed the name to the Department of State), the new Department was established to help the President carry out his constitutional responsibility for conducting the U.S. relations with foreign governments. Domestic functions were assigned to the Department, but with the expansion of the Government most of these were passed to other agencies.
Records Relating to the Territories
Kansas Territory, 1854-1861, Conflict between proslavery and antislavery factions. Publication: M218, DP.
Orleans Territory, 1764-1823, The importation of slaves from West Indies, fugitive slaves seeking refuge in Texas. Publication: T260
Special Series of Domestic and Miscellaneous Letters
Correspondence With the President and Congress Miscellaneous Letters from Congressional Committees. 1830-1861, Censuses of slaves. entry 144
Miscellaneous Petitions and Memorials Proclamations Addressed to President Lincoln by Antislavery Societies. 1862- 1864. entry 160
Index to United States Documents Relating to Foreign Affairs 1828-1861
Part I: A to H
A B C D E F G H
A
Abbot Devereux, Slaver (Myers), p7
Aberdeen, Lord (George Hamiliton Gordon), p9
Abreo (Antonio Rodrigo), Slave Dealer, p9
Adams (John Quincy), of Mass., pp11-14
Adams Gray, Amer. Slaver Brigantine, p15
Addington (Henry Unwin), p16
Advance, Amer. Slaver Schr., p17
Albert, Amer. Slaver Brig (Woodberry), p21
Alecto, H.B.M. Sloop (Hunt), p23
Alicia, Slaver, p24
Alienage, Citizenship, Naturalization, p31
Amistad, Spanish Schr., pp49-51
Anaconda, Amer. Slaver Schr. (Knight), p52
Anderson (John), Fugitive Slave, p53
Anderson (W.E.), Witness Against Slave Dealers, p54
Andover (Mass.) Citizens, p54
Appleton (John), of Me., p58
Archer (William S.) of Va., p62
Ardennes, Amer. Slaver Bank (Marsh), p64
Argaiz (Pedro Alcantara), p65
Armstrong (Mass.) Citizens, p71
Arteta (Domingo), Master Amer. Slaver Schr. Rebecca; see Rebecca
Asp, Amer. Schr. (Weems), pp73-74
Augusta Religious Anti-Slavery Conv., p76
B
Bacon (J.), Master Amer. Slaver Schr. Mary Anne Cassard; see Mary Anne Cassard
Bacon (John F.) of N.Y., p80
Bagley (Arthur P.), of Ala., p81
Baptiste (Manuel), Deponent in Case of Slaver Bark Fame; see Fame
Barclay (Anthony), of Nova Scotia, p90
Barksdale (William), Repr. From Miss., p90
Bayard (James A. Jr.), Sen. From Del., p99
Beaver Co. (Pa.) Citizens, p102
Bedinger (Daniel), p102
Bell (Charles H.), of N.Y., p104
Bell (John), p105
Benjamin (Judah Peter), p107
Bentinotti (Miguel), Slave Dealer, p108
Benton (Thomas H.), pp108-109
Berrien (John McPherson), p110
Berry (James), Master Slaver Bark Pons; see Pons
Beverly (Mass.) Citizens, p112
Birch (Thomas F.), Comdr. H.B.M. Brig Wizard, p116
Black (Jeremiah S.), of Penn., p117
Blythe (Andrew K.), of Miss., p122
Bonham (Milledge L.), Repr. From S.C., p126
Boxer, U.S. Brig, p132
Bradford (Mass.) Citizens, p133
Bradford Co. (Penn.) Citizens, p134
Branch (John), Secy. Navy, U.S.A., p135
Branch (Lawrence O'B.), Repr. From N.C., p135
Brand, Mater Amer. Slaver Brig Peerless; see Peerless
Braxton Co. (Va.) Citizens, p136
Brazil, Slaver Brig (Bevans, Faulkner), p143
Bremen, Amer. Slaver Brigantine (Forest), p144
Bright (Jesse D.), Sen. From Ind., p147
Brookfield (Ut.) Citizens, p150
Brown (Albert Gallatin), p152
Brown (James), of La., p152
Bruce (Henry W.), Rear-Admiral, H.B.M. Navy, p155
Buchanan (James), of Penn., P161-163
Buckingham Co. (Va.) Citizens, p163
Bucks Co. (Pa.) Citizens, p164
Bulwer (Sir Henry Lytton), p166
Burbank, Master Slaver Brig Chatsworth; see Chatsworth
Burges (Tristam), Repr. From R.I., p167
Burnett (Henry C.), Repr. From Ky., p168
Butler (Andrew Pickens), Sen. From S.C., p170
Byfield (Mass.) Citizens, p175
C
Caballero, Amer. Slaver Brig (Huffington), p175
Cabarga (Antonio), Slave Dealer, p175
Cabo Verde, Port. Schr., p175
Cacique, Amer. Slaver Str., p176
Caire (F.C. Paul), p176
Calderon de la Barca (Angel), p176-178
Calhoun (John Caldwell), of S.C., pp179-180, 182
Calhoun, Amer. Slaver (Gordon), p187
Calhoun, Amer. Ship (Fales), p182
Camargo, Amer. Slaver (Gordon), p187
Camden (N.Y.) Citizens, p188
Camilla, Amer. Slaver Schr., p188
Campbell (A.), H.B.M. Consul at Lagos, p188
Camperdown, Slaver, p191
Canal (Francisco), Master Amer. Slaver Schr. Delores; see Delores
Canning (Stratford), p202
Capture, etc., of Property: Cases, pp204-205
Carlos Sp. Slaver, p208
Carmen, Braz. Schr., Slaver, p208
Carnahan (A.M.), et al., p208
Case (Charles), Repr. From Indiana, p212
Cass (Lewis), of Mich., pp216-218, 220-224
Castlereagh (Viscount), Robert Henry Stewart, Afterwards 2nd Marquess of Loudonderry, p227-228
Catherine, Amer. Slaver Bark (Stodder), p228
Catherine, Amer. Slaver Schr. (Peterson), p228
Ceres, Slaver, p294
Chancellor, Slave Ship (Freeman), p296
Charles, Amer. Slaver Bark, of Baltimore, p298
Charles C. Perkins, Amer. Slaver Brig (Brown), p299
Charleston Colonization Society, p299
Charlotte, Amer. Slaver Brig (Lockhail), p300
Chase (John, Jr.), Master Amer. Slaver Schr. William Ridgway; see William Ridgway
Chase (Salmon P.) Sen. From O., p301
Chatsworth, Amer. Slaver Brigantine (Burbank), p302
Chauncey (Mark) and William Winn, p302
Chesapeake Claims, p304
Chester (Vt.) Citizens, p304
Christiansburg (O.) Citizens, p363
Cincinnati (O.) Citizens, p364
City of Norfolk, Slaver, p364
Clapp (J.), Master Amer. Slaver Bark Panther; see Panther
Clara, Amer. Slaver (Hooker), p365
Clara, French Gov't. Contract Slaver-Bark, p365
Clara, Slaver, p365
Clara B. Williams, Amer. Slaver Bark, pp365-366
Clay (Henry), of Ky., pp370, 373-375
Clay (James Brown), of Ky., p375
Clayton (John Middleton), of Del., pp382-384
Clingman (Thomas L.) of N.C., pp387-388
Cobb (Howell), of Ga., p289
Cochrane (Clarke B.), Repr. From N.Y., p390
Cockburn (Sir Francis), Gov. of Bahamas, p390
Coke (Richard, Jr.), Repr. From Va., P391
Collamer (Jacob), p392
Colonization Society of Fredericksburg, O., p396
Comet, Encomium, Enterprise, pp398-400
Concha (Jose Guttierrez de la:, Capt. Gen. of Cuba, p401
Conhocton (N.Y.) Citizens, p402
Conover (Thomas A.), of N.J., p404
Constitucao, Portuguese Slaver Schr. (Roberto), p406
Constitution, Amer. Schr. (Johnson), p406
Convention for Formation of Anti-Slavery Society of Pa., p411
Cooper (James), Sen. From Penn., p417
Cortez, Amer. Schr. (Durand), p422
Corthell (Loring), p422
Costa Lima Biana (Jose de), Slave Dealer, p424
Courtenay (R. W.), p425
Cowper (H. Augustus), H.B.M. Cons. At Pernambuco, p425
Cowperthwait (Josesph), of Phila., p425
Craig (Robert), Repr. From Va., p427
Crampton (John Fiennes Twisleton), p428
Cranotick (Vincent D.), Master Amer. Slaver Schr. Mary E. Smith; see Mary E. Smith
Craven (Thomas T.), of N.Y., p431
Crawford (Joseph T.), H.B.M. Cons. Gen. for Cuba, p431
Crawford (Martin J.), Repr. From Ga., p431
Creole, Amer. Brig (Ensor), p432-433
Crimean, Slaver Schr., p434
Crittenden (John Jordan), of Ky., p438
Crowninshield (Benjamin Williams), p440
Cunha Reis (Manuel Basilia) Da, Slave Dealer, pp457-458
Curtin (W.), Amer. Vice-Cons. at Jamaica, p459
Cushing (Caleb), of Mass., p460
Cyclops, H.B.M. Str. (Hastings), p466
D
Dale, U.S. Sloop, pp472-473
Dallas (George Mifflin), of Penn., pp474-475
Dalrymple (C.J.), H.B.M. Comr. At Havana Under Mixed Commission for Suppression of Slavetrade; see Slavetrade. Cuban Waters
Danville (Ky.) Citizens, p477
Darke Co. (O.) Citizens, p477
Dauphin Co. (Pa.) Citizens, p478
Davis (Jefferson), of Miss., pp481-482
Davis (John), of Mass., p483
Dayton (William Lewis), of N.J., p485
De Kalb Co. (Ind.) Citizens, p488
Delaware Co. (O.) Citizens, p490
Delicia, Slaver Brig, p491
Dickinson (Daniel S.), Sen. From N.Y., p502
Dickson (John), Repr. From N.Y., p503
Diligente, Portuguese Brig, p504
Dix (John A.), Sen. From N.Y., p506
Dolcinea, Port. Slaver Schr. (Da Luz Cavalho), p509
Dolores, Amer. Slaver Schr. (Canal), p509
Dolores, Br. Slaver Schr., p510
Dolphin, H.B.M. Brig (Holland), p510
Dolphin, U.S. Brig,, p510
Doolittle (James R.), Senator From Wisconsin, p513
Dorset, Amer. Slaver Schr., p513
Douglas (Stephen Arnold), pp515-516
Douglas, Amer. Brig (Baker), p517
Douglass (George H.), Mastr Amer. Slaver Brig Kentucky; see Kentucky
Dowdll (James F.), Repr. From Ala., p518
Driscoll (Cornelius F.), Master Amer. Slaver Brig Hope, p520
Duer (John K.), p522
Durkee, Master Amer. Slaver Brig Two Friends, p525
E
Eagle, Amer. Slaver Schr. (Littig), p526
East Lyme (Conn.) Citizens, p528
Easton (Pa.) Citizens, p528
Echavarria (Jose Ignacio de), Gov. of Havana, p529
Echo, Slaver Brig, p529
Edwin, Amer. Brig (Dayley), p531
Egea (Jose), Slave Trader, p531
El Dorado, U.S. Mail Str., p532
Eleanor, Amer. Bark, p533
Electra, H.B.M. Str. (Morris), p533
Eliza Jane, Amer. Slaver, p534
Elliot (George), Comdr. H.B.M. Sloop Columbine, p535
Elliott (Jesse D.), of Penn., p535
Ellsworth (Henry L.), Officer of Amer. Colonization Soc'y, p539
Emanuel, Amer. Slaver Schr., p539
Emma Lincoln Slaver, p540
Enterprise, Amer. Slaver Schr. (Robinson), p544
Enterprise, U.S. Brig, p544
Erie, Amer. Slaver (Gordon), p544
Erie Co. (O.) Citizens, p545
Erving (George W.), of Mass., p546
Esperanza, Amer. Slaver Schr., Formerly The Mary Reed; see Chauncey (M.) and Winn (W.)
Espiegle, H.B.M. Sloop (Hancock), p547
Essex Co. Anti-Slavery Society, Mass., p548
Euphrates, Amer. Slaver Schr. (Molan), p548
Evans (George R.), of Me., p550
Evansville (Ind.) Citizens, p550
Everett (Alexander Hill), of Mass, pp551-552, 555-556
Ewing (Andrew), Representative From Tenn., p559
Excellent, Brigantine Slaver, p559
"Expedition for Africa", p560
Extradition, pp563-566
F
Fairy, Amer. Slaver Sloop, p571
Falcon, H.B.M. Ship (Fitz Roy), p571
Falmouth (Mass.) Citizens, p572
Fame, Amer. Slaver Bark (Marks), p573
Fenix, Span. Slaver Schr., p578
Fernandez, Slave Dealer, p579
Ferroz Africano, Port. Slaver; see Diligente
Fessenden (William Pitt), p580
Figaniere E Morao (Joaquinn Cesar de), p581
Fish (Samuel), p586
Fitzgerald (Charles), Comdg. H.B.M. Brigantine Buzzard, p587
Flournoy (J.J.), p529
Flying Eagle, Slaver, p592
Fonseca (Manuel Pinto) de, Slave Dealer, p593
Foote (Henry Stuart), pp594-595
Foote (John), Comdr. H.B.M. Sqdn. W. Coast of Africa, p595
Ford (Richard), Master Amer. Slaver Brig William D. Miller; see William D. Miller
Forest (Tom), Master Amer. Slaver Bremen; see Bremen
Forester, H.B.M. Brig (Norcock), p597
Formosa, Slaver Schr., p598
Forsythe (John), of Ga., pp599-601, 605, 608
Fox (Henry Stephen), pp610-611
Framingham (Mass.) Citizens, p612
Frances Ann, Amer. Slaver Schr., p640
Fraser (Daniel), Colored Br. Subject, p642
Freedmen; see Negroes, Colonization of; Liberia
Freeman, Master Slaver Ship Chancellor; see Chancellor
Friends, Society of, p646
Fronte (Raimond), Master Amer. Slaver Schr. Sarah Anne; see Sarah Anne
G
Gabriel (Edmund), H.B.M. Comr. Mixed Commission for Suppression of Slavetrade, Loanda; see Slavetrade, Loanda; see Slavetrade. African Coast
Gabriel, Slaver Brig; see Two Friends
Gallatin (Albert), of Penn, p651
Gantois and Pailhet, p652
Garcia (Carlos), p652
Geeren (John H.), Settler of Key Biscayne, Fla., p657
General de Kalb, Amer. Slave Vessel, p662
General Pickney, Slaver (Pierce), p663
Genesee Co. (N.Y.) Citizens, p664
George William Jones, Amer. Slaver Brig, p665
Georgetown (D.C.) Mayor, Aldermen, and Council, p665
Georgetown (Mass.) Citizens, p665
Georgia, p665
Germantown, U.S. Sloop, p666
Gertrudes, Sp. Slaver, p666
Gettysburg (Pa.) Citizens, p666
Gibbs (Howard), Amer. Cons. Agt. Nuevitas, p667
Giddings (Joshua R.) of Ohio, p669
Gillmer (John S.), of Md., p670
Gilpin (H. D.), Atty. Gen. U.S.A., p671
Glamorgan, Amer. Slaver Brig, p671
Gloucester (Mass.) Citizens, p672
Gooch (Daniel W.) Repr. From Mass., p675
Goodrich, Master Amer. Slaver Brig Yankee; see Yankee
Goodrich (Edmund) [sic], H.B.M. Comr. Brit. and Portuguese Mixed Commission for Suppression of Slavetrade Under Treaty of 1842; see Slavetrade. African
Gordon (Nathaniel), Master Amer. Slaver Camargo; see Camargo
Gordon (Nathaniel), Master Amer. Slaver Erie; see Erie
Graham (John), Master Barque Pons; see Pons
Graham (William A.), of N.C., p680
Grampus, U.S. Schr., p681
Great Britain, pp684, 687-689
Green (James S.), of Missouri, p693
Greene Co. (O.) Citizens, p693
Gregory XVI, p694
Grey (Frederick W.), p695
Grey Eagle, Amer. Slaver Brig, p695
Groesbeck (William S.), of Ohio, p697
Grundy (Felix), of Tenn., p698
Guadaloupe, Slaver, p698
Guerediaga (Ramon De), Slave Dealer, p713
Guerrero, Span. Slaver Brig, p713
Guimaraes (Isidoro Francisco), Gov. of Macao, p714
Guimaraes (Manuel Antonio); Involved in Case of Slaver Herald; see Herald
Gurley (R.R.), Secy. Amer. Colonization Society, p714
Gwin (W.M.), Sen. From Calif., p717
H
Hackley (William R.), U.S. Atty. So. Distr. Fla., p718
Hagan (John), et al., p718
Haidee, Slaver, p718
Haiti, p720
Hale (John Parker), pp722-723
Hale (Matthew), Master Amer. Slaver Brig Sophia; see Sophia
Hall (Christopher J.), Master Amer. Brig Kremlin. Deposition; see Fenix, Span. Slaver
Hall (James), p724
Hallett (Benjamin F.), U.S. Distr. Atty., Mass., p725
Hamilton (Hamilton), H.B.M.E.E. and M.P., p726
Hamilton Co. (O.) Citizens, p727
Hamlin (Edward S.), Repr. From O., p727
Hamlin (Hannibal), of Me., pp727-728
Hammond (James H.), Sen. From S.C., p729
Hanna, Master Amer. Slaver Bark Orion; see Orion
Hantsman (Henry), Master Span. Slaver Schr. Laura; see Laura
Hardesty (Samuel), p734
Harlan (James), Sen. From Iowa, p735
Harlequin, H.B.M. Sloop Russell), p735
Harriet, Amer. Slaver, p736
Harris (Isham G.), Repr. From M.D., p736
Hastings (George F.), Senior Officer So. Div. H.B.M. Forces S.W. Coast of Africa, p741
Haverhill (Mass.) Citizens, p743
Hayne (Robert Y.), Sen. From S.C., p747
Hecate, H.B.M. Ship (Burgess), p749
Helm (Charles J.), of Ky., p750
Hemphill (John), Sen. From Texas, p751
Henley (John D.), of Md., p751
Henry Co. (Ind.) Citizens, p752
Herald, Amer. Slaver (Barker), pp752-753
Hermosa, Amer. Schr. (Chattin); Claim vs. Gr. Br., p753
Hero, Amer. Schr. (O'Connell), p735
Hesketh (Robert), British Consul at Rio de Janeiro, p755
Highland Co. (O.) Citizens, p758
Hill, Master Amer. Slaver Brig Pilgrim; see Pilgrim
Hill (Joshua), of Ga., p758
Hill (Stephen J.), Gov. of Sierra Leone, p758
Hillsboroug (Ind.) Citizens, p759
Hillyer (Junius), p759
Himmaleh, Amer. Slaver Brig, p760
Hodges (Benjamin), Claimant, p762
Holabird (W.S.), U.S. Atty. Dist. Conn., P765
Holland (Wm. T.), Clerk to Amer. Cons. at Rio de Janeiro, p766
Honore, Slave, p770
Hook (L.), p770
Hooker (Samuel B.), Master Amer. Slaver Clara; see Clara
Hoover (Frederick), p770
Hope, Amer. Slaver Brig (Driscoll), p770
Horatio, Slaver Brig, pp771-772
Hound, Amer. Slaver Schr., p772
Hubbard (Henry), Repr. From N.H., p778
Hudson, Amer. Slaver Brig, p779
Huffington, Master Amer. Slaver Brig Caballero; see Caballero
Hunt (James), Comdr. H.B.M. Sloop Alecto, p786
Hunt (Thomas W.), Master Amer. Slaver Schr. Shakespeare; see Shakespeare
Hunter (Robert M.T.), pp787-788
Hunter (William), of R.I., p789
Hunter (William, Jr.) of R.I., p789
Huntington (E.), Master Amer. Slaver Schr. Ontario; see Ontario
Huron Co. (O.) Citizens, p791
Hyde de Neuville (Jean Guillaume), p793
Part II: I to Q
I J K L M N O P Q
I
Iago, Amer. Schr. (Dupony), p795
Illonois, p795
Illinois, Amer. Slaver Schr. (Swift), p796
Imogene, Amer. Bark, p796
Indiana, pp799-800
Ingersoll (Charles J.), pp800-801
Ingersoll (Ralph I.), of Conn., p803
Inman (William), of N.J., pp804-805
Intervention and Mediation, p809
Iowa, p809
Iris, H.B.M. Ship (Tucker); see Illinois, Amer. Slaver Schr.
Isturiz (Franciso Javier), p811
Iverson, p812
J
J. Harris, Slaver, p813
J.J. Cobb, Amer. Bark (Vent), p813
Jackson (George) and Gabriel (Edmund), p815
Jackson Co. (O.) Citizens, p816
James Buchanan, Slaver Schr., p817
Jamestown, Slaver Brig, p818
Janet, Slaver, p819
Jasper, Amer. Slaver Bark (Young), pp820-821
Jefferson, Master Slaver schr. H.N. Gambril; see H.N. Gambril
Jefferson (Thomas), of Va., p822
Jenifer (Daniel), of Md., p823
Jiro (Manuel Francisco), Deponent; see Senator, Amer. Slaver Brig
John Adams, Slaver Brigantine, p829
John Adams U.S. Sloop, p829
Johnson (Reverdy), p831
Johnson (William), Judge Supreme Court of S.C., p833
Johnstown (N.Y.) Citizens, p833
Jones (George W.), Repr. From Tenn., p835
Jones (John J.), Repr. From Ga., p836
Jones (Hohn W.), p836
Jones (William), Sr. Officer Br. Forces W. Coast of Africa, p838
Joseph H. Record, Slaver, p840
Josephine, Slaver Brig, p840
Julia Dean, Amer. Bark, p840
Juliana, Amer. Slaver Brig, p840
Juliet, Amer. Slaver Brig, p840
Jupiter, Amer. Slaver Schr., p841
K
Keitt (Lawrence M.), Repr. From S.C., p846
Kellett (Arthur), Lieut. Comdg. H.B.M Brig Brisk, p846
Kelly (John), Master Slaver Brig Senator; see Senator
Kendall (Amos), Fourth Auditor U.S. Treasury Dept., p847
Kennedy (J.), Br. Comr. at Havana Under Mixed Commission for Suppression of Slave Trade; see Slave Trade. Cuban Waters.
Kennedy (John P.) of Md., p848
Kent (Edward), p849
Kentucky, p849
Kentucky, Amer. Slaver Brig (Douglass), p850
Kerr (John L.) Repr. From Md., p851
King (William), Master Slaver Schr. Anaconda, p859
Koeler (George C.), Deponent in Case of Slaver Senator; see Senator
Kremlin, Amer. Brig; see Fenix, Span. Slaver
Kroomen, p866
L
Lafayette (Ind.) Citizens, p869
Lake (John, Jr.), Master Slaver Bark Louisa; see Louisa
Laporte Co. (Ind.) Citizens, p873
Lara (Jose), p873
Lark, Span. Slaver Schr. (Solomon), p873
Larkin, Master Slaver Schr. Merchant; see Merchant
Lasher (Nicholas), Master Amer. Slaver Brig Solon; see Solon
Latrobe (John H. B.), p875
Laura, Span. Slaver Schr. (Hantsman), p875
Laura Anna, Slaver, p875
Laurens, Amer. Slaver Bark, p876
Laurenson (William); Deponent in Case of Slaver Brig Senator; see Senator
Lawrence (Abbott), of Mass., p878
Lawrence, Amer. Brig; Claim vs. Gr. Br., p880
Leach (De Witt C.), Repr. From Mich., p880
Leake (Shelton Farrar), Repr. From Va., p880
Leal, Port. Brig, Slaver, p880
Leda, Amer. Schr. (Pearce ), p881
Leeds (Mark H.); Deponent in Case of Slaver Brig Sooy; see Sooy
Legare (Hugh Swinton), of S.C., pp882-883
Letcher (John), Repr. From Va., p888
Letcher (Rober P.), of Ky., p888
Levin Lank, Amer. Schr.; Claim vs. Gr. Br., p889
Lewis (Addin), U.S. Customs Collector, Port of Mobile, p891
Lewis (I. N.), p891
Lewis (Israel) and Cresup (Thomas), Agrs. for Free People of Color in O., p891
Lewis (Walter W.), Br. Comr. at Sierra Leone Under Mixed Commission for Suppression of Slave Trade; see Slave Trade. African, etc.
Liberia, pp892-898
Lima (Joao Jose Claudio de), Claim for Loss of Slave; see Pantheon, Amer. Barque
Lind (Mather), Master Slaver Brig Ellen; see Ellen
Lindsay (Robert), Admx. of, Claimant, p900
Lis (Manuel Beltran) de, p901
Littlefield (James), Deponent in Case of Pons; see Pons
Livingston (Taliaferro), p907
Loanda, p908
Lockhail (I.), Master Slaver Brig Charlotte; see Charlotte
Lockport (N.Y.) Citizens, p908
Locomotora, Port. Slaver Schr. (Souza), p909
London (England), p910
Lorain Co. (O.) Citizens, p911
Louis, French Slaver, p912
Louis McLane, Amer. Slaver, p912
Lovett, Master Slaver Brig Malaga; see Malaga
Lucas, Slave Dealer, p917
Lucy Ann, Amer. Brig, p918
Lucy Penniman, Amer. Slaver, p918
Lydia Gibbs, Amer. Slaver Schr. (Watson), p919
Lyme (Conn.) Citizens. Memorials; see Slave Trade
Lyme (O.) Citizens, p919
Lynx, U.S. Schr., p919
Lyons (Richard Bickerton Pemell), Lord, p920
Lyra, Slaver Bark (Dickey), p921
M
Macaulay (H.W.), Br. Comr. at Sierra Leone Under Mixed Commission for Suppression of Slave Trade; see Slave Trade. African
Macaulay (Zachary), p922
McBlair (William) of Md., p922
MacCauley (Daniel Smith), of Penn., p925
McIntosh (James McKay), of Ga., p933
McKeever (Isaac), of Penn., p935
McKeon (John), of N.Y., p935
McRae (J. J.), Repr. From Miss., p945
Madden (R. R.), Br. Comr. at Havana Under Mixed Commission for Suppression of the Slave Trade; see Slave Trade. Cuban Waters. Commission, etc.
Madison Co. (Ill.) Citizens, p946
Maffit (John N.), of Ga., p947
Magoun, Amer. Ship (Russell), p947
Mahoning Co. (O.) Citizens, p948
Malaga, Amer. Slaver Brig (Lovett), p950
Mallory (Stephen R.), of Fla., pp951-952
Malmesbury (James Harris), Third Earl of, pp952-953
Maloney (Walter C.) U.S. Marshal, So. Distr. Fla., p954
Mann (Ambrose Dudley), of Ohio, p956
Manning (Cornelius), Claimant, p957
Marcolino (Joze), Master Port. Slaver Schr. Violante; see Violante
Marcy (William Larned), of NY., pp960-962, 966, 968
Maria Primeira, Port. Slaver, p969
Mariana, Amer. Slaver, p970
Marion, U.S. Sloop, p970
Marsden (George), Citizen of U.S., p972
Marsh (Thomas), Master amer. Bark Ardennes; p975
Martha, Slaver Ship, p979
Martin (Hugh), of Del., p979
Marvin (William H.), U.S. Judge, So. Distr. Fla., p982
Mary Cushing, Amer. Slaver Schr. (Reynolds), p984
Mary E. Smith, Amer. Slaver Schr. (Cranotick), p984
Mary Elizabeth, Amer. Brig (Henry), p984
Mary Hooper, Amer. Schr. (Bergstiand), p985
Mary Jane Peck, Amer. Slaver Schr., p985
Maryland Citizens, p985
Maryland Colonization Society; see Negroes (Colonization)
Mason (James M.), of Va., pp986-988, 991-994
Mason (John Y.), of Va., pp995-996
Massachusetts, p997-998
Matson (H. J), Lieut. Comdg. Br. Brig Waterwitch, p1000
Mayo (Isaac), of Md., p1002
Meade (Hugh K.), p1002
Medina Co. (O.) Citizens, p1009
Mello (Francisco Cordova de), Slave Dealer, p1010
Mercer (C. F.), Repr. From Va., p1012
Meriwether (James A.), p1013
Merritt (William Hamilton), p1013
Metcalfe (Thomas), Repr. From Ky., p1014
Methodist Episcopal Church, U.S.A., p1014
Methuen (Mass.) Citizens, p1014
Mexico, p1051, 1067
Michel (Colin), Execr. Of D. Nagle and Antonio de Frias, Subjects of King of Spain, p1084
Milanden, Amer. Slaver Bark, p1087
Miles (William Porcher), of S.C., p1087
Miller, Master Slaver Brig Wizard; see Wizard, p1087
Miller (B.) Slave Dealer p1088Miller (Jacob W.), Sen. From N.J., p1088
Millson (John S.), Repr. From Va., p1089
Minot, Me., Citizens, p1090
Miranda (Joao Antonio de), Slave Dealer; see Pons, Amer. Bark
Mississippi, p1091
Missouri, p1092
Mixed Commissions, p1093
Mohawk, U.S. Str., p1093
Monroe (James), of Va., p1098
Monroe Co. (N.Y.), p1099
Monte Christo, Slaver, p1101
Montes (Pedro), Arrest of; see Amistad, Sp. Schr., p1101
Montevideo, Amer. Slaver Brig (Pendleton), p1101
Moore (Laban T.), Repr. From Ky., p1105
Morae (Ignacio Jose), Brazilian Consul at Loanda, p1106
Moreno (Fernando J.), U.S. Marshal, so. Distr. Of Florida, p1107
Morgan (Thomas), Master Amer. Slaver Bark Orion; see Orion
Morgan (Thos.), Chief Officer Amer. Bark Orion, p1108
Morse (Freeman H.), p1112
Motta (Joaquin Gaspar de), Slave Dealer, p1113
Mougham (Matthias), p1113
Moulatto, Slaver, p1113
Mowry (Sylvester), Lieut. Comdg. Fort Yuma, p1114
Murphy (William S.), of O., p1117
Myers (Thomas) Master Amer. Slaver Abbot Devereux; see Abbot Devereux
N
N. Hand, Amer. Slaver Brigantine (Stevenson), p1119
Nancy, Amer. Slaver Brig, p1119
Nancy, Amer. Slaver Brig, p1119
Nancy, Amer. Brig (Williams), p1120
Napier (Francis) Lord, pp1121-1122
Natchez, U.S. Sloop, p1124
Neat (George); Deponent in Case of Slaver bark Pons; see Pons
Negroes, p1126
Nelson (John), of Md., p1127
Neptune, Br. Slaver Brig, p1128
Nesbitt (C.R.), Colonial Secy. At Nassau, N.P., Bermudas, p1128
New Albany (Ind.) Citizens, p1139
New Jersey, p1142
New Orleans (La.), p1142
New York City, p1144
New York State, p1147
New York State Colonization Socy., p1149
Newcomb (W.E.), Deponent in Case of Brig Sophia; see Sophia
Niagara, Amer. Slaver Schr. (Disney), p1151
Nichols (Matthias H.) Repr. From O., p1152
Nicholson (John), Claimant; Admr. Of A.L. Duncan, p1152
Nicholson (John), U.S. Marshal, New Orleans, p1152
Nile, Amer. Schr., p1153
Niles (John Milton), of Conn., p1153
Noble Co. (Ind.) Citizens, p1155
Norway (N.Y.) Citizens, p1199
Nueva Constitution, Sp. Slaver, p1199
Nueva Paz, Amer. and Br. Brig, Slaver, p1199
O
Oake (J.), Comdr. H.B.M. Sloop Ferret, p1200
Ogilby (William), H.B.M. Cons., S.C., p1204
Ohio, pp1204-1206
Ohio Co. (Va.) Citizens, p1207
Olds (Edson B.), Repr. From Ohio, p1207
Olinda, Braz. Brig-of-War, p1207
Oneida Co. (N.Y.) Citizens, p1208
Onis (Luis de), p1208
On-Ka-Hy-E, U.S. Schr. (Purchased), p1209
Ontario, Amer. Slaver Schr. (Martinez; Huntingdon), p1209
Onward, Amer. Slaver Brig, p1209
Oregon Territory, p1210
Oregon, Amer. Slaver Schr., p1211
Orion, Amer. Slaver Bark (Hanna), pp1211-1212
Ormond (James), Claimant, p1212
Oswego Co. (N.Y.) Citizens, p1215
P
Paine (John Stone), of Me., p1220
Palmella, Conde, Later duque de, p1221
Palmesrston (Henry John Temple), Third Viscount, pp1223-1226
Pamelia, Amer. Slaver Brig (Pratt), p1226
Pamphilia, Amer. Slaver, p1226
Panchita, Amer. Bark (Sladden), p1227
Pantheon, Amer. Slaver Bark p1227
Panther, Amer. Slaver Bark (Clapp), p1227
Paqueta de la Boverde, Port. Brig; see Diligente
Parks Gorham, p1245
Parks (Harvey C.), Seaman, Deponent in Case of Bark Jasper; see Jasper
Patterson (William), Deponent in Case of Brig Kentucky; see Kentucky
Patuxent, Slaver, p1248
Paulding (James K.), of N.Y., p1249
Paulo Rodriguez (Joao Antonio de), Slave Dealer, p1250
Paz, Amer. Slaver, p1250
Peerless, Amer. Slaver Schr. (Brand), p1253
Pelican, H.B.M. Sloop (Popham), p1253
Pendleton, Master Amer. Slaver Brig Montivideo; see Montivideo
Pennsylvania, pp1258-1260
Pennsylvania Anti-Slavery Society, p1260
Pennsylvania Socy. for Promoting the Abolition of Slavery, p1260
Perry (Matthew Calbraith), of R.I., pp1263-1265
Perry, U.S. Brig, p1270
Perry Spencer, Amer. Slaver Schr. (Monroe), p1270
Persian, H.B.M. Ship (Quin), p1270
Petrel, Amer. Slaver Bark p1276
Petrie (Peter), Master Br. Vessel Marmion, p1276
Pezuela (Juan Manuel), Capt. Gen. of Cuba, p1278
Phelps (John Smith), Repr. From Mo., p1279
Phelps (Samuel Shethar), p1279
Philadelphia (Penn.), p1281
Phillips (Philip), p1282
Phillips (William M.), Master Amer. Slaver Venus; see Venus
Philomel, H.B.M. Ship (Skene), p1282
Phipp (Elias), Deponent in Case of Amer. Ship Herald; see Herald
Picao, Brazilian Slaver (Joaquin), p1283
Pickens (Francis W.), p1283
Pierce (Franklin), of N.H., p1285
Pike (John W.), Lieut. Comdg. H.B.M.S. Antelope, p1286
Pike (Nicolas), of N.Y., p1286
Pike Co. (O.) Citizens, p1287
Pilgrim, Amer. Slaver Brig (Hill), p1287
Piracy, pp1289-1290
Pizarro, Span. Man-of-War, p1290
Pleasants (B.F.), Actg. Solicitor Treasury, U.S., p1291
Pluto, H.B.M. Str. (Simpson); see Amer. Bark Orion
Polk (James Knox), of Tenn., pp1297-1298
Polk (Trusten), p1299
Pons, Amer. Slaver Bark (Graham; Berry), p1301
Pontifical States, p1302
Porpoise, Amer. Brig (Libby), p1303
Porpoise, U.S. Schr., p1304
Porter (Augustus S.), Sen. From Mich., p1306
Porter (Edward), H.B.M. Consul at Bahia, p1307
Porter (James M.), p1307
Porter (John), Lieut. Comdg. U.S. Brig Boxer, p1307
Powell (Lazarus W.), Sen. From Ky., p1313
Powell (Levin M.), of Va., p1313
Pratt, Master Amer. Slaver Brig Pamelia; see Pamelia
Pratt (Thomas G.), of Md., p1314
Preston (William Campbell), of S.C., p1320
Privateering, p1323
Prometheus, H.B.M. Sloop (Hope), p1326
Prometheus, U.S. Brig, p1326
Prova, Port. Slaver Schr. (Dias), p1326
Providence (R.I.) Citizens, p1326
Pryor (Roger A.), Repr. From Va., p1327
Pugh (George E.), Sen. From O., p1328
Purvis (J.B.), Comdr. H.B.M. Ship Alfred, p1328
Putnam (Ind.) Citizens, p1329
Pylades, H.B.M. Schr. (Castle), p1329
Q
Quintuple Treaty, p1331
Part III: R to Z
R S T U V W Y Z
R
Racer, H.B.M. Brig (Reed), p1333
Rachel P. Brown, Amer. Slaver Schr., p1333
Ramos (Jose Peres), and Costales (I. Manuel), Deponents in Case of Jasper; see Jasper
Ramsay (William W.), of Va., p1336
Randolph Co. (Ill.) Citizens, p1337
Randolph Co. (Ind.) Citizens, p1338
Ranger (Francis), Master Amer. Slaver William Clarke; see William Clarke
Raritan, U.S. Frigate, p1338
Rauch (Charles), Master Amer. Slaver Brig Uncas; see Uncas, p1338
Reagan (John H.), Repr. From Texas, p1339
Rebecca, Amer. Slaver Schr. (Watson, Arteta), p1340
Rebecca, Amer. Ship (Carter), p1340
Recognition, p1383
Redfield (Hemon J.), Collector of Customs, New York City, p1384
Reed (Archibald), Comdr. H.B.M. Ship Racer, p1384
Reeve (John), Comdr. H.B.M. Sloop Lily, p1388
Reform Convention, Annapolis, p1389
Rego (Jose Ricardo de Sa), p1389
Rendall (John), H.B.M. Consul at Boa Vista, Cape Verde, p1391
Reynolds (John H.), Repr. From N.Y., p1394
Rezende (Manoel Jose de), Slave Dealer, p1394
Rhode Island, p1395
Rhoderick Dhu, Amer. Bark (Sims), p1396
Richard Cobden, Amer. Ship (Black), p1399
Rives (William Cabell), of Va., p1408
Roach, Master Slaver Uncas; see Uncas
Roarer, Amer. Slaver, p1409
Robert McClelland, U.S. Revenue Cutter (Morrison), p1410
Robert Wilson, Slaver Schr., p1410
Roberts (J.J.), p1411
Robertson (Joseph W.), p1413
Robertson (William H.), of La., pp1413-1415
Robinson (Ann), Claimant, p1416
Robinson (C.W.), Master Amer. Slaver Schr. Enterprise; see Enterprise
Roderick, Master Slaver Brig Nancy; see Nancy
Rodeur, Fr. Slaver, p1419
Rosa, Slaver, p1423
Ross, Co. (O.) Citizens, p1424
Rudd (Edward), Claimant, pp1425-1426
Rufus Soule, Amer. Brigantine (Anderson; Davis), pp1426-1427
Rush (Richard), of Penn, p1428
Rush Co. (Ind.) Citizens, p1428
Rusk (Thomas Jefferson), of Texas, p1429
Russell (John) Lord, p1431
Russwurm (John B.), Agt. Md. State Colonization Society, p1433
Ruverosa Y Urgellis (Francisco), p1434
Ryan (Albert F.), Master Amer. Slaver Schr. Swift; see Swift
S
Sa (Bernardino da), Slave Dealer, p1434
St. Andrews, Amer. Slaver Brigantine, p1435
St. Joseph's Co. (Ind.) Citizens, p1436
Salisbury (Mass.) Citizens, p1440
San Antonio, Port. Slaver Brig, p1442
San Joseph, Spanish Slaver, p1443
Sandy Bay (Mass.) Citizens, p1447
Sappho, H.B.M. Sloop (Moresby); see Moresby (F.); see also Panchita, Amer. Bark; Charles Slaver
Sarah Anne, Amer. Slaver Schr. (Fronte), p1450
Sartiges (Etienne Gilbert Eugene), p1453
Saucy Jack, Amer. Privateer, Slaver, p1453
Savage (Thomas), pp1455-1456
Sawyer (William), Repr. From O., p1457
Schenck (Robert C.), of O., p1458
Schrnley (Edward W.H.), p1459
Sea Eagle, Amer. Brig (Smith), p1464
Seddon (James A.), Repr. From Va., p1466
Sedgwick (Thomas), Counsel for Africans On Board Amistad; see Amistad
Semmes (Benedict I.), Repr. From Md., p1467
Senator, Amer. Slaver Brig (Kelly), p1468
Seneca Co. (N.Y.) Citizens, p1468
Serrano (Francisco), Capt. Gen. of Cuba, p1469
Sete de Avril, Port. Schr. Martinho), p1469
Sevier (Ambrose H.), of Ark., P1471
Seward (James L.), Repr. From Ga., pp1471, 1473-1474
Seys (John), U.S. Agt. For Liberated Africans, p1475
Shakspeare, Amer. Slaver Schr. (Hunt), p1476
Sharkey (W.L.), of Miss., p1477
Sharpshooter, H.B.M. Str., p1477
Shelby Co. (Ind.) Citizens, p1478
Sheldon (Daniel, Jr.), of Conn., p1478
Sherman (John) of O., p1480
Sierra de Pillar, Por. Brig of War (Rodoralho), p1486
Silenus, Amer. Slaver Brig, p1487
Silva, Don, Slave Dealer, p1487
Silva Paranhos (Jose Maria da), Visconde do Rio Branco, p1487
Simmons (James F.), Sen. From R.I., p1488
Simonds (Lewis E.), of Mass., p1488
Singleton (Otho R.), of Miss., p1490
Skene (John D.), Comdr. H.B.M. Ship Philomel, p1490
Slacum (George W.), of D.C., p1490
Slave Dealers, p1493
Slave Trade, pp1493-1519
Slidell (John), of La., pp1519, 1521
Smith (Benjamin Everett), of Md., p1524
Smith (William), of Va., p1531
Soares (Joao), Slave Dealer, 1533
Solomon (T.M.), Master Span. Slaver Schr. Lark; see Lark
Solon, Amer. Slaver Brig (Lasher), p1534
Sooy, Amer. Slaver Brig (Leeds), p1535
Sophia, Amer. Slaver Brig (Hale), p1535
Soule (Pierre), of La., pp1536-1537
South Carolina, p1541
Southern (Henry), H.B.M.E.E. and M.P. in Brazil, p1542
Sovereignty, p1543
Spain, pp1554-1556
Spaulding (Eldridge G.), of N.Y., p1558
Speight (Jesse), p1559
Spencer (William A.), of N.Y., p1559
Spitfire, Slaver Schr., p1560
Splendid (Or, Velha Annita), Slaver Bark (Rich), p1561
Spy, H.B.M. Brigantine (Raymond), p1526
Stanly (Edward), of N.C., p1565
Stanton (Frederick P.), of Tenn., p1567
Staples (S.P.), Counsel for Africans On Board Amistad; see Amistad, p1567
Star, H.B.M. Brig, p1567
Stevens (A.H.), p1570
Stevens (Lucius), Deponent in Case of Brig Creole; see Creole
Stevenson (Andrew), of Va., pp1571-1572
Stevenson (Michael) Master Slaver Schr. N. Hand; see N. Hand
Stewart (James A.), Repr. From Md., p1574
Storm King, Amer. Slaver Brigantine, p1577
Stowe (Vt.) Citizens, p1578
Strange (Robert), Sen. From N.C., p1578
Suiters (Joseph), p1581
Sumner (G.W.); see Sophia, Amer. Brig, p1582
Susan, Amer. Brig (Wilford), pp1583-1584
Susquehannah Co. (Penn.) Citizens, p1585
Swift (Benjamin), Sen. From Vt., p1587
Swift (J.), Master Amer. Slaver Schr. Illinois; see Illinois
Swift, Amer. Slaver Schr., Late Conchita (Ryan), p1587
T
Taney (Roger Brooke), p1590
Taylor (Miles), p1593
Taylor (Zachary), p1594
Tazewell (Littleton Walker), of Va., p1594
Teazer, H.B.M. Str. (Grubbe), p1595
Tejedor (Gregorio), Slave Dealer, p1595
Temerario, Brazilian Slaver Brig, p1595
Temple (William), Deponent in Case of Slaver Brig Senator; see Senator
Termagant, H.B.M. Brig (Seagram), p1597
Texas (Republic), pp1603-1606, 1608-1609, 1611, 1621, 1625
Texas (State), p1633
Thomas (John Addison), of N.Y., p1637
Thompson (J.), p1639
Thompson (Jacob), p1640
Tigris, Amer. Brig (Frye), p1644
Tilden (Daniel R.), Repr. From O., p1645
Timas (Antonio Soares), p1645
Titi, Amer. Brig, p1646
Tod (David), of O., pp1650-1651
Toombs (Robert), of Ga., p1653
Topham (George W.), Deponent in Case of Sooy; see Sooy
Toreado (Peter), Slave Dealer, p1654
Totten (Benjamin J.), of N.Y., p1656
Toucey (Isaac), of Conn., pp1657-1658
Treaty, Amer. Slaver, p1659
[Trenchard (Edward)], of N.J., p1659
Trescot (William H.), of S.C., p1660
Trist (Nicholas P.), of Va., pp1661-1664
Triton, H.B.M. Ship (Burton), p1664
Triton, Slaver, p1664
Triuphante, Slaver, p1664
Trousdale (William), of Tenn., p1665
Trumbull (Lyman), Sen. From Ill., p1665
Truxton, U.S. Brig, p1666
Tuck (Amos), Repr. From N.H., p1666
Tucker (William), Senior Officer, H.B.M. Navy, W. Coast of Africa, p1667
Tudor (John), Comdr. H.B.M. Str. Firefly, p1667
Tudor (William, Jr.), of Mass., p1669
Turner (Daniel), of R.I., p1675
Turney (Hopkins L.), Sen. From Tenn., p1676
Two Friends, Late The Gabriel, Amer. Slaver Brig (Durkee), p1677
Tyler (Alexander H.), of Md., p1679
Tyler (John), of Va., pp1680-1681
Tyler (William J.), Master Slaver Brig Sooy; see Sooy
U
Uncas, Slaver Brig (Roach), p1682
Underwood (Joseph R.), of Ky., pp1682-1683
United States of America, pp1766, 1770
Upshur (Abel P.), of Va., pp1857-1859
Usher (George M.), Owner of Slaver Magoun p1861
V
Vail (Aaron, Jr.) of N.Y., pp1861-1862
Valedes (Jose Antonio), Secy. Mixed Court Justice, Havana, p1863
Van Buren (Martin), pp1865, 1867
Van Dyke (James C.), U.S. Distr. Atty., Eastern Distr. Penn., p1869
Vandalia, U.S. Sloop, p1877
Vaughan (Charles Richard), p1879
Velha Aunto, Slave Str; see Splendid
Venable (Abraham W.), Repr. From N.C., p1880
Venganza, Slaver, p1881
Venus, Late Duquesa de Braganza, Amer. Slaver Corvette (Wallace; Phillips), p1882
Venus, Amer. Slaver Bark, p1882
Venus Havannera, Sp. Slaver, p1882
Vermont, pp1883-1884
Vernon (Conn.) Citizens, p1884
Vernon (N.Y.) Citizens, p1884
Vesey (Charles), Comdr. H.B.M. Str. Styx, p1884
Vessels, p1886
Vesta, Amer. Slaver, p1886
Victoria, Port. Slaver Brig (Alfonso), p1887
Vintage, Amer. Slaver Brig, p1889
Violante, Port. Slaver Schr. (Marcolino), p1889
Viper, Amer. Slaver Schr., p1889
Viper, H.B.M. Ship (Hodgkinson; Hewett), p1889
Visit and Search, pp1890-1898
Vixen, U.S. Str., p1898
Volador, Spanish Slaver Brig, p1898
Volusia, Amer. Brigantine; Claim vs. Gr. Br., p1898
W
W.D. Miller, Amer. Slaver Brig; see William D. Miller
Walker (Isaac P.), Sen. From Wisc., p1902
Walker (Robert J.), p1903
Wallace (William), Master Amer. Slaver Venus; see Venus
Walton (N.Y.) Citizens, p1906
Wanderer, Slaver Yacht, p1906
Warren, U.S. Sloop, p1911
Washington (D.C.), p1911
Washington (Penn.) Citizens, p1911
Washington Amer. Slaver Bark (Neill); see Senhora da Boa Viagem, Port. Schr.
Washington's Barge, Amer. Slaver Brig (Matson), p1915
Watson (Artate), Master Amer. Slaver Schr. Rebecca; see Rebecca
Webster (Daniel), of Mass., pp1919-1922, 1925
Webster (Daniel Fletcher), of Mass., p1929
Weems (Wilson L.), Master Slaver Asp; see Asp
Weetman, Br. Subject, p1930
Whig, Amer. Slaver Brig, p1943
Whitcomb (James), p1943
Whitley Co. (Ind.) Citizens, p1945
Wigfall (Louis T.), Sen. From Tex., p1947
Wildfire, Slaver, pp1947-1948
William, Amer. Slaver Bark (Weston, Alias Symmes), p1949
William Clarke, Amer. Slaver (Ranger), p1950
William D. Miller, Amer. Slaver Brig (Ford, Abarroa), p1950
William Ridgway, Amer. Slaver Schr. (Chase), p1950
Williams (Mary L.), p1952
Williams (Nathaniel), U.S. Atty. For Distr. of Md., p1952
Willis (John G.), Amer. Coml. Agt. St. Paul de Loanda, p1954
Wilmot (Arthur P.E.), Comdr. H.B.M. Sloop Harlequin, p1955
Wilmot (David), Repr. From Penn., p1955
Wilson (Edmund), Comdr. H.B.M. Brig Cygnet, p1955
Wilson (Henry), Sen. From Mass., pp1955-1956
Wilson (James P.), of Md., p1956
Windward, Amer. Slaver Schr., p1957
Winthrop (Robert C.), pp1958-1959
Wise (Charles A.), Comdr. H.B.M. Naval Forces, African Station, p1960
Wise (Henry A.), pp1960-1961
Wise (Henry A.), Legal Repr. Of J.J. Wise, p1962
Wittich (William), Prof. at London University, p1962
Wizard, Slaver Brig (Miller), p1963
Wolverine, H.B.M. Sloop (Tucker), p1963
Wood (Edmond), Deponent in Case of St. Andrews, p1964
Woodbury (Charles Levi), Comr. Circ. Ct. U.S. Distr. Mass., p1965
Woodside (William), Deponent in Case of Creole; Creole
Wyoming, Amer. Slaver Brigantine (Christopher; Edwards), pp19711-1972
Y
Yankee, Amer. Slaver Brig (Goodrich), p1972
York Springs (Penn.) Anti-Slavery Socy., p1975
Yorktown, U.S. Sloop, p1975
Young (James), Claim vs. Gr. Br., p1975
Young (Samuel), Master Amer. Slaver Bark Jasper; see Jasper
Young Men's Anti-Slavery Society of Philadelphia, p1976
Yulee (David Levy), p1978
Z
Zenobia, Amer. Slaver Schr., p1980
Zephyr, Amer. Slaver, p1980
RG 60 General Records of the Department of Justice
Legal Opinions of the Attorney General, 1817-70
William Wirt, Attorney General, Nov. 13, 1817- Mar. 3, 1829
Volume 1
No. 26 Negroes, Introduction of into the U.S.; seizure under the laws of the U.S. and Georgia, March 31, 1818.
No. 29 When vessels having Negroes on board may be lawfully seized under act of 2nd March 1807, April 16,1819.
No. 53 Run-away slaves, conveyance of, one State to another by captain of a vessel, August 29, 1819.
No. 57 Introduction of Slaves into States in violation of act of 20 April 1818, Sept. 8, 1819.
No. 64 Bond from foreign vessels clearing out of US for Africa under Act of 22 March 1794, Oct. 8, 1819.
No. 68 Slave Laws of the U.S.A , King's Case
No. 70 Officer's share of a forfeiture under the Slave Laws of the U.S., Archibald Clark's case, Dec.16, 1819.
No. 76 Manner of disposing of Negroes unlawfully brought into the United States prior to the act of March 3, 1819, Feb. 2, 1820.
No. 77 Right of Officers to monies of forfeiture under the slave laws - Act 1807, Case of the "Carmelita," Feb. 5, 1820.
No. 105 Seizure of a vessel suspected of being equipped for the slave trade, Case of the Camelion, May 19, 1820.
No. 146 Examination of the charges against General Mitchell of having unlawfully introduced Slaves into the U.S.A., Jan. 20, 1821.
No. 166 Joseph F. Smith's application for pardon for breech of Slave-laws, Apr. 25, 1821.
Volume 2
No. 183 Servants of Color introduced into U.S.A. by Passengers of Brig Cannon, August 16, 1821.
No.192 Case of William J. Rogers. Transportation of Negroes Coastwise, October 11, 1821.
No 198 Servants taken from U.S by Persons going to travel in foreign countries not within the Act 0f 1818, Nov. 5, 1821.
No. 200 Case of the "La Jeune Eugenie" (captured slaver), Nov. 7, 1821.
No. 201 Case of the Schooner "Farmer's Fancy" Nov. 7, 1821
No. 203 Case of Joseph F.Smith convicted of violations of the Slaves' Laws, Nov. 7, 1821.
No. 204 Cases of the "St.Stephens" and the "Susan"(carrying slaves coastwise), November 7, 1821.
No. 205 Are Free persons of Color in Virginia, citizens of the U.S. States within the meaning of the acts of Congress regulating the trade of the U.S.A., (can free blacks command vessels), Nov. 7, 1821
No. 218 Application by French Minister of France for restoration of a French vessel having Africans on board, Case of "La Pensee", Jan. 22, 1822.
No. 234 Georgia claims, questions of Interest, June 11, 1822. (see also No.240.)
No. 245 A slave, the property of a Danish subject, brought to the port of New York from St. Croix by Thomas Disney, Master of the American Ship, "Elias Burger." Have we the power or we under any obligation to restore said slave on the demand of the Danish Government? Sept.27, 1822.
No. 265 Construction of several acts of Congress, as to the intention of Congress, to incorporate Negroes and people of colour within the army of the United States, March 27, 1823
No. 285 Claims of the Marshall of the state of Georgia for the support of Negroes constituting the cargo of the Spanish vessel, Ramirez, Dec.30, 1823.
No. 299 Free Negroes and persons of colour - Construction of the Legislative Acts of South Carolina, December 20, 1820, -touching their seizure, and confinement when brought in said State, May 8,1824.
Volume 3
P. 48 Georgia Claims, Creek Nation treaty with USA. Slave property involved, July 28, 1828.
P. 86 Negroes claimed under Spanish Treaty, D. Nagles Case, March 31, 1829.
P. 248 Free Negroes carried into South Carolina, March 25, 1829.
Roger B. Taney, Attorney General, July 20, 1831- September 24, 1833
Benjamin F. Butler, Atty., General, Nov. 15, 1833 - Sept. 1, 1838
Felix Grundy, Atty.General, July 5, 1838 - Dec 1, 1839
Henry D.Gilpin, Atty. General, Jan. 11, 1840 - Mar. 4, 1841
John J. Crittenden, Atty. General, Mar. 5, 1841 - Sept. 13, 1841
Volume 4
P. 2 Pardon Petition for slave Donnelly, March 1, 1832.
P. 165 Murder, Negroes slaves of white men, in Indian country, not triable in an Indian court, but must be tried in United States court, December 26, 1834.
P. 243 Ms.Thornton case, for pardon of her slave accused of attempted murder, February 25, 1836.
Volume 5
P. 200 The President has no Constitutional authority to direct apprehension of slaves in the Indian Country, August 30, 1838.
P. 280 Case of the "Amistad" and African Negroes, November, 1839.
P. 296 Case of the "Amistad", April 11, 1840.
P. 298 Transportation of slaves on the coastlines April 16, 1840.
P. 297 Slaves killed by Indians, April 15, 1840.
P. 347 Transportation of slaves on the coastline, July 29, 1840.
P. 366 Case of the "Amistad", December 14, 1840.
P. 491 Case of the "Amistad", April 6, 1842.
Hugh S. Legare, Atty. General, Sept. 13, 1841 - June 20, 1843
John Nelson, Atty. General, July 1, 1843 - Mar. 3, 184
John Y. Mason, Atty. General, Mar. 6, 1845 - Sept. 9, 1846
Nathan Clifford, Atty. General, Oct. 17, 1846 - Mar. 17, 1848
Volume 6
P. 57 Colonization Society and reception of transported Africans, December 24, 1842.
P. 62 Free people of colour entitled to benefit of preemption Act of 1841, March 15, 1843.
P.121 Case of Jenkins, a Negro, distinction between slave and free, August 25,1843.
P. 124* Slave Trade Acts: Exposition of terms, and of the rights and responsibilities of ship owners selling vessels deliverable on the Coast of Africa, August 29, 1843. 1) March 22, 1794; 2) May 10, 1800; 3) Feb.28, 1803; 4) May 2, 1807; 5) Apr. 20, 1818, ch 18; 6) Mar 3, 1819, ch 224; 7) May 15, 1820. (March 2, 1807, 2 Stat 426), Congress prohibited the importation of slaves into the U.S. of America after January 1, 1808)
P. 144 Complaint of Portugese Minister over the abduction of slave by American vessel from the Cape Verde islands, November 2, 1843.
Issac Toucey, Atty. General, June 21, 1848 - Mar.3, 1849
Volume 7
Volume lacked an index.
Reverdy Johnson, Atty. General, Mar. 3, 1849 - July 20, 1850
Volume 8
Index indicated no citations.
Caleb Cushing, Atty. General, Mar. 7, 1853 - Mar. 3, 1857
Volume 9
Index indicated no citations
Registers of Letters Received, 1809-1863, 3 volumes
see Letters Received, 1809-70, for documents (entry 9)
LOC: 230/01/30/01, entry 6
Volume A: State Department
War Department (There is a good chance that much of the correspondence discussing matters with Indian nations would have also concerned slaves)
Treasury Department
Navy Department
Interior Department
Attorney General
President
Alphabetical Listing of Sender: Correspondence Arranged by State. Register identifies state.
Volume B
Attorney General
Alphabetical Listing of Sender: Correspondence Arranged by State
Volume C
Treasury
Alphabetical Listing of Sender: Correspondence Arranged by State
Supreme Court Case Papers, 1809 - 1870
Papers relating to cases before the U.S. Supreme Court of which the United States was a party or had an interest.
LOC: 230/1/33/2
Box 1
United States v. Africans of the Antelope
U.S. v. Brig Mary Ann
Box 2
U.S. v. Brig Emily, February, 1824
U.S. v. Brig Caroline, February, 1824
U.S. v. Schooner Catherine, December, 1839
Box 3
U.S. v. Schooner Elmira Cornelius, December 1865
U.S. v. Schooners Merino, Constitution, Louisa, and African Slaves, 1818
U.S. v. Cornelius Coolidge, 1816
Lewis Cruger, Administrator of Charlles Murray, v. Wm. C. Daniel, Bill of Complaint
Bill of Complaint of Lewis Cruger, In Chancery.
U.S. v. the cargo of the "Brig Diana", 1814
Box 4
U.S. v. Schooner Fenix, Sept. 1831
Box 5
U.S. v. Ship Gavoune, 1836
U.S. v. John Gooding, 1826
Box 6
U.S. v. Antonio Huertas, 1834
Box 7
U.S. v. Bark Kate, 1864
Box 8
U.S. v. Schooner L'Epine, 1816
The Life and Fire Insurance Company of New York v. The Heirs of Nicholas Wilson, in the State of Louisiana, 1834
The Brig Mary Anne v. U.S, 1818
Box 9
U.S. v. Mulvey (Africans of the "Ramirez), 1825
U.S. v. brig, Nancy
U.S. v. The "Panther," 1845
Box 11
U.S. v. Schooner St. Jago de Cuba, 1820
U.S. v. Brig Josepa Segunde, 1807
U.S. v. Francis Sorrell ("Antelope" and "Ramirez"), 1822
Box 13
U.S. v. The Barque "Weathergage," 1860
RG 69 Records of the Work Projects Administration
The Works Projects Administration, established May 6, 1935, was responsible for the Governments work relief program. It succeeded both the Federal Emergency Relief Administration and the Civil Works Administration, which were established in 1933. The WPA was officially abolished June 30, 1943 These records are located at Archives II in College Park, Maryland
Records of the Federal Theater Project Living Newspaper Research Materials Relating to Specific Topics, 1936-39
Loc: 530/69/10/5
Box 558
Negro Living Newspaper Play. Entry 965
Leonard E. Strong, Negroes in Wars. Brief account of African-Americans in Revolutionary War, Civil War, and WWI
(4 copies). Oct. 1936.
Robert Whittington, Negro Troops in Civil War. List of battles in which African-Americans fought with a listing of Negro soldiers who received medals for their actions in the Civil War. Oct. 1938.
Robert Whittington, Negro Troops in the Civil War List of battles in which African-Americans fought with date of battle accompanied by the number of troops used and killed. Oct. 1938.
H. Radin, Benjamin Franklin and Slavery. Cop of November 9, 1978 "An Address to the Public from the Pennslvania Society for Promoting the Abolition of Slavery, and the Relief of Free Negroes, Unlawfully Held in Bondage" by Benjamin Franklin. Oct 1938.
Arthur Ambrose, Negro Soldiers in the Civil War - Their Bravery and Skill - Pertinent Quotes. Excerpts from The Negro in the War of the Rebellion and History of the Negro Troops in the War of the Rebellion, 1861-1865 by George Washington Williams. Oct. 1938.
Arthur Ambrose, Negro Soldiery and Valor in Civil War. Instances of Negro valor found in History of Negro Troops in the War of the Rebellion, 1861-1865 by George W. Williams. Oct. 1938.
H. Radin, Benjamin Franklin and Slavery. Benjamin Franklin's plans for improving the condition of free African- Americans. Oct. 1938.
Charles Mulligan, Reactions to Assassination of Lincoln. Quotes from Myths After Lincoln by Lloyd Lewis concerning feelings about the severity of Reconstruction. Oct. 1938.
Charles Mulligan, Lincoln Assassination V. Union Labor Reaction. Excerpts from Social History of America by Herman Schluter concerning addresses sent to America by the International Workingmen's Association. Oct. 1938.
Charles L. Mulligan, Lincoln Assassination I: The South. Excerpts from various books concerning reactions to the assassination of Abraham Lincoln. Oct 1938.
Charles L. Mulligan, Lincoln's Assassination II: The Case Against Jeff Davis. Excerpts and summaries of sections from Why Was Lincoln Murdered? By Louis Eisenschiml. Oct. 1938.
Chas. L. Mulligan, Lincoln Assassination III: The Case Against Andrew Johnson. Excerpts and summaries of sections from Why Was Lincoln Murdered? By Louis Eisenschiml. Oct. 1938.
Chas. L. Mulligan, Lincoln Assassination IV: Stanton. Excerpts and summaries of sections from Why Was Lincoln Murdered? by Louis Eisenschiml concerning the possible involvement of Secretary of War, Edwin Stanton in the assassination of Abraham Lincoln. Oct. 1938.
Robert Whittington, Ku Klux Klan Testimony. Testimony by Joint Select Committee into affairs in the late insurrectionary states concerning the testimony of a Mr. Samuel White forced by the Klan to renounce his political faith in the Republican party. May 1938.
Catherine A. Durkin, Newspaper Comments During Reconstruction. Description of a plot in Canada by a man from Mississippi to infect Union occupying forces through clothes. Oct. 1938.
Catherine A. Durkin, Newspaper Comments During Reconstruction. Newspaper articles concerning Negro suffrage, remembrances of Lincoln, and President Johnson's terms of pardon for the rebels. Oct. 1938.
Mathieu Smith, Character Sketch of Thaddeus Stevens. July 1938.
Cooper, No Title. Discussion of effect of slavery on economic prosperity based on Notes on Political Economy by N. Ware. N.d.
RG 76 Records of Boundary and Claims Commissions and Arbitration
Following arbitration by the Emperor of Russia in 1822, a mixed claims commission was provided for in a convention signed to settle U.S. claims against Great Britain concerning slaves and property lost during the War of 1812. Because of difficulties faced by the commission, a new convention was signed in 1826 in which Great Britain agreed to pay a sum in satisfaction of all claims awarded under the arbitration of the Emperor. A domestic claims commission was established by an act in 1827 to handle the disbursement of awards. In 1853, another mixed claims commission was established to settle claims presented to either government since December 24, 1814.
There are several series that pertain to the business of the mixed claims commissions and the domestic claims commission. These records are located at Archives II in College Park, Maryland.
Records of the Mixed Claims Commission (established by convention of 1822)
Minutes of the Mixed Commission. Aug. 25, 1823-Mar. 26, 1827, 1 vol., entry 181.
Docket of 1822 Commission. Ca. 1825-26, 1 vol. entry 183
Index to Miscellaneous Records, N.d. 3 in., entry 184
Miscellaneous Records. Ca. 1814-28, 7 vols., entry 185
Records Relating to Detained American Vessels. Ca. 1812-19, 17 ft., entry 186
Records of the Domestic Claims Commission
Minutes of the Domestic Claims Commission. July 10, 1827-Aug. 31, 1828, 3 vols., entry 187.
List (Docket) of Claims. 1826, 1 vol., entry 188.
Index to Claimants. N.d. 16 in., entry 189.
Case Files. Ca. 1814-28, 3.5 ft., entry 190.
List of Awards. Ca. 1827-28, 1 vol., entry 191.
Definitive List of Slaves and Property. N.d. 1 vol., entry 192.
Slave Lists. N.d. 2 vols., entry 193.
Records of the Mixed Claims Commission (established by convention of 1853)
Minutes of the Commission. Sept. 15, 1853-Jan. 15, 1855, 1 vol., entry 195.
Index to Case Files of American and British Claims. N.d. 9 in., entry 196.
Miscellaneous Claims, ca. 1797-1863
Index to Miscellaneous Claims. N.d. 4 in., entry 200.
Miscellaneous Claims. Ca. 1797-1853, 6 in., entry 201.
The Case of the Vessel "Jehossee." Ca. 1860, 1 in., entry 203.
RG 206 Records of the Solicitor of the Treasury
Letters received by the Solicitor of the Treasury from U.S. district attorneys, marshals, and clerk of court, 1801-1898 The Office of the Solicitor of the Treasury (1830-1934) was created in the Department of the Treasury to supervise all legal proceedings involving the collection of debts due the United States. This record group includes letters relative to suits for the forfeiture of vessels involved in the slave trade. These records are located at Archives II in College Park, Maryland.
Index to Letters Received, September 1, 1865 - January 9, 1911
Volume 1
entry 2
Volume 2
entry 2
RG 217 Records of the United States General Accounting
Established within the Department of Treasury by an act of 1817 that authorized four additional auditors and an comptroller. The 1789 Act that established the Treasury provided for a comptroller to superintend the adjustment and preservation of the public accounts and auditor to supervise disbursements.
There are several series that account for the Department of Treasury involvement with the African slave trade. These records are located at Archives l in Washington, D.C.
Settled Accounts of Claimants and Disbursing Officers of the First Auditor. 1790-1894.
Claims case files include: African shipping;the bounty on Blacks illegally imported;the support of captured Africans illegally entering the United States; bounty for the capture of illegal slave ships; expenditures of the American Colonization Society in support of persons of African descent.
Abstract of Accounts for Bounty for the capture of ships in the Slave Trade. 1857-60, 1 vol.
Gives name of the claimant, name of captured and capturing ships, and name of the payee. There is a list of vessels captured for engaging in the slave trade, 1857-60, date of seizure, names of vessels making seizure, the squadron, and the locality of the capture.
Records of the Board of Commissioners for the Emancipation of Slaves in the District of Columbia, 1862-63
An act of April 12, 1862 (12 Stat.376) abolished slavery in the District of Columbia. The President was authorized to appoint a board of commissioners to examine petitions for compensation from former owners of freed slaves in the District. Petitions disclosed name of petitioner, slaves, and value of slaves claimed in the petition. Bound volumes also show summary of action taken, number of the petition, amount awarded, and signature of the claimant. These records are microfilmed under Microfilm Number 520. There are 6 rolls.
RG 287 Publications of the U.S. Government, 1790-1979
This record group is a collection of selected publications of U.S. Government agencies, arranged according to a classification system (SuDoc System) devised by the Office of the Superintendent of Documents, Government Printing Office (GPO). The core collection is a library that was maintained by GPO's Public Documents Division during the period 1895-1972, and whose contents were arranged according to the SuDoc System. The library began in 1895 following the establishment of GPO of the position of Superintendent of Documents by an act of January 12, 1895 (28 Stat. 601), with responsibility for the cataloging, slae, and distribution of Federal Government publications. By 1972, when the National Archives acquired the library, it included official publications dating from the early years of the government. After January 1, 1808, slave trading by American citizens became illegal
Annual Reports
Annual Reports of the Secretary of the Navy
RG 366 Records of Civil War Special Agencies of the Treasury Department
An Act of July 13, 1862, (12 Stat. 257) prohibited commercial intercourse between people residing in the seceded states and citizens of the United States and provided that merchandise transported for commercial purposes from or to the Confederacy would be forfeited to the United States. The Treasury Department received control over commercial intercourse, and Special Agents under the Special Agency system were given authority to supervise trade and commerce in areas of the Confederacy occupied by Union forces. Under Treasury Department regulations of July 29, 1864, it established "freedmen's home colonies" to provide employment and welfare to assistance to freed slaves. Nine Special Agencies were ultimately established in the Confederate States, each responsible for a prescribed geographical boundary.
Records are arranged by Special Agency, thereunder by districts and activity.
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https://www.nytimes.com/1987/11/04/us/goode-claims-victory-over-rizzo-in-the-philadelphia-mayoral.html
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Goode Claims Victory Over Rizzo In the Philadelphia Mayoral
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https://www.nytimes.com/1987/11/04/us/goode-claims-victory-over-rizzo-in-the-philadelphia-mayoral.html
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U.S.|Goode Claims Victory Over Rizzo In the Philadelphia Mayoral
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Goode Claims Victory Over Rizzo In the Philadelphia Mayoral
Nov. 4, 1987
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With nearly all of the vote tallied unofficially, Mayor W. Wilson Goode claimed victory Tuesday night in his effort for re-election.
But his opponent, former Mayor Frank L. Rizzo, who was trailing narrowly, refused to concede defeat until the vote is officially certified later this week.
With 1,733 of 1,739 precincts reporting, the unofficial tally was: Goode...332,396 (51%) Rizzo...318,527 (49%)
If Mr. Goode's lead holds up when the official tally is made, the 49-year-old Democrat will have achieved a triumphant recovery from severe political adversity and won a second four-year term as Mayor of the nation's fourth most populous city.
In other elections around the country Tuesday, the governorships of Kentucky and Mississippi remained in the hands of the Democratic Party. [ Page B5. ] ''Let's make one thing absolutely clear,'' Mayor Goode told a crowd of exuberant supporters late Tuesday night. ''We have won this election, and I am the Mayor for four more years.''
Speaking a few minutes earlier, Mr. Rizzo said: ''I'm not going to concede tonight, by no stretch of the imagination. If he beats me, I'll wish him well. But he hasn't beaten me. I'd hide my head if I won by that margin and I was an incumbent.'' Second Attempt by Rizzo
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https://americanaffairsjournal.org/2024/02/rediscovering-the-readjusters-remembering-a-lost-multiracial-working-class-movement/
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Rediscovering the Readjusters: Remembering a Lost Multiracial, Working
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Imagine a multiracial populist movement composed of middle- and working-class voters. Now imagine that they sweep into power on a platform of lower taxes, less government debt, and better schools, and once in office, they manage to accomplish this agenda. To many, it sounds like such a movement is too good to be true. The…
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American Affairs Journal
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https://americanaffairsjournal.org/2024/02/rediscovering-the-readjusters-remembering-a-lost-multiracial-working-class-movement/
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Imagine a multiracial populist movement composed of middle- and working-class voters. Now imagine that they sweep into power on a platform of lower taxes, less government debt, and better schools, and once in office, they manage to accomplish this agenda. To many, it sounds like such a movement is too good to be true. The lodestar of so much political organizing today, everyone from labor organizers to “realignment” wonks, seems to consider such an event a hopeful “what if,” not a serious “what was.”
But what if such a movement has already occurred? And what if it occurred on the political right? In Virginia? In 1880?
They called themselves the Readjusters.
The Origins of Virginia’s Debt Crisis
The Readjuster movement was born at a nadir in Virginia history. Unfathomable socioeconomic conditions wrought by the state’s governing elite during, and in the wake of, Reconstruction catalyzed working-class voters—African American and white—to demand something better. The kernel of this unique agitation was the status of Virginia’s pre–Civil War debt, and the failure of those in power to manage the fiscal crisis caused by its enormity.
In the decades before the Civil War, Virginia embarked on a shopping spree of internal improvements, borrowing heavily to build a network of canals and railroads. The initial borrowing started as early as 1822, but two-thirds of the debt was accrued in the 1850s. By the eve of the Civil War, Virginia had, over the years, sold bonds worth about $34 million to finance purchases of equity in public companies engaged in infrastructure construction.1 These bonds generally matured in thirty-four years and paid 6 percent annual interest.2 Admittedly, it might not seem like much today, when debt is measured in the trillions, but in 1860, the entire debt of the federal government was only twice as much: $64.8 million.3
All the debt-financed infrastructure was destroyed during the Civil War. And while Virginia did not pay interest on the debt between Fort Sumter and Appomattox, after surrender it faced antebellum obligations it no longer had the capacity to pay. The U.S. Army did help rebuild some of Virginia’s railroads, and those railroads quickly became profitable, but they did not pay dividends to the state.4 And neither could Virginia count on dividends from its state-chartered banks; situated on recent battlefields, many had ceased to exist.5 To make matters worse for the Old Dominion, the western portion of Virginia had seceded from the state to rejoin the Union as the new state of West Virginia in 1863. This cost Virginia even more wealth and population. But not debt. West Virginia accepted no responsibility for the debt racked up by Virginia, and even though the two states attempted to negotiate some settlement of shared sacrifice in 1866 and 1870, the talks failed.6
By 1870, Virginia’s debt stood at $45 million. This meant each citizen was responsible for a share of public debt double the national average.7 With seemingly no ability to pay and having lost two-thirds of its tax base, Virginia stared into the abyss of bankruptcy.
New Public Schools versus Old Confederates
To appreciate how unusual things were about to get in Virginia, it is necessary to understand the socioeconomic and political landscape of the state. When Francis Pierpont (a Lincoln supporter and Unionist governor of Virginia) called for the election of a new state legislature to convene in December 1865, the group that arrived in Richmond may as well have come from a decade prior. The composition of the new legislature was entirely white and it was not interested in any of Pierpont’s reforms, such as the creation of free schools, financial support to widows and orphans, and ratification of the Fourteenth Amendment. Pretending as if the Civil War had not ended, its members rejected the Fourteenth Amendment, reinstituted de facto slavery masquerading as an anti-vagrancy law, and demanded President Johnson remove Governor Pierpont so that Robert E. Lee could take his place.8 The legislature also confidently announced that Virginia would honor its entire debt, even the share (whatever it might be) owed by West Virginia.9
Alarmed by the behavior of the Virginia legislature (and similar developments in the other former Confederate states), Congress passed the Reconstruction Act of 1867, carving the South into five military districts. For readmission to the Union, the Act required states to ratify the Fourteenth Amendment and allow African Americans to vote for delegates to new state constitutional conventions.10 At the 1868 convention for the new Virginia constitution—called the Underwood constitution after the abolitionist judge who chaired it—twenty-four African Americans joined an overwhelming number of Radical Republicans to draft a new constitution which proposed the first free public school system in the state, expanded black male suffrage, and disenfranchised former Confederates.11 Eventually, Virginia ratified the Underwood constitution, but only after the disenfranchisement language was dropped. Virginia was again part of the United States.
The free schools were particularly popular with regular Virginians. Prior to 1870, school, costing between $125 and $250 a year, was only available to the wealthiest in the state. Even middle-class Virginians could send their children only haphazardly to schools, which provided the most basic of education.12 African Americans were particularly supportive of the free schools. Almost all were illiterate and saw education as a reliable path to vindicate their natural, and now constitutional, rights. Booker T. Washington described the transformation simply as “a whole race trying to go to school.”13 In Warwick County, a freed slave explained that the black children finally going to school “thought it was so much like the way master’s children used to be treated, that they believed they were getting white.”14 It was this environment that engendered passions about class mobility and racial equality, even as the state’s political elite had other priorities, including the prewar debts.
But by 1870, Virginia’s Confederate ruling class was largely back in power. Although the legislature made good on the constitutional requirement to create “a uniform system of free public schools,” the old guard defeated integration efforts and established the new schools as racially separate.15 The legislature also imposed new taxes to fund the schools.
The Funding Act of 1871: A Failed Effort to Pay the Debt
Although Virginia’s first governor after readmission, Gilbert Walker, was a Yankee banker and carpetbagger, he had more affinity for the Democrats in the legislature than the Radical Republicans. Faced with the prospect of default, Walker called upon the legislature to not just retire the principal of the debt, but for the state to resume payment on its interest, which had effectively ceased since the Civil War began. He declared:
The bond held for the benefit of the poor orphan, and the bond owned by the rich speculator, are of equal dignity, and equally binding on the State. Each is her solemn obligation to pay. . . . But it matters not where or by whom our bonds are held, or at what rates they were obtained, so far as your duty is concerned. That duty is to reinstate our dishonored credit. The people of this Commonwealth will never permit the blighting stain of repudiation to tarnish her escutcheon. A neglect, however, to provide the means for meeting the obligations of the State is as much repudiation as would be an absolute refusal of payment and far less manly.16
No matter that only roughly a quarter of Virginians held state bonds—the bulk were held by Northern and British investors. According to Governor Walker, to make those interests whole the state would pay any price.17
To do that, Virginia’s Democrats passed the Funding Act of 1871. First, the law invalidated the medley of existing state bonds so that the debt could be consolidated in a new bond issue. Owners of the old bonds were thrilled; they had effectively received no interest payments on their bonds in nearly ten years. Second, the Act issued new bonds, for which old bonds could be exchanged. These new bonds still matured in thirty-four years and paid 6 percent interest.18
The law also gave investors a choice between two different types of bonds. “Registered bonds” matured in thirty-four years, at which point the bearer could redeem them for the face value and accrued interest. “Coupon bonds” permitted the collection of interest in six-month intervals. Since the life of the bond was thirty-four years, coupon bonds came attached with sixty-eight coupons allowing the bearer to collect 3 percent interest every half year by presenting the bond at the state treasury. And unlike the registered bonds, the owners of which were registered with the state auditor, the ownership of the coupon bonds was not recorded. Popular at the time, coupon bonds could be bought and sold freely with the person in final possession able to redeem for the partial interest, and eventually the full principal.19
To pay off the principal, the Funding Act imposed a 2 percent tax on property values starting in 1880, and dedicated revenue from the sale of public property to the same purpose. Desperate for cash up front, Virginia then sold off its shares in the state railroad at greatly depressed prices.20 At first it seemed as if the Funding Act of 1871 would do the trick. The Act passed comfortably with all the African American members of the legislature joining white colleagues to send the bill to Governor Walker’s desk.21 But as the ink dried on the Funding Act, things began to go awry. Buried inside was a statutory time bomb, and it had a very short fuse.
“Better to Burn the Schools”: The Elites Go Extreme
Controversially, the Funding Act allowed coupon bonds to be “receivable at and after maturity for all taxes, debts, dues, and demands due the state, which shall so be expressed on their face.”22 This meant that bondholders in Virginia could pay their taxes in coupons. And remember, coupon bonds could be bought and sold at will. This created a secondary market where out-of-state bondholders sold coupons to Virginians who then used them to pay taxes. Soon, payment of taxes in coupons poured into the treasury at an annual rate of $1 million.23 The foolishness of this policy should have been obvious—by collecting coupons rather than dollars, the state risked running its coffers dry.
Compounding the problem of shrinking state revenues was Governor Walker’s failure at math. During the debate on the Funding Act, Walker had insisted that Virginia was economically sound. But Walker’s calculations of a $72.5 million tax base proved to be generous by a factor of two, and amid a revenue shortfall, the cost of state services increased to three times Walker’s estimate. Quickly, a small projected surplus of $61,000 morphed into consistent yearly deficits, sometimes as high as $850,000.24 Almost as a cruel joke to the Old Dominion, the Panic of 1873 cratered the national economy, too. Virginia’s economy remained sclerotic with weak growth for years to follow. Wages declined throughout the decade, especially for rural laborers who struggled to find anything better than seasonal employment.25
To its credit, the legislature did quickly realize the catastrophe they had wrought upon Virginia and attempted to undo the worst impacts of the Funding Act. At first, they were thwarted by Governor Walker, who vetoed a measure to suspend the Funding Act.26 But when the legislators overrode a second Walker veto of a bill to strike the provision permitting tax payments with coupons, the state supreme court struck it down. In Antoni v. Wright, the court ruled that the 1872 law nixing the tax receivability of coupons violated the contract clause of the U.S. Constitution.27
But Walker’s weakness with arithmetic shouldn’t have mattered. It was obvious that the state’s strategy for paying the debt was bizarre. At the time of the Funding Act, the principal was nine times larger than the state’s yearly revenue, and still growing since the interest had gone unpaid. By 1872, the debt was ten times as much as revenues.28 One hardly needed to be an accountant to recognize, as one historian did, that
if all the old bonds had been exchanged for new 6 percent bonds, the state would have had to pay more than $1.8 million in interest, more than half the annual revenue. Moreover, every dollar paid into the Treasury in the form of a coupon was a dollar the treasury could not use to pay public salaries, to operate the government, or to buy buildings and books or pay teachers and administrators for the new public schools—or even to pay interest on the debt.29
Finding its most logical courses of action stymied, Virginia’s powers-that-be doubled down on their insistence that the only honorable thing was to pay the debt whatever the costs. Now known as Funders for their fidelity to the 1871 Act, Virginia’s political elite raised taxes. But Virginia’s taxpayers were already stretched to the breaking point. Each year, federal tariffs and excises cost the state’s taxpayers $13 million in total, and state and local taxes imposed millions more. Prior to the Civil War, for each $100 of assessed property value, citizens only paid—at most—40 cents in taxes.30 Ruling Democrats raised it to 50 cents.31 And then imposed a series of new business license fees. By 1880, Virginia’s per capita tax load was twice what it had been before the Civil War.
Voters began to get suspicious, and mad. As Funders schemed up new regressive taxes, including levies on liquor and dogs, they left untouched the low taxes on banks, insurance companies, and railroads.32 Railroad taxation was particularly egregious. Virginia allowed each railroad company to assess its own property values for tax purposes—of course the railroads low-balled. In 1879, these multimillion dollar corporations paid only $46,000 to the state fisc.33
In a further effort to economize, a new governor—former Confederate general James Kemper—proposed a series of constitutional reforms to undo some of the most democratic elements of the Underwood constitution. Although Kemper had a record of support for African American education, he pressed on with his antidemocratic “solutions” to the debt crisis.34 He proposed shrinking the number of local officials and the size of the legislature, ultimately succeeding in abolishing a third of local offices so as to centralize more power in Richmond.35 And in 1876, the Funder policy program moved beyond regressive austerity measures to reveal the full scope of their elitism and racism. Funders succeeded in denying suffrage to multitudes of voters, especially African Americans, by removing voting rights from anyone punished at the whipping post for a petty crime. They also passed an amendment to restore the poll tax as a source of revenue.36 Anyone who had not paid would be denied the vote on election day.37 Although the population of Virginia increased during the 1870s, the number of voters decreased from 236,989 in 1876 to 212,281 in the election of 1880, roughly 10 percent.38
This overall mismanagement of the debt crisis was largely the result of the insularity of Virginia’s ruling class. Less than a generation removed from the aristocracy of the antebellum era, Virginia’s leaders belonged to exclusive clubs and professional societies and rarely mingled with the urban and rural masses struggling under the weight of Funder policies.39 In a particularly detached example, a group of upper-class Virginians—the Women’s Association for the Liquidation of the State Debt—called upon the “Daughters’ of Virginia” to shoulder a twenty percent tax increase to pay the debt and vindicate the state’s honor.40 As evidence of their seriousness, the Association’s members declared: “we, the women of Virginia, can greatly aid and encourage [the male leadership of the state] in this attempt by our economy, self-denial and sacrifice.”41 More broadly, a study of the socioeconomic makeup of the Funders found that “the typical Funder politician was a middle-aged lawyer with a good family background, a University of Virginia education, and a distinguished war record as a Confederate officer.”42 Exactly the type obsessed with honor, skeptical of expanded democracy, fervently opposed to racial equality, and seriously out of touch with reality.
Which is why, as coupons continued to pour into the treasury—by 1873 almost half of taxpayers paid with them—and raising taxes proved insufficient (the state auditor reported that nothing short of a 75 percent tax increase would close the revenue shortfall, which even Funders agreed was untenable), the Funders decided to cut social services.43 Appropriations were slashed for the state’s mental hospitals and prisons, and—most significantly for the average voters of both races—the public schools.
Funding for public schools was cut from $443,000 in 1876 to $241,000 in 1878. By 1879, the public school system was $1.5 million in the red, and teachers were owed $250,000 in backpay.44 The result was that the state’s youth got the boot from the classroom—half the schools in the state closed, with the remaining half beginning to charge tuition. All told, more than a hundred thousand children had to leave school.45 John Daniels, a bitter racist, arch-Funder, and state senator, summed up the sentiment of Virginia’s ruling class when he declared that it would be “better to burn the schools” than repudiate any of the debt.46
Ultimately, the school cuts were the last straw. For small business owners, working-class whites, and African Americans, the attack on the public schools began to connect, in their minds, the issues of education, suffrage, and the debt. If citizens were not educated, how could they engage effectively to protect (and expand) their right to vote? And if they could not vote, how could the common Virginian ever possibly throw out the fools in Richmond who were plunging the state into fiscal oblivion?
“God’s Decree for Honest Labor”:
An Emerging Alternative
Recognizing the growing biracial discontent with Funder rule, a dissident faction of Virginia Democrats began to argue for something better than heavy taxes and atrophied social services. Noting that “honor” could not “buy breakfast” or “set a leg,” these populists proposed to “readjust” the debt to a level commensurate with the state’s means. As a result, the state could do right by common Virginians, and the bondholders as well. But for these “Readjusters,” Virginians came first. They felt that the Funders—who took the position that the state was helpless to impose terms more favorable to it upon the bondholders—had not been assertive enough.47
Blasting the Funders as “fossils” and “fogies,” those favorable to readjustment insisted that policymakers should question prevailing orthodoxies and emphasize real-world results.48 Unsurprisingly, dissidents skewed a bit younger than Funders and their ranks were comprised of “ambitious yeom[e]n, impoverished tobacco farmer[s], and rebellious blacks,” according to one scholar.49 Avowedly producerist, but hardly agrarian, the movement to readjust the debt had its fair share of city dwellers who came from the edges of the merchant and professional classes.50 The common thread then, for both races, was individuals who lacked the oligarchic standing of Virginia’s ruling class, and had been hit hard by the economic crisis. These Virginians feared that a continuation of the crisis would not only destroy any chance they had for personal economic advancement, but the loss of schools would foreclose any advancement for their children as well, all of which would ultimately threaten democracy in the state to boot.51
By 1877, these sentiments—still inchoate—had begun to coalesce into political action. That year voters across the state declared the debt crisis “a square life and death struggle between the organized Money-ring power, and the productive industry of the people—the brawny arms and manly brows which distill the sweat of obedience to God’s decree for honest Labor!”52 In a legislature dominated nearly three to one in favor of Funders, voters sent an unprecedented twenty-two independents to Richmond in the 1877 election cycle, nearly all endorsing various degrees of readjustment.53
Seizing upon this momentum, the pro-readjustment legislators proposed a solution. Called the Barbour bill, after its author James Barbour, the legislation reordered the state’s priorities. First, maintenance of the state government; second, funding for public schools; and last, payment of the debt.54 Specifically, the Barbour bill capped property taxes, required those taxes to be paid in lawful legal tender (rather than coupons), and set percentages of how much revenue could be spent on social services, schools, and the debt.55 Surprisingly, the state legislature passed the Barbour bill—a clear indication that popular sentiment was turning against the Funders’ policy priorities. Dutifully, Frederick M. W. Holliday, Virginia’s new patrician Funder governor, vetoed the Barbour bill. In rejecting Barbour’s compromise, Holliday argued that debt payment was an ace which trumped all other priorities; the debt “was due when free schools were scarcely, if at all, thought of,” he noted smugly.56 He then sniped at the Underwood constitution, which had established the public schools. In a dig to the biracial composition of that constitution’s convention, Holliday reminded audiences that prior to the convention the debt had been a priority of “a legislature composed of men of the old regime—among the ablest, best and truest who ever grew up on Virginia soil.”57 The Funders were back on offense.
In what was portrayed as a rebuke of readjustment, Funders swept Virginia in the 1878 congressional midterms, defeating federal candidates critical of Funder rule. Capitalizing on their victory, Funders were quick to reopen channels of communication with the bondholders in New York and London and reach a compromise that would theoretically pay the debt while boxing out a populist resurgence.58
Known as the McCulloch bill, after Hugh McCulloch who represented the bondholders, the compromise proposed to save Virginia $26 million by scraping the burdensome 6 percent interest rate for a tiered system of new bonds which would pay 3 percent for the first ten years, 4 percent for the next twenty years, and 5 percent interest for the remaining ten years.59 Diminished by the midterms, and with no alternative to offer, the proponents of readjustment were rolled. Writing in early 1879, a friend of readjustment wrote that “it is evident, that a majority of the Legislature are earnestly in favor of readjusting and settling forever the debt question. But it is equally evident that a majority of that majority have no definite plan and no well-arranged system. All is chaos.”60
“Without Distinction of Color”:
The Birth of the Readjuster Party
It was at this moment that an unusual individual emerged to give the debt revolt the leadership and organization it would need to be successful. His name was William Mahone.
Born in 1826 to slave-holding tavern-keepers and graduating from the Virginia Military Institute thanks to a scholarship, Mahone was as self-made as he was the antipode of the Funder elite. And with his shrill voice, five-foot-five stature, and slight frame, he also seemed the antithesis of the decorated veteran that he was. A railroad engineer and educator before the Civil War, Mahone was promoted all the way to major general in the Confederate Army. Virginians knew him best as the dubious victor of the infamous Battle of the Crater, where Confederate troops massacred African American soldiers fighting for the United States.61
Returning to the railroad industry after war (he earned $25,000 as the president of the Atlantic, Mississippi, and Ohio Railroad), he became known as a gourmand luxuriating with fancy clothes, carriages, quality booze, and his signature Panama hat. And although Mahone lost his railroad during the Panic of 1870, his larger-than-life reputation survived. Respected for his “prodigious energy,” Mahone “elicited a fierce loyalty from his friends and a hatred which bordered on fanaticism from his enemies.”62 Originally a foe of Reconstruction, during the 1870s Mahone underwent an unexpected (and still not fully understood) transformation into a man of the New South. Distrustful of high finance, supportive of manufacturing, mining, and industry to complement the state’s agricultural heritage, a perhaps surprisingly genuine believer in multiracial democracy, and committed to local governance, Mahone was derided as a modern Cataline (the ancient demagogue who attempted to overthrow the Roman republic) by Democrats and as Moses by African Americans. Mahone, apparently, preferred neither, instead likening himself to Napoleon.63
In February 1879, Mahone called upon all Virginians concerned about the debt and economy, regardless of their skin color, to join him at a state convention in Richmond.64 The purpose was to create a new political party to battle the Funders in the state election in the fall. On February 25, delegates from nearly two-thirds of Virginia’s counties poured into Mozart Hall in the state capital. Encompassing individuals of both races, and all classes, the delegates set about establishing a new political organization. African American delegates were vocal leaders at the convention linking the curtailment of their new rights—especially the reinstituted poll tax—with the debt crisis. William T. Jefferson took the floor to explain that he and other African American attendees (who were mostly Republicans) were glad to share a convention with white Democrats thanks “to the call which convened the people of Virginia without distinction of color.”65 Jefferson then went on: “as to the debt, we don’t want to pay a cent of it. We think we paid our share of it, if it ever was justly chargeable upon us, by long years of servitude. And then, as Virginia has been reconstructed in her territory and her government, we think that her debt should be reconstructed too.”66 The crowd roared its approval.
White participants recognized the solidarity they shared with African Americans. Under Funder rule, working- and middle-class whites knew that their economic and civic position was precarious. They too had become disenfranchised by the poll tax, and with the loss of schools saw prospects of betterment for their children, not to mention that of their African American neighbors, dimming. Speaking in the third person, one white attendee said that those favoring readjustment “had been sneered at for seeking the aid of the colored citizens. He desired nothing better than to add all the colored voters to the ranks of those who were fighting the battles of popular rights and interests.” Though Funders had told him that Virginians “should not waste education on the ‘damned n—s,’” he said, “let the colored people stand fast by the Readjusters and the Readjusters will see to it that education shall be provided for the children of all colors.”67
Mahone himself articulated the early vision of the Readjuster movement. Striking at the Funder jugular, Mahone proclaimed “this twaddle about the honor of the State . . . is sheer nonsense,” compared to the “robbery of the school fund.”68 He noted that, for all their pretensions, the Funders had already endorsed de facto readjustment of the debt; the state had long failed to meet its own interest payments on time. Linking the debt, economic collapse, schools, and suffrage—the formulation key to the success of the biracial coalition—Mahone argued against the undemocratic and unconstitutional nature of the Funder agenda. Mahone confessed that he preferred to “let the very wheels of government stand still” than permit “so gross a violation of the will of the people, as the perversion or conversion of the public school fund to any other purpose than that for which it was created.”69 The next day—February 26, 1879—the Readjuster Party was officially born.
Unfortunately, it was too late to stop the passage of the McCulloch bill. Twenty-two of the pro-readjustment legislators broke ranks and voted for the bill which became law in March 1879.70 But that one month was all Mahone and his followers needed to take back the offensive. Rather than stamping out reform sentiment as Funders hoped, passage of the McCulloch bill reinvigorated the cause of readjustment like no other.
Denouncing the legislation as the “Broker’s Bill,” the new Readjuster Party unleashed a persuasive assault on the deal. They argued that the bill ceded sovereignty of the state to financial institutions in New York and London, seeing as it was McCulloch and his colleagues who had been instrumental in developing the proposal. Next, they noted that the Broker’s Bill did not actually restore the state to a sound fiscal footing. Namely, it did nothing to stop the flow of coupons into the treasury, which would continue to deny the state needed revenue. One provision even required the state to borrow new money at usurious rates to ensure interest payments would be met.71
Declaring the McCulloch bill to be, in the words of one Readjuster Party spokesman, even “more objectionable than the Funding bill of 1871,” the debt insurgency gained steam. As Governor Holliday urged “economic retrenchment, and self-sacrifice” to the struggling masses, the Readjusters canvassed the state preaching “goaheadiveness,” “life,” and “business vim.”2
“You Are the Representative of the People”:
The Readjuster Party on the Path to Power
Come November 1879, the Readjuster Party managed to split the white vote and found themselves just shy of a majority in the state legislature. The balance of power was held by the Republican Party, of which thirteen seats belonged to African Americans.73 Throughout the 1870s, the Republican party had declined in Virginia. Although it still earned the votes of most African Americans, black voters exceedingly lent it only begrudging support. The state party’s white leadership reserved patronage spots for whites and generally took African American support for granted.74
Considering this neglect, shortly after the election, the African American Republican legislators began to discuss fusion with their Readjuster Party colleagues. Further infuriating bigoted Funders, Mahone negotiated personally with African American leaders and made clear to them that the Readjuster Party was serious about enacting a color-blind, pro-worker agenda. As the legislature convened, the thirteen black Republicans caucused with the Readjuster Party to give the latter a majority. No longer was the debt the only glue of Readjustment: support for black education, an end to the whipping post, death to the poll tax, and a share in the spoils of patronage rounded out the agenda.75
An early move by the coalition majority was to pass their preferred debt settlement. Known as the Riddleberger bill in honor of Readjuster leader and key architect Harrison Riddleberger, the proposal departed from Funder orthodoxy. First, it straightforwardly repudiated one-third of the debt on the charge that one-third of Virginia’s tax base (including the loss of West Virginia) had been destroyed in the Civil War. Second, it proposed to issue new bonds—fifty years at 3 percent interest—to replace all previous bonds and made clear that these new bonds were not tax receivable. Third, it prospectively levied a property tax of 0.2 percent starting in 1890 to pay off the remaining principal. True to their populist brand, the bill required approval by voters in a referendum to take place in 1880 before enactment.76 Speaking for the proposal, Riddleberger outlined the Readjuster Party vision for the state: “Population and capital are attracted. Railroads are built. New industries spring up. Mines are opened. Manufactories are started. Vigor, thrift, and industry are seen everywhere. Virginia is awake and alert.”77 Predictably, Governor Holliday vetoed the bill. But the Readjuster Party had proven they were more than obstructionists; they could govern.
And govern they did. In Virginia, the governor was not given a role in selecting the leadership of many positions in the state bureaucracy. With free rein over key parts of the civil service, the Readjuster coalition booted Funders from important roles and replaced them with their own people. Soon the positions of state auditor, second auditor, treasurer, secretary, and superintendent of public instruction were all members of the Readjuster Party. In particular, the latter swiftly fired almost all the superintendents at the county and city levels and replaced them with individuals more committed to educational attainment regardless of race. The Readjuster coalition also initiated a constitutional amendment to repeal the poll tax. And they elected William Mahone the next United States Senator from Virginia.78 The Readjuster Party had gone national.
Elected to the Senate in December 1879, Mahone would not be sworn in until the next session of Congress in March 1881. In the intervening period, a pivotal presidential election was held that threatened to rend the Readjuster Party. Heading into 1880, both the national Democrat and Republican Parties sensed something unusual was unfolding in Virginia, and the state’s Democrats moved in for the kill. Since the nucleus of Readjusterism was so specific to Virginia, and the movement needed to preserve its partisan independence to survive, pressures developed for the Readjusters to pick a side for president.
Mahone pleaded with his colleagues to field an independent Readjuster party ticket beholden to neither major party. But the little general was unsuccessful. White Readjusters generally preferred Democrat nominee Winfield Scott Hancock for president, just as their black partners supported Republican James Garfield. In the end, the party fielded Readjuster candidates for Congress but endorsed Hancock for the White House.79
And so without help from African Americans—which represented 40 percent of the electorate—the Readjuster Party underperformed in the presidential election.80 Though they managed to elect two Readjusters to the U.S. House, their dismal showing at the polls overall revealed a plain demographic reality that the party’s leadership could not ignore. For the Readjuster movement to be successful, the party needed permanent fusion with African American Republicans. This wasn’t necessarily difficult—the party had already begun to infuse its platform with civil rights issues as part of its coalition with black Republicans in the state legislature—but with Mahone heading to the Senate, these pledges took on new prominence, and the state’s African Americans were looking for results.
And Mahone was looking to deliver. Now a senator from the Readjuster party—effectively an independent—he had leverage. The start of the 47th Congress saw the Senate tied 37–37 between the two major parties. David Davies from Illinois had also been elected as an independent but pledged to caucus with Democrats.81 This moved all eyes to Mahone. With Garfield in the White House, for Mahone to ally with Republicans would give the GOP the tie-breaking vice-presidential vote in the Senate. Both sides lobbied the Readjuster chieftain, but in the end, it was Virginia’s voters who found Mahone’s ear. Entering the Senate, he wrote of the letters pouring in from his prospective constituents: “They would surprise you. They are all from [Readjuster] Stalwarts with two or three exceptions, and they absolve allegiance to the Demo[cratic] party and ask for a new departure. Some are ready without method to go—others by gentle and progressive steps. All would be glad to have the Rep[ublican] party . . . come to us, and some would go there. . . . There is much in the temper of the sentiment to be Nat[ional] Rep[ublican] and Vir[gini]a Liberal.”82 The politics of patronage did not hurt either. “If you can get the federal patronage,” one white Readjuster wrote to Mahone, “and dispense it among readjusters irrespective of past party affiliations, it would make us invulnerable and invincible.”83
After he was sworn in, Mahone ended the speculation. He would caucus with the Republicans. In return he was lavished with committee assignments—he was instantly made chairman of the Senate Agriculture Committee—and commanded a deluge of federal patronage for the Readjuster rank and file.84 At first Mahone had to share patronage for federal jobs in Virginia with the Republican Party apparatus, but upon the death of James Garfield, he persuaded the newly elevated president Chester A. Arthur to give him full control.85 From staff positions in Washington to federal judges to laborers in the Norfolk Navy Yard to lighthouse keepers along the state’s cost, and with hundreds of postal positions in between, Mahone had control over about two thousand jobs.86 And he had to work quickly. Given the lack of a veto-proof supermajority in the state legislature, the Readjusters realized that nothing short of capturing the governor’s mansion in 1881 would ensure victory over the debt. Showing the party’s seriousness about racial and economic reform through patronage distribution would be vital in energizing the movement ahead of the gubernatorial election.
In distributing patronage, Mahone made clear that every part of Virginia would benefit. Historically, both major parties had favored white Tidewater or urban elites when it came to patronage. But the Readjuster party was looking to do things differently. The Readjusters counted all the jobs and divided them equally across the state’s congressional seats. Mahone then wrote to the party’s local chairmen. He urged them to send him names of any competent Readjusters looking for federal employment. And he stressed: he wanted the names of men and women, black and white, from any walk of life. Mahone was breaking new ground, no politician had ever done something like this before. For many parts of the state, especially African American communities, and the mostly white mountainous regions, Mahone’s request was greeted eagerly. One voter in Carroll County summed up the sentiment best in a letter to Mahone: “Up here in these Backwoods we never thought of a United States Senator sending to the people to recommend some of our Boys and Girls for positions in Washington. . . . Heretofore it has been the Policy to give all positions to some Jackleg lawyer . . . you have proven to us that you are the Representative of the People and for the People.”87
Over the course of Mahone’s term he worked to add 347 new post offices in Virginia, further extending the reach of the Readjusters’ patronage power. At its apex, black men made up more than a quarter of Virginia’s employees in the U.S. Treasury, 38 percent in the Postal Service, 28 percent in the Department of the Interior (including two black women), and 38 percent of civilians employed by the Navy. Of those working for the Navy, a quarter were women.88 Fair distribution of patronage was just as much about a paycheck as it was about honor—by giving these chances to non-elite Virginians, especially African Americans, the Readjusters showed they believed their followers worthy of the “recognition, responsibility, and authority that accompanied” these jobs.89 As voters went to the polls in 1881, they knew it was no longer Funder business as usual in the Old Dominion. Mahone and the Readjuster Party were people of their word and serious about change.
“They Say They Are Fighting Caste”:
The Readjuster Party in Power
With the ballots all counted, the Readjuster party had crushed the Funders with a twelve-thousand-vote majority. Helped by vigorous African American turnout, the Readjuster Party retained both chambers of the legislature and finally captured the governor’s mansion.90 The new governor was William Cameron who had been a strong supporter of giving patronage to African Americans.91 But the Readjusters did not have time to rest on their laurels. With only one legislative session before the next election in 1883, they would have to work frantically to enact their program.
And work frantically they did. They passed a new Riddleberger bill in 1882, which mimicked the 1879 proposal. It repudiated a third of the principal and issued new 3 percent bonds to pay the interest. The Readjusters also overhauled Virginia’s tax code. They cut property taxes by 20 percent, stacked the county assessors with loyalists who assessed land at lower values, and cut other taxes on merchants and small businesses. In their overhaul, they took aim at the “nonproducers” who had benefited under Funder governance.92 Readjuster majorities ended the practice of railroads’ self-assessment for taxes and made it very hard to pay taxes with coupons. With their policy of lower taxes in a government less burdened by debt, the Readjusters had reversed the growing deficits of the past decade and bequeathed to the state a $1.5 million surplus by 1883.93
But still there were more promises to keep. In a tsunami of civil rights reforms, which went beyond even what had occurred during Virginia’s Reconstruction, Readjusters abolished the whipping post as a punishment for crimes (a horrifying reminder of slavery), restored the vote to thousands by ending the poll tax, required equal pay for African American and white teachers, and named to courts judges who finally allowed African Americans to serve on juries.94 They also established the Virginia Normal and Industrial School (later Virginia State University) as the first public college for African American teachers in the South. And they began the process of creating what later became Longwood University, the first public college in Virginia for the training of women teachers. Readjusters also built the state’s first mental hospital for African Americans.95
Hitting their populist stride, the Readjusters struck at “entrenched privilege” and exulted the working man.96 They restricted dueling (culturally an elite activity), passed laws to protect “the public from exorbitant county fees; another, from unfair tax assessors; a third, from defaulting attorneys.”97 They cut salaries for judges and attempted “to deprive the lawyers of a lucrative source of income by calling for the appointment of bonded state officials to handle all judicial land sales.”98 They also instituted new medical technologies in state hospitals, reformed the state’s insane asylum and its school for the disabled, constructed a new wing for the state women’s prison, and required that prison factories operate on a for-profit footing.99 Readjusters authorized free vaccinations and food to the poor during epidemics and famines, curtailed child labor, and instituted a ten-hour workday. They called for admission of “poor whites” to the Funder bastion that was the University of Virginia.100
As for the atrophied educational system overall, the Readjusters poured money into the public schools and increased their number.101 They reformed state universities by increasing what courses were offered, lowering tuition, and fixing campus structures.102 One example of Readjuster-driven school reform was what occurred at the University of Virginia. Hearing that Readjusters criticized UVA as an elite swamp and a “sleepy hollow,” Funders worried about the fate of their alma mater as Mahone’s forces took over the school.103 They remembered when Governor Cameron, then mayor of Petersburg, had fired the municipal school board and replaced them with Readjusters, who then let go a quarter of the city’s teachers and replaced them with African Americans. But, for now, the Readjusters had too much to do to settle old scores. They kept the existing faculty but hired new professors on merit rather than political ideology. They “renovated its buildings and improved its sewage system,” and “made forward-looking changes to the degree requirements and expanded course offerings to make the school more attractive to potential students.”104 In the end, UVA’s Readjuster board left the flagship with a budget surplus. And this was hardly an aberration: “similar conditions prevailed at the other state colleges and mental institutions.”105
With an agenda like this there has been a tendency to think of the Readjusters as (small-p) progressives.106 But this view seems to stem from the fallacy that any serious efforts for racial equality and support for working people must originate on the left and could not possibly exist on the political right. Given their obsession with debt reduction, sound fiscal footings, and low taxes, it should not be hard to situate the Readjuster Party on the political spectrum. Moreover, for all their concerns about bigness, finance, and privilege, the Readjuster Party was not anti-business. They awarded over one hundred new corporate charters while in power, established agricultural stations to help farmers adopt innovative practices, and urged a repeal of federal tobacco taxes to strengthen that industry in Virginia. They also argued for a protective tariff to aid the state’s manufacturers, advocated for the expansion of the U.S. Geological Survey into Virginia to benefit the state’s mines, and authorized armed expeditions (some which Governor Cameron personally commanded) against oyster pirates from other states who were illegally harvesting in Virginia’s waters.107 They improved navigation of the Norfolk-Portsmouth harbor.
Fundamentally, the Readjuster worldview was producerist and populist, emphasizing the “glorification of farmers, manufacturers, and others involved in the creation of goods.”108 They adored the Jeffersonian outlook, but with a Hamiltonian flair for state-incentivized industrialism. In their synthesis of Jacksonian Democracy and Radical Republicanism, the Readjusters drew inspiration from John Taylor of Caroline—the arch-Jeffersonian of the early nineteenth century—who saw history as a conflict of “virtuous producers” and “parasitical middlemen.”109 This drove the Readjusters to be suspicious of economic privilege and militant about excising “special interest” control from institutions. As the New York Evening Post explained of the Readjuster Party agenda: “They say they are fighting caste. They assert they represent the dignity of labor. Their hero is a man of the people . . . they champion the rights of man against the privileges of an aristocracy of office-holding families.”110
But Readjusters were hardly radicals; despite their frenetic legislative program, they were quite pragmatic moderates. They did not intend to upend the existing social order, but rather sought to work within that system to expand opportunities for individual success. As one Readjuster paper explained, the movement aimed at a social and economic climate for “the men who want money as well as the men who have money.”111 In this way, the Readjusters were more like incrementalist, albeit energetic, conservatives, than progressive radicals. Perhaps the best summary of their ideology was the legislature’s vote to bring in from the elements—to a new place of prominence in the capitol’s rotunda—an old statue of Henry Clay.
No one personified this mixture of sincere ideals and political pragmatism better than Mahone. Building a political party based on a fusion between Democrats and Republicans angry around something as niche (to outsiders in our time, at least) as the state’s debt required Mahone to be a constant broker of the different factions within the Readjuster Party. Mahone, a self-described Jacksonian “barn-burner,” kept his own worldview vague, preferring to be known only for “a sort of rough-and-ready, man-on-the-make producerism.”112 This gave him the flexibility to compromise repeatably in ways that kept the Readjuster movement going. He walked back from his independent ballot proposal in 1880 when the party’s rank and file disagreed, and he supported Riddleberger for governor but compromised when Readjusters pressed for Cameron (Riddleberger later joined Mahone in the Senate). Even on the debt itself, Mahone—who was more conservative than his colleagues on the issue—had to compromise on the Riddleberger bill to begin with.113
Amid this pragmatism, cynicism about Mahone’s sincerity toward civil rights might be easy. But in fact, Mahone—the former Confederate general and son of slaveholders—was a man far out of step with his time. If anything, it was a political liability when Mahone demanded the full integration of the Readjuster movement, making clear to his followers: “I do not approve of meetings and proceedings on the basis of color. The color line is the one thing we are striving to extinguish.”114 Moreover, “he regularly corresponded with African Americans throughout Virginia, some of them poor and barely literate, and treated them with uncommon respect. Most of them, in turn, regarded him as a genuine friend and ally, a sentiment they probably reserved for very few white political leaders.”115
With the legislative session ending, the Readjusters had reason to be proud: they had accomplished everything they proposed to do in their 1881 campaign. Promises had been made, and promises had been kept.
“Whether the White Man Shall Rule”:
The Funders Strike Back
Out of power, the Funders plotted the restoration of their rule in the coming 1883 election. First, they aimed to discredit Readjusters and slow the advance of their program by attempting to impeach key Readjuster officials, such as the attorney general and state superintendent of education.116 This effort unsuccessful, one prominent Funder cynically suggested that the party moderate on issues like the poll tax to attract, or at least neutralize, the African American vote. This would allow Funders to take “Africa . . . politically by the hand,” argued John Daniels of burn-the-schools-down infamy. Daniels noted such a strategy would be “painful . . . but it is necessary.”117 But most Funders felt such a dramatic move was not needed. They could see fissures forming in the Readjuster party coalition.
Tensions were high as the legislature met, fears swirling of a smallpox outbreak, to select another U.S. Senator to serve alongside Mahone. The two leading candidates were Harrison Riddleberger and State Auditor “Parson” Massey. When a majority elected Riddleberger to the seat, Massey loyalists walked out of the legislature. In return, the Readjusters booted Massey from his auditor job. Seeking revenge, pro-Massey legislators teamed with Funders to obstruct as much as possible. Between filibusters, quorum calls, and a Funder-initiated debate over county authority to sell liquor, the opposition forces strained the cohesion of the Readjuster Party.118 When the 1882 federal election returns showed only narrow Readjuster victories, the Funders could smell blood in the water.119
Of course, the Funders had tried, and failed, a number of times to beat the Readjusters. They had appealed to voter’s honor and lost. They had appealed to voter’s personal austerity and lost. They even had appealed to white voter’s racial prejudices in hopes this would foster a sense of motivating elitism—and lost. Readjusters had responded to the latter argument by downplaying racial differences and reminding white voters that “the lines of demarcation are as distinct between whites as between whites and colored.”120 Surprised to find this Readjuster parry effective, the Funders, led again by John Daniels, decided to tack in the Readjuster’s direction. Aiming to neutralizing their opponent’s populism, these patricians recast themselves as “the friend of the laboring man.” Class, they told voters, was a “false-doctrine” and urged white voters to resist “all the low arts of the demagogue, against the race prejudice of the negro and the class prejudice of the white man, which [had] been incited, fomented, and stimulated” by the Readjuster Party.121
In July 1883, Funders convened their state convention in Lynchburg and announced a more comprehensive rebranding. To begin, they said their party would no longer be called Conservatives, but rather just simply Democrats.122 The name change out of the way, the Funders got crafty. Adopting a rope-a-dope strategy, the Funders conceded that the Readjusters had gotten some things right. The Funders pledged their support for the Riddleberger bill as a fair settlement of the debt issue and endorsed free public schools for both races, and low taxes. But then the punch to the face: full-throated, unmitigated, off-the-charts white supremacy. One Funder newspaper bellowed: “The coming contest is to decide, whether we shall have in Virginia Radical rule, with the Negro holding the balance of power, or whether the white man shall rule. Side issues have no place in this fight.”123 John Daniels barnstormed the state flashing a simple message: “I am a Democrat, because I am a white man and a Virginian.”124
Why did this naked racism gain traction where it had previously failed? Part of it was that Funders had neutralized some key planks in the shared-class-interests-trump-race-solidarity platform of the Readjuster Party. But the Funders also drew a distinction between public equality and private equality that had sway with voters. There was nothing wrong in electing African Americans to state and local office, crowed the Richmond Dispatch, but when it came to African American control over public schools, “any white man should raise his voice in defense of such a wrong.”25 For many, the schoolhouse, and what it meant to educate children, marked a kind of transitional space between public and private life. Funders latched on to this, arguing that African American participation on school boards (overseeing predominantly white female teachers), and as teachers of white children, marked a slippery slope to integrated schools and eventually interracial marriages. These messages not only held purchase among white Virginians at the time, but even among voters otherwise supportive of equality for African Americans in public life.126 So in 1883, when Governor Cameron fired Richmond’s all-white school board and selected seven white and two African American Readjusters (Richard Forrester and Robert A. Paul were their names) in their stead—a repeat of his courageous move as mayor of Petersburg—Funders were ready to exploit it as a harbinger of miscegenation.127
All throughout the campaign, Funders were disciplined. Helped by the U.S. Supreme Court’s decision to invalidate the Civil Rights Act of 1875, Funders cautioned that nothing stood in the way of Readjusters passing a civil rights bill just for Virginia. Sowing fear about the coming “Negro domination” of the state, Funders hammered their opposition with the header “Miscegenation—Civil Rights—Mahone Legislature.”128 As the election drew near, the Lynchburg News reminded voters that a vote for the Readjuster party meant “mixed schools now and mixed marriages in the future” because “Negros control the schools to which your little children go.”129
Despite all this, the race for control of the legislature remained neck and neck. But after a sidewalk altercation led to the massacre of African Americans in Danville on the eve of the election, it was all over. A booming industrial town, Danville had done well under Readjuster rule. It elected four African Americans to its city council to join four white Readjusters for a supermajority. While the council continued to attend to the sundry tasks of running a city, the Readjuster majority paid particular attention to improving the lot of the city’s sizeable African American community, which had suffered for years under the old regime. The council finally built a home for the manager of the African American cemetery, paved the streets and constructed sidewalks in African American neighborhoods, expanded public schools for African Americans and whites while reducing spending differences between the segregated schools, and hired African American police officers.130 Crime fell under Readjuster governance.131
If the high-stakes election was not enough, local Funder leaders issued the Danville Circular in October 1883. The Circular purported to describe the awfulness of Danville under Readjuster rule and urged area Virginians to save the whites of the city “from this awful state of humiliation and wretchedness . . . by voting for the Conservative-Democratic candidates for the Legislature, for unless they are elected we are doomed.”132 Among the Circular’s “litany of shame” was the hiring of two African American policemen, as well as African Americans as the weighmaster of public scales and as the officer for enforcement of public health ordinances. It further decried the election of an African American judge to the police court, ignoring that the chief complaint against Justice Jones “came from members of the black community who insisted that his judgments against them were more severe than those he issued against whites. Perhaps because of this, postulated another magistrate, white people in Danville preferred to have their cases heard before him” rather than the white judges.133 The Circular also charged that twenty of the twenty-four stalls in the city market were rented to African Americans, and that “squads” of African Americans had been known to “impede the travel of [white] ladies and gentlemen, very frequently forcing them from the sidewalk into the street.”134
Local Readjusters fired back with a rally on Friday, November 2, at which the chairman of the Pittsylvania County Readjuster Party, William E. Sims, ripped the Circular and impugned its signers as “liars, scoundrels, and cowards.”135 In response, the local Funders called for a meeting of every white Democrat at the Danville Opera House the next day so that each man could sign the Circular to confirm its veracity. It was within this environment that an altercation on a Danville street turned deadly, swinging the election toward the Funders.
At midday on Saturday, mere days before the election, and as white Democrats gathered to sign the Circular, Charles D. Noel, a white grocery store worker, tripped over the foot of Hense Lawson, a black waiter, walking down Main Street. Noel turned to Lawson and “asked him what did he do that for?” In Noel’s words, Lawson replied “in a very insolent manner: ‘I was getting out of the way of a lady, and a white lady at that.’” Lawson said that was fine and both men started to walk away, when Noel heard Lawson’s companion, Davis Lewellyn, a black tobacco worker, remark that Lawson didn’t need Noel’s validation of it being “alright” since Lawson had already apologized. Hearing this, Noel whirled and punched Lewellyn, who struck back knocking Noel into the gutter. At this point, both parties walked away.
But things weren’t over. Noel then ambled over to the Opera House where he recounted his experience to his friends George Lea and W. R. Taylor. With validation from his mates, Noel got his courage up to re-confront Lewellyn. It was not long before they spotted Lawson, Lewellyn, and a third black man, James Love, walking down the street. Approaching from behind, Noel grabbed what he figured was Lewellyn’s collar and smashed his fist into the face. It was not Lewellyn. As Noel punched Lawson, Taylor and Lea moved to prevent Lewellyn or Love from intervening. Lea pulled a pistol. A crowd began to form. When someone cried “murder!” R. J. Adams, an African American police officer, arrived on the scene, identified himself as law enforcement, and ordered the men to break it up. Lea resisted, but complied when a white man confirmed that Adams was indeed an officer of the law. Adams separated Noel and Lawson and told each to go wash off the blood.
As the scene quieted, one of the African Americans from the lingering crowd suddenly lunged at Lea trying to disarm him. In failing to do so, he rose and ran away. Lea fired after him. Now a second, larger crowd began to gather, and Officer Adams called for backup. Two officers arrived, Walter Withers, who was African American, and Charles Freeman, who was white. By now more men had come over from the Circular gathering at the Opera House. One demanded Officer Adams break up the growing crowd saying, “damn it, make these n—s get off the street.” To which Officer Freeman noted that the African American crowd was not doing anything, and said “if you all don’t bother them they won’t bother you.” At this time the African American crowd began to clamor for Lea’s arrest for carrying a concealed gun. In response, the white crowd brandished more guns. All three policemen, and a few white civilians, asked the African Americans to disperse, but the black crowd would have none of it, saying that they “intended to have their rights” and “were not willing to move off, on the order of the white men.”
Amid this standoff, a young man, Walter Holland, stepped out from the white crowd and walked toward the police officers and the black crowd. Perhaps Holland intended to join the civilians cajoling the gathered African Americans to leave, but it will never be known for sure. As he reached the other side, the crowd of white men opened fire. Holland was killed instantly. And when the shooting stopped, three African Americans were as well. A fourth man died later of his wounds. As the African American crowd ran for their lives, the white men pursued, and sought out prominent African Americans, in particular. By evening, armed bands of Funders patrolled Danville, as African Americans and Readjusters hid for their lives.136
Funders wasted no time in spreading word of the race war which, they warned, would flow from Danville and engulf the state. Flyers bearing headlines like “War Declared between the Races” or “A Bloody Row in Danville! Democrats! Save the State from a War of Races!” inundated Virginia.137
Even though Readjusters earned more votes than they had in the previous election, when the polls closed it was clear that the racist wave was too much to overcome; Funders had reclaimed majorities in the state legislature.138 In the aftermath, one Readjuster county chairman wrote to Mahone that the campaign
surpassed anything ever known for unfairness, misrepresentation and meanness. Bulldozing and intimidation was the order. Mixed Schools, Mixed Marriages, Social Equality and Negro rule and Negro supremacy was the cry of [Democratic] precinct leaders, used in the presence of women in every private family. . . . In my precinct [Democratic] chairman rode to the doors, called out the women and after going through the catalogue of ills that would follow if the coalitionists succeed, would wind up by asking the women how they would like calling a most objectionable Negro name to visit and examine their daughters.139
The Death of the Readjuster Party and the
Birth of Jim Crow
To those at the time, neither side saw the 1883 Funder victory as conclusive. Despite Funder tactics, and the massacre in Danville, the election was close. Ten African American Readjusters even won seats in the legislature. Even the Funders recognized that a campaign of unmitigated racism was not a guarantee of future victory against the Readjuster Party and took steps to implement structural changes to protect their power.140 Known as Jim Crow, these policies were more than the presumed inevitable outgrowths of white supremacy. They were policies intentionally chosen to guard against the appeal and power of multiracial political movements centered on shared economic interests.
The new Funder legislature did not cut funding to schools, reestablish the whipping post, or challenge the Riddleberger bill as the answer to the debt. But they did play for keeps. In 1884, Democrats overrode Governor Cameron’s veto to pass the Anderson-McCormick Act to reduce ballot access for their opponents. The legislation centralized control of elections by eliminating all county and municipal election officers. In their place were now three-member election boards for each city and county whose members were appointed directly by the legislature. These election officers stuffed ballot boxes and intimidated voters, especially African Americans, Readjusters, and Republicans.141 And with despicable flourish they elected John Daniels to succeed Mahone in the Senate.
Despite the law, in 1885, Democrats only beat the Readjusters by five points. But back-to-back losses expanded the existing fissures in the Readjuster Party, and gave time for Funder policies to kick in. Although enough to destroy the Readjuster Party as a cohesive force in Virginia politics, African Americans and Republicans remained energized. So Democrats passed more laws, culminating in the constitutional convention of 1901–2, which resuscitated the poll tax disenfranchising 90 percent of African Americans and a majority of whites. The election of 1904 saw the lowest turnout since the one of 1852, despite a 25 percent population increase in the intervening fifty years.142
With the collapse of the Readjuster Party, African Americans rejoined the Republicans. Most whites returned to the Democrats. Harrison Riddleberger served out his Senate term, rejoined the Democrats, and condemned his old friend Mahone. So did William Cameron, who, despite having been so aggressive for African American civic equality, served as a delegate to the 1901–2 constitutional convention where he voted to strip most Virginians of their suffrage.143 Ultimately, of the Readjuster leaders, the only true believer was Mahone. After his single Senate term, he joined the Republican Party, attempted some unsuccessful returns to politics, and died in 1895, all alone, a Readjuster to the end. Even after his death, Democrats continued for decades to campaign against Mahone and his multiracial, pro-worker worldview.
As for the debt, the legislature enacted a series of creative and wildly complicated laws to stem the flow of coupons into the treasury while trying not to run afoul of the courts.144 And although Virginia had accepted the Riddleberger bill, and the medley of anti-coupon laws, as the final settlement, the bondholders had not. Litigation continued until 1890, when the U.S. Supreme Court struck down the anti-coupon laws as a violation of the right to contract. In the end, the Supreme Court’s ruling motivated both sides to negotiate a compromise, known as the Olcott settlement after the chief negotiator, New York banker Frederic Olcott. That settlement effectuated what the Riddleberger Act had tried, but not accomplished—the swapping of 1871 and 1879 bonds for new Olcott bonds. By swapping for new bonds that could not be used in lieu of taxes, the problem of tax-receivability could be solved without violating constitutional rights. The state legislature approved the settlement unanimously. Whereas $1 million in taxes had been paid with coupons in 1880, by the early twentieth century the receivability of the few remaining pre-settlement bonds which had not been swapped amounted to only a few hundred dollars a year.145
In 1936, the Virginia legislature passed the final funding act authorizing money to buy up the remaining Riddleberger and Olcott bonds. And in 1944—roughly a century after the state had borrowed money to build the now long-gone canals and railroads—Virginia paid off the last of the debt.146 By then, the Readjusters, who had flashed so brilliantly across Virginia’s political scene sixty-some years before, were nothing more than a footnote of history.
Calling All Readjusters
As modern political movements contemplate how to build multiracial, working-class coalitions, they would do well to study the Readjusters. The Readjusters identified a single egregious problem which enjoyed maximum consensus and built a coalition around it. In growing that coalition, they recognized the need to break with policy orthodoxy, and embrace things like support for mining and manufacturing, which had appeal in previously overlooked parts of the state. In forming an alliance, including sharing the party and its leadership, with African Americans, white Readjusters showed humility and a sincere desire to address problems which were not their own. And in governing, the Readjusters recognized the importance of a well-defined, achievable policy program, which allowed them to accomplish a tremendous, and even lasting, amount during their short time in power.
What they did not count on was the vigor of the Funder backlash, or shocks like the Danville massacre. And they did not expect an effective “cancel culture” to marginalize those sympathetic to Readjustment: Funder landlords threatened to raise rents or evict Readjuster tenants, lenders suggested they would cut credit to Readjuster voters, Readjuster workers were fired, and small businesses boycotted. By outing oneself as a Readjuster, a man “could spoil his own or his daughter’s marriage prospects, disrupt his wife’s social life, and splinter his church.”147 Readjusters were surprised to learn of a Funder “guilty of telling his parents that if they voted the Readjuster ticket he would not visit them when sick.”148 And, ultimately, they did not count on Funders modifying the basic features of democracy to prevent their resurgence.
Although specific to a particular time and place—a bastion of the Confederacy a generation after emancipation, no less—the mere existence of the Readjusters should inspire. And given the economic conditions in the United States today—high government debt, recent inflation and longer-term rises in the cost for things like education and healthcare, and a well-developed recognition of the need to create high-wage, dignified jobs in America again—all of which impact working people regardless of race, perhaps it’s time to dust off the Readjuster playbook.
This article originally appeared in American Affairs Volume VIII, Number 1 (Spring 2024): 141–67.
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John William Goode Jr. (March 10, 1923 – February 5, 1994) was a lawyer in San Antonio who was a figure in the 1950s and 1960s rebirth of the Republican Party in Texas. Goode was a son of the physician John Goode Sr. (1886-1959) and the former Claudia Alice Nolte (1895-1969). In 1939, shortly...
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Military Wiki
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John William Goode Jr. (March 10, 1923 – February 5, 1994) was a lawyer in San Antonio who was a figure in the 1950s and 1960s rebirth of the Republican Party in Texas.
Background[]
Goode was a son of the physician John Goode Sr. (1886-1959) and the former Claudia Alice Nolte (1895-1969). In 1939, shortly after his sixteenth birthday, he graduated from Thomas Jefferson High School. He attended Washington and Lee University in Lexington, Virginia for three years from 1939 to 1942,[1] ultimately receiving his bachelor's degree in 1943 from the University of Texas at Austin.[2]
Military[]
During World War II, Goode served in the United States Marine Corps as a combat infantry platoon leader and executive officer in the South Pacific battles of Cape Gloucester, New Britain, Peleliu, and Okinawa. In the two latter battles, he was wounded. He was honorably discharged in 1945 at the rank of captain.[3] At Peleliu, as a second lieutenant, he received the Silver Star for courageous actions on September 27, 1944. When his platoon encountered the Japanese on a hill, Goode brought forward a machine-gun section. He pushed through hostile machine-gun and rifle fire which had already caused the death of one of his men and the wounding of two others. Twenty enemy soldiers were killed. Later in the day, Goode again braved hostile fire but managed to return to his support squad. His calm under hostile action and leadership in battle were determined to have saved the lives of many of his men. His superiors concluded that Goode's "gallant devotion to duty reflects great credit on [him] and the United States Naval Service."[4] Goode received the Bronze Star and a Presidential Unit Citation.[3]
Family[]
In 1949, Goode married the former Janet Irwin, who died prior to 2003. The couple's two sons were John III and George Irwin Goode, who predeceased his father. Goode III, known as "Grizzly" or "Johnny", was an artist and graphic designer who worked in the restaurant and nightclub business in San Antonio and was a state judo champion.[5]
Goode's sister, Eleanor Goode Brune (1927-2005), served as the national committeewoman of the Young Republican Federation of Texas from 1950 to 1956. Like her brother, she was a UT graduate. She also attended the Worden School of Social Work at Our Lady of the Lake University in San Antonio and was active in social work programs, having organized the Volunteer Service Bureau and worked with blind children. She retired to the rural but historic Crowell community in Foard County in West Texas.[6] Eleanor's husband and Goode's brother-in-law, David H. Brune (1930-2007), a native of California, was in legal partnership with Goode from 1958 to 1962.[7]
Law and politics[]
After the war, Goode completed his studies in 1948 at the University of Texas School of Law.[2] For two-and-a-half years, he was acting first assistant District Attorney in the office of the Bexar CountyDistrict Attorney. He entered private practice thereafter and was involved during the course of his legal career in several firms, beginning with Hardy & Goode and ending with Goode, Casseb & Jones, now Goode, Casseb, Jones, Riklin, Choate & Watson. "He was so devoted to his law practice that, it was his hobby. ... He enjoyed corporate law and not the glamorous criminal law as much, although he did do some criminal cases," recalled his son, John W. Goode III.[3]
Goode worked on the successful Dwight D. Eisenhower presidential campaign in 1952. He was a chairman of the San Antonio Municipal Civil Service Commission, and he was a Republican county chairman.[3] He was a delegate to the 1960 Republican National Convention held in Chicago to nominate the unsuccessful Nixon-Lodge ticket.[8] In November 1961, he was the Republican candidate in a special election for the United States House of Representatives for Texas' 20th congressional district but was defeated by the Democrat, Henry B. Gonzalez, the first Hispanic to serve in both the Texas State Senate and as a member of Congress from Texas.[3] Goode had been hopeful of a political upset after former President Eisenhower flew to San Antonio to campaign with Goode.[9] The candidate also received support from a Conservative Democratic group.[10] Mexican film star Cantinflas appeared with Vice President Lyndon B. Johnson at San Antonio shopping centers and supermarkets to rally voters for Gonzalez.[11]
Earlier that same year in the spring of 1961, Gonzalez had lost out in another special election for the United States Senate seat formerly held by Vice President Johnson. Victory in that race went in a major upset to John Tower, the first Republican to represent Texas in the upper legislative chamber in the 20th century.
In November 1993, three months before his death, Goode was inducted into the Bexar County Republican Party's newly established Hall of Fame. Goode was active in several civic organizations and fraternities, including the Texas Cavaliers, Texas Law Foundation, the San Antonio Bar Association, and the Order of the Alamo.[3]
Goode died in San Antonio a month prior to his 71st birthday.[3]
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Missouri Digital Heritage: Dred Scott Case, 1846
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MISSOURI STATE ARCHIVES
Missouri's Dred Scott Case, 1846-1857
In its 1857 decision that stunned the nation, the United States Supreme Court upheld slavery in United States territories, denied the legality of black citizenship in America, and declared the Missouri Compromise to be unconstitutional. All of this was the result of an April 1846 action when Dred Scott innocently made his mark with an "X," signing his petition in a pro forma freedom suit, initiated under Missouri law, to sue for freedom in the St. Louis Circuit Court. Desiring freedom, his case instead became the lightning rod for sectional bitterness and hostility that was only resolved by war.
"Dred Scott, a man of color, respectfully states. he is claimed as a slave."
(Petition to Sue for Freedom, 6 April 1846)
Initially, Scott's case for freedom was routine and relatively insignificant, like hundreds of others that passed through the St. Louis Circuit Court. The cases were allowed because a Missouri statute stated that any person, black or white, held in wrongful enslavement could sue for freedom. The petition that Dred Scott signed indicated the reasons he felt he was entitled to freedom. Scott's owner, Dr. John Emerson, was a United States Army surgeon who traveled to various military posts in the free state of Illinois and the free Wisconsin Territory. Dred Scott traveled with him and, therefore, resided in areas where slavery was outlawed. Because of Missouri's long-standing "once free, always free" judicial standard in determining freedom suits, slaves who were taken to such areas were freed-even if they returned to the slave state of Missouri. Once the bonds of slavery were broken, they did not reattach.
Dred Scott was born to slave parents in Virginia sometime around the turn of the nineteenth century. His parents may have been the property of Peter Blow, or Blow may have purchased Scott at a later date. The mystery of exact ownership is one that would follow Dred Scott, and later his family, throughout their lives as slaves. With few records extant, it is difficult to identify exactly when ownership of the family was transferred to various parties. By 1830, Peter Blow had settled his family of four sons and three daughters and his six slaves in St. Louis. This was after having moved from Virginia to Alabama, to attempt farming near Huntsville, and, when that failed, a move from Alabama to Missouri. In St. Louis, Peter Blow undertook the running of a boarding house, the Jefferson Hotel. Within a year, though, his wife Elizabeth died and on June 23, 1832, Peter Blow passed away.
The Blow children remained in St. Louis after the deaths of their parents and became well established in the city's society through marriage to prominent families. Charlotte Taylor Blow married Joseph Charless, Jr., in November 1831; his father had established the first newspaper west of the Mississippi River and had been a leading opponent of slavery while editor. Charless, Jr., operated a wholesale drug and paint store, Charless & Company (later Charless, Blow, & Company when brothers-in-law Henry Taylor Blow and Taylor Blow became partners). Martha Ella Blow married attorney Charles Drake in 1835. Drake is better known in history for his role in the creation of Missouri's 1865 constitution. As a leader of the Radical Republican Party after the Civil War, he was determined to punish those considered Southern sympathizers; the constitution he helped author took away many of their rights, including enfranchisement. Peter Ethelrod Blow married Eugenie LaBeaume in 1833. She was from an old French banking family; her oldest brother was a wealthy businessman who, in partnership with Blow, formed Peter E. Blow & Company. She had two other brothers; one was the St. Louis County sheriff for a time in the 1840s, and one, Charles Edmund LaBeaume, was a St. Louis attorney who played an important role in Dred Scott's freedom suits. All of these St. Louis connections proved helpful to Dred Scott.
".the said Dr. John Emerson purchased your petitioner."
(Petition to Sue for Freedom, 6 April 1846)
One of Dred Scott's ownership mysteries concerns the date of his sale to Dr. John Emerson. It was sometime after the Blows arrived in St. Louis in 1830 and before Dr. Emerson reported to Fort Armstrong in Illinois on December 1, 1833. There is no extant record of the sale, although several theories have been posited. It is possible that Peter Blow sold Dred Scott to Emerson before his death. It is also possible that Blow's heirs sold him from the estate. On June 30, 1847, Henry Taylor Blow testified in Dred Scott's circuit court trial for freedom that Peter Blow sold Scott to Dr. Emerson. Emerson's attorneys did not object to this testimony or cross-examine Blow on its accuracy, so it is probable this is the manner in which the ownership of Dred Scott passed to Dr. Emerson.
John Emerson came to St. Louis sometime before August 1831. He served as a civilian doctor at Jefferson Barracks for a time before his October 25, 1833, appointment as an assistant surgeon in the United States Army. He left St. Louis on November 19, accompanied by Dred Scott, to report for duty at Fort Armstrong, Illinois (the stay referred to in court documents as Rock Island). Emerson's assignment lasted for nearly three years and, under the conditions of the Northwest Ordinance of 1787, entitled Dred Scott to his freedom. That ordinance prohibited slavery in regions between the Mississippi and Ohio rivers and the Great Lakes, except as punishment for crimes. In addition, when the state of Illinois was created from part of the Northwest Ordinance territory in 1818, the state constitution prohibited slavery.
".and there kept petitioner to labor and service."
(Petition to Sue for Freedom, 6 April 1846)
Living at Rock Island was Dred Scott's first chance to sue for his freedom, assuming he knew he had that right. He did not sue, though, and in May 1836, traveled with Dr. Emerson to Fort Snelling when Emerson was transferred. Fort Snelling was located in the newly created Wisconsin Territory (part of the Iowa Territory after 1838), on the west bank of the Mississippi River. The journey and residence at Fort Snelling was Dred Scott's second chance to sue for freedom. Now he was resident in a territory that was governed by the 1820 Missouri Compromise, which prohibited slavery north of 36° 30' except within the boundaries of the state of Missouri. Again, though, he did not pursue his opportunity to sue for freedom based on this residence.
In either 1836 or 1837, Dred Scott married Harriet Robinson, a teen-aged slave owned by Major Lawrence Taliaferro, Indian agent for the territory. Unusual for slave weddings was the fact that an actual civil ceremony took place. Taliaferro was a justice of the peace and performed the wedding. At some point, ownership of Harriet was transferred to Emerson, although the record is unclear as to how this came about-another ownership mystery of the Scott family.
On October 20, 1837, Emerson left Fort Snelling for assignment to St. Louis, which he had repeatedly requested. He traveled from the fort by canoe because the upper Mississippi River was already frozen and steamboats were not making the trip. Due to the mode of travel, he left behind most of his possessions, including Dred and Harriet Scott. The Scotts were left in the care of someone else, to be hired out until Emerson could make arrangements to send for them. They had opportunity to escape slavery by running away in his absence, but they did not. Nor did they attempt to sue for their freedom during this time.
Almost immediately upon arriving in St. Louis, Emerson was transferred to Fort Jesup, Louisiana. He arrived there on November 22, 1837. The assignment lasted less than a year, but during that time in Louisiana he met Eliza Irene Sanford (known as Irene) of St. Louis; she was visiting her sister Mary, who was married to Captain Henry Bainbridge, also assigned to Fort Jesup at the time. Emerson married Irene on February 6, 1838. In April 1838, at Emerson's request, Dred and Harriet Scott traveled to Louisiana, thus voluntarily returning to a slave state. That September, the Emersons and the Scotts returned to St. Louis for a brief stay, then traveled back to Fort Snelling in October. On that October trip back to Fort Snelling, Eliza Scott, named for her mistress, was born on the steamer Gipsey, captained by Thomas Gray, north of the boundary of 36° 30' , in free territory. The group remained at Fort Snelling until May 1840.
".Emerson was ordered to Florida. and left petitioner."
(Petition to Sue for Freedom, 6 April 1846)
On May 29, 1840, Emerson was transferred to Florida, where the Seminole War was being fought. He left his wife and slaves in St. Louis, where Irene Emerson's father, Alexander Sanford, resided on his plantation, called California, in north St. Louis County; Sanford owned four slaves. Dred and Harriet Scott were hired out to various people during that time. Emerson was honorably discharged from the United States Army in August 1842. He returned to St. Louis but, unable to maintain a successful private practice in the city, settled permanently in Davenport, Iowa, on land he purchased in 1835. He began practice there in the summer of 1843. Irene Emerson joined him and gave birth to their daughter Henrietta in November 1843. On December 29, 1843, Emerson died suddenly; he was forty years old. The official cause of death was listed as consumption, but it is possible he died of complications from syphilis. An inventory of his Iowa estate mentioned slaves, but the inventory is no longer extant, so it is impossible to determine if this reference was to the Scott family. There is no mention of any slaves in Emerson's Missouri estate inventory, although it is likely that Dred and Harriet Scott were living in or around St. Louis, hired out. After Emerson's death, Irene Emerson returned to St. Louis with her daughter and lived with her father. His proslavery sentiments probably influenced many of her decisions after Dred and Harriet Scott filed for freedom.
By March 1846, Dred and Harriet Scott were hired out to Samuel Russell; he was the owner of a wholesale grocery, Russell & Bennett, located on Water Street in St. Louis. At some prior point, Dred Scott had been in the service of Irene Emerson's brother-in-law, Captain Henry Bainbridge. Later reports claim that he traveled with Bainbridge to Corpus Christi, Texas, but returned to St. Louis at the outbreak of the Mexican War. No mention of this travel is made in official court documents. There is no mention of where Harriet and Eliza Scott were during the time that Dred Scott was with Bainbridge.
".He is entitled to his freedom."
(Petition to Sue for Freedom, 6 April 1846)
On April 6, 1846, Dred and Harriet Scott each filed separate petitions in suits against Irene Emerson in the St. Louis Circuit Court to obtain their freedom from slavery. These documents, identical in nature, stated that the petitioners were entitled to their freedom based on residences in the free state of Illinois (Rock Island) and the free Wisconsin Territory (Fort Snelling).
The suits were brought under a Missouri statute that specifically allowed anyone held wrongfully in slavery to sue for their freedom. Specific procedures for filing suit were outlined in the statute. First, a petition to sue was filed in the circuit court. If the petition contained sufficient evidence that the plaintiff was being wrongfully held, the judge ordered that the petitioner be allowed to sue; security for all court costs that might be adjudged had to be presented to the court. The judge would also order that the petitioner have liberty to attend to counsel and court, and not be removed from the jurisdiction of the court, or subjected to any severe punishment because of the freedom suit. Although proslavery in sentiment, Judge John M. Krum approved the form of the petitions, which Dred and Harriet Scott signed with their marks, an "X," and granted them permission to sue.
"It shall be lawful for any person held in slavery to petition the general court."
(Laws of the Territory of Louisiana, 27 June 1807)
The statute required that the action taken be an action of trespass for false imprisonment. It went on to require that "The declaration shall be in the common form of a declaration for false imprisonment, and shall contain an averment, that the plaintiff, before and at the time of the committing of the grievances, was, and still is, a free person, and that the defendant held, and still holds, him in slavery." Clearly, Missouri law accommodated the pursuit of freedom under certain circumstances. As historian Don E. Fehrenbacher stated: "Anyone familiar with Missouri law could have told the Scotts that they had a strong case. Again and again, the highest court of the state had ruled that a master who took his slave to reside in a state or territory where slavery was prohibited thereby emancipated him" (Fehrenbacher 130).
Dred and Harriet Scott had no political motivation to pursue freedom. No one questioned their legitimate right to their freedom based on extended residence in free areas. That uncertainty had been resolved with the Missouri Supreme Court's 1824 decision in Winny v. Whitesides, where a mandate of "once free, always free" became standard judicial practice. Established legal precedents, however, no longer reflected what became an increasingly proslavery judicial attitude. From 1844 to 1846, twenty-five freedom suits had been filed in the St. Louis Circuit Court; only one resulted in freedom.
Dred and Harriet Scott's first attorney, in what became a long legal journey, was Francis B. Murdoch, who had moved to St. Louis from Alton, Illinois, in 1841. Murdoch was Alton's prosecuting attorney when abolitionist newspaperman Elijah Lovejoy was killed by a mob there in 1837. He may have connected with the Scott family through John R. Anderson who was minister of the Second African Baptist Church that Harriet Scott attended in St. Louis. Anderson had also lived in Alton; in fact, he had been Lovejoy's typesetter and was in Alton the night proslavery mobs destroyed the newspaper office and killed Lovejoy. Anderson returned to St. Louis soon after and began helping slaves pursue their freedom whenever he could. There is no definitive evidence of the Murdoch-Anderson connection in assisting the Scott family. However, Murdoch did help the Scotts initiate their freedom suits, and posted the required security for them. For some reason, he moved to California in 1847 before their cases came to trial.
".at the office of Charles D. Drake. depositions will be taken."
(Notice to take Depositions, 10 May 1847)
At this point, the Blow family, children of Dred Scott's former owner, became involved in the freedom suits, providing both financial and legal assistance. There are no known motivations for their involvement in the cases. The family may have felt some obligation to a former slave. It is probable that Charlotte Blow Charless, as the family matriarch, requested her brother-in-law Charles Drake's assistance with Dred and Harriet Scott's freedom suits when Murdoch left. Drake was the widower of Martha Ella Blow and, after her death, his unmarried sister-in-law, Elizabeth Blow, cared for the two young Drake children, keeping Drake in close contact with the Blow family. At this time, the future emancipator, described as intense and intelligent, supported slavery. It is not certain that Drake ever represented the Scotts in court, but he did a thorough job of taking depositions and positioning the case for its St. Louis trial. He temporarily moved to Cincinnati, his family's home, in June 1847, which once more left Dred and Harriet Scott without an attorney.
Again, there is no documentary evidence of how the Scotts' third attorney became involved, but circumstantial facts reveal a possible scenario. Samuel Mansfield Bay, a New Yorker by birth, and former Missouri legislator and attorney general, became the attorney of record in June 1847. He was the attorney for the Bank of Missouri where Joseph Charless, Jr., husband of Charlotte Blow Charless, was an officer. Charless, Jr., signed as security for Dred Scott on legal documents. It is possible Charless asked Bay to become involved in the Scotts' freedom suits.
"You are hereby commanded, that setting aside all manner of excuse and delay,
you appear before our Circuit Court."
(Writ of Summons, 24 June 1847)
The case came to trial on June 30, 1847, in the St. Louis circuit court. Judge Alexander Hamilton presided over the trial. In a fortuitous turn of events, he had replaced the proslavery Judge Krum; Hamilton's general sympathy toward slave freedom suits was favorable to Dred and Harriet Scott. George Goode represented Irene Emerson. Missouri law was clearly on the side of the Scott family. All Bay had to do was prove that Emerson had taken Dred Scott, and then Harriet, to reside on free soil, making them free by Missouri law, and that after Emerson's death, his widow claimed and held them as slaves in Missouri.
There were many precedents in Missouri law upholding the "once free, always free" judicial practice. There was the cornerstone case of Winny v. Whitesides (1824), which held that a person held in slavery in Illinois then brought to Missouri was entitled to freedom based on that residence. That decision was followed just a few years later by Merry v. Tiffin & Menard (1827) which held that residence in any territory where slavery was prohibited by the Northwest Ordinance of 1787 worked a slave's freedom. The validity of the Northwest Ordinance slavery prohibition was upheld by the Missouri Supreme Court in their 1828 decision in LaGrange v. Chouteau and again in Theoteste alias Catiche v. Chouteau (1829). That residence in Illinois worked a slave's freedom was upheld in numerous Court decisions, including Julia v. McKinney (1833) Nat v. Ruddle (1834) and Wilson v. Melvin (1837). The fact that Dr. Emerson was resident at a military post did not prevent emancipation, according to the Court's 1837 determination in Rachel v. Walker. Between 1837 and 1846, there were no new decisions made by the Missouri Supreme Court to overturn the clearly-established doctrine of "once free, always free."
On the day of the trial, Henry Taylor Blow testified that his father had sold Dred Scott to Dr. John Emerson. Witness depositions from both military posts established the fact that Dred and Harriet Scott had resided at the posts as slaves in service to Dr. Emerson. Catherine Anderson, the wife of a Fort Snelling officer, testified in her May 10, 1847, deposition that she had hired Harriet Scott for two or three months and stated that she knew others who had hired the Scotts while Dr. Emerson was stationed at Fort Jesup in Louisiana. Miles H. Clark, deposed on May 13, 1847, stated that while he was stationed at both Fort Armstrong (Rock Island) and Fort Snelling, he knew Emerson claimed Dred Scott as a slave and used him as such. Samuel Russell of St. Louis testified in court that he had hired Dred and Harriet Scott from Irene Emerson and paid her father, Alexander Sanford, for their services.
On cross-examination, though, Goode revealed that Russell's wife Adeline had, in fact, made the arrangements to hire Dred and Harriett from Irene Emerson; all Samuel Russell had done was pay money to Sanford. His testimony was dismissed as hearsay and did not prove to the jury that Irene Emerson held the Scotts as slaves. Because of this technicality, the jury returned a verdict against the Scotts-they remained in slavery. There was no question at this point as to the validity of the Northwest Ordinance slavery prohibition, or the similar prohibition in the 1820 Missouri Compromise. The jury did not deny "once free, always free"-they simply did not hear testimony sufficient to prove that Irene Emerson claimed Dred and Harriet Scott as her slaves. When Hamilton instructed the jury that Samuel Russell's testimony was inadmissible, they returned a verdict for Emerson.
".the plaintiff. moves the Court to set aside the verdict rendered."
(Motion for New Trial, 30 June 1847)
Bay moved for a new trial, arguing that the Scott family should not remain in slavery because of a technicality in the legal proceedings that could be easily remedied. Hamilton granted a new trial in December 1847, but not before Goode filed a bill of exceptions to the motion for a new trial, resulting in the case being taken on a writ of error to the Missouri Supreme Court; sitting were justices William Napton, William Scott, and Priestly H. McBride. A transcript of the circuit court trial was filed in Jefferson City on March 6, 1848. The case was argued on written briefs only; no oral statements were made. At this point, Alexander P. Field and David N. Hall represented Dred Scott. Field was an expert trial lawyer and prominent figure in Illinois and Wisconsin politics; little is known about Hall. Like Bay, the two attorneys had shared office space with Peter E. Blow's brother-in-law, Charles Edmund LaBeaume.
By the time the Missouri Supreme Court was prepared to hear the case on April 3, 1848, Judge Hamilton had already granted the new trial. As a result, Judge William Scott issued the unanimous decision on June 30, 1848, that there was "no final judgment upon which a writ of error can only lie," because the new trial had not taken place yet. Again, there was no consideration of the political implications of slavery in the territories; the case was still simply a suit for freedom, with the outcome still to be determined by St. Louis courts.
On March 17, 1848, before the next trial took place, Irene Emerson had the sheriff of St. Louis County take charge of the Scott family. He was responsible for their hiring out, and maintained the wages until such a time as the outcome of the freedom suit was determined (custody of the Scott family would remain with the St. Louis County sheriff until March 18, 1857). Beginning in 1851, Charles Edmund LaBeaume hired Dred and Harriet Scott from the sheriff; they worked for him for the next seven years. Sometime in 1849 or 1850, Irene Emerson moved to Springfield, Massachusetts, and married Dr. Calvin C. Chaffee in November 1850. Chaffee, an abolitionist apparently unaware of his wife's involvement in a slave freedom suit, was elected to the United States Congress shortly after his marriage to Irene Emerson.
"If the jury believe from the evidence."
(Jury Instructions, 1850)
Although Hamilton had granted a new trial on December 2, 1847, there was a lengthy delay before it actually took place. First, the case's detour to the Missouri Supreme Court took place in the spring and summer of 1848. Upon its return to the St. Louis Circuit Court, it was docketed for February 27, 1849, but postponed because of a heavy court schedule. This happened again when a court date of May 2, 1849, was set. The possibility of a trial in late May was denied when a fire swept through St. Louis on May 17, bringing most business in the city to a complete halt. A cholera outbreak in the summer delayed proceedings further. The case was finally heard on January 12, 1850, with Judge Alexander Hamilton presiding. The attorneys for Dred Scott were Field and Hall, who had represented him in the Missouri Supreme Court. In 1849, Hugh Garland and Lyman D. Norris replaced Emerson attorney George Goode. Garland was a Virginian by birth and had served in that state's legislature. Little is known about Norris' background, except that he was staunchly pro-slavery and never established a residence in St. Louis.
Field and Hall established the Scotts' residence in a free state and territory; at this point, there were still two separate cases, one for Dred Scott and one for Harriet Scott. The depositions of Catherine Anderson and Miles H. Clark were again presented. This time, though, a deposition of Adeline Russell was included, indicating that she made arrangements with Irene Emerson to hire the slaves Dred and Harriet Scott. Samuel Russell appeared in court to testify that he paid for the hiring of the slaves. The technicality that had cost freedom at the 1847 trial was now rectified.
For their case, Garland and Norris claimed that Irene Emerson had every right to hire out her slaves. They stated that while Dr. Emerson was residing at Fort Armstrong (Rock Island) and Fort Snelling, he was under military jurisdiction-not the civil law that prohibited slavery in those areas. Military law, they claimed, superceded civil law and therefore Dred and Harriet Scott were not free. This argument of military and civil law had already been presented to the Missouri Supreme Court in Rachel v. Walker (1837) and the Court determined at that time that the argument did not apply. Garland and Norris ignored this precedent, though, in an effort to protect Emerson's property interests.
With the new testimony from Adeline Russell proving that Irene Emerson claimed and held Dred and Harriet Scott as slaves, and with favorable instructions from Judge Hamilton, the jury found for the plaintiffs. Dred Scott and his family were free. Following the procedures outlined by Missouri law, they won freedom just like many other slaves had done previously in the state. The case was obviously not yet the lightning rod in the fight over slavery politics that it later became.
".the decision of the Supreme Court. shall also decide
and conclude the case of the said Harriet, his wife."
(Stipulation, 12 February 1850)
Emerson's attorneys immediately asked for a new trial, but were overruled. They then appealed to the Missouri Supreme Court, which granted a hearing. It is posited that the justices were waiting for an opportunity to make a pro-slavery judicial pronouncement and Scott v. Emerson provided that chance. On February 12, 1850, an agreement was reached between all parties that only the case of Dred Scott v. Irene Emerson would be advanced; the outcome of that decision would apply to Harriet Scott's case, too. The case was docketed for the March 1850 term in St. Louis. The justices deciding the case were William Napton, who had been on the bench during Emerson's 1848 appeal, James H. Birch, and John F. Ryland.
At the Supreme Court level, Emerson's attorneys continued to maintain that military law was different from civil law when slave property was involved. They claimed this despite the Court's ruling to the contrary in Rachel v. Walker. Hugh Garland's brief, filed in March 1850, had two points: 1) consent of the master and 2) military jurisdiction. He claimed that because Emerson was ordered to the military posts, there was no implied consent on his part that he willingly took his slaves into free areas; therefore, residence in those areas did not work Dred Scott's freedom. The Court had determined in Nat v. Ruddle (1834) that freedom existed only if the slave's residence in free areas is with the master's consent. Garland followed up this argument with his claim that, to a certain extent, military jurisdiction annulled the slavery prohibitions of the Northwest Ordinance and the Missouri Compromise. He did not deny the constitutionality of those provisions; he simply stated they did not apply in this instance.
David Hall prepared the brief for Dred Scott. He used the same arguments that he had promoted in the lower court: residence in a free state/territory worked the freedom of a slave and this was a solid judicial standard in Missouri. He claimed Rachel v. Walker denied the difference between military and civil law, and pointed out that when Dr. Emerson left Fort Snelling for Fort Jesup, he voluntarily left Dred Scott in a free territory, thereby working his freedom.
Because of an overloaded docket, the case was not taken up in the March 1850 term, but postponed until the October term. The decision of the justices to remand Dred Scott to slavery, though, had already been made. According to historian Walter Ehrlich, "For the first time, politics was injected into the case, not by the parties, but by the judges of the Missouri Supreme Court in their intended decision" (Ehrlich 58). He states that the justices made a decision, in the midst of growing sectional tension over the expansion of slavery, to overturn all previous opinions that recognized the validity of slavery prohibitions. Napton and Birch were strongly pro-slavery. While his views were less resolute, Ryland could not be described as anti-slavery. Although the three reached a unanimous decision, their opinion was never written. Napton was to have formulated the written opinion, but postponed his writing while waiting for a particular legal tome to arrive in Jefferson City. Before the book arrived, though, the first opportunity for Missouri voters to elect their judicial officials arose in August 1851. Nine candidates ran in the contested election for the three state Supreme Court seats; according to newspaper articles, the Dred Scott case as such was not a campaign topic. Napton and Birch were both voted off the bench in the August 1851 elections.
"Times now are not as they were,
when the former decisions on this subject were made."
(Missouri Supreme Court Opinion, filed 22 March 1852)
The case, then, came before a new Court comprised of two new justices, Hamilton Gamble, William Scott, and the one remaining justice, John Ryland. Hamilton Gamble, born in 1798 in Virginia, was a St. Louis attorney and Whig; he began legal practice at the age of eighteen and was appointed Missouri's Secretary of State in 1824. His legal technique was clear, brief, and logical. William Scott was a pro-slavery Democrat who had been on the bench during Irene Emerson's appeal in 1848. The new Court met in St. Louis for the October 1851 term, where they examined the Dred Scott case. The election of the two new judges, though, did little to change the political motivation, already in play, for a pro-slavery decision.
In anticipation of the hearing, Alexander Field resubmitted the 1850 briefs to the court. Emerson's attorney, Lyman Norris, not aware of Field's action, was in the process of preparing a new brief for the Court's examination. He obtained permission to file it late. His brief is of particular importance, says Ehrlich, because it marked "a significant change in the legal arguments" (Ehrlich 61). Although the justices questioned the validity of the slavery prohibitions outlined in the Ordinance of 1787 and the Missouri Compromise of 1820, Emerson's attorneys had never made validity of the prohibitions an argument in previous court appearances. In his new brief, Norris did not say the prohibitions were unconstitutional, but he questioned them as legal principles in his challenge of "once free, always free." His "sober second thoughts" on the matter challenged for the first time congressional prohibition of slavery in the territories. Dred Scott's suit for freedom was no longer simply that-the questioning of congressional authority now turned the case into a lightning rod for the slavery controversy.
The Court adjourned on December 24, 1851, and reconvened on March 15, 1852. On March 22, 1852, they rendered their 2-1 decision reversing the lower court decision. Justice William Scott wrote the opinion, with Ryland concurring. Scott did not deny that freedom suits had been presented to the Court previously. He claimed, though, that the decisions in those cases were made on the basis of the constitutions and laws of other states and/or territories without regard to the policies in Missouri. While recognizing that interstate comity could be a positive thing, he did not feel Missouri should have to recognize laws that were in opposition to its own; there should be a limit to the acknowledgment of comity. Scott also did not deny that the Missouri Compromise slavery prohibition was valid; he simply felt it was only valid where it applied, which was not within the boundaries of the state of Missouri. He acknowledged the right of slaves to obtain their freedom when taken to free states and/or territories; he advised, though, that slavery status reattached upon return to a slave state. The racist rhetoric that had surfaced in Norris' brief was also apparent in Scott's opinion when, in his conclusion, he stated that slavery was the will of God and that "Times now are not as they were, when the former decisions on this subject were made." With this statement, Scott all but admitted that racial and sectional prejudices influenced the decision.
In his dissenting opinion, Justice Hamilton Gamble also addressed the issue of comity. He asserted, though, that the differences in achieving emancipation had always been honored among courts of different states and that taking a slave where the institution was expressly prohibited was a tacit act of emancipation. He cited cases from Missouri, Louisiana, Virginia, Mississippi, and Kentucky in his justification of the emancipation force of the 1787 Northwest Ordinance. In concluding, he acknowledged the changing times and the fact that the slavery issue was becoming explosive in American politics and wrote, "Times may have changed, public feeling may have changed, but principles have not and do not change, and in my judgment there can be no safe basis for judicial decisions, but in those principles which are immutable." Nevertheless, Dred Scott was remanded to slavery.
On March 23, the day after the Missouri Supreme Court handed down its opinion, Irene Emerson Chaffee's attorneys appeared in the St. Louis Circuit Court, filing an order for the bonds signed by the Blow family covering the court costs. The attorneys also requested a return of the slaves and the payment of the slaves' wages of four years (at 6% interest). Judge Alexander Hamilton denied the order; no explanation for his ruling was made in the record books.
"This day come again the parties by their attorneys."
(Official Court Record, 15 May 1854)
Not satisfied with the Court's decision, on November 2, 1853, Dred Scott's friends helped him institute a suit in the Circuit Court of the United States for the District of Missouri. The Blow family, though, had made a decision that it could no longer financially support the Scott family's pursuit of freedom, especially since the prevailing attitudes appeared to be hopelessly against such a thing. A new attorney represented Scott since David Hall had died in the spring of 1851, before the Missouri Supreme Court decision, and after the decision, Alexander Field moved to Louisiana. Charles Edmund LaBeaume, who had been hiring the Scotts since 1851, consulted Roswell M. Field (no relation to Alexander Field) about the case. Field was friends with Alexander Hamilton and Hamilton Gamble, both of whom were sympathetic to the Scotts' cause. Field agreed to work on the case, free of charge, and suggested a suit in the federal courts under the diverse-citizenship clause, which governed lawsuits between parties who were residents of different states.
At this juncture in the case, Irene Emerson's brother, John Sanford, claimed ownership of the Scott family. This claim, like many Dred Scott ownership mysteries, has never been solved. There are no papers transferring ownership to Sanford from Chaffee. The Scott family had always been a sort of communal property to the Sanford family, so perhaps John Sanford, as an executor of his brother-in-law's estate, felt he was responsible for the slaves and, in a sense, their owner. Sanford was a West Point graduate and wealthy businessman. Although he had previously resided in St. Louis, by 1853, he was living in New York City. He maintained family ties in St. Louis because of his 1832 marriage to Emilie Chouteau, daughter of Pierre Chouteau, one of St. Louis' largest slave-holding families. Though she died in 1836, Sanford was already an active partner in most of the Chouteau family's business interests. After his wife's death, Sanford moved to New York as the eastern representative of the American Fur Company, acquired from John Jacob Astor. This tie to Chouteau explains in part Sanford's desire to continue fighting against Dred Scott's pursuit of freedom. The Chouteau family were unyielding in their defense of the institution of slavery and had been involved in numerous freedom suits. It is probable the family, especially Pierre Chouteau, encouraged Sanford to continue defending his property rights (or at least those of his sister).
Field's ultimate purpose in continuing Dred Scott's cause was to obtain from the United States Supreme Court a final judicial settlement of one question: Did residence in a free state or territory permanently free a slave? At issue was the Missouri Supreme Court's decision in Dred Scott's case that Missouri law could remand to servitude a person who had been emancipated based on residence in a free state and/or territory. The search for the answer to this question brought other questions to the fore, such as, did a black person have the right to be a citizen of the United States and thus bring suit at all? These legal aspects of slavery interested Field, probably more than the moral and ethical issues. Field claimed that being a Negro of African descent did not bar anyone from citizenship or the right to sue. This was a subject that Chief Justice Taney would address in his 1857 opinion.
The November 1853 suit was similar in most respects to Dred Scott's original plea of trespass against Irene Emerson in 1846. This time, though, the suit mentioned his daughters, Eliza and Lizzie, and claimed damages of $9000. In April 1854, Sanford's attorney, Hugh Garland filed a plea in abatement, which challenged the court's jurisdiction claiming that Dred Scott was not a citizen because he was a "negro of African descent." Field filed a demurrer stating that this fact did not bar Scott from citizenship or the right to sue. Judge Robert W. Wells upheld Field's demurrer. Because the court claimed jurisdiction, Sanford pled not guilty to Dred Scott's charges.
Field and Garland prepared an "Agreed-Upon Statement of Facts" in 1854, which was essentially a biographical sketch of Dred Scott's life from the time he was purchased by John Emerson through the 1852 Missouri Supreme Court decision. Historian Kenneth Kaufman speculates that this joint statement "probably signaled the point at which Dred Scott's freedom no longer depended on proving residence on free soil, but rather on proving that freedom, once gained on free soil, could be retained upon return to slave territory" (Kaufman 187-188). No other witnesses or testimony were offered after the statement was read to the jury on May 15, 1854. The United States Circuit Court found in favor of Sanford, leaving Dred Scott and his family in slavery. Field appealed to the United States Supreme Court at the December 1854 term. Interestingly enough, Judge Alexander Hamilton had already made a notation regarding Dred Scott v. Irene Emerson in the record books of the St. Louis Circuit Court. It read: "Continued by consent, waiting decision of U.S. Supreme Court." Hamilton made this note on January 25, 1854, many months before the federal court handed down its decision averse to Dred Scott. This notation suggests that those involved knew the case was headed to the United States Supreme Court, regardless of the outcome at the U.S. circuit court level (Kaufman 189).
"But no doubt he will find at the bar of the Supreme Court
some able and generous advocate."
(St. Louis Daily Morning Herald, 18 May 1854)
The United States Supreme Court did not hear the case until February 1856. Roswell Field arranged for Montgomery Blair, a St. Louis attorney living in Washington D.C., to argue Dred Scott's case before the Supreme Court. Because the case was becoming more high profile in the bitter conflict over slavery, Field needed a high-profile lawyer to argue it before the Court.
The Blair family was politically influential in St. Louis and Washington, D.C. Though part of the Southern aristocracy, they opposed slavery expansion. The family enjoyed a close friendship with Missouri's long-time United States Senator Thomas Hart Benton and strongly identified with the pro-Benton faction in Missouri. Montgomery Blair was outspoken in his antislavery views and, with his brother Frank, had been a leader in Missouri's Free Soil Movement. After consulting with his father, Francis Preston Blair, and securing a promise to underwrite the court costs from Gamaliel Bailey, editor of the anti-slavery "National Era," Blair agreed to represent Dred Scott.
John Sanford also had new representation in the United States Supreme Court. Hugh Garland died in October 1854; Lyman Norris had already left Missouri. Sanford acquired Reverdy Johnson, a nationally-known constitutional lawyer from Maryland, and Henry S. Geyer, St. Louis attorney and U.S. Senator for Missouri. Geyer, who defeated long-term Senator Thomas Hart Benton in 1850, represented a number of pro-slavery clients in Missouri, including Pierre Chouteau. Both Johnson and Geyer argued the case at no charge to Sanford.
In his brief filed February 7, 1856, Montgomery Blair argued that freedom based on residence in a free state or territory was permanent and slavery did not reattach upon return to a slave state. This had always been the case in Missouri until the state Supreme Court decided to inject current political views into its 1852 majority opinion. He also claimed that a Negro of African descent could be a citizen of the United States. Roswell Field and Blair hoped that the U.S. Supreme Court would uphold Missouri's long-standing legal precedent and laws regarding slave freedom and citizenship.
Oral arguments began on February 11, 1856, with Blair reiterating the points made in his brief. Geyer and Johnson challenged the authority of Congress to make the 1820 Missouri Compromise; they thus denied Dred Scott's right to freedom. They did not question whether Dred Scott could lose freedom gained by living in a free territory. They questioned whether he was ever free in the first place, since their legal interpretation did not recognize the binding force of either the Northwest Ordinance of 1787 or the Missouri Compromise of 1820.
In May 1856, the justices called for the case to be reargued in December. At that time, George Ticknor Curtis, a Boston attorney, Whig, and brother of U.S. Supreme Court Justice Benjamin Curtis, assisted Blair in arguing the constitutional questions of the case. A final decision was delivered on March 6, 1857. Eight of the nine justices wrote separate opinions. Seven justices, primarily pro-Southern, followed individual lines of reasoning that led to a shared opinion that, by law, Dred Scott was still a slave. Chief Justice Roger B. Taney wrote what is considered to be the majority opinion.
".they had no rights which the white man was bound to respect."
(Opinion of the United States Supreme Court, 6 March 1857)
Taney's "Opinion of the Court" stated that Negroes were not citizens of the United States and had no right to bring suit in a federal court. In addition, Dred Scott had not become a free man as a result of his residence at Fort Snelling because the Missouri Compromise was unconstitutional; Congress had no authority to prohibit slavery in the federal territories. Furthermore, Dred Scott did not become free based on his residence at Fort Armstrong (Rock Island), because his status, upon return to Missouri, depended upon Missouri law as determined in Scott v. Emerson. Because Dred Scott was not free under either the provisions of the Northwest Ordinance of 1787 or the 1820 Missouri Compromise, he was still a slave, not a citizen with the right to bring suit in the federal court system. According to Taney's opinion, African Americans were "beings of an inferior order. so far inferior, that they had no rights which the white man was bound to respect." (Kaufman 221). Taney returned the case to the circuit court with instructions to dismiss it for want of jurisdiction.
"Taylor Blow.acknowledges the execution by him
of a Deed of Emancipation to his slaves."
(Court Record, 26 May 1857)
In spite of the United States Supreme Court's decision that Dred Scott was a slave, he did finally receive his freedom. Irene Emerson's abolitionist second husband, Dr. Calvin Chaffee, now a Massachusetts congressman, found out his wife owned arguably the most famous slave in America in February 1857, just shortly before the Court's decision. Unable to intervene in the case at that point, Chaffee suffered "disparaging commentary" in newspapers nationwide and on the floor of Congress because of the seeming hypocrisy of his ardent abolitionist stance while being a slave owner. Chaffee immediately transferred ownership of the Scott family to Taylor Blow in St. Louis; Missouri law only allowed a citizen of the state to emancipate a slave there. Irene Emerson Chaffee agreed to this ownership transfer on the condition that she receive the wages the Scott family earned over the last seven years. The wages amounted to about $750. There is speculation that, in 1857, Dred and Harriet Scott were worth about $350 each on the slave market. Had Irene Emerson Chaffee sold them, her return may have been less than the total of their wages earned (Kaufman 226).
On May 26, 1857, Dred and Harriet Scott appeared in the St. Louis Circuit Court and were formally freed; Judge Alexander Hamilton approved the papers. Dred Scott took a job as a porter at Barnum's Hotel at Second and Walnut streets in St. Louis; he became a sort of celebrity there. The family lived off Carr Street in the city, where Harriet took in laundry, which Scott delivered when he was not working at the hotel. Dred Scott did not live to enjoy his free status very long; on September 17, 1858, he died of tuberculosis. Their daughter, Lizzie Scott, married Wilson Madison of St. Louis, and had two sons, Harry and John Alexander. Harriet Scott died on June 17, 1876, at the home of Lizzie and Wilson Madison. She was buried June 20, 1876, in Section C of Greenwood Cemetery in St. Louis County.
"Sectionalism dead? It was the most intense, bitter,
overshadowing sectionalism that forced
this decree from the Supreme Court."
(New York Tribune, 21 March 1857)
Dred Scott tried to win his freedom at a time when white Americans were struggling to determine the political status of slavery, as well as their attitudes toward black people, slave or free. He was simply in the wrong place at the wrong time. The United States Supreme Court's pro-slavery decision did not surprise the nation. In fact, it outraged much of the population when it was confirmed. When Emerson's attorneys questioned the constitutionality of the 1820 Missouri Compromise, they placed Dred Scott's case directly in the center of sectional political maelstrom. Extending slavery into the territories was a contentious issue with, as the national media reported, often-violent reactions. The hostility and bloodshed of the Missouri-Kansas border troubles only emphasized the sectional chasm between northern and southern states over the slavery issue.
The United States Supreme Court was under increasing pressure to offer a judicial resolution to the slavery issue. In denying Dred Scott his freedom, the Court made one of its most controversial decisions ever. Waves of indignation swept the North. Editorial comments from northern newspapers immediately denounced the decision as wicked, detestable, and cowardly. Individual clergymen sermonized on the evils of a decision that dismissed an entire race as inferior. The furor did not begin or end, though, with the decision's racism. Northerners who were not abolitionists, or even necessarily anti-slavery, protested the pro-Southern bias of the decision. It allowed, virtually unchecked, the spread of slavery into territories and states, threatening the economic aspirations of free white laborers.
Taney intended the Court's decision to end the slavery controversy for all time. Instead, the intense and immediate public reaction accelerated a chain of events that made fighting a civil war unavoidable.
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Government and ideology during the age of whig supremacy: the political argument of Sir Robert Walpole's newspaper propagandists *
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Government and ideology during the age of whig supremacy: the political argument of Sir Robert Walpole's newspaper propagandists* - Volume 37 Issue 2
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Government and ideology during the age of whig supremacy: the political argument of Sir Robert Walpole's newspaper propagandists*
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Simon Targett
Affiliation: Selwyn CollegeCambridge
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Abstract
Contrary to received historical wisdom, Sir Robert Walpole, the pragmatist par excellence, was diverted by political ideas. Thus he invested time and an unprecedented amount of money in political newspapers. This article investigates the primary pro-government newspapers and, as well as identifying the leading circle of political writers sponsored by Walpole, addresses the varied and complex arguments that appeared in their ‘leading essay’ each week for twenty years. After identifying some common but misleading historical representations of Walpolean political thought, the article examines the treatment of three broad philosophical questions – human nature, the origin, nature and extent of government, and political morality – so demonstrating that Walpole's spokesmen were not narrowly pragmatic. Subsequently, the article focuses upon the careful pro-government response to the common charges that Walpole corrupted the political system and betrayed traditional whig values. In doing so, the article highlights the skills of some underrated eighteenth-century political writers and, more importantly, emphasizes the union of government and ideology in Walpolean political thinking.
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The Historical Journal , Volume 37 , Issue 2 , June 1994 , pp. 289 - 317
DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/S0018246X00016484 [Opens in a new window]
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Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1994
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References
1
1 For some contemporary views: Yorke], [P., Walpoliana (London, 1777), p. 17Google Scholar; Chesterfield, Lord, The characters of eminent personages of his own time (London, 1777), p. 31Google Scholar; and John, , Lord, Hervey, Some materials towards memoirs of the reign of King George II by John, Lord Hervey, ed. by Sedgwick, R. R. (3 vols. London, 1931), 1, 177–8.Google Scholar
2
2 Taylor, A. J. P., Rumours of war (London, 1952), p. 17.Google Scholar
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3 Dickinson, H. T., Walpole and the whig supremacy (London, 1973), p. 152.Google Scholar
4
4 Namier, L. B., ‘Human nature’, in his Personalities and powers (London, 1955), p. 4.Google Scholar
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5 Robert Harley to Lord Godolphin, August 1702: British Library (BL), Add. MS 28,055, fo. 3.
6
6 Journals of the House of Commons (CJ), XXIV (1741–1745), pp. 329–30Google Scholar. The eight newspapers: London Journal (LJ), British Journal (BJ), Daily Courant (DC), Free Briton (FB), Flying-Post (FP), Hyp-Doctor (HD), Corn-Cutter's Journal (CCJ), and Daily Gazetteer (DG). For a recent study of these newspapers see my ‘Sir Robert Walpole's newspapers, 1722–1742: propaganda and politics in the age of whig supremacy’ (Ph.D. dissertation, Cambridge University, 1991).Google Scholar
7
7 Anti-government newspapers and pamphlets were replete with claims that Walpole actually wrote newspaper essays, that he was ‘the premier Scribbler Himself’: Craftsman (C), 31 January 1730, no. 187. For example: C, 4 Jan. 1729, no. 131; [Anon.], A Full Answer to that Scandalous Libel the Free Briton (London, 1731), pp. 4, 6Google Scholar; [Anon.], Bob-Lynn Against Franck… Lynn: Or, a full History ofthe Controversies and Dissensions in the Family ofthe Lynns (London, 1732), pp. 15–16Google Scholar;and [Anon.], lago Display'd (London, n.d.), p. 10.
8
8 For example: Lord Hervey, Lewis Theobald, Gilbert Burnet, Francis Hutcheson, Thomas Cooke, Benjamin Norton Defoe, James Ralph, Stephen Whatley, Sir Archer Croft, Francis Hare, Henry Bland, George Stubbes, Barnham Goode and John Oldmixon.
9
9 James Pitt, William Arnall and Ralph Courteville were the most prolific writers. Pitt completed at least 343 essays between 18 Feb. 1728 and 25 Nov. 1738, Arnall completed at least 326 essays between 20 Jan. 1728 and 16 April 1736, and Courteville completed at least 366 essays between 2 Nov. 1732 and 3 Feb. 1742.
10
10 William Arnall was given over £10,000 for producing the Free Briton and some occasional pamphlets between 1731 and 1735: CJ, XXIV (1741–5), p. 329. He received a ‘Royal Bounty’ worth £400 in February 1736: Calendar of Treasury Books of Paper 1729–1745, ed. by Shaw, W. A. (5 vols. London, 1898–1903), III (1735–8), p. 160Google Scholar. After his death in May 1736 it was reported that ‘a Pension of about £400 per annum… reverted to the Government’: London Evening Post, 3 June 1736, no. 1333. Ralph Courteville received an annual pension of £800 – see his letter to the duke of Newcastle, [?] Dec. 1754: BL, Add. MS 32, 737, fo. 543.
11
11 In his study of Walpolean and Pelhamite thinking, Reed Browning analyses five individuals whom he describes as ‘representative Court Whigs’. Yet, apart from Benjamin Hoadly, none can be ranked among Walpole's most prominent political writers: Political and constitutional ideas of the court whigs (Baton Rouge and London, 1982).Google Scholar
12
12 Robbins, C., The eighteenth-century commonwealthman: studies in the transmission, development and circumstances of English liberal thought from the restoration of Charles II until the war with the thirteen colonies (Cambridge, Mass., 1959), p. 273CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Pocock, J. G. A., The Machiavellian moment. Florentine political thought and the Atlantic republican tradition (Princeton and London, 1975), p. 483.Google Scholar
13
13 Robbins, , The eighteenth-century commonwealthman, p. 271Google Scholar; Kenyon, J. P., Revolution principles: the politics of party 1689–1720 (Cambridge, 1977), p. 203CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Home, T., ‘Politics in a corrupt society: William Arnall's defence of Robert Walpole’, Journal of the History of Ideas, XLI (1980), 601–14Google Scholar; and Clark, J. C. D., English society 1688–1832: ideology, social structure and political practice during the ancien régime (Cambridge, 1985), p. 279.Google Scholar
14
14 Kramnick, I., Bolingbroke and his circle. The politics of nostalgia in the age of Walpole (Cambridge, Mass., 1968), p. 121.Google Scholar
15
15 Davenant], [G., The picture of a modern whig, set forth in a dialogue between Mr. Whiglove & Mr. Double, two under-spur-leathers to the late ministry (2nd edn, London, 1701).Google Scholar
16
16 Kenyon, , Revolution principles, pp. 199, 205.Google Scholar
17
17 HD, 31 Aug. 1731, no. 39. For similar statements: LJ, 11 April 1730, no. 558; LJ, 6 Nov. 1731, no. 645; and LJ, 20 July 1734, no. 786.
18
18 The word ‘necessity’ was more readily used in parliamentary speeches rather than extra-parliamentary propaganda.
19
19 LJ, 19 Sept. 1730, no. 581. For a similar statement: LJ, 27 March 1731, no. 609.
20
20 Hansard, H. C., The parliamentary history of England from the earliest period to the year 1803 (36 vols. London, 1806), XI (1739–41), 364.Google Scholar
21
21 Macaulay, T. B., The works of Lord Macaulay complete, ed. by Lady, Trevelyan (8 vols. London, 1866), VI, 17Google Scholar. For a similar view: ‘On the Conduct and Principles of Sir Robert Walpole, By Governor Pownall’, reprinted in Coxe, W., Memoirs of the life and administration of Sir Robert Walpole, Earl ofOrford (3 vols. London, 1798), III, 618Google Scholar. Walpole's ‘Penetration into the Nature of Man’ was also singled out for praise by his political writers – for example: LJ, 29 Nov. 1729, no. 539.
22
22 DG, 25 July 1740, no. 1589.
23
23 LJ, 19 July 1729, no. 520.
24
24 LJ, 19 Sept. 1730, no. 581.
25
25 LJ, 19 Oct. 1723, no. 221.
26
26 FB, 10 Jan. 1734, no. 219.
27
27 FB, 22 Jan. 1730, no. 8.
28
28 LJ, 12 July 1729, no. 519; LJ, 5 July 1729, no. 518; LJ, 19 July 1729, no. 520; LJ, 1 Jan. 1732, no. 653; LJ, 12 Aug. 1732, no. 685 and LJ, 24 Nov. 1733, no. 752. This perhaps accounts for the fact that some historians, most commonly citing the London Journal during James Pitt's heyday in the early and mid-1730s, have tended to associate the more sanguine view of man with the Walpolean whigs: Browning, , Court whigs, p. 182.Google Scholar
29
29 LJ, 26 Aug. 1732, no. 687. James Pitt was also influenced by the third earl of Shaftesbury and Samuel Clarke, both of whom he often liked to cite: LJ, 12 July 1729, no. 519 and LJ, 31 May 1729, no. 513.
30
30 For example: LJ, 5 July 1729, no. 518.
31
31 LJ, 25 Nov. 1732, no. 700. For other anti-Hobbes statements: LJ, 14 Dec. 1728, no. 489; LJ, 12 july 1729, no. 519; LJ, 14 Oct. 1732, no. 694; LJ, 9 Dec. 1732, no. 702; DG, 6 Dec. 1735, no. 138 and DG, 13 Dec. 1735, no. 144.
32
32 LJ, 14 Oct. 1732, no. 694.
33
33 For Hoadly: LJ, 29 Dec. 1722, no. 179. For Henley: HD, 25 Sept. 1733, no. 149. For Concanen: LJ, 12 March 1726, no. 346 and LJ, 18 April 1730, no. 559.
34
34 For Machiavelli: FB, 1 Jan. 1730, no. 5 and DC, 26 Oct. 1734, no. 5792. For Hobbes: LJ, 10 June 1738, no. 982 and LJ, 26 Feb. 1737, no. 920. For La Rochefoucauld: DC, 7 Jan 1734, no. 5540 and DG, 8 June 1738, no. 914.
36
36 BJ, 1 June 1728, no. 20.
36
36 BJ, 16 Nov. 1728, no. 44.
37
37 For example, BJ, 25 May 1728, no. 19; BJ, 31 May 1729, no. 74; FB, 22 Jan. 1732, no. 163 and FB, 28 June 1733, no. 188.
38
38 DC, 5 Oct. 1734, no. 5774.
39
39 LJ, 10 June 1738, no. 982.
40
40 LJ, 26 June 1736, no. 886. This quotation comes from Timon of Athens, 1, II.
41
41 LJ, 26 Feb. 1737, no. 920.
42
42 For example. (1) A series of two essays by James Pitt in the London Journal: 25 Aug. 1733, no. 689 and 1 Sept. 1733, no. 740. (2) A series of six essays by Ralph Courteville in the Daily Courant: 12 Oct. 1734, no. 5780; 21 Oct. 1734, no. 5787; 26 Oct. 1734, no. 5792; 4 Nov. 1734, no. 5799; 9 Nov. 1734, no. 5804 and 16 Nov. 1734, no. 5810.
43
43 FB, 8 Jan. 1730, no. 6.
44
44 For example: LJ, 27 March 1731, no. 609; LJ, 9 Sept. 1732, no. 689; DC, 5 June 1733, no. 5354; DC, 12 Oct. 1734, no. 5780 and LJ, 18 Sept. 1736, no. 898.
45
45 BJ, 15 June 1728, no. 22.
46
46 For example: LJ, 20 June 1730, no. 568; FB, 17 Aug. 1732, no. 142; LJ, 16 March 1734, no. 768 and DG, 26 July 1735, no. 24.
47
47 BJ, 15 June 1728, no. 22.
48
48 Very occasionally, Ralph Courteville allowed that governments were a ‘convenience’: DC, 12 Oct. 1734, no. 5780.
49
49 For example: FB, 8 Jan. 1730, no. 6; FB, 28 Sept. 1732.no. 148; FB, 23 Nov. 1732, no. 156; FB, 18 July 1734, no. 246; DC, 21 Oct. 1734, no. 5787; FP, 11 Feb. 1729, no. 5606 and LJ, 8 Oct. 1737, no. 951.
50
50 DC, 12 Oct. 1734, no. 5780. For a similar phrase: DG, 31 Jan. 1739, no. 1125.
51
51 FB, 23 Nov. 1732, no. 156.
52
52 For example: FB, 7 May 1730, no. 23 and LJ, 26 Feb. 1737, no. 920.
53
53 DC, 12 Oct. 1734, no. 5780. For a similar statement: BJ, 15 June 1728, no. 22.
54
54 LJ, I Jan. 1732, no. 653. See also LJ, 28 Feb. 1730, no. 552.
55
55 LJ, 14 Oct. 1732, no. 694.
56
56 LJ, 16 May 1724, no. 251. For a similar statement: HD, 8 May 1734, no. 181.
57
57 For example: LJ, 9 Nov. 1723, no. 224; FB, 10 Dec. 1730, no. 54; LJ, 31 July 1731, no. 627; LJ, 9 Sept. 1732, no. 689; LJ, 2 June 1733, no. 727; FB, 18 July 1734, no. 246; DC, 5 Oct. 1734, no. 5774; DC, 10 Oct. 1734, no. 5778 and DG, 3 Jan. 1736, no. 162.
58
58 For example: FB, 10 Dec. 1730, no. 54; LJ, 27 March 1731, no. 609; LJ, 22 July 1732, no. 682; DC, 9 Nov. 1734, no. 5804 and DC, 4 Jan. 1735, no. 5852.
59
59 LJ, 9 Sept. 1732, no. 689.
60
60 BJ, 15 June 1728, no. 22.
61
61 For example: LJ, 4 April 1730, no. 557; FB, 21 Feb. 1734, no. 225 and DC, 16 Nov. 1734, no. 5810.
62
62 See Dickinson, H. T., ‘The eighteenth-century debate on the sovereignty of parliament’, Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 5th ser. XXVI (1976), 189–210.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
63
63 For example: LJ, 26 Aug. 1732, no. 687; LJ, 22 Dec. 1733, no. 756; DG, 20 Dec. 1735, no. 150; DG, 27 Dec. 1735, no. 156; DG, 3 Jan. 1736, no. 162 and DG, 6 Jan. 1736, no. 168.
64
64 DG, 6 Jan. 1736, no. 168.
65
65 LJ, 8 April 1732, no. 667.
66
66 LJ, 9 Dec. 1732, no. 702.
67
67 DC, 21 Oct. 1734, no. 5787. This quotation comes from Hobbes, T., De corpore politico. Or the elements of law, moral & political (London, 1650), pp. 62–3.Google Scholar
68
68 For example: DC, 23 Nov. 1734, no. 5816; LJ, 15 NoV. 1735, no. 854 and DG, 24 March 1740, no. 1483.
69
69 DC, 24 Oct. 1734, no. 5790. My italics.
70
70 Locke, J., Two treatises on government (2 vols. London, 1689), II, paras 208, 225 and 230.Google Scholar
71
71 For Hoadly's primary contribution to this topic – The measures of submission and The original and institution of government discussed: Hoadly, , The works of Benjamin Hoadly, D.D., edited by Hoadly, J. (3 vols. London, 1773), II, 3–102, 182–286.Google Scholar
72
72 LJ, 8 April 1732, no. 667.
73
73 DG, 4 Dec. 1736, no. 450.
74
74 LJ, LJ, 26 Dec. 1730, no. 595.
76
76 BJ, 13 April 1728, no. 13. For a similar observation: FB, 26 March 1730, no. 17.
76
76 FB, 4 June 1730, no. 27.
77
77 FB, 9 April 1730, no. 19. For Ralph Courteville's views: DC, 12 Oct. 1734, no. 5780.
78
78 DC, 21 Oct. 1734, no. 5787.
79
79 FB, 9 April 1730, no. 19.
80
80 For Robert Walpole's view: [Anon.], The tryal of Dr. Sacheverell (London, 1710), p. 92.Google Scholar
81
81 For an overview of this question: Myers, M. L., The soul of modern economic man: ideas of self-interest. Thomas Hobbes to Adam Smith (Chicago and London, 1983).Google Scholar
82
82 For example: BJ, 15 March 1729, no. 63; LJ, 23 May 1730, no. 564; FB, 14 Dec. 1732, no. 159; DC, 5 Oct. 1734, no. 5774 and DG, 21 May 1740, no. 1533.
83
83 DG, 8 Jan. 1737, no. 480.
84
84 LJ, 10 Jan. 1730, no. 545.
85
85 For Spinoza: LJ, 25 Nov. 1732, no. 700. For Hobbes, see above, note 31. Mandeville was never mentioned by name. However, his Fable of the bees: or, private vices, publick benefits was attacked in a number of anonymously written essays which were published when James Pitt was the leading writer of the London Journal: LJ, 7 June 1729, no. 514; LJ, 14 June 1729, no. 515 and LJ, 21 June 1729, no. 516.
86
86 LJ, 29 Dec. 1733, no. 757. For other such statements: LJ, 2 Nov. 1728, no. 483; LJ, 27 March 1731, no. 609 and LJ, 29 Jan. 1731, no. 657.
87
87 LJ, 2 July 1729, no. 518: Pitt recommends Shaftesbury's ‘Enquiry Concerning Virtue’ to his readers. LJ, 10 June 1732, no. 676: Pitt devotes an entire essay to a ‘vindication’ of Shaftesbury's writings on virtue. Francis Hutcheson was one of James Pitt's co-contributors to the London Journal. Hutcheson's principal essays discrediting the selfish scheme of morality first appeared in 1728 and were reprinted in 1735: Letters between the late G. Burnet and Mr. Hutchinson, concerning the true foundation of virtue or moral goodness. Formerly published in the London Journal. In addition, Hutcheson wrote two essays on the same subject in the London Journal of November 1724: Aldridge, A. O., ‘A preview of Hutcheson's ethics’, Modern Language Notes, LXI (1946), 153–61.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
88
88 LJ, 9 Feb. 1734, no. 763. See also LJ, 13 Dec. 1729, no. 541; LJ, 28 Feb. 1730, no. 552; LJ, 14 April 1733, no. 720 and LJ, 30 March 1734, no. 770.
89
89 LJ, 16 March 1734, no. 768. For a similar statement: LJ, 18 Sept. 1731, no. 634.
90
90 FB, 8 Jan. 1730, no. 6. For other such statements: BJ, 25 May 1728, no. 19; FB, 19 Oct. 1732, no. 151 and DG, 21 Oct. 1737, no. 725.
91
91 It is worth noting that neither William Arnall nor Ralph Courteville refer to Bernard Mandeville.
92
92 DC, 13 Dec. 1733, no. 5518.
93
93 DC, 1 Oct. 1734. 1734, no. 5770.
94
94 FB, 19 Oct. 1732, no. 151.
95
95 BJ, 3 Feb. 1728, no. 3.
96
96 FB, 5 Aug. 1731, no. 88 and FB, 12 Aug. 1731, no. 89.
97
97 Arnall], [W., Clodius and Cicero: with other examples and readings in defence of just measures against faction and obloquy, suited to the present conjuncture (London, 1727), p. 26Google Scholar. For similar views: BJ, 15 June 1728, no. 22; FB, 14 Dec. 1732, no. 159 and FB, 28 June 1733, no. 188.
98
98 [Arnall, ], Clodius and Cicero, pp. 26–7.Google Scholar
99
99 LJ, 28 Aug. 1731, no. 631 and LJ, 4 Sept. 1731, no. 632.
100
100 For example: LJ, 19 Sept. 1730, no. 581; FB, 10 Dec. 1730, no. 54; LJ, 20 May 1732, no. 673 and LJ, 30 Nov. 1734, no. 805.
101
101 Robert Walpole to the duke of Newcastle, 6 September 1723: BL, Add. MS 32, 686, fo. 327.
102
102 FB, 18 Jan. 1733, no. 164.
103
103 LJ, 25 Sept. 1731, no. 639. For similar statements: LJ, 29 Sept. 1722, no. 166; LJ, 18 Sept. 1731, no. 634 and LJ, 15 July 1732, no. 681.
104
104 DG, 11 Feb. 1737, no. 509.
105
105 LJ 4 June 1737, no. 933.
106
106 The locus classicus for this view is the writings of Lord Bolingbroke: see the 24 essays comprising his History Of England, published in the Craftsman between 13 June 1730 and 22 May 1731; and the 19 essays comprising his Dissertation Upon Parties, published in the Craftsman between 27 Oct. 1733 and 28 Dec. 1734.
107
107 C, 18 Oct. 1729, no. 172. The notion of a ‘Robinocracy’ was a popular one among satirists: see Langford, P., Walpole and the Robinocracy (Cambridge, 1986).Google Scholar
108
108 For example: Pocock, J. G. A., ‘Machiavelli, Harrington, and English political ideologies in the eighteenth century’, William and Mary Quarterly, 3rd ser. XXII (1965), 549–83CrossRefGoogle Scholar; idem, “Virtue and commerce in the eighteenth century’, Journal Of Interdisciplinary History, III (1972), 119–34Google Scholar; idem, Machiavellian moment, pp. 477–86; idem, Virtue, commerce and history. Essays on political thought and history, chiefly in the eighteenth century (Cambridge, 1985), pp. 239–53Google Scholar; Gerrard, C. H., ‘The patriot opposition to Sir Robert Walpole: a study of politics and poetry, 1725–1742’ (D.Phil, dissertation, Oxford University, 1986), pp. 130–87Google Scholar; and Smith, R. J., The Gothic bequest: medieval institutions in British thought, 1688–1863 (Cambridge, 1987), pp. 57–70.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
109
109 LJ, 9 Nov. 1728, no. 484.
110
110 FB, 11 July 1734, no. 245. For similar statements: LJ, 4 April 1730,. no. 557, LJ, 19 Sept. 1730, no. 581 and LJ, 22 July 1732, no. 682.
111
111 LJ, 1 Sept. 1733, no. 740.
112
112 For some other extra-parliamentary expressions: FB, 11 July 1734, no. 245; FB, 18 July 1734, no. 246; FB, 1 Aug. 1734, no. 248; DC, 18 Nov. 1734, no. 5811; DG, 14 Nov. 1735, no. 119 and DG, 2 Jan. 1740, no. 1413.
113
113 LJ, 1 Sept. 1733, no. 740.
114
114 LJ, 23 March 1734, no. 769.
115
115 C, 6 April 1734, no. 405. See also the frontispiece in volume 1 of the collected Craftsman.
116
116 LJ, 23 March 1734, no. 769.
117
117 See James Pitt's history of England, which appeared intermittently in the London Journal between July 1730 and May 1731.
118
118 LJ, 3 Oct. 1730, no. 583.
119
119 LJ, 8 May 1734, no. 777.
120
120 DC, 24 March 1731, no. 9188.
121
121 C, 2 Oct. 1730, no. 222.
122
122 DG, 5 March 1740, no. 1467. For a similar statement: DG, 23 Feb. 1737, no. 519.
123
123 BJ, 1 June 1728, no. 20.
124
124 LJ, 1 Sept. 1733, no. 740.
125
125 For example, in 1725 Lord Macclesfield, the lord chancellor, was found guilty of embezzlement and fined a staggering £30, 000 after a much-publicized court case: [Anon.], The tryal of Thomas Earl of Macclesfield in the House of Peers for high crimes and misdemeanors (London, 1725)Google Scholar. Seven years later, the fraudulent activities of the Charitable Corporation became the subject of a detailed parliamentary inquiry: Parliamentary History, VIII (1722–1733), 936–42, 1012–14, 1069–70, 1077–166Google Scholar; idem, IX (1733–7), 11–49.
126
126 Parliamentary History, XI (1733–1737), 475Google Scholar; idem, x (1737–9), 440; and idem, XI (1739–41), 90.
127
127 LJ, 13 March 1731, no. 606.
128
128 BJ, 3 Feb. 1728, no. 3. For similar comments: BJ, 31 May 1729, no. 74 and FB, 28 June 1733, no. 188.
129
129 Parliamentary History, X (1737–1739), 441.Google Scholar
130
130 DG, 24 March 1730, no. 1483.
131
131 Parliamentary History, IX (1733–1737), 386.Google Scholar
132
132 DC, 27 Sept. 1734, no. 5767.
133
133 For example: LJ, 16 Oct. 1731, no. 642; FB, 6 Feb. 1735, no. 274 and DG, 28 Feb. 1739, no. 1149.
134
134 For example: LJ, 31 July 1731, no. 627; FB, 28 Sept. 1732, no. 148 and DG, 23 Jan. 1740, no. 1431.
135
135 LJ, 22 June 1734, no. 782.
136
136 LJ, 8 Aug. 1730, no. 575.
137
137 For example: C, 6 July 1728, no. 105 and C, 7 June 1729, no. 153.
138
138 Parliamentary History, XI (1739–1741), 1385.Google Scholar
139
139 HD, 18 Jan. 1736, no. 114. See also DG, 28 Jan. 1737, no. 497.
140
140 DG, 28 Jan. 1737, no. 497.
141
141 C, 7 Dec. 1728, no. 127.
142
142 For example: C, 12 June 1731, no. 258 and C, 26 June 1731, no. 260.
143
143 Speck, W. A., Stability and strife. England 1714–1760 (London, 1977), p. 212.Google Scholar
144
144 Samuel Sandys offered six pension bills–1730, 1731, 1732, 1733, 1740 and 1742: Parliamentary History, VIII (1722–33), 789–98, 841, 844–55, 882, 942, 987, 988–92, 1177–84 and 1200; idem, XI (1739–41), 509–78; CJ, XXIV (1741–5), 52. Tindal, History Of England, VIII, 313, mentions a pension bill lost in 1736: see Foord, A. S., His Majesty's Opposition 1714–1830 (Oxford, 1964), p. 183Google Scholar. Sandys also offered five place bills – 1734, 1735, 1736, 1740 and 1741; Parliamentary History, IX (1733–1737), 366–92, 967–8 and 1060Google Scholar; idem, XI (1739–41), 328–80.
145
145 LJ, 6 July 1734, no. 784. Pitt computed that one-quarter of those ‘who are called the Court Interest’ were worth over £4, 000 each year, one-half were worth £2,000 each year, and the rest owned ‘very good Estates in Land and Money’.
146
146 LJ, 6 July 1734, no. 784.
147
147 FB, 28 June 1733, no. 188.
148
148 FB, 31 Dec. 1730, no. 57.
149
149 LJ, 29 June 1734, no. 783.
150
150 LJ, 30 March 1734, no. 770. For similar statements: LJ, 29 June 1734, no. 783 and LJ, 12 Oct. 1734, no. 798.
151
151 LJ, 30 Nov. 1734, no. 805.
152
152 Parliamentary History, XI (1739–1741), 362.Google Scholar
153
153 Parliamentary History, XI (1739–1741), 365.Google Scholar
154
154 DC, 1 Oct. 1734, no. 5770.
155
155 BJ, 31 May 1729, no. 74.
156
156 LJ, 28 Aug. 1731. no. 631.
157
157 DG, 18 April 1740, no. 1505.
158
158 FB, 28 June 1733, no. 188.
159
159 LJ, 23 June 1733, no. 730.
160
160 FB, 12 Sept. 1734, no. 254. For a similar view: DG, 11 Feb. 1737, no. 511.
161
161 Lord Orford to Charles [Fielding?], 24 June 1743: in Historical Manuscripts Commission (HMC), Reports of the Manuscripts of the Earl of Denbigh, Preserved at Newnham Paddox, Warwickshire. Part V (London, 1911), p. 242.Google Scholar
162
162 LJ, 23 Feb. 1734, no. 765. Elsewhere, it was computed that ‘the Commons possess above Seventeen-Twenty Parts of the Land’: LJ, 16 March 1734, no. 768 and DG, 26 July 1735, no. 24.
163
163 LJ, 16 March 1734, no. 768. For similar statements: LJ, 19 Sept. 1730, no. 591; DC, 25 Sept. 1734, no. 5765; and DG, 3 Oct. 1740, no. 1649.
164
164 For example: DC, 18 Nov. 1734, no. 5811 and DG, 11 July 1735, no. 11.
165
165 For example: C, 14 Nov. 1730, no. 228 and C, 17 April 1731, no. 250. For the radical whigs: Miller, E. A., ‘Some arguments used by the English pamphleteers, 1697–1700, concerning a standing army’, Journal of Modern History, XVIII (1946), 306–13CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Schwoerer, L. G., ‘No standing armies!: the antiarmy ideology in the seventeenth century (Baltimore, 1974).Google Scholar
166
166 See Black, J., ‘Parliament and foreign policy in the age of Walpole: the case of the Hessians’, in Black, J. (ed.), Knights Errant and True Englishmen: British Foreign Policy, 1660–1800 (Edinburgh, 1989). PP. 41–54.Google Scholar
167
167 BJ, 3 Aug. 1728, no. 29. Gordon's essay appears in his The Works of Tacitus. In Four Volumes. To which are prefixed, Political Discourses upon that Author (4 vols., 2nd edn, London, 1737), 1, 219–36Google Scholar. The Craftsman also praised this essay: 27 July 1728, no. 108 and 19 Sept. 1730, no. 220.
168
168 DG, 9 Feb. 1739, no. 1133.
169
169 For example: LJ, 21 Sept. 1728, no. 477; LJ, 31 July 1731, no. 627; FB, 9 March 1732, no. 119 and DG, 8 July 1737, no. 635.
170
170 LJ, 12 Feb. 1732, no. 659 and LJ, 26 Feb. 1737, no. 920.
171
171 Parliamentary History, IX (1733–1737), 283–324.Google Scholar
172
172 For example, see SirWilliam, Yonge's comments: Parliamentary History, IX (1733–1737), 319.Google Scholar
173
173 HD, 18 May 1731, no. 24. For a similar statement: LJ, 5 Oct. 1734, no. 597.
174
174 FB, 21 Feb. 1734, no. 225.
175
175 The French army numbered 133,000 soldiers and the Prussian army 83,000 soldiers: see Barnett, C., Britain and her army, 1509–1970: a military, political and social survey (London, 1970), p. 165Google Scholar; and Black, J., Eighteenth-century Europe 1700–1789 (London, 1990), pp. 305, 318.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
176
176 LJ, 2 Jan. 1731, no. 596. See also: LJ, 25 Sept. 1731, no. 639 and DG, 9 Feb. 1739, no. 1133.
177
177 Parliamentary History, VIII (1722–1733), 888.Google Scholar
178
178 LJ, 2 Jan. 1731, no. 596. For a similar point: FB, 17 Jan. 1734, no. 220.
179
179 LJ, 2 Jan. 1731, no. 596.
180
180 For example: C, 22 June 1728, no. 103.
181
181 Skinner, Q., ‘The principles and practice of opposition: the case of Bolingbroke versus Walpole’, in McKendrick, N. (ed.), Historical perspectives: studies in English thought and society in honour of J. H. Plumb (London, 1974), pp. 93–128.Google Scholar
182
182 Robbins, , The eighteenth-century commonwealthman, p. 284.Google Scholar
183
183 Like ‘whig’ or ‘tory’, ‘court whig’ was originally a term of derogation which the recipients subsequently used to describe themselves: FB, 22 Sept. 1733, no. 201; LJ, 13 Oct. 1733, no. 746; FB, 18 Oct. 1733, no. 207; LJ, 20 Oct. 1733, no. 747 and LJ 27 Oct. 1733, no. 748.
184
184 Parliamentary History, IX (1733–7), 1046–59.Google Scholar
185
185 For example: Bernard, Bailyn has observed that ‘Hoadly came to embody physically the continuity of the conglomerate tradition of English radical and opposition thought’: see his Ideological origins of the American Revolution (Cambridge, Mass., 1967), p. 38; and John Kenyon describes Hoadly as a radical whig, and erroneously states that Walpole did not have ‘any use for the most aggressively whig churchman of the century’: see his Revolution principles, p. 197.Google Scholar
186
186 DG, 30 June 1735, no. 1. For other such statements: FB, 30 july 1730, no. 35 and FB, 10 Dec. 1730, no. 54.
187
187 For example: LJ, 22 Sept. 1733, no. 743; LJ, 13 Oct. 1733, no. 746 and LJ, 20 April 1734, no. 773.
188
188 DG, 29 Nov. 1735, no. 132.
189
189 For Ludlow: LJ, 14 Sept. 1734, no. 794. For Locke: see above, note 82 and LJ, 22 Dec. 1733, no. 756; DG, 25 Jan. 1736, no. 181 and DG, 4 Dec. 1736, no. 452. For Sidney: LJ, 15 Dec. 1733, no. 755; DG, 22 Oct. 1735, no. 99; DG, 4 Dec. 1736, no. 452; DG, 25 Jan. 1736, no. 181 and LJ, 26 Feb. 1737, no. 920. Trenchard and Gordon were usually cited in their capacity as writers of the Independent Whig or Gala's Letters: BJ, 10 July 1725, no. 147; BJ, 20 Jan. 1728, no. 1; BJ, 3 Aug. 1728, no. 29; LJ, 12 June 1731, no. 620; LJ, 28 Aug. 1731, no. 631; LJ, 4 Sept. 1731, no. 632 and DC, 7 March 1734, no. 5592.
190
190 There were eighty-nine essays by ‘Algernon Sidney’. Twelve appeared in the Free Briton between 25 March 1731 and 7 Sept. 1732. Seventy-seven essays appeared in the Daily Gazetteer between 6 Oct. 1738 and 1 July 1740. William Murray, later Lord Mansfield, was widely suspected of writing under the pseudonym ‘Algernon Sidney’: [Marforio, ], An historical view of the principles, characters, persons etc. of the political writers in Great Britain (London, 1740), p. 39Google Scholar; and C, 7 Oct. 1738, no. 639.
191
191 It is worth pointing out that Courteville, who wrote 334 essays as ‘Raph Freeman’, often signed off with the surname only: ‘Freeman’.
192
192 J. P. Kenyon, ‘The Revolution of 1688: resistance and contract’, in McKendrick, , Historical perspectives, pp. 43–69Google Scholar; idem, Revolution principles, passim; Holmes, G., The tryal of Doctor Sacheverell (London, 1973), pp. 130–2, 137–41.Google Scholar
193
193 LJ, 24 April 1731, no. 613.
194
194 For example: LJ, 30 March 1734, no. 770; LJ, 14 Sept. 1734, no. 794; DC, 11 Oct. 1733, no. 5464; DG, 29 Nov. 1735, no. 132 and DG, 8 Jan. 1737, no. 480.
195
195 LJ 14 July 1733. no. 733.
196
196 Parliamentary History, IX (1733–1737), 1052.Google Scholar
197
197 Hervey, , Some materials, 1, 129.Google Scholar
198
198 Bodleian Library, Oxford, MS Dep. C. 237, fol. 85.
199
199 William Arnall's primary contribution was Animadversions on a reverend prelate's remarks upon the Bill now depending in Parliament (London, 1731)Google Scholar. For the dispute: Carpenter, E., Thomas Sherlock 1678–1761 (London, 1936), pp. 106–10.Google Scholar
200
200 Arnall's essays appeared in Barron, R. (ed.), The pillars of priestcraft and orthodoxy shaken (4 vols. 2 edn, London, 1768), III, 193–240Google Scholar; iv, 173–208.
201
201 HMC, , Manuscripts of the Earl of Egmont. Diary of Viscount Percival, afterwards Earl of Egmont (3 vols. London, 1920–1923), 1, 402.Google Scholar
202
202 James Pitt's essay ‘On Superstition’, which first appeared in 1733, was mistakenly assumed to be the product of William Pitt, earl of Chatham. It continued to be published until 1873.
203
203 For example: LJ, 8 Sept. 1733, no. 741; LJ, 15 Sept. 1733, no. 742 and LJ, 22 Sept. 1733, no. 743.
204
204 LJ, 22 Sept. 1733, no. 743.
205
205 LJ, 14 July 1733, no. 733. For similar statements: DC, 11 Oct. 1733, no. 5464; DG, 29 Nov. 1735, no. 132.
206
206 DG, 1 Jan. 1737, no. 474. For a similar view, DG, 15 Jan. 1737, no. 488.
207
207 Davenant, , The Picture of a Modern Whig, p. 33.Google Scholar
208
208 DG, 1 Jan. 1737, no. 474.
209
209 Scott, J., Algernon Sidney and the English Republic, 1623–1677 (Cambridge, 1988)Google Scholar, especially pp. 30–5.
210
210 DG, 1 January 1737, no. 474. This quotation comes from Sidney, A., Discourses concerning government (London, 1698), p. 136.Google Scholar
211
211 LJ, 20 July 1734, no. 786.
6
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(1908–1998), from Appomattox County, 1948–1973, Democrat. (1792–1883), from Mecklenburg County, 1819–1833. (1952– ), from Albemarle County, 1991–1993, Republican. (1797–1871), from Harrison County (now West Virginia), 1833–1835, Whig. (1794–1859), from Shenandoah County, 1827–1833, Democratic-Republican. James Lindsay Almond Jr. (1898–1986), from Roanoke, 1946–1948, Democrat. William Segar Archer (1789–1855), from Amelia County, 1820–1825, Democratic-Republican; Read more about: Members of the United States House of Representatives from Virginia
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en
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Encyclopedia Virginia
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https://encyclopediavirginia.org/entries/members-of-the-united-states-house-of-representatives-from-virginia/
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SUMMARY
Members of the United States House of Representatives are listed here in alphabetical order. Each entry includes life dates if known, a member’s area of residence when first elected, period of service, and party affiliation when known. Before 1795 and again from the 1810s into the 1830s there were no well-organized political parties or parties were in flux, and for those time periods no affiliation is listed. Between 1795 and the 1810s most members are identified as Federalists or as Democratic-Republicans. The eight men who were elected to the House of Representatives in 1865 but not seated are also included in this list. John Mercer Langston, elected in 1890, was the first African American elected to Congress from Virginia. Leslie Larkin Byrne, elected in 1992, was the first woman elected to Congress from Virginia.
Watkins Moorman Abbitt (1908–1998), from Appomattox County, 1948–1973, Democrat.
Mark Alexander (1792–1883), from Mecklenburg County, 1819–1833.
George Felix Allen (1952– ), from Albemarle County, 1991–1993, Republican.
John James Allen (1797–1871), from Harrison County (now West Virginia), 1833–1835, Whig.
Robert Allen (1794–1859), from Shenandoah County, 1827–1833, Democratic-Republican.
James Lindsay Almond Jr. (1898–1986), from Roanoke, 1946–1948, Democrat.
William Segar Archer (1789–1855), from Amelia County, 1820–1825, Democratic-Republican; 1825–1835, Whig.
William Armstrong (1782–1865), from Hampshire County (now West Virginia), 1825–1833.
Archibald Atkinson (1792–1872), from Isle of Wight County, 1843–1849, Democrat.
Archibald Austin (1772–1837), from Buckingham County, 1817–1819, Democratic-Republican.
Thomas Hamlet Averett (1800–1855), from Halifax County, 1849–1853, Democrat.
Richard Small Ayer (1829–1896), from Richmond County, 1870–1871, Republican.
John Baker (1769–1823), from Jefferson County (now West Virginia), 1811–1813, Federalist.
William Lee Ball (1781–1824), from Lancaster County, 1817–1824, Democratic-Republican.
Linn Banks (1784–1842), from Culpeper County, 1838–1841, Democrat.
Benjamin Johnson Barbour (1821–1894), from Orange County, elected in 1865 but not seated.
John Strode Barbour (1790–1855), from Culpeper County, 1823–1833.
John Strode Barbour Jr. (1820–1892), from Alexandria, 1881–1887, Democrat.
Philip Pendleton Barbour (1783–1841), from Orange County, 1814–1825, 1827–1830 (Speaker, Seventeenth Congress, 1821–1822).
Richard Walker Barton (1799–1860), from Winchester, 1841–1843, Democrat.
Burwell Bassett (1764–1841), from Williamsburg, 1805–1813, 1815–1819, 1821–1829, Democratic-Republican.
Herbert Harvell Bateman (1928–2000), from Newport News, 1983–2000, Republican.
Thomas Henry Bayly (1809–1856), from Accomack County, 1844–1856, Democrat.
Thomas Monteagle Bayly (1775–1834), from Accomack County, 1813–1815, Federalist.
James Madison Hite Beale (1786–1866), from Shenandoah County, 1833–1837, 1849–1853, Democrat.
Richard Lee Turberville Beale (1819–1893), from Westmoreland County, 1847–1849, 1879–1881, Democrat.
Henry Bedinger (1812–1858), from Jefferson County (now West Virginia), 1845–1849, Democrat.
Andrew Beirne (1771–1845), from Monroe County (now West Virginia), 1837–1841, Democrat.
Jacob Beeson Blair (1821–1901), from Wood County (now West Virginia), 1861–1863, Unionist.
Schuyler Otis Bland (1872–1950), from Newport News, 1918–1950, Democrat.
Theodorick Bland (1742–1790), from Prince George County, 1789–1790.
Thomas Jerome Bliley Jr. (1932– ), from Richmond, 1981–2001, Republican.
Thomas Salem Bocock (1815–1891), from Appomattox County, 1847–1861, Democrat.
George William Booker (1821–1884), from Martinsville, 1870–1871, Conservative.
Alexander Robinson Boteler (1815–1892), from Jefferson County (now West Virginia), 1859–1861, Opposition.
John Minor Botts (1802–1869), from [not a city in 1839, became one in 1842] Richmond, 1839–1843, 1847–1849, Whig.
Frederick Carlyle Boucher (1946– ), from Washington County, 1983–2010, Democrat.
James Wood Bouldin (1792–1854), from Charlotte County, 1834–1839, Democrat.
Thomas Tyler Bouldin (d. 1834), from Charlotte County, 1829–1833, 1833–1834.
George Edwin Bowden (1852–1908), from Norfolk, 1887–1891, Republican.
Henry Bowen (1841–1915), from Tazewell County, 1883–1885, Readjuster; 1887–1889, Republican.
Rees Tate Bowen (1809–1879), from Tazewell County, 1873–1875, Democrat.
James Dennis Brady (1843–1900), from Petersburg, 1885–1887, Republican.
David Alan Bratt (1964– ), from Hanover County, 2014–2019, Republican.
Elliott Muse Braxton (1823–1891), from Fredericksburg, 1871–1873, Democrat.
James Breckinridge (1763–1833), from Botetourt County, 1809–1817, Federalist.
Richard Brent (d. 1814), from Prince William County, 1795–1799, 1801–1803, Democratic-Republican.
John Brown (1757–1837), from Frankfurt, Mercer County (now Kentucky), 1789–1792.
John Robert Brown (1842–1927), from Henry County, 1887–1889, Republican.
William G. Brown (1800–1884), from Preston County (now West Virginia), 1845–1849, Democrat; 1861–1863, Unionist.
Thomas Henry Bayly Browne (1844–1892), from Accomack County, 1887–1891, Republican.
Joel Thomas Broyhill (1919–2006), from Arlington County, 1953–1974, Republican.
John Alexander Buchanan (1843–1921), from Washington County, 1889–1893, Democrat.
Thomas Granville Burch (1869–1951), from Martinsville, 1931–1946, Democrat.
Clarence Godber Burton (1886–1982), from Lynchburg, 1948–1953, Democrat.
William Armistead Burwell (1780–1821), from Franklin County, 1806–1821, Democratic-Republican.
Manley Caldwell Butler (1925– ), from Roanoke, 1972–1983, Republican.
Leslie Larkin Byrne (1946– ), from Falls Church, 1993–1995, Democrat.
George Craighead Cabell (1836–1906), from Danville, 1875–1887, Democrat.
Samuel Jordan Cabell (1756–1818), from Amherst County, 1795–1803, Democratic-Republican.
Eric Ivan Cantor (1963– ), from Henrico County, 2001–2014, Republican.
Hugh Caperton (1781–1847), from Monroe County (now West Virginia), 1813–1815, Federalist.
John Snyder Carlile (1817–1878), from Harrison County (now West Virginia), 1855–1857, American; 1861, Unionist.
Charles Creighton Carlin (1866–1938), from Alexandria, 1907–1919, Democrat.
George Booth Cary (ca. 1802–1850), from Southampton County, 1841–1843, Democrat.
John Samuel Caskie (1821–1869), from Richmond, 1851–1859, Democrat.
Lucius Henry Chandler (1812–1876), from Norfolk, elected in 1865 but not seated.
Augustus A. Chapman (1805–1876), from Monroe County (now West Virginia), 1843–1847, Democrat.
Samuel Chilton (1805–1867), from Fauquier County, 1843–1845, Whig.
Joseph William Chinn (1798–1840), from Lancaster County, 1831–1835.
John Claiborne (1778–1808), from Brunswick County, 1805–1808, Democratic-Republican.
Nathaniel Herbert Claiborne (1775–1859), from Franklin County, 1825–1837.
Thomas Claiborne (1747–1811), from Brunswick County, 1793–1799, 1801–1805, Democratic-Republican.
Christopher Henderson Clark (1768–1828), from Bedford County, 1804–1806, Democratic-Republican.
Matthew Clay (1754–1815), from Halifax County, 1797–1813, 1815, Democratic-Republican.
Sherrard Clemens (1820–1880), from Ohio County (now West Virginia), 1852–1853, 1857–1861, Democrat.
Benjamin Lee Cline (1972– ), from Lexington, 2019-, Republican.
John Clopton (1756–1816), from New Kent County, 1795–1799, 1801–1816, Democratic-Republican.
Richard Coke Jr. (1790–1851), from Williamsburg, 1829–1833.
Isaac Coles (1747–1813), from Pittsylvania County, 1789–1791; 1793–1797, Democratic-Republican.
Walter Coles (1790–1857), from Halifax County, 1835–1845, Democrat.
Edward Colston (1786–1851), from Berkeley County (now West Virginia), 1817–1819, Federalist.
Barbara Jean Burns Comstock (1959– ), from Fairfax County, 2015–2019, Republican.
Gerald Edward Connolly (1950– ), from Fairfax County, 2009– , Democrat.
Robert Young Conrad (1805–1875), from Frederick County, elected in 1865 but not seated.
Robert Craig (1792–1852), from Montgomery County, 1829–1833, 1835–1841, Democrat.
John Critcher (1820–1901), from Westmoreland County, 1871–1873, Conservative Democrat.
Thomas Croxton (1822–1903), from Essex County, 1885–1887, Democrat.
George William Crump (1786–1848), from Cumberland County, 1826–1827.
William Henry Bagwell Custis (1814–1889), from Accomack County, elected in 1865 but not seated.
John Warwick Daniel (1842–1910), from Lynchburg, 1885–1887, Democrat.
Robert Williams Daniel Jr. (1936– ), from Prince George County, 1973–1983, Republican.
Wilbur Clarence Daniel (1914–1988), from Danville, 1969–1988, Democrat.
Colgate Whitehead Darden Jr. (1897–1981), from Norfolk, 1933–1937, 1939–1941, Democrat.
Ralph Hunter Daughton (1885–1958), from Norfolk, 1944–1947, Democrat.
Thomas Davenport (d. 1838), from Halifax County, 1825–1835.
Alexander M. Davis (1833–1889), from Grayson County, 1873–1874, Democrat.
Beverly Arnold Davis (1820–1894), from Patrick County, elected in 1865 but not seated.
Billie Jo Ann Sides Davis (1950–2007), from Gloucester County, 2001–2007, Republican.
Thomas Milburn Davis III (1949– ), from Fairfax County, 1995– 2009, Republican.
John Dawson (1762–1814), from Spotsylvania County, 1797–1814, Democratic-Republican.
Joseph Thomas Deal (1860–1942), from Norfolk, 1921–1929, Democrat.
Daniel Coleman Dejarnette (1822–1881), from Caroline County, 1859–1861, Independent Democrat.
John Frederick Dezendorf (1834–1894), from Norfolk, 1881–1883, Republican.
Philip Doddridge (1773–1832), from Brooke County (now West Virginia), 1829–1832.
Beverley Browne Douglas (1822–1878), from King William County, 1875–1878, Democrat.
Thomas Nelms Downing (1919–2001), from Newport News, 1959–1977, Democrat.
Thelma Day Drake (1949– ), from Norfolk, 2005–2009, Republican.
Joseph Draper (1794–1834), from Wythe County, 1830–1831, 1832–1833.
Patrick Henry Drewry (1875–1947), from Petersburg, 1920–1947, Democrat.
George Coke Dromgoole (1797–1847), from Brunswick County, 1835–1841, 1843–1847, Democrat.
Richard Thomas Walker Duke (1822–1898), from Charlottesville, 1870–1873, Conservative.
Paul Carrington Edmunds (1836–1899), from Halifax County, 1889–1895, Democrat.
Henry Alonzo Edmundson (1814–1890), from Salem, 1849–1861, Democrat.
Joseph Eggleston (1754–1811), from Amelia County, 1798–1801, Democratic-Republican.
Tazewell Ellett (1856–1914), from Richmond, 1895–1897, Democrat.
James Fletcher Epes (1842–1910), from Nottoway County, 1891–1895, Democrat.
Sydney Parham Epes (1865–1900), from Nottoway County, 1897–1898, 1899–1900, Democrat.
John Wayles Eppes (1773–1823), from Chesterfield County, 1803–1811, Democratic-Republican; from Buckingham County, 1813–1815, Democratic-Republican.
Benjamin Estill (1780–1853), from Washington County, 1825–1827.
Thomas Evans (ca. 1755–1815), from Accomack County, 1797–1801, Federalist.
Charles James Faulkner (1806–1884), from Berkeley County (now West Virginia), 1851–1855, Whig; 1855–1859, Democrat.
John Wood Fishburne (1888–1937), from Charlottesville, 1931–1933, Democrat.
Joseph Lyman Fisher (1914–1992), from Arlington County, 1975–1981, Democrat.
John William Flannagan Jr. (1885–1955), from Bristol, 1931–1949, Democrat.
Henry DeLaWarr Flood (1865–1921), from Appomattox County, 1901–1921, Democrat.
Joel West Flood (1894–1964), from Appomattox County, 1932–1933, Democrat.
Thomas Stanhope Flournoy (1811–1883), from Halifax County, 1847–1849, Whig.
John Floyd (1783–1837), from Montgomery County, 1817–1829.
James Randy Forbes (1952– ), from Chesapeake, 2001–2017, Republican.
Thomas Bacon Fugate (1899–1980), from Lee County, 1949–1953, Democrat.
Abram Fulkerson (1834–1902), from Bristol, 1881–1883, Readjuster.
Andrew Steele Fulton (1800–1884), from Wythe County, 1847–1849, Whig.
John Hall Fulton (d. 1836), from Washington County, 1833–1835.
William Embre Gaines (1844–1912), from Nottoway County, 1887–1889, Republican.
Jacob Aaron Garber (1879–1953), from Rockingham County, 1929–1931, Republican.
David Shepherd Garland (1769–1841), from Amherst County, 1810–1811, Democratic-Republican.
James Garland (1791–1885), from Nelson County, 1835–1841, Democrat.
James Mercer Garnett (1770–1843), from Essex County, 1805–1809, Democratic-Republican.
Muscoe Russell Hunter Garnett (1821–1864), from Essex County, 1856–1861, Democrat.
Robert Selden Garnett (1789–1840), from Essex County, 1817–1827.
Thomas Alexander Garrett Jr. (1972– ), from Buckingham County, 2017–2019, Republican.
George Tankard Garrison (1835–1889), from Accomack County, 1881–1883, 1884–1885, Democrat.
Julian Vaughan Gary (1892–1973), from Richmond, 1945–1965, Democrat.
James Herbert Gholson (1798–1848), from Brunswick County, 1833–1835.
Thomas Gholson Jr. (d. 1816), from Brunswick County, 1808–1816, Democratic-Republican.
James King Gibson (1812–1879), from Washington County, 1870–1871, Conservative.
William Branch Giles (1762–1830), from Amelia County, 1790–1798, 1801–1803, Democratic-Republican.
Thomas Walker Gilmer (1802–1844), from Charlottesville, 1841–1843, Whig; 1843–1844, Democrat.
Carter Glass (1858–1946), from Lynchburg, 1902–1918, Democrat.
William Leftwich Goggin (1807–1870), from Bedford County, 1839–1843, 1844–1845, 1847–1849, Whig.
Robert George Good (1965– ), from Campbell County, 2021– , Republican.
John Goode Jr. (1829–1909), from Norfolk, 1875–1881, Democrat.
Samuel Goode (1756–1822), from Mecklenburg County, 1799–1801, Democratic-Republican.
Virgil Hamlin Goode Jr. (1946– ), from Franklin County, 1997–2000, Democrat; 2000–2002, Independent; 2002–2009, Republican.
William Osborne Goode (1798–1859), from Mecklenburg County, 1841–1843, 1853–1859, Democrat.
Robert William Goodlatte (1952– ), from Roanoke, 1993–2019, Republican.
Peterson Goodwyn (1745–1818), from Petersburg, 1803–1818, Democratic-Republican.
William Fitzhugh Gordon (1787–1858), from Albemarle County, 1830–1835.
Edwin Gray (ca. 1769–by 1826), from Southampton County, 1799–1813, Federalist.
John Cowper Gray (1783–1823), from Southampton County, 1820–1821, Democratic-Republican.
Samuel Griffin (1746–1810), from James City County, 1789–1795.
Thomas Griffin (1773–1837), from Yorktown, 1803–1805, Federalist.
Howard Morgan Griffith (1958– ), from Salem, 2011– , Republican.
Norman Rond Hamilton (1877–1964), from Portsmouth, 1937–1939, Democrat.
George Hancock (1754–1820), from Botetourt County, 1793–1797.
Porter Hardy Jr. (1903–1995), from Norfolk County, 1947–1969, Democrat.
Herbert Eugene Harris II (1926– ), from Fairfax County, 1975–1981, Democrat.
John Thomas Harris (1823–1899), from Harrisonburg, 1859–1861, 1871–1881, Democrat.
William Alexander Harris (1805–1864), from Page County, 1841–1843, Democrat.
Winder Russell Harris (1888–1973), from Norfolk, 1941–1944, Democrat.
Burr Powell Harrison (1904–1973), from Winchester, 1946–1963, Democrat.
Carter Bassett Harrison (ca. 1756–1808), from Prince George County, 1793–1799, Democratic-Republican.
Thomas Walter Harrison (1856–1935), from Winchester, 1916–1922, 1923–1929, Democrat.
Aylett Hawes (1768–1833), from Culpeper County, 1811–1817, Democratic-Republican.
James Hay (1856–1931), from Madison County, 1897–1916, Democrat.
Thomas Sherwood Haymond (1794–1869), from Marion County (now West Virginia), 1849–1851, Whig.
Samuel Lewis Hays (1794–1871), from Lewis County (now West Virginia), 1841–1843, Democrat.
John Heath (1758–1810), from Northumberland County, 1793–1797, Democratic-Republican.
John Hill (1800–1880), from Buckingham County, 1839–1841, Whig.
Daniel Howe Hoge (1811–1867), from Montgomery County, elected in 1865 but not seated.
Alexander Richmond Holladay (1811–1877), from Spotsylvania County, 1849–1853, Democrat.
Edward Everett Holland (1861–1941), from Suffolk, 1911–1921, Democrat.
Joel Holleman (1799–1844), from Isle of Wight County, 1839–1840, Democrat.
David Holmes (1769–1832), from Harrisonburg, 1797–1809, Democratic-Republican.
James Murray Hooker (1873–1940), from Patrick County, 1921–1925, Democrat.
Benjamin Stephen Hooper (1835–1898), from Prince Edward County, 1883–1885, Readjuster.
George Washington Hopkins (1804–1861), from Washington County, 1835–1847, 1857–1859, Democrat.
Samuel Isaac Hopkins (1843–1914), from Lynchburg, 1887–1889, Labor.
Edmund Wilcox Hubard (1806–1878), from Buckingham County, 1841–1847, Democrat.
John Pratt Hungerford (1761–1833), from Westmoreland County, 1811, 1813–1817, Democratic-Republican.
Robert Mercer Taliaferro Hunter (1809–1887), from Essex County, 1837–1843, 1845–1847 (Speaker, Twenty-sixth Congress, 1839–1840), Whig.
Eppa Hunton (1822–1908), from Fauquier County, 1873–1881, Democrat.
Robert Hurt (1969– ), from Chatham, 2011–2017, Republican.
Edward Brake Jackson (1793–1826), from Harrison County (now West Virginia), 1820–1823, Democratic-Republican.
George Jackson (1757–1831), from Harrison County (now West Virginia), 1795–1797, 1799–1803, Democratic-Republican.
John George Jackson (1777–1825), from Harrison County (now West Virginia), 1803–1810, 1813–1817, Democratic-Republican.
Rorer Abraham James (1859–1921), from Danville, 1920–1921, Democrat.
Albert Gallatin Jenkins (1830–1864), from Cabell County (now West Virginia), 1857–1861, Democrat.
William Pat Jennings (1919–1994), from Smyth County, 1955–1967, Democrat.
James Johnson (d. 1825), from Isle of Wight County, 1813–1820, Democratic-Republican.
Joseph Johnson (1785–1877), from Harrison County (now West Virginia), 1823–1827, 1833, 1835–1841, 1845–1847, Democrat.
Charles Clement Johnston (1795–1832), from Washington County, 1831–1832.
Joseph Eggleston Johnston (1807–1891), from Richmond, 1879–1881, Democrat.
James Jones (1772–1848), from Nottoway County, 1819–1823, Democratic-Republican.
John Winston Jones (1791–1848), from Chesterfield County, 1835–1845 (Speaker, Twenty-eighth Congress, 1843–1844), Democrat.
Walter Jones (1745–1815), from Northumberland County, 1797–1799, 1803–1811, Democratic-Republican.
William Atkinson Jones (1849–1918), from Richmond County, 1891–1918, Democrat.
Joseph Jorgensen (1844–1888), from Petersburg, 1877–1883, Republican.
John Kerr (1782–1842), from Halifax County, 1813–1815, 1815–1817, Democratic-Republican.
Zedekiah Kidwell (1814–1872), from Marion County (now West Virginia), 1853–1857, Democrat.
Jennifer Ann Moore Kiggans (1971– ), from Virginia Beach, 2023– , Republican.
John Lamb (1840–1924), from Richmond, 1897–1913, Democrat.
John Mercer Langston (1829–1897), from Petersburg, 1890–1891, Republican.
Menalcus Lankford (1883–1937), from Norfolk, 1929–1933, Republican.
Francis Rives Lassiter (1866–1909), from Petersburg, 1900–1903, 1907–1909, Democrat.
John William Lawson (1837–1905), from Isle of Wight County, 1891–1893, Democrat.
Shelton Farrar Leake (1812–1884), from Charlottesville, 1845–1847, 1859–1861, Democrat.
Henry Lee (1756–1818), from Westmoreland County, 1799–1801, Federalist.
Richard Bland Lee (1761–1827), from Prince William County, 1789–1795.
William Henry Fitzhugh Lee (1837–1891), from Fairfax County, 1887–1891, Democrat.
Isaac Leffler (1788–1866), from Ohio County (now West Virginia), 1827–1829.
Jabez Leftwich (1766–1855), from Bedford County, 1821–1825.
Posey Green Lester (1850–1929), from Floyd County, 1889–1893, Democrat.
John Letcher (1813–1884), from Lexington, 1851–1859, Democrat.
Charles Swearinger Lewis (1821–1878), from Harrison County (now West Virginia), 1854–1855, Democrat.
Joseph Lewis Jr. (1772–1834), from Loudoun County, 1803–1817, Federalist.
Thomas Lewis (life dates unknown), from Kanawha County (now West Virginia), 1803–1804, Federalist.
William J. Lewis (1766–1828), from Lynchburg, 1817–1819, Democratic-Republican.
Harry Libbey (1843–1913), from Hampton, 1883–1885, Readjuster; 1885–1887, Republican.
John Love (d. 1822), from Alexandria, 1807–1811, Democratic-Republican.
George Loyall (1789–1868), from [not a city until 1845] Norfolk, 1830–1831, 1833–1837, Democrat.
Edward Lucas (1790–1858), from Jefferson County (now West Virginia), 1833–1837, Democrat.
William Lucas (1800–1877), from Jefferson County (now West Virginia), 1839–1841, 1843–1845, Democrat.
Elaine Goodman Luria (1975– ), from Norfolk, 2019–2023, Democrat.
James Machir (d. 1827), from Hardy County (now West Virginia), 1797–1799, Federalist.
James Madison (1751–1836), from Orange County, 1789–1797, Democratic-Republican.
Francis Mallory (1807–1860), from Hampton, 1837–1839, 1840–1843, Whig.
John Otho Marsh Jr. (1926– ), from Shenandoah County, 1963–1971, Democrat.
James William Marshall (1843–1911), from Craig County, 1893–1895, Democrat.
John Marshall (1755–1835), from Richmond, 1799–1800, Federalist.
Elbert Sevier Martin (ca. 1829–1876), from Lee County, 1859–1861, Democrat.
James Murray Mason (1798–1871), from Winchester, 1837–1839, Democrat.
John Young Mason (1799–1859), from Greensville County, 1831–1837, Democrat.
Lewis Maxwell (1790–1862), from Lewis County (now West Virginia), 1827–1833.
Harry Lee Maynard (1861–1922), from Portsmouth, 1901–1911, Democrat.
Robert Murphy Mayo (1836–1896), from Westmoreland County, 1883–1884, Readjuster.
William Mason McCarty (ca. 1789–1863), from Fairfax County, 1840–1841, Whig.
Jennifer Leigh McClellan (1972– ), from Richmond, 2023– , Democrat.
William McComas (1795–1865), from Cabell County (now West Virginia), 1833–1837, Whig.
William McCoy (d. 1864), from Pendleton County (now West Virginia), 1811–1833.
James McDowell (1795–1851), from Rockbridge County, 1846–1851, Democrat.
Aston Donald McEachin (1961–2022), from Henrico County, 2017–2022, Democrat.
William Robertson McKenney (1851–1916), from Petersburg, 1895–1896, Democrat.
Lewis McKenzie (1810–1895), from Alexandria, 1863, Unionist; 1870–1871, Conservative.
William McKinley (life dates unknown), from Ohio County (now West Virginia), 1810–1811, Democratic-Republican.
Fayette McMullen (1805–1880), from Scott County, 1849–1857, Democrat.
Richard Kidder Meade (1803–1862), from Petersburg, 1847–1853, Democrat.
Charles Fenton Mercer (1778–1858), from Loudoun County, 1817–1839.
Elisha Edward Meredith (1848–1900), from Prince William County, 1891–1897, Democrat.
John Singleton Millson (1808–1874), from Norfolk, 1849–1861, Democrat.
William Milnes Jr. (1827–1889), from Page County, 1870–1871, Conservative Republican.
Andrew Jackson Montague (1862–1937), from Richmond, 1913–1937, Democrat.
Andrew Moore (1752–1821), from Rockbridge County, 1789–1797, 1804, Democratic-Republican.
Robert Walton Moore (1859–1941), from Fairfax County, 1919–1931, Democrat.
Samuel McDowell Moore (1796–1875), from Rockbridge County, 1833–1835.
Thomas Love Moore (d. 1862), from Fauquier County, 1820–1823, Democratic-Republican.
James Patrick Moran (1945– ), from Alexandria, 1991–2015, Democrat.
Daniel Morgan (1736–1802), from Frederick County, 1797–1799, Federalist.
William Stephen Morgan (1801–1878), from Monongalia County (now West Virginia), 1835–1839, Democrat.
John Morrow (life dates unknown), from Jefferson County (now West Virginia), 1805–1809, Democratic-Republican.
Jeremiah Morton (1799–1878), from Culpeper County, 1849–1851, Whig.
Hugh Nelson (1768–1836), from Albemarle County, 1811–1823, Democratic-Republican.
Thomas Maduit Nelson (1782–1853), from Mecklenburg County, 1816–1819, Democratic-Republican.
Joseph Neville (1730–1819), from Hampshire County (now West Virginia), 1793–1795.
Anthony New (1747–1833), from Caroline County, 1793–1805, Democratic-Republican.
Alexander Newman (1804–1849), from Ohio County (now West Virginia), 1849, Democrat.
Thomas Newton (1768–1847), from Norfolk, 1801–1830, 1831–1833.
Willoughby Newton (1802–1874), from Westmoreland County, 1843–1845, Whig.
John Nicholas (ca. 1757–1820), from Stafford County, 1793–1801, Democratic-Republican.
Wilson Cary Nicholas (1761–1820), from Albemarle County, 1807–1809, Democratic-Republican.
Glenn Carlyle Nye III (1974– ), from Norfolk, 2009– 2010, Democrat.
Charles Triplett O’Ferrall (1840–1905), from Harrisonburg, 1884–1893, Democrat.
James Randolph Olin (1920–2006), from Roanoke, 1983–1993, Democrat.
Peter Johnston Otey (1840–1902), from Lynchburg, 1895–1902, Democrat.
John Page (1744–1808), from Gloucester County, 1789–1797, Democratic-Republican.
Robert Page (1765–1840), from Frederick County, 1799–1801, Federalist.
Josiah Parker (1751–1810), from Isle of Wight County, 1789–1801, Federalist.
Richard Parker (1810–1893), from Clarke County, 1849–1851, Democrat.
Severn Eyre Parker (1787–1836), from Northampton County, 1819–1821, Democratic-Republican.
Stanford Elmer Parris (1929–2010), from Fairfax County, 1973–1975, 1981–1991, Republican.
John Mercer Patton (1797–1858), from Fredericksburg, 1830–1838, Democrat.
John Paul (1839–1901), from Harrisonburg, 1881–1883, Readjuster.
John Paul (1883–1964), from Harrisonburg, 1922–1923, Republican.
Lewis Franklin Payne Jr. (1945– ), from Nelson County, 1988–1997, Democrat.
George Campbell Peery (1873–1952), from Tazewell County, 1923–1929, Democrat.
John Pegram (1773–1831), from Dinwiddie County, 1818–1819, Democratic-Republican.
John Strother Pendleton (1802–1868), from Culpeper County, 1845–1849, Whig.
Isaac Samuels Pennybacker (1805–1847), from Harrisonburg, 1837–1839, Democrat.
Thomas Stuart Price Perriello (1974– ), from Charlottesville, 2009– 2010.
Owen Bradford Pickett (1930–2010), from Virginia Beach, 1987–2001, Democrat.
James Pindall (ca. 1783–1825), from Harrison County (now West Virginia), 1817–1820, Federalist.
James Henry Platt Jr. (1837–1894), from Petersburg, 1870–1875, Republican.
James Pleasants (1769–1836), from Goochland County, 1811–1819, Democratic-Republican.
Richard Harding Poff (1923–2011), from Radford, 1953–1972, Republican.
Charles Howell Porter (1833–1897), from Richmond, 1870–1873, Republican.
Alfred Harrison Powell (1781–1831), from Winchester, 1825–1827.
Cuthbert Powell (1775–1849), from Loudoun County, 1841–1843, Whig.
Levin Powell (1737–1810), from Loudoun County, 1799–1801, Federalist.
Paulus Powell (1809–1874), from Amherst County, 1849–1859, Democrat.
Francis Preston (1765–1836), from Montgomery County, 1793–1797, Democratic-Republican.
William Ballard Preston (1805–1862), from Montgomery County, 1847–1849, Whig.
Auburn Lorenzo Pridemore (1837–1900), from Lee County, 1877–1879, Democrat.
Roger Atkinson Pryor (1828–1919), from Petersburg, 1859–1861, Democrat.
Julian Minor Quarles (1848–1929), from Staunton, 1899–1901, Democrat.
John Randolph (1773–1833), from Charlotte County, 1799–1813, 1815–1817, 1819–1825, 1827–1829, 1833.
Thomas Mann Randolph (1768–1828), from Albemarle County, 1803–1807, Democratic-Republican.
William Francis Rhea (1858–1931), from Bristol, 1899–1903, Democrat.
James Buchanan Richmond (1842–1910), from Scott County, 1879–1881, Democrat.
Robert Ridgway (1828–1870), from Amherst County, elected in 1865 but not seated; 1870, Conservative.
Edward Scott Rigell (1960– ), from Virginia Beach, 2011–2017, Republican.
Denver Lee Riggleman (1970– ), from Nelson County, 2019–2021, Republican.
Francis Everod Rives (1792–1861), from Sussex County, 1837–1841, Democrat.
William Cabell Rives (1793–1868), from Albemarle County, 1823–1829.
John Franklin Rixey (1854–1907), from Culpeper County, 1897–1907, Democrat.
John Roane (1766–1838), from King William County, 1809–1815, 1827–1831, 1835–1837.
John Jones Roane (1794–1869), from King William County, 1831–1833.
William Henry Roane (1787–1845), from King and Queen County, 1815–1817, Democratic-Republican.
Absalom Willis Robertson (1887–1971), from Lexington, 1933–1946, Democrat.
John Robertson (1787–1873), from Richmond, 1834–1839, Whig.
Edward John Robeson Jr. (1890–1966), from Newport News, 1950–1959, Democrat.
James Kenneth Robinson (1916–1990), from Winchester, 1971–1985, Republican.
Robert Rutherford (1728–1803), from Jefferson County (now West Virginia), 1793–1797, Democratic-Republican.
Green Berry Samuels (1806–1859), from Shenandoah County, 1839–1841, Democrat.
David Edward Satterfield Jr. (1894–1946), from Richmond, 1937–1945, Democrat.
David Edward Satterfield III (1920–1988), from Richmond, 1965–1981, Democrat.
Edward Watts Saunders (1860–1921), from Franklin County, 1906–1920, Democrat.
Edward Lee Schrock (1941– ), from Virginia Beach, 2001–2005, Republican.
Robert Cortez Scott (1947– ), from Newport News, 1993– , Democrat.
William Lloyd Scott (1915–1997), from Fairfax, 1967–1973, Republican.
James Alexander Seddon (1815–1880), from Richmond, 1845–1847, 1849–1851, Democrat.
Joseph Eggleston Segar (1804–1880), from Hampton, 1862–1863, Unionist.
James Beverley Sener (1837–1903), from Fredericksburg, 1873–1875, Republican.
Joseph Crockett Shaffer (1880–1958), from Wythe County, 1929–1931, Republican.
Daniel Sheffey (1770–1830), from Wythe County, 1809–1817, Federalist.
Norman Sisisky (1927–2001), from Petersburg, 1983–2001, Democrat.
Daniel French Slaughter Jr. (1925–1998), from Culpeper County, 1985–1991, Republican.
Campbell Slemp (1839–1907), from Wise County, 1903–1907, Republican.
Campbell Bascom Slemp (1870–1943), from Wise County, 1907–1923, Republican.
Arthur Smith (1785–1853), from Isle of Wight County, 1821–1825.
Ballard Smith (ca. 1782–after October 1870), from Greenbrier County (now West Virginia), 1815–1821, Democratic-Republican.
Howard Worth Smith (1883–1976), from Alexandria, 1931–1967, Democrat.
John Smith (1750–1836), from Frederick County, 1801–1815, Democratic-Republican.
John Ambler Smith (1847–1892), from New Kent County, 1873–1875, Republican.
William Smith (b. ca. 1790), from Greenbrier County (now West Virginia), 1821–1827.
William Smith (1797–1887), from Culpeper County, 1841–1843, 1853–1861, Democrat.
Alexander Smyth (1765–1830), from Wythe County, 1817–1825, 1827–1830.
John Fryall Snodgrass (1804–1854), from Wood County (now West Virginia), 1853–1854, Democrat.
Robert Goode Southall (1852–1924), from Amelia County, 1903–1907, Democrat.
Abigail Davis Spanberger (1979– ), from Henrico County, 2019– , Democrat.
Thomas Bahnson Stanley (1890–1970), from Henry County, 1946–1953, Democrat.
Lewis Steenrod (1810–1862), from Ohio County (now West Virginia), 1839–1845, Democrat.
James Stephenson (1764–1833), from Berkeley County (now West Virginia), 1803–1805, 1809–1811, 1822–1825.
Andrew Stevenson (1784–1857), from Richmond, 1821–1834 (Speaker, Twentieth through Twenty-third Congresses, 1827–1834).
William Henry Harrison Stowell (1840–1922), from Halifax County, 1871–1877, Republican.
John Stratton (1769–1804), from Northampton County, 1801–1803, Federalist.
George French Strother (1783–1840), from Culpeper County, 1817–1820, Democratic-Republican.
James French Strother (1811–1860), from Rappahannock County, 1851–1853, Whig.
Alexander Hugh Holmes Stuart (1807–1891), from Staunton, 1841–1843, Whig; elected in 1865 but not seated.
Archibald Stuart (1795–1855), from Patrick County, 1837–1839, Democrat.
George William Summers (1804–1868), from Kanawha County (now West Virginia), 1841–1845, Whig.
Claude Augustus Swanson (1862–1939), from Pittsylvania County, 1893–1906, Democrat.
Jacob Swoope (ca. 1766–1832), from Augusta County, 1809–1811, Federalist.
John Taliaferro (1768–1852), from King George County, 1801–1803, 1811–1813, 1824–1831, 1835–1843.
Magnus Tate (1760–1823), from Berkeley County (now West Virginia), 1815–1817, Federalist.
Robert Taylor (1763–1845), from Orange County, 1825–1827.
Scott W. Taylor (1979– ), from Virginia Beach, 2017–2019, Republican
William Taylor (1788–1846), from Lexington, 1843–1846, Democrat.
William Penn Taylor (1791–after January 1863), from Caroline County, 1833–1835.
Littleton Waller Tazewell (1774–1860), from Williamsburg, 1800–1801, Democratic-Republican.
William Terry (1824–1888), from Wythe County, 1871–1873, 1875–1877, Democrat.
Christopher Yancy Thomas (1818–1879), from Martinsville, 1874–1875, Republican.
George Western Thompson (1806–1888), from Ohio County (now West Virginia), 1851–1852, Democrat.
Philip Rootes Thompson (1766–1837), from Culpeper County, 1801–1807, Democratic-Republican.
Robert Augustine Thompson (1805–1876), from Kanawha County (now West Virginia), 1847–1849, Democrat.
Robert Taylor Thorp (1850–1938), from Mecklenburg County, 1896–1897, 1898–1899, Republican.
William Marshall Tredway (1807–1891), from Danville, 1845–1847, Democrat.
James Trezvant (d. 1841), from Southampton County, 1825–1831.
Paul Seward Trible Jr. (1946– ), from Essex County, 1977–1983, Republican.
Abram Trigg (1750–1826), from Montgomery County, 1797–1809, Democratic-Republican.
Connally Findlay Trigg (1847–1907), from Washington County, 1885–1887, Democrat.
John Johns Trigg (1748–1804), from Bedford County, 1797–1804, Democratic-Republican.
William Munford Tuck (1896–1983), from South Boston, 1953–1969, Democrat.
George Tucker (1775–1861), from Lynchburg, 1819–1825.
Henry St. George Tucker (1780–1848), from Winchester, 1815–1819, Democratic-Republican.
Henry St. George Tucker (1853–1932), from Staunton, 1889–1897, Democrat; from Lexington, 1922–1932, Democrat.
John Randolph Tucker (1823–1897), from Lexington, 1875–1887, Democrat.
Robert Turnbull (1850–1920), from Brunswick County, 1910–1913, Democrat.
Smith Spangler Turner (1842–1898), from Warren County, 1894–1897, Democrat.
David Gardiner Tyler (1846–1927), from Charles City County, 1893–1897, Democrat.
John Tyler (1790–1862), from Charles City County, 1817–1821, Democratic-Republican.
Charles Horace Upton (1812–1877), from Fairfax County, 1861–1862, Unionist.
Thomas Van Swearingen (1784–1822), from Jefferson County (now West Virginia), 1819–1822.
Abraham Bedford Venable (1758–1811), from Prince Edward County, 1791–1799, Democratic-Republican.
Edward Carrington Venable (1853–1908), from Petersburg, 1889–1890, Democrat.
Edmund Waddill Jr. (1855–1931), from Henrico County, 1890–1891, Republican.
Francis Walker (1764–1806), from Albemarle County, 1793–1795.
Gilbert Carlton Walker (1833–1885), from Norfolk, 1875–1879, Democrat.
James Alexander Walker (1832–1901), from Wythe County, 1895–1899, Republican.
William Creed Wampler (1926– ), from Bristol, 1953–1955, 1967–1983, Republican.
Walter Allen Watson (1867–1919), from Nottoway County, 1913–1919, Democrat.
Jennifer Lynn Tosini Wexton (1968– ), from Loudoun County, 2019– , Democrat.
Kellian Van Rensalear Whaley (1821–1876), from Wayne County (now West Virginia), 1861–1863, Unionist.
Alexander White (ca. 1738–1804), from Frederick County, 1789–1793.
Francis White (d. 1826), from Hampshire County (now West Virginia), 1813–1815, Federalist.
Joseph Whitehead (1867–1938), from Pittsylvania County, 1925–1931, Democrat.
Thomas Whitehead (1825–1901), from Amherst County, 1873–1875, Democrat.
George William Whitehurst (1925– ), from Norfolk, 1969–1987, Republican.
Jared Williams (1766–1831), from Frederick County, 1819–1825.
Alexander Wilson (life dates unknown), from Botetourt County, 1804–1809, Democratic-Republican.
Edgar Campbell Wilson (1800–1860), from Monongalia County (now West Virginia), 1833–1835.
Thomas Wilson (1765–1826), from Monongalia County (now West Virginia), 1811–1813, Federalist.
George Douglas Wise (1831–1898), from Richmond, 1881–1890, 1891–1895, Democrat.
Henry Alexander Wise (1806–1876), from Accomack County, 1833–1837; 1837–1843, Whig; 1843–1844, Democrat.
John Sergeant Wise (1846–1913), from Richmond, 1883–1885, Readjuster.
Richard Alsop Wise (1843–1900), from Williamsburg, 1898–1899, 1900, Republican.
Robert Joseph Wittman (1959– ), from Westmoreland County, 2007– , Republican.
Frank Rudolph Wolf (1939– ), from Fairfax County, 1981–2015, Republican.
Clifton Alexander Woodrum (1887–1950), from Roanoke, 1923–1945, Democrat.
James Pleasant Woods (1868–1948), from Roanoke, 1919–1923, Democrat.
Jacob Yost (1853–1933), from Staunton, 1887–1889, 1897–1899, Republican.
William Albin Young (1860–1928), from Norfolk, 1897–1898, 1899–1900, Democrat.
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Australian Dictionary of Biography
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[
""
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[
"Suzanne Edgar"
] |
1983-01-01T00:00:00
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Agnes Knight Goode (1872-1947), social and political activist, was born on 31 January 1872 at Strathalbyn, South Australia, daughter of James Fleming, storekeeper and customs official, and his wife Charlotte, née Knight. Agnes taught school before marrying, on 11 July 1896, William Edward Goode, a sheep-farmer from Port Lincoln; they had a daughter and two sons. In 1915 she moved the family to Adelaide, perhaps partly because her husband was an unreliable manager.
In World War I Agnes Goode was founding vice-president of the Women's State Recruiting Committee; she was a forceful speaker and organized a rousing march by women through Adelaide streets. She was secretary from 1916 and president in 1921-22 of the Liberal Women's Educational Association. In 1916 she became a justice of the peace and member of the State Children's Council; from 1919 she presided over the State Children's Court, showing little leniency. She made a 12-year-old boy, convicted of stealing six bicycle chains, a state ward for six years; when his father protested, Goode responded that 'the theft would be the stigma; not the sentence'. From 1917 she had been a censor of cinematograph films.
In 1918-24 she edited the women's page of the Liberal Leader which she headed with the Shakespearian couplet:
Do you know I am a woman?
When I think I must speak.
She covered such topics as: women police; the need for the guardianship of children to be vested equally in their mothers; representation by women on government boards and juries; careers and equal pay for women; prices regulation; probation; and the National Council of Women (to which she belonged). She believed that the different, feminine virtues were needed in the councils of the state.
Goode opposed the controversial A. A. Edwards and stood against him, as a Liberal, twice unsuccessfully in 1924 in the State and Adelaide City Council elections. She was president of the Adelaide women's branch of the Liberal Federation and next year won a seat on the St Peters Corporation which she held until she stood unsuccessfully for mayor in 1935. In 1926 she criticized Edwards' performance as a visiting justice, but a royal commission exonerated him. He then publicly attacked the State Children's Council and Goode's refusal to increase the children's weekly wage. She declared to the 1926 royal commission on law reform that she 'had never yet known a child brought up in an institution who was not exceedingly wasteful'. Despite an active campaign by women, the council was replaced by a new board of which Goode was not a member. She announced that she was leaving party politics but stood, again unsuccessfully, as a representative of the Women's Non-Party Association at a by-election for Adelaide in September. Next year she again failed to win the same seat for the Liberal Federation; she complained that her character had 'been torn to bits' by Edwards.
Her husband died of cancer on 14 November 1929, but Goode remained indefatigable. She had been an official visitor to Parkside Mental Hospital and to the Adelaide Gaol and its Convicted Inebriates Institution and was busy in innumerable groups advancing the interests of poetry, theatre, Aboriginals, housewives, unemployed women, travellers, local industries and kindergartens. A pre-school named for her was opened at Stepney in 1949.
Although this rotund, ample-bosomed public figure was a devoted family woman, her life illustrated her conviction that woman's voice should be heard throughout the community. She died of coronary occlusion on 20 February 1947 at Toorak Gardens and was privately cremated.
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SPIA Ambassadors
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[] |
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[
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[
"Caroline Paczkowski"
] |
2020-08-11T00:00:00
|
Ambassadors serve at the pleasure of the Dean of the School to bolster SPIA’s reputation with external constituencies, such as alumni, donors, prospective students, and citizens of the local, state,
|
en
|
https://spia.uga.edu/wp-content/themes/spia/favicon.ico
|
https://spia.uga.edu/undergraduate/spia-ambassadors-2/
|
Ambassadors serve at the pleasure of the Dean of the School to bolster SPIA’s reputation with external constituencies, such as alumni, donors, prospective students, and citizens of the local, state, and global community. They do this by assisting with events, participating in efforts to build philanthropic support, and promoting the School in their personal and professional networks. In serving as an ambassador, students gain a greater understanding of the School and its priorities and have access to exclusive opportunities to interact with notable alumni and donors throughout the year.
2024-2025 Ambassadors
Grayson Abbott
Major: Political Science & International Affairs
Certificate: Public Affairs Professional Certificate in Applied Politics
Grayson is a third-year student from Atlanta, Georgia, majoring in political science and international affairs. At UGA he serves as the Executive Director of Bulldawgs for Biden, a student-run grassroots organization supporting President Biden’s re-election. He also serves as a Senior Advisor for Georgia Students for Change and sits on the Executive Council of the Alpha Phi chapter of Sigma Pi fraternity. Last May, he had the opportunity to participate in a study abroad program in South Africa where he studied the detrimental effects of a repressive regime. After graduation, Grayson hopes to find a position in government relations, supporting education and environmental policy.
Lilly Adams
Major: Political Science
Minor: Spanish & Public Policy and Management
Lilly Adams is a junior from Lexington, Kentucky, majoring in Political Science and minoring in Spanish and Public Policy and Management. She is currently involved in Kappa Alpha Pi Pre-Law and Government Fraternity, Women in Political Science and International Affairs, and Alpha Delta Pi. Lilly is interested in policy development and hopes to pursue a career in lobbying after graduation. She is excited to serve the SPIA community and build new relationships as a 2024-25 ambassador!
Emma Allen
Major: Political Science
Minor: Law, Jurisprudence, and the State
Certificate: Data Analytics in Public Policy
Emma Allen is a third-year student from Dalton, Georgia majoring in Political Science while also pursuing a minor in Law, Jurisprudence, and the State and a certificate in Data Analytics in Public Policy. While at UGA, Emma has become heavily involved in several clubs and organizations. These include UGA Women’s Club Volleyball, UGA’s mentor program Whatever It Takes, Phi Alpha Delta Law Fraternity, UGA Miracle, and Phi Mu Fraternity. After graduation, she hopes to attend law school to achieve her lifelong dream of becoming a lawyer. Emma looks forward to further engaging with the SPIA community and expanding her perspectives as a 2024-25 ambassador!
John Amabile
Major: International Affairs
Minor: Italian
John is a fourth-year student from Milton, GA, majoring in International Affairs. He also is pursuing a minor in Italian. He expects to complete his degree in May of 2025. During the summer of 2023, John studied abroad in Italy. In the summer of 2024, John interned at UPS, working in public affairs in Washington, D.C. After graduating, John hopes to work in the intelligence field. John is excited and grateful to return as an ambassador for a second year!
Donovan Arnold
Major: International Affairs & Political Science
Minor: International Human Rights and Security & Law, Jurisprudence and the State
Certificate: Public Affairs Professional Certificate in Applied Politics
Donavan is a rising third-year student majoring in International Affairs and Political Science, complemented by minors in International Human Rights and Security, Law, Jurisprudence, and the State. Additionally, he is pursuing a Public Affairs Professional Certificate in Applied Politics certificate. Donavan’s academic ambition extends to pursuing a Master’s in International Policy through the Double Dawgs Program. Donavan has just finished studying abroad with the SPIA at Oxford program. He dived into diverse topics such as Government and Mass Media and War and Human Security, gaining a deeper understanding of global affairs. Donavan is deeply engaged in a multitude of leadership roles and involvement initiatives, including active contributions to the CURO/Georgia Power Electric Mobility Scholars Program, working as a Student Assistant at the University of Georgia Center for Continuing Education & Hotel, service within the University System of Georgia African American Male Initiative’s GAAME Scholars Program, and facilitation as a Peer Facilitator for the Leadership UGA’s Emerging Leaders Cohort.
Kennedy Baker
Major: Political Science
Minor: Law, Jurisprudence and the State
Kennedy Baker is a third-year student from Cincinnati, Ohio, on the pre-law track, with a major in Political Science and a minor in Law, Jurisprudence, and the State. She has been selected as a student on the Dean’s list. As a pre-law student, Kennedy has experience as a mock trial attorney, legal intern, and student representative for student lobbying groups in the U.S. Supreme Court, White House, and Congress. Kennedy also served as a Summer 2024 SPIA Firenze Study abroad program participant. Before graduating in 2026, Kennedy intends to participate in the Washington D.C. semester program through the University of Georgia. As a student dedicated to the representation of and service to her community, Kennedy has served as an Executive board member for The University of Georgia’s Black Affairs Council’s Freshman Board, Recruitment Co-chair, and Football Ambassadors liaison for Georgia Daze Minority Recruitment Program, Mentor in the Clarke County Mentorship Program, and Student Member of the Georgia Association of Black Women Attorneys. With Kennedy’s experience in the legal field and dedication to her community, she plans on attending law school and becoming an attorney.
Aminata Balde
Major: International Affairs
Minor: International Human Rights and Security
Aminata Balde is a senior originally from Guinea, West Africa but currently living in Fairburn, Georgia. She is an International Affairs major with a minor in International Human Rights and Security. She’s had previous experience working as an intern with Historic Athens. On campus, Aminata is an active member of the education policy team of the Arch Policy Institute, Rotaract of UGA, La Table Française, and is a Transition Leader with Student Affairs at UGA. She is particularly interested in African Politics and has recently presented research on education policy and how it affects African economies at the SPIA Undergraduate Research Colloquium. After graduating in the Spring of 2025, she hopes to attend Law school and work in international law and development, focusing on African countries. Aminata is truly honored to represent the School of Public and International Affairs and looks forward to serving its diverse body of people as an ambassador.
Makayla Bangoura
Major: International Affairs
Minor: Business
Makayla is a third-year student from Acworth, Georgia. She is an International Affairs major and Business minor on the Pre-law track. At UGA, Makayla is also involved in Model United Nations and is a writer for The Loch Johnson Society. In the summer of 2024, Makayla studied abroad in Florence, Italy, and volunteered with State Representative David Wilkerson. She is expected to graduate in May of 2026 and plans to attend law school after completing her undergraduate degree. Makayla is excited to serve as a SPIA ambassador for the 2024-2025 school year!
William Burns
Major: Political Science
Minor: Law, Jurisprudence and the State, Criminal Justice, & International Affairs
William Burns is a fourth-year student from Fairmont, West Virginia, majoring in Political Science, with minors in Law, Jurisprudence and the State, Criminal Justice, and International Affairs. In addition to being a SPIA Ambassador, he is an Associate Justice of the SGA Supreme Court and a Kappa Alpha Pi Pre-Law Fraternity member. As an ambassador, he hopes to connect more students with the SPIA community and to add a different perspective to the SPIA experience. He recently studied abroad in Cortona, Italy, during the spring 2024 semester and in Oxford during the summer of 2023. William plans on attending law school after his undergraduate degree here at UGA. William is excited about being SPIA Ambassador and is passionate about the work he can hopefully accomplish as an ambassador.
Anya Chin
Major: International Affairs
Minor: Law, Jurisprudence and the State
Hi, I am Anya Chin! I am a rising fourth-year DoubleDawg student majoring in International Affairs and International Policy with a minor in Law, Jurisprudence, and the State. Alongside my studies, I have served as the Membership and Recruitment Chair for the Black Pre-Law Student Association here at UGA. Additionally, I have dedicated myself to community development as the Operations Assistant at East Athens Development Corporation. Through various initiatives like job coaching, tutoring, and food drives, I have worked to contribute to the betterment of East Athens’ low-income community. As I enter my final year of undergrad, I am excited to delve into my passion for Human Rights advocacy through the GLOBIS Human Rights Lab. This will pave the way for me to the MIP program post-graduation, as I plan to focus my studies on the human rights track. Becoming a SPIA Ambassador presents an exciting opportunity to grow personally and inspire incoming students to explore the vast opportunities SPIA offers.
Jayden Clark
Major: Political Science
Minor: Religion & Law, Jurisprudence and the State
Jayden Clark is a fourth-year student from Gainesville, Georgia. He is a pre-law student pursuing a degree in political science with a double minor in religion and law, jurisprudence, and the state. Jayden was a part of the founding class of the pre-law fraternity, Kappa Alpha Pi, and now serves as the Vice President of Membership and the social chair for the UGA Redcoat Alto Saxophone section. During his time in college, Jayden interned at the Hall County District Attorney’s office and was an intern for the Ben Souther Congressional Campaign, where he focused on voter outreach. Jayden will graduate in Spring 2025 and plans to attend law school that fall. His goal is to practice human rights law to help contribute to making the world a better place. Jayden feels incredibly blessed to have had so many opportunities to help his academic career and looks forward to representing SPIA as an ambassador for the 2024-2025 school year!
Justin Cohen
Major: Political Science & International Affairs
Minor: Hebrew Language and Literature
Certificate: Public Affairs Professional Certificate in Applied Politics
Justin Cohen is a third-year student from Marietta, Georgia, majoring in Political Science and International Affairs with a minor in Hebrew Language and Literature. Justin has worked with various groups, including internships with U.S. Senator Jon Ossoff (D-GA), the White House Office of Management and Budget, EMILYs List, and the Office of State Representative Spencer Frye (GA-122). Outside of his professional work, Justin is actively involved with the University of Georgia’s campus community, where he currently serves as a student ambassador for the School of Public and International Affairs, as a member of the 33rd class of the Arch Society, and within UGA’s Student Government Association. After graduation, Justin plans to pursue a career on Capitol Hill.
Ella Colker
Major: Political Science & International Affairs
Ella Colker is a first-year Honors student double majoring in Political Science and International Affairs. She currently serves as an At-Large Senator in UGA’s Student Government Association. She holds leadership positions in her sorority, Sigma Delta Tau, and volunteers in SGA’s Professional Clothing Closet. Ella hopes to participate in Honors in Washington as an intern on Capitol Hill in the summer. Upon graduation, she hopes to attend graduate school before beginning a national security and diplomacy career.
Kyleigh Cook
Major: Political Science
Minor: Law, Jurisprudence and the State
Certificate: Personal and Organizational Leadership & Public Affairs Professional Certificate in Applied Politics
Kyleigh is a third-year Honors student from Baltimore, Maryland, pursuing a degree in political science with a minor in Law, Jurisprudence, and the State through the School of Law. This May, she will study abroad in South Africa through SPIA’s Center for the Study of Global Issues. In the fall, she will lead a service-learning project through the UGA Archway Partnership, which connects rural communities with the university’s resources. In addition, Kyleigh looks forward to developing critical skills related to campaign management, lobbying, and political data analysis as a member of the 9th cohort of the Applied Politics program. After graduation, she hopes to lead a law and public policy career.
Nicole Cortes
Major: International Affairs
Minor: Portuguese & Sustainability
Nicole Cortes is a rising junior who is currently a fellow in the Richard B. Russell Security Leadership Program. Additionally, she is a Portuguese Flagship student, an international student orientation leader, and a representative Frye legislative fellow. She loves trying out cafes around campus, thrifting, and watching documentaries in her free time. She is excited to serve as an ambassador and to help support SPIA!
Julia DePasquale
Major: Political Science & Statistics
Minor: Law, Jurisprudence and the State
Julia DePasquale is a third-year Honors student from Marietta, GA, double majoring in Political Science and Statistics and minoring in Law, Jurisprudence, and the State through the School of Law. She is expected to graduate in May 2026 and aspires to attend law school following graduation. Along with being a SPIA ambassador, Julia has been involved with Greek Life, research, and volunteering with Whatever it Takes. She has professional experience interning for a juvenile public defender. Additionally, this past summer, she studied abroad with SPIA through the Stellenbosch, South Africa program and attended the summer session of UGA at Oxford.
Caroline Dorrell
Major: Political Science
Minor: International Affairs
Caroline is a fourth-year political science major and international affairs minor from Johns Creek, GA. At UGA, she serves as the President of the Alexander Hamilton Society and is a Kappa Alpha Theta fraternity member. Caroline has served in various roles in local, state, and federal politics off-campus. During the 2022 election cycle, she worked as a finance and fundraising team member on a United States Senate campaign. That following spring, she served as a session intern in the Office of the Georgia Lieutenant Governor. Currently, Caroline continues to work in campaign fundraising. Upon graduation, she plans to attend law school and pursue a career in campaign finance law.
Chloe Fenster
Major: Political Science & Spanish
Minor: Sociology, Criminal Justice, & Latinx Studies
Chloe Fenster is a fourth-year student from Dunwoody, Georgia, double majoring in Political Science and Spanish with minors in Sociology, Criminal Justice, and Latinx Studies. She is chair of the Jewish Life Committee at Hillel, is involved in Period Project UGA, and is an Alpha Kappa Delta Honor Society member. Over the summer of 2024, she will be studying abroad in Valencia to further her studies of the Spanish language. After graduation, she hopes to participate in SPIA’s Master of Public Administration program and eventually become a part of nonprofit leadership. Chloe looks forward to her time as a SPIA Ambassador during her senior year at UGA!
Maddie Flores
Major: Political Science
Minor: Communication Studies
Maddie is a 2nd-year political science student who is minoring in communication studies. Maddie is involved with Delta Zeta and part of the Morehead Honors College at UGA. This past summer, Maddie participated in the SPIA in Scotland Study Abroad program, where she studied political economy. In the past, Maddie has worked with SkillsUSA Georgia as a state officer and has interned in Fulton County Superior Court with Judge Carnesale. Maddie is excited about this opportunity and cannot wait to represent SPIA!
Caitlyn Foster
Major: Political Science & International Affairs
Minor: General Business & Law, Jurisprudence and the State
Caitlyn is a third-year double major in political science and international affairs with minors in general business and law, jurisprudence and the state. Caitlyn is from Pike County, Georgia. Along with her academic classes, she is a legal intern at a personal injury law firm and serves as the program’s counsel for her sorority. After her undergraduate studies, Caitlyn plans to attend law school, hoping to eventually own her practice one day. This summer, Caitlyn will be traveling to Florence, Italy, with SPIA, where she will be able to learn more about international politics in a foreign country.
Ava Godbey
Major: Political Science
Minor: Communication Studies
Ava is a second-year honors student from Atlanta, Georgia. She is pursuing a political science degree with a minor in communication studies. At UGA, she is an honors teaching assistant for incoming Freshmen, is involved in the Arch Policy Institute, and volunteers at Downtown Academy. She has enjoyed interning for Congressman Mike Collins’s district office this past spring and will intern for Congressman Ken Calvert on the Hill this summer! Ava is extremely grateful and excited to represent the College of SPIA as an ambassador in the 2024-25 school year!
Ashlyn Goode
Major: Political Science & Economics
Minor: Law, Jurisprudence and the State
I am a third-year studying Political Science and Economics with an emphasis in Public Policy and a minor in Law, Jurisprudence, and the State. I am the academic coordinator for the Delta Phi Epsilon sorority, and I have held various leadership roles within Arch Policy Institute. I have interned with the Athens District Attorney’s Office and plan to attend Law School after graduation. Outside school, I foster cats with Circle of Friends Animal Rescue Service and enjoy sewing and hiking.
Caroline Hare
Major: International Affairs
Minor: Swahili & Military Science
Certificate: African Studies
Caroline Hare is a fourth-year International Affairs major with minors in Swahili and Military Science and a certificate in African Studies. Caroline’s passion for service is evident in her various leadership positions and community engagement activities. She was the Public Service and Outreach intern for Experience UGA and is a contracted cadet in UGA Army ROTC. Caroline is also a member of Omicron Delta Kappa and is the president of the SPIA Student Union, further demonstrating her commitment to academic excellence and community involvement. Her love for travel and culture has led her to study abroad in Tanzania and Amman, Jordan, and she interned in Stuttgart, Germany, where she enhanced her language skills and cultural knowledge. It is worth noting that Caroline has even summited Mt. Kilimanjaro in Africa. After graduation, Caroline plans to commission as an active-duty Military Intelligence Officer, combining her passion for service with her knowledge of International Affairs and African Studies. Her ultimate goal is to serve in the US Intelligence Communities and continue to positively impact the world.
Juliana Hartley
Major: Political Science & Economics
Certificate: Data Analytics in Public Policy, Public Affairs Professional Certificate in Applied Politics, & Legal Studies
Juliana Hartley is a fourth-year Honors student from Cartersville, Georgia, majoring in Political Science and Economics, with Certificates in Data Analytics & Public Policy, Applied Politics, and Legal Studies. Juliana was part of the first UGA SPIA U.S. National Parks Maymester Program cohort and visited 13 national parks last summer. In addition to being a SPIA Ambassador, she is the Chief of Staff of the Frye Fellowship Program, on the Beauty Team for STRIKE Magazine Athens, and an involved advocate for mental health care. As an ambassador, she hopes to bring more rural students into SPIA and connect with anyone interested in what the college does for its students. She enjoys being on the lake, crocheting, and trying new coffee shops in her free time. Juliana is incredibly excited to represent SPIA and share with everyone what the school has done for her!
Kaitlyn Hood
Major: International Affairs & Economics
Minor: Law, Ethics, and Philosophy
Kaitlyn Hood is a second-year student from Peachtree City, Georgia. Kaitlyn is double-majoring in International Affairs and Economics with a minor in Law, Ethics, and Philosophy. On campus, Kaitlyn Hood serves as an At-large Senator for UGA’s Student Government program and is involved in Women in Economics, Arch Policy Institute, The Women’s Network, Society of Government Relations, and the Asian American Student Association. During her time here at UGA, Kaitlyn aims to expand her experience and exposure to public policy. She is also incredibly excited to participate in SPIA’s wonderful Ambassador’s Program!
Chinelo Ireh
Major: Political Science & International Affairs
Minor: Film Studies & Law, Jurisprudence and the State
Chinelo Ireh is an upcoming third-year student majoring in Political Science and International Affairs with a minor in Law, Jurisprudence, and the State. After graduation, she wishes to attend law school and work alongside legislators. She completed an internship with Representative David Scott of GA-13 in the summer of 2024. Outside of her studies, she writes nonpartisan articles with the Georgia Political Review, conducts research with the Center for Undergraduate Research Opportunities (CURO), and is the 2024-2025 treasurer for the Black Theatrical Ensemble at UGA. In her free time, Chinelo likes to make movies and spend time with family. She is excited to serve as an ambassador in the upcoming year.
Hendley Jones
Major: Political Science
Minor: Religion & Portuguese
Certificate: Public Affairs Professional Certificate in Applied Politics
Hendley is a fourth-year political science major with minors in Religion and Portuguese and a Certificate in Applied Politics. His professional experiences include working as a legislative intern at the Georgia State Capitol for the 2024 legislative session and serving as a PROPEL Rural Scholar through the Carl Vinson Institute of Government. On campus, Hendley is active in many facets of campus life, including Greek Life with his fraternity, Beta Upsilon Chi, Student Government Association, and various political organizations. After graduation, he plans on pursuing a Master’s in Public Administration and working in the realm of public policy and economic development. Hendley is ecstatic to serve as a SPIA Ambassador and represent his college!
Laura Kelley
Major: Political Science & Public Relations
Certificate: Public Affairs Professional Certificate in Applied Politics
Laura Kelley is a third-year UGA student from Dawsonville, Georgia. She is currently studying political science and public relations and has a certificate in applied politics. She is also in her second year of the DoubleDawgs program, where she is working on her MPA. She is involved in her sorority, Gamma Phi Beta, and Carl Vinson Institute of Government’s PROPEL Rural Scholars program. Her favorite experience through SPIA was the Georgia Legislative Intern Program (GLIP), in which she interned with Senator Walker in the Senate’s majority leadership office during the 2023 Legislative Session. She also interned with Lieutenant Governor Burt Jones during the 2024 Legislative Session. She aspires to continue working at the state capitol during her undergraduate studies and to attend UGA Law School following the MPA program in 2026. Her long-term career goals involve lobbying in education and agriculture policy at the state level. She is honored to represent SPIA, a school she finds that continues to provide her with abundant opportunities and superlative professors.
Iman Khan
Major: International Affairs, Political Science, & Spanish
Minor: Law, Jurisprudence and the State, International Human Rights and Security, & Communication Studies
Certificate: Global Studies, Personal and Organizational Leadership, & Interdisciplinary Writing
Iman Khan is a third-year student majoring in International Affairs, Spanish, and Political Science and minoring in Law, Jurisprudence, & the State, International Human Rights & Security, and Communication Studies. She attended the 2024 SPIA a Firenze Maymester, where she was able to study gender in politics and food security. She holds leadership positions in Stillpoint Literary Magazine, Literature Club, and Pakistani Student Association and volunteers with various organizations. She was also able to intern at a law firm where she learned various legal processes. She enjoys reading, watching movies, and eating ice cream in her free time! She plans on graduating in May 2026, and either wants to pursue law or human rights in the future.
Jensyn Kretschmar
Major: Political Science & International Affairs
Minor: Law, Jurisprudence and the State
I am a second-year student from West Palm Beach, Florida, majoring in Political Science and International Affairs. I am also pursuing a minor in Law, Jurisprudence, and the State. This summer, I have been accepted to the Summer Judicial Internship program at the 15th Judicial Circuit in West Palm Beach, Florida. I am also currently interning with Greater Georgia for the spring semester. For some of my on-campus involvement, I am a member of Kappa Alpha Theta, on the rush committee for Kappa Alpha Pi pre-law and government fraternity, am an ambassador for Shop with a Bulldog, and am a member of UGA Heroes as well as the morale committee for UGA Miracle. Within the Athens community, I am a literacy mentor at Books for Keeps and love to volunteer at the Athens Area Humane Society. After I complete my undergraduate years at UGA, I hope to attend law school and become an attorney. I am so excited to be an ambassador and represent SPIA!
Raquel Laranjeira
Major: Political Science & International Affairs
Minor: French
Raquel Laranjeira is a second-year international student from Brasilia, Brazil. She is a member of the Morehead Honors College, majoring in International Affairs and Political Science with a minor in French. In addition, she is part of the National Society of Collegiate Scholars. Raquel is a World Leader with International Student Life, assisting international students in preparing for a successful start on campus. She is involved in Life on Life Campus Ministries. Raquel loves to go to the Portuguese table and volunteer at the UGArden. She expects to graduate in May 2026. After graduation, she hopes to attend law school to work with international organizations and diplomacy in the future. Passionate about languages and cultures, Raquel has traveled to several countries. She is excited to represent the international community as an ambassador for the School of Public and International Affairs. It is her second year as an ambassador, and she hopes to make a lasting impact on the program!
JJ Lazo
Major: Political Science
Certificate: Institute for Leadership Advancement & Public Affairs Professional Certificate in Applied Politics
JJ Lazo is a second-year Political Science major from Auburn, GA. He expects to complete his undergraduate degree in Spring 2026. JJ is on the pre-law track with interests in political advocacy and public policy, aspiring to be an immigration lawyer one day and give back to his community. He is involved in the Student Government Association, Institute for Leadership Advancement, Applied Politics, University Housing, TRIO, and Georgia Commitment Scholars. This past summer, JJ had the opportunity to study abroad in Scotland and give a speech at the White House, encouraging more young Latinos to continue their education just like him. This summer, JJ will serve as an Orientation Leader for New Student Orientation and help welcome the next class of upcoming freshmen.
Sarah Kate Maher
Major: Political Science & Public Relations
Certificate: Public Affairs Communication
Sarah Kate Maher is a second-year Honors student from Savannah, Georgia, double majoring in Political Science and Public Relations and with a certificate in Public Affairs Communication. At UGA, Sarah Kate is involved with the Honors Student Council, the Georgia Political Review, PRSSA, and Sigma Kappa Sorority. She has also interned with the United States Defense Intelligence Agency over the last school year, as well as for Wade Herring for Congress and Lexy Doherty for Congress. She hopes to either earn a Master’s in Public Relations or go to law school after undergrad and is so excited to serve as a SPIA ambassador!
Blake Martin
Major: Political Science
Minor: Spanish & International Affairs
Blake Martin is a second-year UGA student from Hoschton, Georgia. He is currently studying Political Science with minors in International Affairs and Spanish. He serves on the Georgia Commitment Scholarship Executive Board and is the assistant secretary for Beta Upsilon Chi. Blake is also actively involved in community service, volunteering with ESP, and participating in the Wesley Foundation worship team. After graduation, he plans to pursue a Master of Public Administration at UGA. Blake is honored to represent SPIA and is passionate about helping other students succeed.
William Mason
Major: Political Science
Minor: Law, Jurisprudence and State & Philosophy
Certificate: Public Affairs Professional Certificate in Applied Politics
William Mason is a fourth-year student majoring in Political Science. He is from McDonough, Georgia. William is a member of the 8th Applied Politics Certificate program Cohort and minoring in Philosophy and Law, Jurisprudence, and State. He has pre-law intent and hopes to study criminal law. William aspires to enter the field of law before entering the realm of politics later on. In his free time, he enjoys catching up on political news and cheering on the Dawgs in all things sports!
Maggie McInerney
Major: Political Science
Minor: Law, Ethics, and Philosophy
Certificate: Environmental Ethics & Data Analytics in Public Policy
Hi! My name is Maggie McInerney and I am a rising fourth year here at UGA. I am a Political Science major with a minor in Law, Ethics and Philosophy. I am also pursuing certificates in both Environmental Ethics, as well as Data Analytics in Public Policy. I plan to attend law school after graduation, with a specific interest in environmental advocacy. On campus, I am a returning SPIA Ambassador as well as a Managing Editor for our Undergrad Law Review! I am so excited for the upcoming school year and further serving SPIA!
Kellsey Miller
Major: Political Science & International Affairs
Minor: Communications Studies
I am Kellsey Miller, a rising second-year International Affairs and Political Science double major with a minor in Communication Studies from Fayetteville, Georgia. On campus, I am involved with University Housing as a Community Service Assistant at Building 1516 and actively participate in a few other programs, one of which is the Beyond the Arch Career Readiness Program. After completing my undergraduate studies, I plan to attend law school and eventually become an attorney with focus areas in Civil and Entertainment Law. I am so excited and extremely grateful for the opportunity to be a SPIA Ambassador for the 2024-2025 Academic School year.
Kanika Patel
Major: International Affairs
Kanika Patel is a third-year Honors student majoring in International Affairs at the University of Georgia. Outside of her academic pursuits, Kanika serves as a director in her sorority, Delta Gamma, along with serving on the SPIA Diversity Council as the President. Additionally, she is a member of Order of Omega and on the Model United Nations competition team. In her free time, Kanika enjoys reading, watching reality television, going on long walks, and spending time with friends and family. After graduation, Kanika plans to attend law school and pursue a career in international law. She is extremely honored and excited to serve SPIA and the University as an Ambassador this year!
Bridget Peach
Major: International Affairs, Russian, & Romance Languages
Bridget Peach is a third-year from Wilmington, Delaware, majoring in International Affairs, Romance Languages, and Russian. At UGA, she is involved in the Georgia Political Review, the Loch Johnson Society, Gamma Phi Beta Sorority, and UGA Miracle. Bridget is also a Critical Language Scholarship Alumni Ambassador and participated in CLS Spark Russian in 2023. She is now a part of the Russian Flagship Program and traveled to Riga, Latvia, this past summer to continue her Russian studies. Upon graduation, Bridget plans to pursue a career in foreign affairs and policy in Washington, D.C..
Clare Petkash
Major: Political Science & International Affairs
Minor: Environmental Law & Business
Certificate: Sustainability
Clare Petkash is a fourth-year student from Milton, Georgia. She is a double major in political science and international affairs, with minors in business and environmental law and a certificate in sustainability. Clare is involved with the Club Cross Country and Track Team and UGArden Club on campus. She loves to attend the Athens Farmers Market, go for runs and walks, read, and spend time outdoors and with friends. Clare has experience in campaigning, community outreach and education, sustainable agriculture, public policy, and nonprofit work through the Democratic Party of Georgia, AmeriCorps VISTA, Athens-Oconee CASA, and Athens Land Trust. She was a part of the second cohort of the SPIA Firenze Program in 2023, where she had the opportunity to expand her perspective on politics and international affairs. During the summer of 2024, Clare will work with the State Executive Director of the USDA Farm Service Agency in Columbia, South Carolina, to execute key agency programs that seek to uplift and enhance the farming community. Clare is interested in sustainability and environmental policy, particularly renewable energy and sustainable agriculture. After graduation, Clare hopes to pursue a master’s degree in Public Administration and work in renewable energy policy or sustainable agriculture.
Anna Rose Powell
Major: International Affairs & Spanish
Minor: Environmental Health Science
Certificate: Global Health
Anna Rose Powell is an International Affairs and Spanish double major from Marietta, GA, planning to graduate in May 2026. At UGA, she has been involved in Bag the Bag, Rescue Paws, Shop with a Bulldog, and the Spanish living community at Mary Lyndon. Anna Rose hopes to pursue areas of environmental and health policy after graduation and to incorporate her language skills into her career. She is also excited to participate in SPIA’s Politics of the National Parks Program in Summer 2024 and hopes to study abroad in Spain before graduation. She’s very excited to be more involved in SPIA by being an ambassador this year!
Anna Rachwalski
Major: Political Science, English, & Economics
Certificate: Public Affairs Professional Certificate in Applied Politics
Anna Rachwalski is a third-year from Atlanta, GA majoring in Political Science, English, and Economics, with an Applied Politics Certificate. Anna is a recipient of the Foundation Fellowship and a student at the Morehead Honors College. She conducts undergraduate research through the Crisis Communication Think Tank, serves as an Honors Teaching Assistant, and is a member of the Period Project and Women in Economics clubs. She has studied abroad at Oxford and Edinburgh Universities and participated in UGA’s Discover Abroad Program in Hawaii, Fiji, Australia, and New Zealand. This past summer, she interned in Washington, DC.
Lucy Respess
Major: Political Science & Public Relations
Certificate: Public Affairs Communication
Lucy Respess is a third-year student from Atlanta, GA, double majoring in political science and public relations. She is also pursuing a certificate in public affairs communications, offered jointly by SPIA and Grady College. This past summer, Lucy had the opportunity to study abroad in Stellenbosch, South Africa through SPIA. As an ambassador, she is excited to communicate her enthusiasm for the school, meet special guests, and encourage prospective students to visit SPIA and UGA. Upon graduation, Lucy plans to pursue a government relations or campaign strategy career.
Ian Roberts
Major: Political Science, History, & Religion
Ian Roberts is a third-year from Americus, Georgia, with majors in Political Science, History, and Religion. In addition to serving as a SPIA Ambassador, Ian also serves as a Religion Department Ambassador, student leader, and DEI Chair of the Episcopal Campus Ministry at UGA, Legislative Fellow in the Spencer Frye Fellowship, and Student Docent in UGA’s Anne Frank Volunteers program. In both his professional and private life, Ian passionately advocates for social justice, gender and racial equality, and human rights. As a returning SPIA Ambassador, Ian is excited to continue advocating, representing, and building community for all School of Public and International Affairs students.
Bridget Sheridan
Major: International Affairs & German
Minor: Music & History
Certificate: Public Affairs Professional Certificate in Applied Politics
Bridget Sheridan is a third-year student from the Washington, DC, suburb of Fairfax, Virginia. She has a wide variety of interests, which are reflected in her academic concentrations in International Affairs, German, Saxophone Performance, and History. She has a particular interest in Middle Eastern and European affairs, studied German and environmental science in Freiburg, Germany, in the summer of 2023, and had the opportunity to represent UGA as a Halle Foundation Scholar at the 2023 German American Conference at Harvard. Bridget is a proud and dedicated member of the Redcoat Marching Band, serving as a traveling Derbies and basketball band member.
Meera Srinivasan
Major: Political Science & International Affairs
Certificate: Public Affairs Professional Certificate in Applied Politics
Meera is a third-year student from Columbus, Georgia, pursuing degrees in Political Science and International Affairs, a certificate in Applied Politics, and a master’s degree in Public Administration through the Double Dawgs program. In addition to being a SPIA Ambassador, she is the Fellowship Director of the Spencer Frye Fellowship, a staff member with The Backpack Project, Inc., and a member of the UGA Hodgson Singers. She enjoys reading, singing, and learning new languages in her free time. After graduation, Meera hopes to pursue a career in public service and create a positive impact through policy. She is very excited to represent SPIA and engage with the broader community as an Ambassador!
Will Stevens
Major: International Affairs & Journalism
Minor: General Business
Certificate: Public Affairs Professional Certificate in Applied Politics
Will Stevens is a second-year student double-majoring in International Affairs and Journalism from Jefferson, GA. Will currently serves as the Morehead Honors College Senator is an active member of Beta Upsilon Chi (BYX), and attends Prince Avenue Baptist Church. In addition to these commitments, Will works as the Communications Director for a Board of Education campaign in Barrow County. As for the rest of his college career, Will is excited to pursue study abroad and internship opportunities.
Summer Stuckey
Major: Political Science & International Affairs
Certificate: Legal Disparity and Equity Service
Summer Stuckey is a second-year Honors student from Scottsdale, Arizona. She is double majoring in Political Science and International Affairs. She is a shift lead at Campus Kitchen and has spent over 96 hours volunteering this academic year.
She is involved in UGA Miracle, Hearts for the Homeless, and a member of Gamma Phi Beta sorority. Over the summer of 2024, she is excited to study abroad in Florence with the SPIA Firenze Maymester Program. After graduation, she plans to attend law school and pursue a career in Medical Malpractice law.
Eliza Taylor
Major: Political Science & International Affairs
Minor: Law, Jurisprudence and the State
Certificate: Sustainability
Eliza is a fourth-year student from Charleston, South Carolina. She is a double major in Political Science and International Affairs, with a minor in Law and a Sustainability certificate. After graduation, she plans to attend law school and pursue a career in environmental law. Eliza is involved in the undergraduate research program, through which she has had the opportunity to publish and present on environmental politics. Eliza is also a student employee at the UGA Outdoor Recreation Center, where she leads PE backpacking trips. She is also involved in the Undergraduate Mock Trial Team, Phi Alpha Delta pre-law fraternity, Order of Omega, and Gamma Phi Beta Sorority on campus. Eliza enjoys mountain biking, reading, and spending time with friends and family in her free time. She is very excited to serve SPIA and the University as an ambassador this year!
Brayden Titus
Major: International Affairs
Brayden Titus is a third-year student from Canton, GA. He is currently pursuing a degree in International Affairs. He is a part of the Double Dawgs Program to earn his Master of Public Administration specializing in International Policy and Administration. He studied abroad during the summer of 2023, participating in Stellenbosch Maymester, focusing on repress and dissent in South Africa. Brayden will spend the 2024 Maymester studying abroad in Australia and New Zealand as a part of Warnell Discover Abroad. In addition to participating in the SPIA Ambassador program, Brayden is a part of the GLOBIS Human Rights Lab. This is his first year as an ambassador, and he looks forward to serving SPIA.
Saige Wakefield
Major: Political Science & International Affairs
Minor: Criminal Justice Studies
Saige is a second-year student from Americus, Georgia. She is a double major in Political Science and International Affairs (on the pre-law track) with a minor in Criminal Justice Studies. Her campus involvement includes the Student Government Association, Georgia Daze, the Black Pre-Law Association, and many more. Saige also works at the Sumter County Courthouse where she started interning there her junior year of high school. After undergraduate, she plans to attend law school to pursue a career in criminal or environmental law. With SPIA, Saige hopes to complete the Washington Semester program and study abroad in Cortona, Italy. As a SPIA Ambassador, Saige is more than excited to serve and represent SPIA, SPIA students, and the university.
Jacob Weiszer
Major: International Affairs & Management Information Systems
Jacob Weiszer is a third-year Honors student from Athens, GA. He is studying International Affairs and Management Information Systems and would like to either attend law school or pursue a career in cybersecurity after graduation. Jacob is a UGA Model United Nations team member, an active staff writer for the Georgia Political Review, and a part of the Society for Management Information Systems on campus. This past summer, Jacob got the opportunity to study abroad in the United Kingdom and Ireland. He looks forward to representing SPIA as an ambassador for the 2024-25 school year!
Shyneria Whatley
Major: Political Science
Minor: Law, Jurisprudence and the State
Certificate: Public Affairs Professional Certificate in Applied Politics
Shyneria Whatley is a Political Science Major from Columbus, Georgia. She is also pursuing a minor in Law, Jurisprudence, & the State and a certificate in Applied Politics. She has completed internships for the Sanford Bishop Campaign and at the Athens Western Judicial Circuit Office. Shyneria will spend the 2024 Maymester studying abroad in Florence and Rome, Italy, through the SPIA a Firenze program. After completing her undergraduate degree, Shyneria intends to attend law school. This will be her first year as a SPIA ambassador, and she is very grateful for the opportunity!
Breigha Young
Major: Political Science & International Affairs
Since joining the University of Georgia in 2022, Breigha Young is a fourth-year International Affairs and Political Science double major. Before this, she studied business studies and marketing at the University of Stirling in Scotland. While abroad, she realized she had a passion for people and politics and decided to switch gears to pursue her drives full-time. As a result, she transferred to UGA after her freshman year abroad and, since then, has worked on several political campaigns and on-campus organizations. Most notably, she is the former president of the UGA Transfer Student Club, which works to provide a community to recent transfers and help them connect to their new home at UGA. After graduating in May 2025, she hopes to undertake her master’s in International Policy/Affairs to pursue a career in diplomacy and human security.
Special thanks to the Parents Leadership Council for their generous support of the SPIA Ambassadors. The SPIA Ambassadors received a grant to help fund students’ transportation to various Atlanta opportunities for the upcoming school year.
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People from the area of the American continent known as USA. In progress. Not on imdb: Winslow Homer, Harriet Tubman, Zitkala-Sa
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Abraham Lincoln was an American politician from Kentucky. He was the second presidential candidate of the then-new Republican Party, following John Charles Frémont (1813 - 1890). He served as President of the United States from 1861 to 1865, during the American Civil War. He was assassinated in April 1865, the first of four American presidents to be assassinated during their term in office.
In February 1809, Lincoln was born in a one-room log cabin, located on the Sinking Spring Farm . The Farm itself was located near the modern city of Hodgenville, Kentucky, which was incorporated in 1836. Lincoln was the second child born to the illiterate farmer Thomas Lincoln (1778-1851) and his first wife Nancy Hanks (1784-1818). Both of his parents were born in Virginia.
Lincoln was a namesake grandson of Captain Abraham Lincoln (1744 - 1786), a military veteran of the American Revolutionary War. The senior Abraham was born in Pennsylvania, and settled in the areas of modern Kentucky in 1781. He was shot by an unnamed Native American in May 1786, while working in his field. The Lincoln family were descendants of Samuel Lincoln (1622 - 1690), an English weaver who had settled in the Massachusetts Bay Colony in 1637.
Lincoln's father Thomas bought or leased various farms in Kentucky, but lost most of his land in court disputes over property titles. In 1816, the Lincoln family settled in Indiana, which at the time had a more reliable and surveying system. Indiana was a "free-state", having abolished slave-holding in 1816. This suited Thomas' religious beliefs. He had joined the Separate Baptists, a religious group which forbade its members to own slaves.
In October 1818, Lincoln's mother Nancy died due to milk sickness. She had ingested milk cow containing the poison tremetol. She was 34-years-old at the time of her death. Lincoln was only 9-years-old at the time. The boy's primary caregiver for a while was his older sister Sarah Lincoln (1807 - 1828), who took over most household duties.
In December 1819, Lincoln's father married his second wife Sarah Bush (1788 - 1869). She was a widow, with three children of her own from a previous marriage. Lincoln grew close to his stepmother, and started calling her mother. By that time, Lincoln was old enough to start working in the farm. He reportedly never liked the physical labor, and his family regarded him as particularly lazy.
Lincoln received little formal schooling, relying on brief tutoring by itinerant teachers. He learned to read at the age of 7, but was not trained to write for several years. However, he became a bibliophile and spend most of his free time "reading, scribbling, writing, ciphering, writing Poetry, etc" He was largely self-educated, reading on a variety of topics.
As a teenager, Lincoln was "tall, strong, and athletic". He was trained in the "catch-as-catch-can" style of wrestling, a grappling style, and had a career as an amateur wrestler. He earned his reputation in the sport by defeating the leader of "the Clary's Grove Boys", a local gang of troublemakers.
In 1830, the Lincoln family moved to Macon County, Illinois. By that time, Lincoln was 21-years-old, legally entering adulthood. His relationship with his father Thomas became difficult, as young Lincoln craved for financial independence. In 1831, Thomas and most of his family settled in a new homestead, located in Coles County, Illinois. Lincoln decided not to follow them, and started living on his own. He settled for a few years in New Salem, Illinois.
In 1831, Lincoln and his partner Denton Offutt purchased a general store in New Salem. Lincoln gained a reputation of honesty, when he realized that he had accidentally overcharged a customer and voluntarily returned the money to him. By 1832, the general store had failed. The partnership was dissolved.
Also In 1832, Lincoln stood as a candidate for the Illinois General Assembly. He was an unlikely candidate, as he was rather poor and lacked political connections. He received 277 votes, nearly every vote in the village of New Salem. He lost the election as he was unknown outside this village.
In the early 1830s, Lincoln worked as New Salem's postmaster, and then as county surveyor. He aspired to become a lawyer, and read law on his own. He extensively studied legal texts in order to qualify. He later claimed that he was entirely self-taught. In 1834, Lincoln sought election to the Illinois General Assembly again. This time, he stood as a candidate for the powerful Whig Party and won the election. He served four terms in the General Assembly.
Lincoln's first known romantic relationship involved Ann Rutledge (1813 - 1835), a local woman who was reputedly engaged to another man. Rutledge died in August 1835, during a typhoid epidemic. She was only 22-years-old at the time of her death. Lincoln became severely depressed following her death. Biographers think that he wrote the poem "The Suicide's Soliloquy"(1838), to record his own suicidal thoughts during this period.
In 1836, Lincoln was admitted to the Illinois bar, and moved to Springfield Illinois to practice law. He started his career as a lawyer by practicing law under experienced lawyer John Todd Stuart (1807 - 1885), who happened to be a long-time friend of Lincoln. Lincoln gained a reputation as a formidable trial lawyer in cases involving cross-examinations.
In his political career in the 1830s, Lincoln championed the construction of the Illinois and Michigan Canal, which connected the Great Lakes to the Mississippi River and the Gulf of Mexico. He later served as a Canal Commissioner. He voted to expand suffrage to all white males, not only white landowners. He adopted a "free soil" policy, vocally opposing both slavery and abolitionism. He favored the plan of the Whig party leader Henry Clay (1777 - 1852) to use freedmen in the colonization of Liberia.
In 1839, Lincoln became romantically interested in Mary Todd (1818 - 1882), a daughter of the wealthy businessman Robert Smith Todd (1791-1849). They were engaged in 1840, and were married in 1842. They had four sons. Mary had a higher social standing than Lincoln, being part of the gentry in Springfield, Illinois. She had reputedly rejected several suitors. Her most notable suitor before Lincoln was the successful lawyer Stephen Arnold Douglas (1813 -1861).
In 1842, Lincoln's last term in the Illinois General Assembly ended. In 1843, he sought the Whig nomination for a seat in the U.S. House of Representatives. He lost the nomination to John Jay Hardin (1810 - 1847), but convinced party officials to not renominate Hardin in the next election. Lincoln won the Whig nomination in 1846, and went on to win the election. He served as a congressman from 1847 to 1849. During this time, Lincoln was the only Whig in the Illinois delegation.
During his term in congress, Lincoln proposed a bill to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia, and to compensate slave owners for the loss of property. The bill failed to gain sufficient support, even from his own party. Lincoln spoke out against the country's involvement in the Mexican-American War (1846-1848), warning that the price of glory would be "showers of blood".
Lincoln did not seek renomination to Congress in the 1848 election, honoring a 1846 pledge to serve a single term. He supported Zachary Taylor's campaign to win the Whig nomination for the presidency. When Taylor won the presidential election, Lincoln expected political favors from the new president. Taylor offered to Lincoln an appointment as secretary or governor of the Oregon Territory, which was at that time a stronghold of the Democratic Party. Lincoln declined the offer, as it would require him to abandon his legal career in Illinois. He resumed life as a lawyer.
During the 1850s, Lincoln was one of Illinois' leading lawyers. He appeared before the Illinois Supreme Court in 175 cases, and was the sole counsel in 51 of these cases. He solidified his reputation as a defense lawyer in two murder trials. In the trial of Duff Armstrong (1833-1899), Lincoln was able to prove that a key eyewitness was actually lying about what he had seen. Lincoln found that the witness stood at too great a distance in nighttime conditions to have seen anything. In the trial of Simeon Quinn "Peachy" Harrison (a cousin of Lincoln), Lincoln was able to convince a judge that the dying declaration of the murder victim should not be excluded as hearsay, That declaration was that the victim had actively provoked Harrison into attacking, helping the defense's case.
In 1854, Lincoln resumed his active participation in political life by speaking out against the controversial Kansas-Nebraska Act, a law that repealing the Missouri Compromise (1820), and would allow for the expansion of slavery to the new territories of Kansas and Nebraska. The Whig Party split in two due to its factions' different reactions to the new law. The Party's anti-slavery faction helped establish the new Republican Party, which also attracted anti-slavery politicians from the Free Soil Party, the Liberty Party, and the Democratic Party.
In 1854, Lincoln stood as a Whig candidate to the United States Senate. He was not able to secure the election, but managed to convince his supporters to vote for Lyman Trumbull (1813 - 1896), an anti-slavery Democrat with similar views to their own. Trumbull won the election. In 1856, Lincoln formally joined the Republican Party. At the June 1856 Republican National Convention, Lincoln was one of the candidates for the party's nomination for Vice President of the United States. Lincoln received 110 votes, finishing second among the candidates. The vice-presidential nomination was instead won by William Lewis Dayton (1807 - 1864).
In 1858, Lincoln stood as a Republican candidate for the United States Senate. His opponent was Stephen Arnold Douglas, a leading Democrat politician. The Senate campaign featured seven debates between Lincoln and Douglas, which attracted nationwide attention. The candidates argued extensively over the legal and moral status of slavery in the United States. In this elections, the Republican Party won the popular vote, but the Democratic Party won more seats. The legislature re-appointed Douglas to the Senate. But Lincoln had become nationally famous, and he was often mentioned by the press as a likely presidential candidate.
In 1860, Lincoln received early endorsements as a presidential candidate. In the 1860 Republican National Convention, he secured the party's nomination. His most significant rival for the nomination was William Henry Seward (1801-1872), who finished second among the various candidates. Only Lincoln and Seward received over 50 votes from delegates. The party's nomination for vice president was secured by Hannibal Hamlin (1809 - 1891), a former Democrat who had opposed slavery for most of his career.
In the 1860 United States presidential election, the Democratic Party was split into two rival factions, which nominated different candidates. In the election, Lincoln received 1,866,452 votes, or 39.8% of the popular vote. In the electoral college, he received 180 votes, winning the election. Lincoln every one of the free Northern states, plus California and Oregon in the recently annexed Western United States. He received no votes at all in 10 of the 15 slave states.
Lincoln started his presidency in March 1861. By that time, 7 states had already seceded from the Union in reaction to his victory (in chronological order: South Carolina, Mississippi, Florida, Alabama, Georgia, Louisiana, and Texas). The American Civil War started in April 1861 with the Battle of Fort Sumter, a bombardment of a Union fort located near Charleston, South Carolina. On April 15, Lincoln called on the states to send a total of 75,000 volunteer troops to recapture forts, protect Washington, and "preserve the Union". In Baltimore rioting crowds started attacking Union forces. Lincoln suspended the right of habeas corpus in select areas, allowing the government forces to confine people without formal trials. Thousands of suspected Confederate sympathizers were confined.
Lincoln soon established his executive control over the Union's war effort, and helped shape its military strategy, He expanded his war powers, and exercising "unprecedented authority" over the country. He had the full support of the Republican-controlled Congress, as well as popular support in states loyal to the Union. His political opposition consisted of two different factions, the Copperheads and the Radical Republicans. The Copperheads were a faction of the Democratic Party which demanded a compromise on the matter of slavery, and a peace settlement with the Confederates. The Radical Republicans were a faction of the Republican Party which demanded the "permanent eradication of slavery", and rejected any ideas concerning compromises with slave-owners.
In September 1862, Lincoln issued the Emancipation Proclamation, which declared the emancipation of slaves in 10 Confederate states. The Proclamation took effect on January 1, 1863. By the spring of 1863, Lincoln had started recruiting "black troops" in massive numbers. By the end of the year, 20 regiments of African Americans from the Mississippi Valley had been recruited by the Union.
Lincoln ran for re-election in the 1864 United States presidential election. He united the main factions of the Republican Party and the War Democrats (a pro-Union faction of the Democratic Party) into a coalition known as Union Party. The remaining factions of the Democratic Party made the mistake of nominating retired general George Brinton McClellan (1826 - 1885) as their presidential candidate. McClellan held a grudge against Lincoln, but rejected any ideas concerning peace with the Confederates. Meaning that the Copperheads could see little difference between him and Lincoln.
Lincoln won the presidential election with 2,218,388 votes, representing 55.0% of the popular vote. 78% of Union soldiers. voted fort him, as they did not want a compromise to end the War. Lincoln won 212 electoral votes, and had the support of 22 out of the Union's 25 states. His new vice-president was Andrew Johnson (1808 - 1875), a prominent War Democrat.
In 1865, the Union seemed to be winning the American Civil War. On April 14, 1865, Lincoln and his wife attended Ford's Theatre in Washington D.C. They wanted to see a performance of the then-popular British play "Our American Cousin" (1858) by Tom Taylor (1817 - 1880). During the performance, Lincoln was assassinated by the well-known actor John Wilkes Booth (1838 - 1865). Booth was a Confederate sympathizer, and hoped to turn the tide of the War. Lincoln was 56-years-old at the time of his death.
Lincoln's corpse was returned for burial to Springfield, Illinois, where he had lived for decades. On May 4, 1865, Lincoln was interred at the Oak Ridge Cemetery in Springfield. The Lincoln Tomb later became a state historic site. His wife and three of their four sons were later buried there as well.
Historians tend to rank Lincoln among the top Presidents of the United States. Due to his violent death, he came to be regarded as "a national martyr". Several political factions trace their origins to Lincoln's ideas and policies. He has been described as "a classical liberal" of the 19th-century, and is well-regarded for his policies favoring trade and business.
Martin Luther King Jr. was born on January 15, 1929, in Atlanta, Georgia. He was the son of Alberta Christine (Williams), a schoolteacher, and Martin Luther King Sr. a pastor of the Ebenezer Baptist Church in Atlanta. For Martin the civil rights movement began one summer in 1935 when he was six years old. Two of his friends did not show up to play ball with him and Martin decided to go looking for them. When he went to one of the boys' house, their mother met him at the front door and told him in a rude tone that her son would not be coming out to play with him that day or any other day because they were white and he was black. Years later, Martin admitted that those cruel words altered the direction of his life. As a teenager, Martin went through school with great distinction. He skipped ninth and 12th grades, and excelled on the violin and as as a public speaker. One evening after taking top prize in a debate tournament, he and his teacher were riding home on the bus discussing the event when the driver ordered them to give up their seats for two white passengers who had just boarded. Martin was infuriated as he recalled, "I intended to stay right in my seat and protest," but his teacher convinced him to obey the law and they stood for the remainder of the 90-mile trip. "That night will never leave my memory as long as I live. It was the angriest I had ever been in my life. Never before, or afterward, can I remember myself being so angry," he later recalled.
Martin entered Morehouse College, his father's alma mater, when he was 15 with the intention of becoming a doctor or lawyer. After graduating from Morehouse at the age of 19, he decided to enter Crozer Theological Seminary in Chester, Pennsylvania. This private nondenominational college had only 100 students at the time, and Martin was one of six black students. This was the first time that he had lived in a community that was mostly white. He won the highest class ranking and a $1,200 fellowship for graduate school. In 1951 he entered Boston University School of Theology to to pursue his Ph.D. While at Crozer Martin had attended a lecture by Howard University President Mordecai Johnson, who spoke about Mohandas K. Gandhi, India's spiritual leader whose nonviolent protests helped to free his country from British rule, and that gave Martin the basis for positive change. It was here that he met and married his wife Coretta Scott King, who was a soprano studying at the New England Conservatory of Music. In 1954 Martin accepted a call to the Dexter Avenue Baptist Church in Montgomery, Alabama, to be its pastor. Despite Coretta's warning that it would not be safe for them in Alabama, the poorest and most racist state in the US, Martin insisted that they move there. Many local black ministers attended Martin's first sermon at the church, among them the Rev. Ralph Abernathy, who congratulated him on his speech. The two became fast friends and often discussed life in general and the challenges of desegregation in particular. Then an incident changed Martin's life forever.
On the cold winter night of December 1, 1955, Rosa Parks, a 42-year-old black seamstress who worked in a downtown Montgomery department store, boarded a bus for home and sat in the back with the other black passengers. A few stops later, she was ordered to give up her seat to a white passenger who just boarded. She repeatedly refused, prompting the driver to call the police, who arrested her. In response to Mrs. Parks' courage, the town's black leaders formed the Montgomery Improvement Association and elected Martin as its leader. The first goal of the MIA was to boycott the city's bus system until public transportation laws were changed. The strike was long, bitter and violent, but eventually the city's white merchants began to complain that their businesses were suffering because of the strike, and the city responded by filing charges against Martin. While in court to appeal the charges, he learned that the U.S. Supreme Court had affirmed the decision by the Alabama Supreme Court that the local laws requiring segregation on buses were unconstitutional. The first civil rights battle was won, but for Martin it was the first of many more difficult ones. On November 29, 1959, he offered his resignation to the members of the Dexter Avenue Baptist Church, as several months earlier he had been elected leader of a new organization called the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC). He moved his family to Atlanta and began to establish a regional network of nonviolent organizations.
In April 1961 he coordinated the SCLC and other civil-rights organizations to take two busloads of white and black passengers through the South on a "freedom ride" for publicity reasons. In Virgina and North and South Carolina there were no incidents, but in Anniston, Alabama, the ride became a rolling horror when one bus was burned and its passengers beaten by an angry racist white mob. In Birmingham, angry mobs--with some policemen joining them--greeted the bus with more violence, which was broken up when state police intervened and stopped the chaos. The violence shook Martin and he decided to abandon the freedom rides before someone was killed, but the riders insisted they complete the ride to Montgomery, where they where greeted with more violence. In January 1963 Martin arrived in Birmingham with Ralph Abernathy to organize a freedom march aimed to end segregation. Despite an injunction issued by city authorities against the gathering, the protesters marched and were attacked by the police. Three months later another march was planned with the intent to "turn the other cheek" in response to the violence by the city's police force. As the marchers reached downtown Birmgingham, the police attacked the crowd with high-pressure fire hoses and attack dogs. This time, however, the incident was witnessed across the entire country, as many network TV crews were there and broadcasting live footage of unarmed marchers being blasted to the ground by high-pressure hoses and others being bitten and mauled by snarling attack dogs, and it sparked a national outrage.
The next day, more marchers repeated the walk and more policemen attacked with fire hoses and police dogs, leading to a total of 1,200 arrests. On the third day, Martin organized another march to the city jail. This time, when the marchers approached the police, none of them moved and some even let the marchers through to continue their march. The nonviolent strategy had worked--the strikes and boycotts were cutting deeply into the city merchants' revenues, and they called for negotiations and agreed with local black leaders to integrate lunch counters, fitting rooms, restrooms and drinking fountains within 90 days. Martin was then called for a rally in Washington, DC, near the Lincoln Memorial on August 28, 1963. Nearly 200,000 people stood in the intense heat listening to the speeches by the members and supporters of the NACCP. By the time Martin was called as the day's final speaker, the crowd was hot and tired. As he approached the podium, with his papers containing his prepared speech, he suddenly put them aside and decided to speak from the heart. He spoke of freedoms for blacks achieved and not yet achieved. He then spoke the words that echo throughout the world to this day: "I say to you today, my friends, that in spite of the difficulties and frustrations of the moment I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream. I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed. 'We hold these truths to be self-evident that all men are created equal.' I have that dream." By mid-October 1964 Martin had given 350 civil rights speeches and traveled 275,000 miles across the country and worked for 20 hours a day.
While in an Atlanta hospital after collapsing from exhaustion, his wife brought in his room a telegram notifying him that he had won the Nobel Peace Prize. On April 1, 1968, Martin traveled to Memphis, Tennessee to meet with two of his advisers, James Bevel and Jesse Jackson, to discuss organizing a march to Washington in support of a strike by Memphis' city's sanitation workers. In the late afternoon of April 4, he stepped out onto the balcony of the Lorraine Motel where he was staying to speak with Andrew Young. As he saw Jackson and waved to him for a moment, a gunshot rang through the air and Martin Luther King Jr. was hit in the neck and fell dead from a sniper's bullet. He was dead, but the struggle that he started to continue to bring peace and end the racial conflict in the USA continues to this day.
This handsome, eloquent and highly charismatic actor became one of the foremost interpreters of Eugene O'Neill's plays and one of the most treasured names in song during the first half of the twentieth century. He also courted disdain and public controversy for most of his career as a staunch Cold War-era advocate for human rights, as well as his very vocal support for Joseph Stalin and the Soviet invasion of Hungary in 1956. While the backlash of his civil rights activities and left-wing ideology left him embittered and practically ruined his career, he remains today a durable symbol of racial pride and consciousness.
Born in Princeton, New Jersey, on April 9, 1898, Paul LeRoy Bustill Robeson and his four siblings (William, Benjamin, Reeve, Marian) lost their mother, a schoolteacher, in a fire while quite young (Paul was only six). Paul's father, a humble Presbyterian minister and former slave, raised the family singlehandedly and the young, impressionable boy grew up singing spirituals in his father's church. Paul was a natural athlete and the tall (6'3"), strapping high school fullback had no trouble earning a scholarship to prestigious Rutgers University in 1915 at age 17 -- becoming only the third member of his race to be admitted at the time. He excelled in football, baseball, basketball, and track and field, graduating as a four-letter man. He was also the holder of a Phi Beta Kappa key in his junior year and was a selected member of their honorary society, Cap and Skull. Moreover, he was the class valedictorian and in his speech was already preaching idealism.
Paul subsequently played professional football to earn money while attending Columbia University's law school, and also took part in amateur dramatics. During this time he met and married Eslanda Cardozo Goode in 1921. She eventually became his personal assistant. Despite the fact that he was admitted to the New York bar, Paul's future as an actor was destined and he never did practice law. His wife persuaded him to play a role in "Simon the Cyrenian" at the Harlem YMCA in 1921. This was followed by his Broadway debut the following year in the short-lived play "Taboo", a drama set in Africa, which also went to London. As a result, he was asked to join the Provincetown Players, a Greenwich Village theater group that included in its membership playwright Eugene O'Neill. O'Neill personally asked Paul to star in his plays "All God's Chillun Got Wings" and "The Emperor Jones" in 1924. The reaction from both critics and audiences alike was electrifying...an actor was born.
In 1925 Paul delivered his first singing recital and also made his film debut starring in Body and Soul (1925), a rather murky melodrama that nevertheless was ahead of its time in its depictions of black characters. Although Robeson played a scurrilous, corrupt clergyman who takes advantage of his own people, his dynamic personality managed to shine through. Radio and recordings helped spread his name across foreign waters. His resonant bass was a major highlight in the London production of "Show Boat" particularly with his powerful rendition of "Ol' Man River." He remained in London to play the role of Shakespeare's "Othello" in 1930 (at the time no U.S. company would hire him), and was again significant in a highly controversial production. Paul caused a slight stir by co-starring opposite a white actress, Peggy Ashcroft, who played Desdemona. Around this time Paul starred in the landmark British film Borderline (1930), a silent film that dealt strongly with racial themes, and then returned to the stage in the O'Neill play "The Hairy Ape" in 1931. The following year he appeared in a Broadway revival of "Show Boat" again as Joe. In the same production, the noted chanteuse Helen Morgan repeated her original 1927 performance as the half-caste role of Julie, but the white actress Tess Gardella played the role of Queenie in her customary blackface opposite Robeson.
Robeson spent most of his time singing and performing in England throughout the 1930s. He also was given the opportunity to recapture two of his greatest stage successes on film: The Emperor Jones (1933) and Show Boat (1936). In Britain he continued to film sporadically with Bosambo (1935), Song of Freedom (1936), King Solomon's Mines (1937), Jericho (1937) and The Proud Valley (1940) in important roles that resisted demeaning stereotypes.
During the 1930s he also gravitated strongly towards economics and politics with a burgeoning interest in social activism. In 1934 he made the first of several trips to the Soviet Union and outwardly extolled the Soviet way of life and his belief that it lacked racial bias, despite the Holodomor and the later Rootless Cosmopolitan Campaign. He was a popular figure in Wales where he became personally involved in their civil rights affairs, notably the Welsh miners. Developing a marked leftist ideology, he continued to criticize the blatant discrimination he found so prevalent in America.
The 1940s was a mixture of performance triumphs and poignant, political upheavals. While his title run in the musical drama "John Henry" (1940), was short-lived, he earned widespread acclaim for his Broadway "Othello" in 1943 opposite José Ferrer as Iago and Uta Hagen as Desdemona. By this time, however, Robeson was being reviled by much of white America for his outspoken civil rights speeches against segregation and lynchings, particularly in the South. A founder of the Progressive Party, an independent political party, his outdoor concerts sometimes ignited violence and he was now a full-blown target for "Red Menace" agitators. In 1946 he denied under oath being a member of the Communist Party, but steadfastly refused to refute the accusations under subsequent probes. As a result, his passport was withdrawn and he became engaged in legal battles for nearly a decade in order to retrieve it. Adding fuel to the fire was his only son's (Paul Jr.) marriage to a white woman in 1949 and his being awarded the Stalin Peace Prize in 1952 (he was unable to receive it until 1958 when his passport was returned to him).
Essentially blacklisted, tainted press statements continued to hound him. He began performing less and less in America. Despite his growing scorn towards America, he never gave up his American citizenship although the anguish of it all led to a couple of suicide attempts, nervous breakdowns and a dependency on drugs. Europe was a different story. The people continued to hold him in high regard as an artist/concertist above reproach. He had a command of about 20 languages and wound up giving his last acting performance in "Othello" on foreign shores -- at Stratford-on-Avon in 1959.
While still performing in the 1960s, his health suddenly took a turn for the worse and he finally returned to the United States in 1963. His poet/wife Eslanda Robeson died of cancer two years later. Paul remained in poor health for pretty much the rest of his life. His last years were spent in Harlem in near-total isolation, denying all interviews and public correspondence, although he was honored for speaking out against apartheid in South Africa in 1978.
Paul died at age 77 of complications from a stroke. Among his many honors: he was inducted into the College Football Hall of Fame in 1995; he received a Grammy Lifetime Achievement Award in 1998; was honored with a postage stamp during the "Black Heritage" series; and both a Cultural Center at Penn State University and a high school in Brooklyn bear his name. In 1995 his autobiography "Here I Stand" was published in England in 1958; his son, Paul Robeson Jr., also chronicled a book about his father, "Undiscovered Paul Robeson: An Artist's Journey" in 2001.
Sitting Bull, a Hunkpapa Lakota (Sioux) holy man and war chief, was born in 1831 near the Grand River in what is now the Standing Rock Indian Reservation in South Dakota. He was named after his father, who was killed by Crow warriors--the Crow tribe being a longtime enemy of the Lakota--in an ambush. In the mid-1860s, during what became known as Red Cloud's War, Sitting Bull led the Sioux in a series of attacks on US Army posts and civilian wagon trains in the Powder River area of the Dakotas. Although other Indian tribes signed a peace treaty with the US government ending the war in 1868, Sitting Bull refused to and continued his attacks on military and civilian targets into the 1870s. He attacked crews building railroads across the Indian territory and miners who were panning for gold in the Black Hills, an area sacred to the Sioux. His attacks prompted the US government to send federal troops to the area, under the command of Col. George Armstrong Custer, to stop them. In 1875 the US Interior Department ordered all Sioux living outside the area known as The Great Sioux Reservation to move onto it, and any who did not would be declared "hostile" and could be forcibly removed to the reservation. Rather than persuading Indians to follow the Department's orders, this policy resulted in several tribes previously hostile to each other, such as the Cheyenne and Kiowa, to unite in alliance with the Sioux against the army, although many chiefs who had previously fought the army--such as Red Cloud, Gall and Spotted Tail--decided it was in their best interests to take their followers and live on the reservation.
In 1875 the Cheyenne and several Sioux clans joined forces to resist the army's attempts to place them on the reservation. They used Sitting Bull's camp as their main assembling point, as did many other Indians who had bolted from the reservation. As more and more Indians arrived the camp expanded in size, until there were an estimated 16,000 Indians living there. It was this camp that Custer stumbled across on June 25, 1876. His attack on the camp, and the subsequent defeat and annihilation of his command, became known as the Battle of the Little Big Horn, named for the river that ran through the camp. Contrary to popular opinion, however, Sitting Bull had nothing to do with the defeat of Custer's forces--his task was to organize a defense of the camp, and it was other chiefs who led the counterattack on Custer.
Custer's defeat led the US army to assign thousands of troops to the area to track down and capture Sitting Bull, and over the next year or so many Sioux chiefs surrendered their bands due to the intense pressure from the army. Sitting Bull, however, refused to surrender and in 1877 led his band across the border into Canada, where he knew the US army could not reach him. However, conditions in Canada deteriorated for the Indians, with cold and hunger taking their toll. On July 19, 1881, he crossed back into the US and led his band of nearly 200 Indians to Fort Buford, South Dakota, and surrendered. Initially taken to Fort Yates, near the Standing Rock Reservation, Sitting Bull's band was transferred to Fort Randall, where they were kept for almost two years as prisoners of war. They returned to Standing Rock in 1883.
The next year Sitting Bull was given permission to leave the reservation to join the "wild west show" of Buffalo Bill Cody, aka "Buffalo Bill", and he became an audience favorite. He returned to the reservation after only four months with the Cody show, however. By that time he had become somewhat of a celebrity and many whites visited the reservation hoping to see him. He turned a tidy profit charging his "fans" to have their pictures taken with him.
In 1890 a movement known as the "Ghost Dance" swept the Standing Rock reservation. Part of the movement's message was to encourage Indians to defy the authorities and leave the reservation. The Indian Agency administrators were concerned that Sitting Bull, who was still considered a leader among the Sioux and wielded great influence over them, was planning on taking as many Indians as he could and flee the reservation. They ordered the tribal police to arrest and jail him to keep that from happening. On December 15, 1890, a force of more than 40 Indian police arrived at Sitting Bull's house. As they prepared to take him away, nearby Indians who had heard what was happening began to gather around the house. Sitting Bull refused to go with the police, and the crowd became angry. Reportedly a Sioux onlooker grabbed a rifle and fired it at the officer in charge, hitting him. The officer then pulled his weapon and shot Sitting Bull in the chest, and another officer fired a round into his head. The crowd then attacked the police, who fought back, and in the ensuing mêlée eight Indian police and seven Indians in the crowd, along with Sitting Bull, were killed.
Bruce Frederick Joseph Springsteen was born September 23, 1949 in Long Branch, New Jersey, USA. His father, Douglas Frederick Springsteen, worked as a bus driver, and was of Irish and Dutch ancestry. His mother, Adele Ann (Zerilli), worked as a legal secretary, and was of Italian descent. He has an older sister, Virginia, and a younger sister Pamela Springsteen. Bruce was raised as a Catholic. He was inspired to take up music when he, at the age of seven, saw Elvis Presley on Toast of the Town (1948). When he was thirteen he bought his first guitar for 18 dollars. His mother took out a loan when Bruce was 16 and bought him a Kent guitar for 60 dollars.
In 1965, he became the lead guitarist in the band "The Castiles", he would later become lead singer in the band. The Castiles recorded two original songs at a public recording studio in Brick Township, New Jersey. From 1969 to 1971 he performed with Steven Van Zandt, Danny Federici and Vini "Mad Dog" Lopez in a band called "Child", that was renamed later to "Steel Mill" when guitarist Robbin Thompson joined the band.
In 1972, he signed a record deal with Columbia Records and released his debut album, "Greetings from Asbury Park, N.J.", with his New Jersey-based colleagues, who would later be called "The E Street Band", In January, 1973. The album had critical success and so did their second album, "The Wild, the Innocent & the E Street Shuffle", released in September, 1973, but had little commercial success. In 1975, after more than 14 month of recording, their third album was released, "Born to Run", which had both critical and commercial success for Springsteen and the band.
In 1977, he returned to the studio, after a two-year legal battle with former manager Mike Appel, and produced the album, "Darkness on the Edge of Town", released in 1978 and became a turning point musically for his career. In 1980 came the release of "The River", the album sold well and he followed up with the album "Nebraska" which had critical success but had little commercial success. Springsteen came back with a bang with the release of the album "Born in the U.S.A." in 1984, which sold 15 million copies in the U.S. alone and had seven top ten singles. It became one of the best-selling albums of all time.
After the huge success of the "Born in the U.S.A." album he released a more calm and sedate album in 1987, "Tunnel of Love", which included songs about love lost and the challenges of love, after the break-up with first wife, Julianne Phillips. The albums released in 1992, "Lucky Town" and "Human Touch" were also popular, Human Touch being the most popular of the two, hitting the number one spot of the best-selling albums in the UK. In 1994 he won an academy award for the song "Streets of Philadelphia" featured in the film Philadelphia (1993).
In 1995, he released the album "The Ghost of Tom Joad", which was mostly a solo guitar album and was inspired by "Journey to Nowhere: The Saga of the New Underclass," a book by Pulitzer Prize-winning writer Dale Maharidge. After being apart from the E Street Band for several years they reunited with a successful tour which ended in Madison Square Garden in New York in the year 2000. In 2002 he released the first studio album with the full band in over 18 years, "The Rising", and it became a critical and commercial success. In 2005 he released his third folk album (after "Nebraska" and "The Ghost of Tom Joad"), "Devils & Dust" It was followed by "We Shall Overcome: The Seeger Sessions" in 2006 and "Magic" in 2007. His 16th album will be released on January 27, 2009 and is called "Working on a Dream".
He married for the first time at the age of 35 to actress Julianne Phillips. The marriage helped boost her acting career, but his traveling took it's toll on the marriage and the final blow came when she found out his affair with the American singer/songwriter/guitarist Patti Scialfa. Their marriage ended in 1989. He then married Patti Scialfa on June 8th, 1991, They had lived together since the separation between him and his first wife and they had a child before they married. They have three children together: Evan James Springsteen (born July 25, 1990), Jessica Rae (born December 30, 1991) and Sam Ryan Springsteen (born January 5, 1994).
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[Senate Hearing 107-584] [From the U.S. Government Printing Office] S. Hrg. 107-584, Pt. 3 CONFIRMATION HEARINGS ON FEDERAL APPOINTMENTS ======================================================================= HEARINGS before the COMMITTEE ON THE JUDICIARY UNITED STATES SENATE ONE HUNDRED SEVENTH CONGRESS SECOND SESSION ---------- JANUARY 24, FEBRUARY 26, MARCH 19, APRIL 11, AND APRIL 25, 2002 ---------- PART 3 ---------- Serial No. J-107-23 ---------- Printed for the use of the Committee on the Judiciary CONFIRMATION HEARINGS ON FEDERAL APPOINTMENTS 85-707 U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE WASHINGTON : 2003 ____________________________________________________________________________ For Sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office Internet: bookstore.gpr.gov Phone: toll free (866) 512-1800; (202) 512�091800 Fax: (202) 512�092250 Mail: Stop SSOP, Washington, DC 20402�090001 COMMITTEE ON THE JUDICIARY PATRICK J. LEAHY, Vermont, Chairman EDWARD M. KENNEDY, Massachusetts ORRIN G. HATCH, Utah JOSEPH R. BIDEN, Jr., Delaware STROM THURMOND, South Carolina HERBERT KOHL, Wisconsin CHARLES E. GRASSLEY, Iowa DIANNE FEINSTEIN, California ARLEN SPECTER, Pennsylvania RUSSELL D. FEINGOLD, Wisconsin JON KYL, Arizona CHARLES E. SCHUMER, New York MIKE DeWINE, Ohio RICHARD J. DURBIN, Illinois JEFF SESSIONS, Alabama MARIA CANTWELL, Washington SAM BROWNBACK, Kansas JOHN EDWARDS, North Carolina MITCH McCONNELL, Kentucky Bruce A. Cohen, Majority Chief Counsel and Staff Director Sharon Prost, Minority Chief Counsel Makan Delrahim, Minority Staff Director C O N T E N T S ---------- THURSDAY, JANUARY 24, 2002 STATEMENTS OF COMMITTEE MEMBERS Page Cantwell, Hon. Maria, a U.S. Senator from the State of Washington 1 Hatch, Hon. Orrin G., a U.S. Senator from the State of Utah...... 15 Kyl, Hon. Jon, a U.S. Senator from the State of Arizona.......... 3 Leahy, Hon. Patrick J., a U.S. Senator from the State of Vermont. 12 PRESENTERS Allard, Hon. Wayne, a U.S. Senator from the State of Colorado presenting Robert Blackburn, Nominee to be District Judge for the District of Colorado....................................... 9 Breaux, Hon. John B., a U.S. Senator from the State of Louisiana presenting Jay Zainey, Nominee to be District Judge for the Eastern District of Louisiana.................................. 6 Campbell, Hon. Ben Nighthorse, a U.S. Senator from the State of Colorado presenting Robert Blackburn, Nominee to be District Judge for the District of Colorado............................. 8 Grassley, Hon. Charles E., a U.S. Senator from the State of Iowa presenting Michael Melloy, Nominee to be Circuit Judge for the Eighth Circuit and James Gritzner, Nominee to be District Judge for the Southern District of Iowa.............................. 3 Harkin, Hon. Tom D., a U.S. Senator from the State of Iowa presenting Michael Melloy, Nominee to be Circuit Judge for the Eighth Circuit and James Gritzner, Nominee to be District Judge for the Southern District of Iowa.............................. 5 Kyl, Hon. Jon, a U.S. Senator from the State of Arizona presenting Cindy Jorgenson, Nominee to be District Judge for the District of Arizona........................................ 11 Landrieu, Hon. Mary L., a U.S. Senator from the State of Louisiana presenting Jay Zainey, Nominee to be District Judge for the Eastern District of Louisiana.......................... 7 Leach, Hon. James A., a Representative in Congress from the State of Iowa presenting Michael Melloy, Nominee to be Circuit Judge for the Eighth Circuit and James Gritzner, Nominee to be District Judge for the Southern District of Iowa............... 6 Norton, Hon. Eleanor Holmes, a Delegate in Congress from the District of Columbia presenting Richard Leon, Nominee to be District Judge for the District of Columbia.................... 10 Tauzin, Hon. William J., a Representative in Congress from the State of Louisiana presenting Jay Zainey, Nominee to be District Judge for the Eastern District of Louisiana........... 237 STATEMENTS OF THE NOMINEES Blackburn, Robert, Nominee to be District Judge for the District of Colorado.................................................... 90 Questionnaire................................................ 91 Gritzner, James, Nominee to be District Judge for the Southern District of Iowa............................................... 60 Questionnaire................................................ 61 Jorgenson, Cindy, Nominee to be District Judge for the District of Arizona..................................................... 111 Questionnaire................................................ 112 Leon, Richard, Nominee to be District Judge for the District of Columbia....................................................... 142 Questionnaire................................................ 143 Melloy, Michael, Nominee to be Circuit Judge for the Eighth Circuit........................................................ 17 Questionnaire................................................ 18 Zainey, Jay, Nominee to be District Judge for the Eastern District of Louisiana.......................................... 198 Questionnaire................................................ 199 TUESDAY, FEBRUARY 26, 2002 STATEMENTS OF COMMITTEE MEMBERS Biden, Hon. Joseph R., Jr., a U.S. Senator from the State of Delaware....................................................... 306 Cantwell, Hon. Maria, a U.S. Senator from the State of Washington 419 Feingold, Hon. Russell D., a U.S. Senator from the State of Wisconsin...................................................... 241 Hatch, Hon. Orrin G., a U.S. Senator from the State of Utah...... 299 Leahy, Hon. Patrick J., a U.S. Senator from the State of Vermont. 434 Specter, Hon. Arlen, a U.S. Senator from the State of Pennsylvania................................................... 309 PRESENTERS Gramm, Hon. Phil, a U.S. Senator from the State of Texas presenting Robert Randall Crane, Nominee to be District Judge for the Southern District of Texas............................. 244 Hinojosa, Hon. Ruben, a Representative in Congress from the State of Texas presenting Robert Randall Crane, Nominee to be District Judge for the Southern District of Texas.............. 245 Kyl, Hon. Jon, a U.S. Senator from the State of Arizona presenting David Charles Bury, Nominee to be District Judge for the District of Arizona........................................ 315 Murkowski, Hon. Frank, a U.S. Senator from the State of Alaska presenting Ralph Beistline, Nominee to be District Judge for the District of Alaska......................................... 247 Santorum, Hon. Rick, a U.S. Senator from the State of Pennsylvania presenting D. Brooks Smith, Nominee to be Circuit Judge for the Third Circuit.................................... 243 Specter, Hon. Arlen, a U.S. Senator from the State of Pennsylvania presenting D. Brooks Smith, Nominee to be Circuit Judge for the Third Circuit.................................... 242 Stevens, Hon. Ted, a U.S. Senator from the State of Alaska presenting Ralph Beistline, Nominee to be District Judge for the District of Alaska......................................... 246 STATEMENTS OF THE NOMINEES Beistline, Hon. Ralph, Nominee to be District Judge for the District of Alaska............................................. 325 Questionnaire................................................ 326 Bury, David Charles, Nominee to be District Judge for the District of Arizona............................................ 349 Questionnaire................................................ 350 Crane, Robert Randall, Nominee to be District Judge for the Southern District of Texas..................................... 379 Questionnaire................................................ 380 Smith, D. Brooks, Nominee to be Circuit Judge for the Third Circuit........................................................ 250 Questionnaire................................................ 251 SUBMISSIONS FOR THE RECORD Academy of Trial Lawyers of Allegheny County, Dennis St. J. Mulvihill, President, Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, letter and attachment..................................................... 410 Ambrose, Hon. Donetta W., U.S. District Judge, Western District of Pennsylvania, Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, letter.............. 415 Belden, H. Reginald, Jr., Attorney, Belden Law, Greensburg, Pennsylvania, letter........................................... 417 Carnevali, Ronald P., Jr., Attorney, Spence, Custer, Saylor, Wolf & Rose, Johnstown, Pennsylvania, letter........................ 420 Finberg, Richard A., Attorney, Malakoff Doyle & Finberg, Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, letter and attachment................ 422 Gormley, Ken and Frederick W. Thieman, Pittsburgh Post-Gazette, February 17, 2002, editorial................................... 427 Kutz, Robert K., Jr., President, Blair Bedford Central Labor Council, AFL-CIO, Altoona, Pennsylvania, letter................ 431 Lewis, Timothy K., Attorney, Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, letter.... 439 Mecham, Leonidas Ralph, Director, Administrative Office of the United States Courts, Washington, D.C., letter................. 441 Miller, William N., Superintendent of Schools, Tyrone Area School District, Tyrone, Pennsylvania, letter......................... 443 Pagac, Shelly R., Co-President, and Cynthia Reed Eddy, Co-Chair of Judiciary Committee, Women's Bar Association of Western Pennsylvania, Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, letter................. 445 Rush, Mark A., Attorney, Kirkpatrick & Lockhart LLP, Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, letter........................................... 446 Susquehanna Valley Women in Transition, Margaret E. Gates, Executive Director, Lewisburg, Pennsylvania, letter............ 449 Thornburgh, Dick, Pittsburgh Post-Gazette, Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, February 26, 2002, comment....................... 450 Washington Post, February 20, 2002, editorial.................... 452 TUESDAY, MARCH 19, 2002 STATEMENTS OF COMMITTEE MEMBERS Hatch, Hon. Orrin G., a U.S. Senator from the State of Utah...... 458 Leahy, Hon. Patrick J., a U.S. Senator from the State of Vermont. 455 PRESENTERS Bennett, Hon. Robert, a U.S. Senator from the State of Utah presenting Paul Cassell, Nominee to be District Judge for the District of Utah............................................... 462 Breaux, Hon. John B., a U.S. Senator from the State of Louisiana presenting Lance Africk, Nominee to be District Judge for the Eastern District of Louisiana.................................. 461 Enzi, Hon. Mike, a U.S. Senator from the State of Wyoming presenting Terrence L. O'Brien, Nominee to be Circuit Judge for the Tenth Circuit.............................................. 465 Santorum, Hon. Rick, a U.S. Senator from the State of Pennsylvania presenting Legrome Davis, Nominee to be District Judge for the Eastern District of Pennsylvania................. 463 Specter, Hon. Arlen, a U.S. Senator from the State of Pennsylvania presenting Legrome Davis, Nominee to be District Judge for the Eastern District of Pennsylvania................. 468 Tauzin, Hon. W.J., a Representative in Congress from the State of Louisiana presenting Lance Africk, Nominee to be District Judge for the Eastern District of Louisiana.......................... 466 Thomas, Hon. Craig, a U.S. Senator from the State of Wyoming presenting Terrence L. O'Brien, Nominee to be Circuit Judge for the Tenth Circuit.............................................. 462 STATEMENTS OF THE NOMINEES Africk, Lance, Nominee to be District Judge for the Eastern District of Louisiana.......................................... 513 Questionnaire................................................ 514 Cassell, Paul, Nominee to be District Judge for the District of Utah........................................................... 550 Questionnaire................................................ 551 Davis, Legrome, Nominee to be District Judge for the Eastern District of Pennsylvania....................................... 597 Questionnaire................................................ 598 O'Brien, Terrence L., Nominee to be Circuit Judge for the Tenth Circuit........................................................ 469 Questionnaire................................................ 474 SUBMISSIONS FOR THE RECORD Athay, D. Gilbert, Attorney at Law, Salt Lake City, Utah, letter. 660 Beloof, Douglas E., Associate Professor of Law, Northwestern School of Law of Lewis & Clark College, Portland, Oregon, letter......................................................... 661 Bugden, Walter F., Jr., Attorney at Law, Bugden, Collins & Morton, L.C., Salt Lake City, Utah, letter..................... 662 Casey, Cynthia F., letter........................................ 663 Cummings, Brandon, Albuquerque, New Mexico, letter............... 664 Daniels, Charles W., Attorney at Law, Freedman Boyd Daniels Hollander Goldberg & Cline P.A., Albuquerque, New Mexico, letter......................................................... 665 Donaldson, L. Clark, Attorney at Law, Salt Lake City, Utah, letter......................................................... 667 Eldridge, Kent, Attorney at Law, Oklahoma City, Oklahoma, letter. 669 Enderton, Stephen M., Attorney at Law, Salt Lake City, Utah, letter......................................................... 670 Ferguson, Wallace T., Attorney at Law, Ferguson & Hix, Boerne, Texas, letter.................................................. 671 Gilbert, Terry H., Attorney at Law, Friedman & Gilbert, Cleveland, Ohio, letter........................................ 672 Gorman, Peter W., Minneapolis, Minnesota, letter................. 673 Gould, Mark H., Attorney at Law, Ogden, Utah, letter............. 674 Landrieu, Hon. Mary, a U.S. Senator from the State of Louisiana, letter in support of Lance Africk, Nominee to be District Judge for the Eastern District of Louisiana.......................... 675 Mims, Bobby D., Attorney at Law, Tyler, Texas, letter............ 676 Nardi, Steve, Attorney at Law, Sherlock & Nardi, Kalispell, Montana, letter................................................ 677 National Association of Criminal Defense Lawyers, Irwin Schwartz, President, Washington, D.C., letter............................ 678 National Organization of Parents of Murdered Children, Inc., Nancy Ruhe-Munch, Executive Director, Cincinnati, Ohio, letter. 680 National Victims' Constitutional Amendment Network, Roberta Roper and Robert Preston, Co-Chairpersons, Denver, Colorado, letter.. 681 Poll, Sterling James, Attorney at Law, letter.................... 682 Rogers, Kristine M., Attorney at Law, Salt Lake City, Utah, letter......................................................... 683 Shurtleff, Hon. Mark L., Attorney General, State of Utah, Salt Lake City, Utah, letter........................................ 684 Stuart, Diane M., Director, Office of Justice Programs, Department of Justice, Washington, D.C., letter................ 685 Thomas, George C., III, Professor of Law, Rutgers University School of Law, Newark, New Jersey, letter...................... 686 Thomas, Linda S., Attorney at Law, Anchorage, Alaska, letter..... 688 Thorman, Michael P., Attorney at Law, Bonjour & Thorman, Hayward, California, letter............................................. 690 Troberman, Richard J., Attorney at Law, Seattle, Washington, letter......................................................... 691 Twist, Steve, Assistant General Counsel, Viad Corporation, Phoenix, Arizona, letter....................................... 693 Williamson, Bruce R., Jr., Attorney at Law, Charlottesville, Virginia, letter............................................... 694 Yengich, Ronald J., Attorney at Law, Yengich, Rich & Xaiz, Salt Lake City, Utah, letter........................................ 695 THURSDAY, APRIL 11, 2002 STATEMENTS OF COMMITTEE MEMBERS Hatch, Hon. Orrin G., a U.S. Senator from the State of Utah...... 698 Kohl, Hon. Herbert, a U.S. Senator from the State of Wisconsin... 697 Leahy, Hon. Patrick J., a U.S. Senator from the State of Vermont. 965 PRESENTERS Barrett, Hon. Thomas M., a Representative in Congress from the State of Wisconsin presenting William C. Griesbach, Nominee to be District Judge for the Eastern District of Wisconsin........ 708 Dayton, Hon. Mark, a U.S. Senator from the State of Minnesota presenting Joan E. Lancaster, Nominee to be District Judge for the District of Minnesota...................................... 706 Feingold, Hon. Russell D., a U.S. Senator from the State of Wisconsin presenting William C. Griesbach, Nominee to be District Judge for the Eastern District of Wisconsin........... 701 Feinstein, Hon. Dianne, a U.S. Senator from the State of California presenting Percy Anderson and John F. Walter, Nominees to be District Judges for the Central District of California..................................................... 710 Gregg, Hon. Judd, a U.S. Senator from the State of New Hampshire presenting Jeffrey Howard, Nominee to be Circuit Judge for the First Circuit.................................................. 703 Green, Hon. Mark, a Representative in Congress from the State of Wisconsin presenting William C. Griesbach, Nominee to be District Judge for the Eastern District of Wisconsin........... 708 Kohl, Hon. Herbert, a U.S. Senator from the State of Wisconsin presenting William C. Griesbach, Nominee to be District Judge for the Eastern District of Wisconsin.......................... 711 Smith, Hon. Bob, a U.S. Senator from the State of New Hampshire presenting Jeffrey Howard, Nominee to be Circuit Judge for the First District................................................. 704 Specter, Hon. Arlen, a U.S. Senator from the State of Pennsylvania presenting Michael M. Baylson and Cynthia M. Rufe, Nominees to be District Judges for the Eastern District of Pennsylvania................................................... 703 Wellstone, Hon. Paul, a U.S. Senator from the State of Minnesota presenting Joan E. Lancaster, Nominee to be District Judge for the Eastern District of Pennsylvania........................... 705 STATEMENTS OF THE NOMINEES Anderson, Percy, Nominee to be District Judge for the Central District of California......................................... 743 Questionnaire................................................ 744 Baylson, Michael M., Nominee to be District Judge for the Eastern District of Pennsylvania....................................... 778 Questionnaire................................................ 779 Griesbach, William C., Nominee to be District Judge for the Eastern District of Pennsylvania............................... 835 Questionnaire................................................ 836 Howard, Jeffrey, Nominee to be Circuit Judge for the First District....................................................... 713 Questionnaire................................................ 714 Lancaster, Joan E., Nominee to be District Judge for the District of Minnesota................................................... 858 Questionnaire................................................ 859 Rufe, Cynthia M., Nominee to be District Judge for the Eastern District of Pennsylvania....................................... 880 Questionnaire................................................ 881 Walter, John F., Nominee to be District Judge for the Central District of California......................................... 915 Questionnaire................................................ 916 SUBMISSIONS FOR THE RECORD American Bar Association, Rosco Trimmier, Jr., Chair, Washington, D.C., letter................................................... 954 Bayorgeon, Hon. James T., Circuit Court Judge, Branch One, Outagamie County, Appleton, Wisconsin, letter.................. 955 Boxer, Hon. Barbara, a U.S. Senator from the State of California, letter in support of Percy Anderson and John F. Walter, Nominees to be District Judges for the Central District of California..................................................... 956 Brown County Circuit Court Judges, Green Bay, Wisconsin, joint letter......................................................... 957 Des Jardins, Hon. John A., Circuit Court Judge, Branch 7, Outagamie County, Appleton, Wisconsin, letter.................. 958 Diltz, Hon. Peter C., Circuit Court Judge, Branch 2, Door County, Sturgeon Bay, Wisconsin, letter................................ 959 Ehlers, Hon. D. Todd, Circuit Court Judge, Branch 1, Door County, Sturgeon Bay, Wisconsin, letter................................ 960 Hoffmann, Hon. John P., Circuit Court Judge, Branch 2, Waupaca County, Waupaca, Wisconsin, letter............................. 962 Huber, Hon. Raymond S., Circuit Court Judge, Branch 3, Waupaca County, Waupaca, Wisconsin, letter............................. 963 Kirk, Hon. Philip M., Circuit Court Judge, Branch 1, Waupaca County, Waupaca, Wisconsin, letter............................. 964 Santorum, Hon. Rick, a U.S. Senator from the State of Pennsylvania, letter in support of Cynthia M. Rufe and Michael M. Baylson, Nominees to be District Judges for the Eastern District of Pennsylvania....................................... 967 Schober, Thomas L., Green Bay, Wisconsin, letter................. 968 Troy, Hon. Joseph M., Circuit Court Judge, Branch 3, Outagamie County, Appleton, Wisconsin, letter............................ 969 Warpinski, Hon. Mark A., Circuit Court Judge, Branch 2, Brown County, Green Bay, Wisconsin................................... 970 Wisconsin Court of Appeals Judges, Wausau, Wisconsin, joint letter......................................................... 971 THURSDAY, APRIL 25, 2002 STATEMENTS OF COMMITTEE MEMBERS Edwards, Hon. John, a U.S. Senator from the State of North Carolina....................................................... 973 Hatch, Hon. Orrin G., a U.S. Senator from the State of Utah...... 986 Leahy, Hon. Patrick J., a U.S. Senator from the State of Vermont. 983 McConnell, Hon. Mitch, a U.S. Senator from the State of Kentucky. 981 PRESENTERS DeWine, Hon. Mike, a U.S. Senator from the State of Ohio presenting Thomas M. Rose, Nominee to be District Judge for the Southern District of Ohio...................................... 980 Ford, Hon. Harold E., Jr., a Representative in Congress from the State of Tennessee presenting Julia Smith Gibbons, Nominee to be Circuit Judge for the Sixth Circuit and Samuel H. Mays, Jr., Nominee to be District Judge for the Western District of Tennessee...................................................... 1038 Frist, Hon. Bill, a U.S. Senator from the State of Tennessee presenting Julia Smith Gibbons, Nominee to be Circuit Judge for the Sixth Circuit and Samuel H. Mays, Jr., Nominee to be District Judge for the Western District of Tennessee........... 976 Gramm, Hon. Phil, a U.S. Senator from the State of Texas presenting David C. Godbey, Andrew S. Hanen, and Leonard E. Davis, Nominees to be District Judges for the Northern, Southern, and Eastern Districts of Texas, respectively......... 978 Hall, Hon. Ralph M., a Representative in Congress from the State of Texas presenting Leonard E. Davis, Nominee to be District Judge for the Eastern District of Texas........................ 1037 Hobson, Hon. Dave, a Representative in Congress from the State of Ohio presenting Thomas M. Rose, Nominee to be District Judge for the Southern District of Ohio.............................. 1037 Hutchison, Hon. Kay Bailey, a U.S. Senator from the State of Texas presenting David C. Godbey, Andrew S. Hanen, and Leonard E. Davis, Nominees to be District Judges for the Northern, Southern, and Eastern Districts of Texas, respectively......... 979 Sandlin, Hon. Max, a Representative in Congress from the State of Texas presenting Leonard E. Davis, Nominee to be District Judge for the Eastern District of Texas.............................. 1040 Thompson, Hon. Fred, a U.S. Senator from the State of Tennessee presenting Julia Smith Gibbons, Nominee to be Circuit Judge for the Sixth Circuit and Samuel H. Mays, Jr., Nominee to be District Judge for the Western District of Tennessee........... 974 Voinovich, Hon. George V., a U.S. Senator from the State of Ohio presenting Thomas M. Rose, Nomionee to be District Judge for the Southern District of Ohio.................................. 987 STATEMENTS OF THE NOMINEES Davis, Leonard E., Nominee to be District Judge for the Eastern District of Texas.............................................. 1041 Questionnaire................................................ 1042 Gibbons, Julia Smith, Nominee to be Circuit Judge for the Sixth Circuit........................................................ 988 Questionnaire................................................ 989 Godbey, David C., Nominee to be District Judge for the Northern District of Texas.............................................. 1084 Questionnaire................................................ 1085 Hanen, Andrew S., Nominee to be District Judge for the Southern District of Texas.............................................. 1114 Questionnaire................................................ 1115 Mays, Samuel H., Jr., Nominee to be District Judge for the Western District of Tennessee.................................. 1177 Questionnaire................................................ 1178 Rose, Thomas M., Nominee to be District Judge for the Southern District of Ohio............................................... 1208 Questionnaire................................................ 1209 NOMINATIONS OF MICHAEL MELLOY, OF IOWA, TO BE CIRCUIT JUDGE FOR THE EIGHTH CIRCUIT; JAMES GRITZNER, OF IOWA, TO BE DISTRICT JUDGE FOR THE SOUTHERN DISTRICT OF IOWA; ROBERT BLACKBURN, OF COLORADO, TO BE DISTRICT JUDGE FOR THE DISTRICT OF COLORADO; CINDY JORGENSON, OF ARIZONA, TO BE DISTRICT JUDGE FOR THE DISTRICT OF ARIZONA; RICHARD LEON, OF MARYLAND, TO BE DISTRICT JUDGE FOR THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA; AND JAY ZAINEY, OF LOUISIANA, TO BE DISTRICT JUDGE FOR THE EASTERN DISTRICT OF LOUISIANA ---------- THURSDAY, JANUARY 24, 2002 United States Senate, Committee on the Judiciary, Washington, D.C. The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 2:05 p.m., in room SD-226, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Maria Cantwell presiding. Present: Senators Cantwell, Leahy, Kennedy, Grassley, Kyl, and DeWine. STATEMENT OF HON. MARIA CANTWELL, A U.S. SENATOR FROM THE STATE OF WASHINGTON Senator Cantwell. The Senate Judiciary Committee will come to order. Good afternoon. I would like to welcome everyone here today to our first Senate Judiciary Committee hearing of the year. We are here to consider the nominations of six individuals to the Federal Bench, one nominee for the Eighth Circuit Court of Appeals and five nominees to the district court. We are fortunate to have a talented group of nominees with us, and I would like to extend my welcome to them and to their families who are here and the friends who have joined them today. I am pleased to be able to chair this first hearing for Senator Leahy, and I would also like to thank him for the leadership that he has shown on the issue of judicial nominations since taking over the committee last summer. In just 6 months, we have already had 11 hearings on 34 different judicial nominees. This is more than the number of judges who received a hearing in the entire first year of the Clinton administration. This has required really a very significant effort on the part of the committee and the chairman, so I applaud him for that. Hearings were held during the August recess; during the week of September 11, requiring that nominees drive through the night to be here; and hearings have been held during the period when anthrax contamination closed the Hart Senate Office Building. So, again, I appreciate everybody's indulgence. As a result of those hearings, 28 qualified judges have been confirmed and sent to the Federal courts around the country. I am confident that we will soon confirm additional nominees now that the Senate is back in session. By scheduling this hearing today, just one day into the new Senate session, this committee sends a message that it will continue on a schedule to hold hearings and vote on judicial nominees in a responsible manner. I would like to make special note of two of the nominees here today from the State of Iowa. They are here with the support of one of the committee's longest serving members, Senator Grassley, who I know is on his way down. They are also here with the support of Senator Harkin--we appreciate him being here as well--which shows that there is bipartisan support for these nominees. Senator Kyl, who has just joined us, another valued member of this committee, also has a nominee to the district court here, and it is an extra pleasure for me to be chairing this hearing with in attendance and working to confirm this nominee promptly from his State. The nominees here today all have strong records that demonstrate an ability to analyze complex and important legal concepts in a manner befitting a Federal judge. Their records reflect a commitment to our fundamental constitutional protections and rights, including the advancement and protection of civil rights and liberties for everyone. Several of the nominees are here today with bipartisan support from their delegations. We take that support and sponsorship seriously. It is my opinion that the dispute over judicial nominees could become a thing of the past if we were to see more nominees like these, nominated after consultation with the Senate. As Federal judges, these nominees before us today will have a vital role to play at a difficult time in our Nation's history. I am confident that they will take this responsibility seriously and ensure that the decisions that they make demonstrate fair-mindedness and rely on a rich history of judicial precedent. Before we go on to have the nominees come forward, we are going to hear from several House and Senate members who are here. I don't know, Senator Kyl, if you had an opening statement that you wanted to make. If not, I will go to our various colleagues here who have given of their time to come and speak on behalf of these nominees. STATEMENT OF HON. JON KYL, A U.S. SENATOR FROM THE STATE OF ARIZONA Senator Kyl. Madam Chairman, in view of the large number of our colleagues who are present and the importance of moving along, I will simply note that I hope that we will indeed move with alacrity on the nominations both for district and court this year to fill the over 100 vacancies that currently exist. I appreciate the chairman holding this hearing. I appreciate your chairing the hearing today, and I will have more to say about the nominee from the State of Arizona very briefly. Thank you. Senator Cantwell. Thank you, Senator Kyl. We will give Senator Grassley an opportunity here to decide whether he wants to--Senator Grassley, we want to give you an opportunity to introduce your nominees, if you are comfortable in doing it at this time. Being the most senior member of our committee here and a longstanding member, we want to give you that honor of being first in expressing your thoughts. PRESENTATION OF MICHAEL MELLOY, NOMINEE TO BE CIRCUIT JUDGE FOR THE EIGHTH CIRCUIT AND JAMES GRITZNER, NOMINEE TO BE DISTRICT JUDGE FOR THE SOUTHERN DISTRICT OF IOWA BY HON. CHARLES E. GRASSLEY, A U.S. SENATOR FROM THE STATE OF IOWA Senator Grassley. First of all, I apologize for being late, but I was managing the stimulus package on the floor. I have the pleasure today of introducing to the committee two distinguished Iowans who have been nominated to the Federal bench. Judge Michael Joseph Melloy has been nominated to serve as U.S. Circuit Judge for the Eighth Circuit, and James Edward Gritzner has been nominated to serve as a U.S. District Judge for the Southern District of Iowa. These people are two very qualified people for Federal judgeship positions, and I am obviously proud to support their nominations, as I was involved with suggesting these people to the President of the United States. Judge Melloy was born in Dubuque, Iowa, and married Jane Anne Knapp Melloy. She is a counselor in the Cedar Rapids schools. He graduated magna cum laude from Lorus College, and with high distinction from the University of Iowa College of Law. Before he attended law school, Judge Melloy served in the United States Army. Upon graduation from law school, Judge Melloy gained extensive experience in civil litigation when he joined the Dubuque law firm of O'Connor, Thomas, Wright, Hammer, Bertsch and Norby, where he eventually became a partner and shareholder. In 1986, Judge Melloy was appointed United States Bankruptcy Judge for the Northern District of Iowa. In 1992, Judge Melloy was appointed to the United States District Court for the Northern District of Iowa by President George Bush, Sr. In this position, Judge Melloy has presided over a wide variety of criminal and civil cases. He also has served on a number of committees, including the Eighth Circuit Judicial Council, the Gender Fairness Task Force of the Eighth Circuit, and the Eighth Circuit Pattern Jury Instruction Committee. Judge Melloy also currently chairs the Bankruptcy Administration Committee of the Judicial Conference. Judge Melloy is accompanied today, I am told, by his family, including his wife, Jane Anne; one of his daughters, Bridget; and his sister, Colleen George. I am sure that they are all very proud of the advancement that their family member is making in the profession of law. I would go to Jim Gritzner now, who was born in Charles City, Iowa, and is married to Zoe Ann Gritzner, who is here today to support her husband's nomination to the District Court for the Southern District of Iowa. He received a B.A. degree in 1969 from Dakota Wesleyan, a Master of Arts degree in 1974 from the University of Northern Iowa, and a law degree in 1979 from Drake University Law School. While he was in law school, Jim Gritzner worked as a law school for a Magistrate Judge with the U.S. District Court for the Southern District of Iowa. Upon graduation from law school, Jim Gritzner worked as an associate attorney for the Waterloo law firm of Mosier, Thomas, Beatty, Dutton, Braun and Staack from 1979 to 1981. After that, he held a brief position as partner of a law firm that he co- founded, Humphrey, Haas and Gritzner, in Des Moines. In 1982, he joined the Des Moines law firm of Nyemaster, Goode, Voigts, West, Hansell and O'Brien as an associate attorney, and from 1986 to the present has served as a shareholder. In addition to his law practice, Mr. Gritzner has had a notable record of public record. In 1980, he was appointed by Governor Ray to be a member of the Iowa Board of Parole, where he served through 1982. From 1985 to 1990, he was primary prosecutor for the Committee on Professional Ethics and Conduct of the Iowa State Bar Association and the Client Security and Attorney Disciplinary Commission of the Iowa Supreme Court. Because of this work, Mr. Gritzner has been recognized as an authority on legal ethics in Iowa. He is often called upon to resolve ethical issues for other lawyers, and serves as an expert witness on professional responsibility. Both Judge Melloy and Jim Gritzner have had distinguished legal careers and have shown tremendous dedication to public service. They will be a huge asset to the Eighth Circuit and to the Southern District of Iowa. I am confident that these men possess the skills, integrity, commitment, intellect, and temperament that we expect of all good judges. So it is with great respect and admiration that I recommend both of these highly qualified individuals to the Judiciary Committee for favorable consideration. Thank you. Senator Cantwell. Thank you, Senator Grassley, and thank you for that timely entrance and jumping right into that. We appreciate it. Senator Harkin is also joining us. Senator Harkin, did you want to give comments on Judge Melloy and Mr. Gritzner? PRESENTATION OF MICHAEL MELLOY, NOMINEE TO BE CIRCUIT JUDGE FOR THE EIGHTH CIRCUIT AND JAMES GRITZNER, NOMINEE TO BE DISTRICT JUDGE FOR THE SOUTHERN DISTRICT OF IOWA BY HON. TOM D. HARKIN, A U.S. SENATOR FROM THE STATE OF IOWA Senator Harkin. Thank you, Madam Chairwoman, for holding this hearing, and I am pleased to be here with my Iowa colleague to introduce and give my support to Michael Melloy, who has been nominated to serve on the Eighth Circuit Court of Appeals, and to James Gritzner, nominated for the U.S. District Court for the Southern District of Iowa. Senator Grassley went through all of their long resumes. I will not do that again, just to say that Michael Melloy has a long history in the law. He has a strong judicial background, serving as a Federal Judge in Iowa's Northern District since 1992, and before that serving on the U.S. Bankruptcy Court, and also as a private lawyer for 12 years in a law firm in Dubuque, Iowa, after graduating from the University of Iowa Law School. As I supported Michael Melloy's nomination in 1992 to the Federal bench, I support his nomination to the Eighth Circuit today. Jim Gritzner also has had extensive trial experience working in private practice since graduating from Drake Law School in 1979. Most recently, he has been an attorney with the law firm of Nyemaster, Goode, Voigts, West, Hansell and O'Brien, in Des Moines, since 1982. In addition, from 1985 to 1990, Jim Gritzner served as counsel to the Committee on Professional Ethics and Conduct of the Iowa State Bar Association, and counsel to the Client Security and Attorney Disciplinary Commission of the Iowa Supreme Court. Again, I thank you, Madam Chair, for holding these hearings. I recommend these two fine individuals, but, Madam Chair, I am going to take 60 seconds. I don't get up here before this committee very often. Something just happened in Iowa, and Judge Melloy was the judge on this case. There was an editorial in the paper: ``What sort of country would put a man in Federal prison for 15 years for possessing a single .22 caliber bullet? Ours would.'' And it did, in one of the most bizarre applications of the Federal Sentencing Guidelines. Here was a man, 38 years old. His former girlfriend had claimed that he had stolen some stuff from her. The police got a search warrant and went and searched his place and found one .22 caliber bullet in his apartment. Because he had a previous conviction for theft, not armed robbery--he never had a gun, never had a gun--they put in the form and it spit out and he got 15 years for possessing one .22 caliber bullet. That came before Judge Melloy. Well, Madam Chair, I voted for the Sentencing Guidelines. I was wrong. I think it has turned into a nightmare. I think once again we have got to give judges the right to judge or take the name away from them, don't call them judges any longer. If we are going to have someone be a judge--these two gentlemen before you from Iowa I can say have the experience and the ability to judge, but because of the Sentencing Guidelines a lot of times their hands are tied. Just think about that. Fifteen years. He possessed one .22 caliber bullet and that is all. Thank you very much, Madam Chair. Senator Cantwell. Thank you, Senator Harkin, for being here and for your comments. I know that perhaps we will get into that in some of the questions the committee is going to ask. I know that we have such a distinguished group here, more than we usually have at our hearings, so thank you for being here. I don't know if you have worked out with each other the order of process here. I know that it would be somewhat cohesive to have Mr. Leach go next, if possible, just to get the Iowa judges out of the way. If my colleagues would agree to that, then we could proceed to the Louisiana nomination and then right on down the line, if that is acceptable to people. Given that, Congressman Leach, it is a pleasure to have you over here in the Senate, if you would like to give comments on the two nominees from Iowa. PRESENTATION OF MICHAEL MELLOY, NOMINEE TO BE CIRCUIT JUDGE FOR THE EIGHTH CIRCUIT AND JAMES GRITZNER, NOMINEE TO BE DISTRICT JUDGE FOR THE SOUTHERN DISTRICT OF IOWA BY HON. JAMES A. LEACH, A REPRESENTATIVE IN CONGRESS FROM THE STATE OF IOWA Representative Leach. Thank you, Madam Chair, and I apologize to my senior colleagues from this body. I will be very brief. One, I want to express my great admiration for Senator Grassley for taking such a heavy responsibility, in particular, for these judgeships and having put forth two sterling individuals. I also want to express my appreciation to Senator Harkin for his endorsement of both of these judges, and we all know the Senate process is it is helpful to have Senators from both parties supportive, and that is the case. With Judge Melloy, who is a constituent, you have an individual who has the strong support of his community, the strong support of his profession, and is a man that has embellished the Federal court in two different instances, and I am sure will ennoble it further with his elevation to a superior court. With Judge Gritzner, you have an individual who is not a constituent, but as a small State we know of reputations, and to bring forth an individual with such a background in ethics and, I might say, arts and culture, I think is very relevant to the judiciary. The State of Iowa is exceptionally proud of both of these nominations. I thank you, Madam Chair. Senator Cantwell. Thank you. We will now go to Senator Breaux, from Louisiana, for his comments. PRESENTATION OF JAY ZAINEY, NOMINEE TO BE DISTRICT JUDGE FOR THE EASTERN DISTRICT OF LOUISIANA BY HON. JOHN B. BREAUX, A U.S. SENATOR FROM THE STATE OF LOUISIANA Senator Breaux. Thank you, Madam Chair and members of the committee, for allowing us to be on what must be the most exciting part of this program today to listen to us talk about our constituents, but I think it is very important. The comment has been made that it is good when you have bipartisan support. Jay Zainey, who is nominated to be a Federal district judge for Louisiana, has bipartisan support. We are Democrats; he is a Republican. He has bi-gender support. Mary and I are both pleased to be here. I would just say all of these nominees have gone to the right schools and made good grades and wrote good articles, but I think--and I have said this many times before in representing candidates from Louisiana--particularly for the Federal district court, you want people who know people because the district court is the people's court. They try cases. People come before them who are lawyers and people who have been aggrieved and been charged, and you have to understand people. There is a role for philosophers and professors and teachers of law, but particularly on the district court there is a role for people who practice law. Jay Zainey is a single practitioner in New Orleans who runs a general practice of civil and criminal and bankruptcy and everything that you would expect. I mean, he has seen it all. Those are the types of additional qualifications that I think are unique and important to the Federal district court. I would just point out one other thing. He has used his time both as a member of the bar and in civic activities in some very important ways that I just would share just for a moment. He was president of the Louisiana State Bar Association and inaugurated a community action committee, probably the first in the Nation, where the bar association had a committee to help carry out charitable projects, to say, look, we ought to give something back. The State Bar Association, under his leadership, initiated that community action committee. Also, he established a special committee to devote to the task of providing legal services for the disabled and, in fact, has been honored by the bar association and by the Legal Services Project Director's Award for his dedication to the provision of legal services to disadvantaged Louisianians. He also served on the board of directors for the Advocacy Center for the Disabled and Elderly. This is a person who is a totally committed citizen, in addition to being a fine attorney and outstanding lawyer, with all the experience and education that I think will make him an outstanding Federal district judge. Thank you. Senator Cantwell. Thank you, Senator Breaux. Senator Landrieu? PRESENTATION OF JAY ZAINEY, NOMINEE TO BE DISTRICT JUDGE FOR THE EASTERN DISTRICT OF LOUISIANA BY HON. MARY L. LANDRIEU, A U.S. SENATOR FROM THE STATE OF LOUISIANA Senator Landrieu. Thank you, Madam Chair. Let me just join my colleague, Senator Breaux, in giving my hearty congratulations to Jay Zainey for being nominated, and to acknowledge his presence and the presence of his wife, Joy, and his daughter, Margaret, who is here with us, and to commend the President for nominating such an outstanding lawyer. We have got many fine lawyers in our State, as every Senator could claim. But as Senator Breaux has mentioned, not only has Jay distinguished himself through his academic career, but really in a leadership position initiating things that never were before and creating them. Out of his own personal experience with a child he and his wife have who is specially challenged, he took that personal experience and turned it into something that has been of tremendous service to thousands of families in Louisiana who are challenged by raising a disabled child or having someone in their family that has those special challenges. I think that is the kind of leadership we want on the Federal bench. The only thing I will say is particularly at this time in our history, our Federal bench serves as a powerful tool for the powerless. It serves as a source of pride for all Americans, and at this particular time a beacon of hope for the world. I think Jay will bring more than honor and judgment to that bench and he has my hearty congratulations. Senator Cantwell. Well, I want to thank the two Senators from Louisiana for showing up. For all the nominees, the Senators who have come to speak on your behalf have very busy schedules, and to come with such enthusiasm shows a great deal of interest in making sure that your nominations go through smoothly. So thank you. Well, let's turn to Senator Campbell. PRESENTATION OF ROBERT BLACKBURN, NOMINEE TO BE DISTRICT JUDGE FOR THE DISTRICT OF COLORADO BY HON. BEN NIGHTHORSE CAMPBELL, A U.S. SENATOR FROM THE STATE OF COLORADO Senator Campbell. Thank you, Madam Chairman. I was interested in Senator Breaux's comments about the type of people we look for for the Federal district court, and I certainly agree with him that we need people that have a good, strong law background, but are also involved in the community and have common sense. Certainly, our candidate from Colorado falls in that category. In fact, he has even been known to ride a motorcycle or two. Senator Cantwell. Is that the common sense part? [Laughter.] Senator Campbell. Absolutely, absolutely. It is certainly an honor and a pleasure to introduce to the committee today what I consider a tremendous legal mind from the State of Colorado and an outstanding citizen from our State, Judge Robert Blackburn, who is here with his family. Judge Blackburn has been practicing law in Colorado now for more than a quarter of a century and has handled all types of cases. He has represented school districts, boards of county commissioners, departments of social services, banks, corporations, public officials, and private citizens in all kinds of legal contexts. I firmly believe that he is overwhelmingly qualified and definitely is the right person for this job. Over a year ago, Senator Allard and I set up a review panel made up of a cross-section of people from the legal profession in Colorado to help us, you might say screen, to find out who we should recommend to the President for this post. Judge Blackburn came out very high, if not on top, of literally every person in that panel's recommendations. For the past 12\1/2\ years, Judge Blackburn has served as a district judge for the 16th Judicial District in Colorado. He has a long and proven record of working hard on behalf of our people. Throughout his legal career, he has been tough but fair, and prepared and engaged in his work, and I think that qualifies him as a definite asset to the judicial system. Those qualities are important characteristics that have undoubtedly served him well and will, no doubt, do so in the future. I know we have to bounce around from person to person. There are a lot of eminently qualified people today, but I certainly am looking forward to seeing him serve on the bench. Thank you, Madam Chairman. Senator Cantwell. Senator Campbell, thank you for your remarks. Senator Allard. PRESENTATION OF ROBERT BLACKBURN, NOMINEE TO BE DISTRICT JUDGE FOR THE DISTRICT OF COLORADO BY HON. WAYNE ALLARD, A U.S. SENATOR FROM THE STATE OF COLORADO Senator Allard. Madam Chairman, thank you very much. I consider it an honor and a privilege to come before you with my colleague, Senator Ben Nighthorse Campbell, to introduce the Honorable Robert E. Blackburn, a person who I believe has considerable integrity and true intellect. Judge Blackburn has been nominated by President Bush for a Federal judgeship in the United States District Court for the District of Colorado, and I urge the committee's acceptance of his nomination. Madam Chairman, I have before me a letter here from the chief judge of the district court talking about Judge Blackburn. He says, ``I know Judge Blackburn and I believe him to be well qualified.'' I just would want to also point out to the committee that the District of Colorado struggles to do the work of a demonstrated need of 9 active judges with only 4 active judges. So I really appreciate your moving forward with this confirmation because it is badly needed in that particular district. Judge Robert E. Blackburn knows the law and he knows Colorado. He graduated from the University of Colorado School of Law in 1974 and received his undergraduate degree from Western State College. His roots go deep in Colorado. He was raised on a farm in the proud community of Las Animas, Colorado. I feel that that keeps one foot in the real world while he is serving on the bench. He has practiced law as an attorney and judge for over two decades. He comes before the committee today from State district court, a post he has held since 1988. Previously, Mr. Blackburn served as a deputy district attorney, Bent County Attorney, and then municipal judge and city attorney. In addition to that, he has extensive experience as a business owner. I think that is an important talent that will serve him well with the multiple demands of the Federal bench. Judge Blackburn has the support of many people, as well, and I would just reiterate what Senator Campbell said that we had a committee of well-qualified, respected attorneys in Colorado help us with the selection process and I think they did a very good job. As a result of that, Judge Blackburn has the support of many people in Colorado. An editorial in the Denver Post, upon hearing of Judge Blackburn's nomination, proclaimed, ``We are delighted by the White House decision.'' The column went on to praise the extensive experience of the judge, as well as his solid knowledge of the law and reputation for fairness. The Denver Post also noted in their editorial of support that he is widely respected by other judges and by lawyers who have appeared before him. The Denver Post urged the Senate Judiciary Committee to exercise all reasonable speed with the Blackburn nomination, saying, and I quote, ``The long overworked federal court of Colorado needs qualified new judges, and it needs them now.'' In summary, I think Judge Blackburn is a highly qualified candidate and, in the words of the Post, ``eminently qualified.'' A substantial majority of the American Bar Association Standing Committee on the Federal Judiciary found, as a result of an extensive investigation, that the Honorable Robert E. Blackburn is well qualified for appointment as Judge of the United States District Court for the District of Colorado. Thank you again. I urge the committee's acceptance of Judge Blackburn's nomination. Senator Cantwell. Thank you. Senator Allard and Senator Campbell, thank you very much for coming and giving your remarks on Judge Blackburn, from Colorado. We appreciate you being here. We are going to turn now to Senator Kyl for his comments on Judge Cindy Jorgenson. Senator Kyl. Madam Chairman, why don't I defer to Representative Norton, since I am going to be on the panel throughout the afternoon. Senator Cantwell. We appreciate that. Representative Norton, would you like to give comments on the District of Columbia nominee, Richard Leon? PRESENTATION OF RICHARD LEON, NOMINEE TO BE DISTRICT JUDGE FOR THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA BY HON. ELEANOR HOLMES NORTON, A DELEGATE IN CONGRESS FROM THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA Representative Norton. Well, the Senator is very generous and I appreciate it. Madam Chair, I appreciate the opportunity to come before you to recommend Richard Leon for the District Court here in the District of Columbia. As you are aware, the District does not have Senators, but the President has agreed to consult with me, as he does with members of this body, on nominees to our district court. I am gratified that he has kindly agreed to do that, and I am gratified that the Chair of this committee has also agreed to do so. My good colleague to my right, Mr. Leach, has authorized me to say that he too knows Richard Leon and he thinks highly of him, and wants me to say that he recommends him. So although there are not a lot of Republicans in the District of Columbia, I can say that Mr. Leon has bipartisan support as well. [Laughter.] I am sure that my Republican constituents would be as happy as I am with this nominee. I had the opportunity to interview him and to look into his background. I consider Mr. Leon very well qualified for the Federal bench. He has had a classic career of good preparation for the Federal bench: his work in the U.S. Attorney's Office for the Southern District of New York; his work in the Criminal Division at the Department of Justice, where he was recognized for his outstanding legal work; his work as a Deputy Attorney General in the Department's Environment and Resources Division; and, of course, his work with House investigations, where Mr. Leach got to see him and know him. Now, Mr. Leon has brought his career, civil and criminal litigation experience to private practice here in the District of Columbia, where he is lead counsel in complex civil and criminal cases. In addition, he has been an adjunct professor of law at Georgetown Law School, and has been active in the D.C. Bar Association. There is no doubt in my mind that, by background and experience, Richard Leon is well qualified for the U.S. district court here and I am pleased to recommend him highly to you. Senator Cantwell. Thank you, Representative Norton, for those comments. Again, I thank the panel for being here today and giving time out of their schedule to speak positively about these nominees. Senator Kyl, did you want to take an opportunity now? PRESENTATION OF CINDY JORGENSON, NOMINEE TO BE DISTRICT JUDGE FOR THE DISTRICT OF ARIZONA BY HON. JON KYL, A U.S. SENATOR FROM THE STATE OF ARIZONA Senator Kyl. Thank you, Madam Chairman. Yes, now I can truly say we will save the best until last. I can brag about my nominee that way. Cindy Jorgenson is a judge on the Pima County Superior Court bench and is one of two nominees of the President. I hope the other will soon be before the committee, as well, because they are in the division of the district court that is the second busiest in terms of criminal felony filings or caseload, the second busiest out of the 94 district courts or divisions in the entire United States. This is a court that needs the help and, as a sitting judge, Cindy Jorgenson will be able to hit the deck running, as it were. She also is distinguished by the fact that she graduated from the University of Arizona both in her undergraduate and her law school career, exactly the same path that I followed, I might add, quite a few years before Judge Jorgenson. She is currently the presiding judge on the family law bench. She served as a prosecutor in the Pima County Attorney's office. She supervised felony sex crimes and child abuse prosecutions. Until her appointment to the bench, she was employed by the Department of Justice as an Assistant United States Attorney. She worked in both the Criminal and the Civil Divisions there, so she has both the civil and the criminal experience. She was assigned to a variety of cases, including Native American and immigration matters, drug cases, civil medical malpractice, civil forfeiture, all the kinds of cases that would come before her as a sitting judge. She has also represented the United States in several appellate cases before the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals. Madam Chairman, to save time I won't go through her professional activities and honors, except for a couple. Suffice it to say they are numerous. She has served on a variety of different commissions. She received the governor's recognition for work on jury reform. She has been awarded the United States Department of Justice Special Achievement Award in four different years, and has received other commendations. She is very well qualified. I am delighted that the President has nominated her and I am confident the committee will find her equally as qualified. Senator Cantwell. Thank you, Senator Kyl, for those comments. We are going to move now to the nominees. We are about ready to move to having Mr. Melloy be sworn in for his oath, but since the chairman of the committee is here, Senator Leahy, I don't know if you wanted to take an opportunity to give comments on these nominees or this hearing today. Chairman Leahy. Only this, Madam Chair: I wanted to thank you and Senator Grassley and Senator Kyl for taking the time. In constantly trying to move things as quickly as we do, it means that we have hearings at times when normally we don't. I don't know that we have ever had a hearing in the first week back, and the reason that we are able to do it is the three of you are willing to take the time to make it possible, but especially you, Senator Cantwell. I just wanted to come over and welcome the nominees. I know you have all worked not only with the White House, but with the Senators from your home States, and it is good to have you here. That is all I have to say. [The prepared statement of Senator Leahy follows:] Statement of Senator Patrick Leahy, Chairman, Senate Judiciary Committee I thank Senator Cantwell for chairing this important hearing and also thank all of the nominees and their Senators and Representatives for arranging to appear today. This is the second day of this session of Congress and we are proceeding with our first confirmation hearing for judicial nominees. Last year I announced our first judicial nominations hearing within 10 minutes of the Senate reorganization last summer. We held that first hearing last session on the day after Committee Members were assigned. In fact, in the last five months of last year we held 11 hearings involving judicial nominees. That is more hearings involving judicial nominees than were held in all of 1996, 1997, 1999 or 2000 and hearings at a more rapid pace than in either 1995 or 1998. Unlike the preceding six and one-half years in which no hearings were held in 30 months, since the Committee reorganized last summer, we have held at least one hearing for judicial nominees every month. In fact, we held two in July, two unprecedented hearings during last summer's August recess, two in December, and three in October. In the last five months of last year, the Committee considered and reported favorably to the Senate 32 judicial nominations. We reported more judicial nominees after the August recess than in any of the preceding six years and more than in any similar period over the preceding six and one-half years. And last year was no ordinary year for the country or the Senate. Nonetheless, the Committee worked hard to make progress with judicial nominations, and I extend my thanks to all Senators who helped in those efforts and assisted in the work that it takes to consider the scores of nominations that we did in the last five months of last year. One of the reasons that the Senate was able to confirm 28 judges in the last five months of the last session was because they were strongly supported as consensus nominees by people from across the political and legal spectrums. In the last five months of last year, not only did the Senate confirm almost twice as many judges as were confirmed in the first year of the George H.W. Bush Administration; we confirmed more judges, including twice as many judges to the Courts of Appeals, as in the first year of the Clinton Administration. Our hard work led to some success. By the time the Committee was organized and beginning its work last summer, the vacancies on the federal courts were peaking at 111. The Committee has begun the process of lowering the vacancies on our federal courts. Since I became Chairman, 25 additional vacancies have arisen. Through our work in the last five months of last year we were able to outpace this high level of attrition. By contrast, when Republicans took charge of the Senate in January 1995 until the majority shifted in the summer of 2001, federal judicial vacancies rose from 65 to more than 100, an increase of almost 60 percent. In spite of our short year, the need to focus our attention on responsible action in the fight against international terrorism; the threats and dislocation of the anthrax attacks; the long overdue oversight of the FBI; the need to overcome a partisan filibuster that prevented action on the measure that funds our nation's foreign policy initiatives and provides funds to help build the international coalition against terrorism; and the partisan efforts to delay the organization and then the reorganization of the Senate, we persevered and attended to the work of the Committee. A good part of that work can be found in the 16 confirmation hearings in the last five months of last year for Executive Branch nominees; the confirmations of 77 senior Executive branch officials including the Director of the FBI, the head of the DEA, the Commissioner of INS, the Director of U.S. Marshals, the Associate Attorney General, the Director of ONDCP, the Director of PTO, seven Assistants Attorney General and 59 U.S. attorneys. I regret that the White House did not begin sending U.S. marshal nominations until very late in the session, and that more U.S. Attorneys and U.S. marshals were not available to be considered. I recall soon after Judge Gregory's confirmation last July that the White House Counsel said in a public interview that he did not expect the Senate to confirm more than five judges before the end of 2001. We reached that mark by September, when the Senate confirmed Judge Prost, our third Court of Appeals confirmation in two months. We went on to confirm more than five times the number predicted by the White House Counsel in just five months. One might have thought from the constant barrage of partisan criticism that 2001 resembled 1996, a year in which a Republican Senate majority confirmed only 17 judges, none of which were confirmed to the Courts of Appeals. The fact is that the Senate can be proud of its achievements during the final months of 2001. I had hoped that more Senators would recognize what we were able to accomplish and consider our record in historical context. I have yet to hear any Republican concede any shortcomings in the practices they employed over the previous six and one-half years. Since that change in majority last summer, we have been exceeding the pace and productivity that they had maintained. If their efforts were acceptable or as praiseworthy as some would argue, I would expect them to acknowledge that our efforts are also to be commended. If they did things they now regret, their admissions would go far to helping establish a common basis of understanding and comparison. Taking that step would be a significant gesture, one that has not yet occurred. We know that our work has not been completed. There are still far too many judicial vacancies that we must work together to fill. We begin this session with our first Committee activity being a judicial nominations hearing, our twelfth since the change in majority last summer. We will continue our work to keep the confirmation numbers and the vacancy numbers both moving in the right directions. At the end of 1999, Chief Justice Rehnquist was encouraged when only 34 judges were confirmed all year and 35 were left pending. Similarly, at the end of 2000, the Chief Justice commended the Senate for confirming 39 judges all year, a year in which 41 judicial nominations were returned to the President without Senate action. Last year, we were able to confirm 28 judges in only five months and the Committee reported four additional nominees to the Senate for final action from the 65 Court of Appeals and District Court nominations sent to the Senate during the course of the year. More than two-thirds of last year's vacancies and this year's continue to be on our federal trial courts. The Administration has been slow to make nominations to the vacancies on the federal trial courts. In the last five months of last year, the Senate confirmed 22 of the 37 District Court nominees it received. That is a higher percentage of the President's trial court nominees than the prior Republican majority had allowed the Senate to confirm in the first session of either of the last two Congresses with a Democrat President. Unfortunately, we ended last year without a nominee for 55 of the current 69 District Court vacancies; i.e., almost 80 percent of the current trial court vacancies had no nominations for the Senate to consider. The White House nominated only one District Court nominee in the last two months of last year. This session we have received nominations for two dozen of the four and one-half dozen District Court vacancies that were without a nominee. That is a start. Unfortunately, last year the White House also acted unilaterally to change the practice of nine Republican and Democratic Presidents to allow the ABA to begin its peer reviews during the selection process. Those professional peer reviews for judicial nominees cannot even begin now until after the nomination and may take several months to complete. The ABA peer reviews on the nominations being made this week, for example, are not likely to become available until late March or April. If the nominees have the support of their home State Senators, and after the Committee has received ABA peer reviews, these nominees will then be eligible to be included in Committee hearings, but not until sometime this spring. And even then, over two dozen of the current federal trial court vacancies, 31, almost half of all current federal trail court vacancies, will still be without eligible nominees. To make real progress will take the cooperation of the White House. The most progress filling judicial vacancies can be made most quickly if the White House would begin working with home State Senators to identify fair-minded, non- ideologue, consensus nominees. One of the reasons that the Senate was able to confirm 28 judges in the last five months of the last session was because they were strongly supported as consensus nominees by people from across the political and legal spectrums. In the last five months of last year, not only did the Senate confirm almost twice as many judges as were confirmed in the first year of the first George H.W. Bush Administration and more judges, including twice as many judges to the Court of Appeals as in the first year of the Clinton Administration, but the Committee held more hearing for more nominees and favorably reported more nominees after the August recess than in any of the preceding six years of Republican control. I will continue my effort to work with all Senators to schedule nominations for hearings considering a number of actors, including the consensus of support for the nominee, the needs of the court to which the person is nominated, the interests of the home state Senators, and the work load and legislative schedule of the Committee. We have a number of persisting vacancies that should have been filled by qualified candidates nominated from 1995 through 2000. Over the six and one-half years that preceded the Democratic Senate majority, a total of only 46 judges were confirmed to fill vacancies on the Courts of Appeals, an average of approximately seven a year. This has resulted in multiple vacancies in a number of Circuits. There are many problems that have grown and even festered over time and they cannot all be remedied immediately. In the last five months of last year, the Senate proceeded to confirm six Court of Appeals judges. Indeed, last year the Senate confirmed the first new member of the 5th Circuit in seven years, the first new judge to the 4th Circuit in three years, and the first new judge to the 10th Circuit in six years. I again urge the White House to redouble its efforts to work with home state Senators from both parties, Democratic Senators as well as Republican Senators. I urge the White House, as I have for years, to work with home State Senators of both parties to identify, select and nominate strong, consensus, fair nominees for these important vacancies. Today we demonstrate, again, that consensus nominees with widespread and bipartisan support are more easily and more quickly considered by the Committee. As some indication of the bipartisan manner win which we proceeded last year, I note that the Senate confirmed 11 nominees from States with two Republican Senators, nine from States with a Democratic Senator and a Republican Senator, five from States with two Democratic Senators, and three for courts in the District of Columbia which is without Senate representation. That is a decidedly bipartisan record. Today's group of nominees reflects that bipartisanship as well. Two are from States with two Republican Senators, two are from a State with a Democratic Senator and a Republican Senator, one is from a State with two Democratic Senators, and one is for a vacancy in the District of Columbia. Last year, the Senate acted promptly to confirm all of the judges in an average of fewer than 60 days from the time we received a peer review from the ABA. This stands in sharp contrast to recent years in which the average time for consideration had risen to historic levels, about 200 days from nomination to confirmation and more than a year on average for the few lucky Court of Appeals judges to be considered. We have also completed work on a number of judicial nominations in a more open manner than ever before. For the first time, this Committee is making public the ``blue slips'' sent to home State Senators. Until my chairmanship, these matters were treated as confidential materials and restricted from public view. We have moved nominees with less time from hearings to the Committee's business meeting agenda, and then out to the floor, where nominees have received timely roll call votes and confirmations. Over the preceding six and one-half years, at least eight judicial nominees who completed a confirmation hearing were never considered by the Committee and simply left without action. Additionally, the past practices of extended unexplained anonymous holds on nominees after a hearing were not as evident in the last five months of last year as they were in the past. Throughout last year, in particular, in the wake of the terrorist attacks on September 11, some of us have been seeking to join together in a bipartisan effort in the best interests of the country. For those on the Committee who helped in those efforts and assisted in the hard work of reviewing and considering the scores of nominations the Committee reported in the last five months of last year, I commend them. As we demonstrated last year and again today at this hearing, we are moving ahead to fill judicial vacancies and consider nominees with strong bipartisan support. Senator Kyl. Madam Chairman. Senator Cantwell. Yes, Senator Kyl. Senator Kyl. While the chairman is still here, I thank him, as well, for helping to fill the vacancies on this very busy court. Senator Leahy, I mentioned just before your arrival, the second busiest in the country. Also, I had forgotten to mention that Senator McCain, from Arizona, is also very supportive of Judge Jorgenson's nomination and regretted that he couldn't be here at the hearing, but wanted me to be sure and make that point for the record. Chairman Leahy. Thank you. Of course, Senator Grassley has talked to me about this agenda on numerous occasions before now and I was delighted we were able to--I wish we could have worked out his nominees before we recessed, but I am glad we are able to do it now. Senator Grassley. Madam Chairman? Senator Cantwell. Yes, Senator Grassley? Senator Grassley. Two things. I would like unanimous consent to put a statement on these judges in from Senator Hatch. Senator Cantwell. Without objection. [The prepared statement of Senator Hatch follows:] Statement of Senator Orrin G. Hatch, Ranking Republican Member I am pleased that we are considering today the nominations of six exceedingly well qualified candidates for the federal bench. The convention of this hearing on the first full day of the new congressional session is a step in the right direction. Moreover, our consideration of six judges at this hearing represents the most judges we have considered at a single confirmation hearing during this Congress, which is another positive step. I sincerely hope that we maintain this pace at future hearings, because we have plenty of work to do. There are 101 vacancies in the federal judiciary, a vacancy rate of nearly 12%. Yesterday, the White House submitted 24 new nominations to the Senate for confirmation. Since we have 38 nominees still pending from last session, we now have a total of 62 nominees awaiting action from the Senate. In 1994, the second year of President Clinton's first term, the Senate confirmed 100 judicial nominees. I am confident that Republicans and Democrats can work together to achieve, or even hopefully exceed, this number in 2002, particularly the many circuit court nominees that are pending to fill emergency vacancies in appellate courts around the country. To do this, however, we must keep up the pace of hearings and confirmation votes so that we do not fall further behind in filling the vacancies that plague our federal judiciary. I look forward to working with my Democratic colleagues to accomplish this goal. As I stated earlier, today's hearing is a step in the right direction. We have the privilege of considering six outstanding lawyers to be federal judges. Our only circuit nominee on the agenda is Michael Melloy, who has been nominated to be a judge on the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Eighth Circuit. Judge Melloy has already sat by designation on the Eighth Circuit in his present capacity as a federal district court judge in Iowa, so he comes to this hearing with more than a passing familiarity of what his future role will require. Robert Blackburn has been nominated to be a District Court Judge for the District of Colorado, and he will bring a great deal of legal experience to the Federal bench. Judge Blackburn has practiced law for 13 years in private practice, served as a Deputy District Attorney for 6 years, as a County Attorney for 8 years, as a Municipal Judge for 3 years, and as a state court judge since 1988. Our next nominee is James Gritzner, who has been nominated to the District Court for the Southern District of Iowa. Although Mr. Gritzner began his legal career in a general litigation practice, it really exploded--so to speak--when he began specializing in cases concerning catastrophic fires and explosions. From his office in Des Moines, he has handled such cases in 23 states and, in the process, developed a national reputation. He is also known as an expert in legal ethics, having prosecuted over 100 attorney disciplinary cases before the Grievance Commission of the Iowa Supreme Court. Next, Cindy Jorgenson is the nominee for the District of Arizona. Judge Jorgenson's legal experience includes serving as a deputy county attorney, an Assistant U.S. Attorney, and as a Superior Court Judge--all in the State of Arizona. She supervised the felony sex crimes and child abuse prosecution unit in Pima County for several years. Then, as an Assistant U.S. Attorney handled both criminal and civil cases. Since 1996, Judge Jorgenson has served with great distinction on the state trial court bench in Tucson, Arizona. Richard Leon has been nominated to be a district judge in the District of Columbia. Mr. Leon has had a remarkable career that has spanned both public service and private practice. He has served as a judicial law clerk, as counsel to U.S. House committees and task forces, and as a Deputy Assistant Attorney General at the U.S. Department of Justice. Despite the present demands of his private practice, he teaches a class on congressional investigations right up the street at Georgetown University Law Center. Jay Zainey is today's nominee for the district court in the Eastern District of Louisiana. Mr. Zainey has maintained a successful private practice and has garnered the respect of his colleagues, as reflected in his election as President of the Louisiana State Bar Association. One remarkable achievement during his tenure as president was the creation of the first state bar committee in the nation to provide legal referral services for the disabled. I welcome each of our nominees to the Committee this afternoon, and commend the President on his choices for the federal judiciary. I look forward to working with my Democratic colleagues to ensure your swift confirmation. Senator Grassley. And then could I also thank Senator Leahy, just so people know that when a Senator says they are going to do something, they do it. Senator Leahy told me before the holidays that the first hearing we had in the new year, Jim Gritzner and Judge Melloy would be on the agenda. I thank you very much for delivering. Thank you very much. Chairman Leahy. We tried to do it within 24 hours of coming in. We almost made that 24 hours. I think it was like 26 hours of coming into session. Senator Grassley. Thank you. Senator Cantwell. Well, I am sure Mr. Melloy would, even at 26 hours, like to come forward now. Before you sit down, if you could raise your right hand, do you swear that the testimony you are about to give before the committee will be the truth, the whole truth and nothing but the truth, so help you God? Judge Melloy. I do. Senator Cantwell. Thank you. Welcome to the committee, Mr. Melloy. STATEMENT OF MICHAEL MELLOY, OF IOWA, NOMINEE TO BE CIRCUIT JUDGE FOR THE EIGHTH CIRCUIT Judge Melloy. Thank you, Senator. Senator Cantwell. If you would like to introduce your family that is here, this is an appropriate time. Judge Melloy. I would, and I would like to first thank you, Senator Cantwell, for taking the time to chair this hearing and Senator Leahy for scheduling the hearing. I have with me my wife, Jane Anne, and my daughter, Bridget. Our two oldest daughters--Jennifer, who is working in Paris at this time, could not come, and my second daughter, Kate, just started a new job last week and didn't think she could ask for time off the first week of her employment, and so she couldn't make it either. I also have my sister, Colleen George, here, and her husband, David, and their two daughters, Anne and Sarah. I also have a lot of friends here, and I am not sure who all is back there, but I just want to recognize Dan McDermott, who has been a good friend. I know others who have come in. Members of the Administrative Office of the U.S. Courts who I have worked with are here. Frank Sabak, Ralph Avery, Bill Rule, Kevin Gallagher, Mark Evans are all here, and I very much appreciate their attendance and their support. Senator Cantwell. If you would like to make an opening statement? Judge Melloy. I don't have any opening statement other than to again extend my appreciation for the opportunity to appear before you. 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Well, with that, I think that what we will do is give members an opportunity to ask questions, maybe alternating, since the Senator from Iowa is here. But I think I will start, Mr. Melloy, with a question about personal privacy. Prior to September 11, this issue was really one of the top issues of concern for Americans on a variety of issues. They were concerned about the intrusion of people into their most personal decisions and information. They were concerned about government maybe intruding. They were concerned about how businesses handled their consumer information. They were concerned about how information might be attained about them. Could you describe for me what you think the key elements of the Federal right to privacy are? Judge Melloy. Well, I think the key elements, Senator, are, first of all, that a person have knowledge about what is being put on the Internet, if that is what we are talking about, or being disseminated through some type of clearinghouse; and, secondly, that they not only have notice about what is being put out there and being made available to the general public, but then they have some meaningful opportunity to file objections or make some type of statement that would allow them to have that information not disseminated. I have had some experience in this issue through our Bankruptcy Administration Committee that I chair. We have been very concerned about confidential information that goes out on the Internet when we post court documents. Much of that information contains some pretty sensitive information. We have been concerned about identity theft that might result from posting that type of information on the Internet and we have taken some measures to address those concerns, and it is something that, as I say, I have had some experience with and I think we have addressed it in that context. Senator Cantwell. Thank you. Senator Grassley. Senator Grassley. Yes, thank you very much. At times, Federal judges' deeply-held personal views or their views of the law and the Constitution can conflict with the constraints of judicial precedent. How should a judge resolve the differences between his personal views and stare decisis? Judge Melloy. Senator Grassley, stare decisis should always control. If I am fortunate enough to be confirmed for the position on the Eighth Circuit, I will be bound by my oath to follow the decisions and dictates of the United States Supreme Court, and I fully intend to do that. Senator Grassley. Could you define judicial activism for me? I know it is a pretty elementary question, but I always like to get judges' views on that. Judge Melloy. Well, I suppose everybody looks at it somewhat differently, Senator, but basically I think judicial activism can be best summarized as looking beyond the text of the statute or the Constitution, whatever it is the court may be interpreting, and to then try to superimpose one's own personal philosophy or views or what a person may believe is an appropriate social policy onto the case and, as I say, take it outside the text of the statute. Senator Grassley. Thank you. Senator Cantwell. Senator Kyl, do you have any questions? Senator Kyl. Thank you. Just one, Madam Chairman. Having graduated from both junior high school and high school in Davis County, Iowa, I should be an advocate of the two Iowa candidates here. Judge Melloy. I appreciate that, Senator. Senator Kyl. I just had one follow-up question to Senator Grassley's. As a member of the court of appeals, of course, the precedent of the U.S. Supreme Court is controlling in all situations, except some. What circumstances, if any, do you think are appropriate for an appellate court judge to overturn precedent within that judge's circuit? Judge Melloy. You are not talking about--I am not sure I understood the premise of the---- Senator Kyl. I am talking about the appellate court's--the Eighth Circuit's precedent, I should say. Judge Melloy. An appellate court should overrule the precedent of its own circuit, I think, very sparingly, but if the circuit has gotten it wrong before, then we clearly have a duty to revisit the issue. In our circuit, the rule is that one panel is not allowed to overrule the decision of another panel. If a panel believes that another panel has incorrectly decided a case, then the judges can at that point call for a rehearing en banc, have the entire circuit revisit the issue, and if the case was originally decided incorrectly, overrule the decision. I think that is an appropriate approach and it is the one that I certainly would follow. Senator Grassley. May I ask one more question? Senator Cantwell. Go ahead, Senator Grassley. Senator Grassley. I am a believer and have promoted legislation and got some of it adopted that would promote alternative dispute resolution. To what extent have you had experience with alternative dispute resolution, and do you believe in it, that you would use it more? I don't know exactly from the Eighth Circuit promotion as opposed to district judges, but the extent to which you would use that. Judge Melloy. Well, maybe I could answer the second part first, Senator. It is my understanding that there is much utilization of alternative dispute resolution at the circuit court level. The Eighth Circuit does have a settlement mediator and does try to see if there is any opportunity to settle a case even after it is on appeal. But, by definition, by the time a case gets on appeal, there has already been a trial, so the opportunities are much less for alternative dispute resolution at that point. Going to the first part of your question, we do have an alternative dispute resolution plan in our district. We make extensive use of magistrate judges as settlement mediators or settlement judges. We use outside mediators. We encourage the lawyers to hire private, or go to private mediation, if they prefer that. And so we do provide a number of different opportunities, and I think it is something that is very worthwhile and is something that should definitely be encouraged both in terms of the efficiency of the court's ability to handle cases as well as costs and delay to the litigants. Senator Grassley. And as a judge, you have done that? Judge Melloy. Yes, on many, many occasions. Senator Grassley. Thank you. Senator Cantwell. Mr. Melloy, as a district court judge-- and this is an issue that Senator Harkin brought up, but I am sure you will be familiar with--as a district court judge, you have handled numerous criminal matters and are familiar with the Federal Sentencing Guidelines and mandatory minimum sentences. Do you believe that there are particular cases where Federal judges should have more discretion to diverge from the guidelines than is currently being allowed by statute? Judge Melloy. Well, if I could break that down into two parts, Senator, let me say this. The case that Senator Harkin made reference to in his comments actually was a mandatory minimum case. The individual who was charged and convicted of the single bullet had been convicted on six prior occasions of burglaries, three of which were of post offices. And under the armed career criminal statute, there was a mandatory 15-year minimum which was what I was required to impose, and the Eighth Circuit upheld that sentence. Having said that, I think there are certainly cases where mandatory minimums have been imposed where I wish I had more discretion, and Yurkowsky is probably one of them, quite frankly. As far as the Sentencing Guidelines are concerned, however, there is much more discretion within the guidelines to depart, and there have been cases where I have felt somewhat constrained, but I have also found that in most cases where I really felt there was a compelling need to go outside the guidelines, there was sufficient latitude to depart. So I don't have any serious problems with the guidelines. There are some things that I might change. There are probably some things a lot of judges would change, but basically I don't have a big problem with the guidelines. I think it is the mandatory minimums that become more difficult when you superimpose those onto the guidelines. Senator Cantwell. Thank you. As a district court judge, you have served on the Eighth Circuit's Gender Fairness Task Force. Judge Melloy. Yes. Senator Cantwell. I don't know if there is any correlation to all the women in your family in that. Judge Melloy. There is, as a matter of fact. [Laughter.] Senator Cantwell. The task force issued a report in 1997 that outlined the challenges and opportunities that would ensure equal opportunity for women judges and attorneys and court personnel. Could you tell the committee what you learned in the process on the task force about the recommendations of getting more women in the judiciary and in and around our circuit courts? Judge Melloy. That was a very, very worthwhile project for me and one I enjoyed very much and I think I learned a lot from. On the plus side, we found that things had dramatically improved for female attorneys over the 10 or 15 years prior to the date we were doing the study. We heard many, many female attorneys who would tell the horror stories of the old days when they first got out of law school 10 or 15 years before we did our report. So there had been dramatic improvements, and that, of course, was the positive side of the report. The report and the study also showed, however, that there were definitely some areas that we needed to improve. One of them was in the area of accommodations to women--all attorneys, but particularly female attorneys. Many attorneys were concerned that judges were not as sensitive to the needs of issues such as pregnancy leave, child care responsibilities; that sometimes hearings had to be rescheduled because of sudden emergencies with day care providers, and that judges needed to be more sensitive to those issues. We also found that there were some real problems with what female attorneys felt were civility within the legal system, more so outside the courtroom in the deposition and discovery setting than within the courtroom, but that was also an area that we found some definite problems. Senator Cantwell. Thank you. Any other questions from my colleagues? Senator Grassley. I might say one thing. A person maybe you overlooked or he wasn't here when you acknowledged friends of yours that were in the audience, former Iowa Representative Tom Talke, is here. Judge Melloy. Well, I am sorry I did. I didn't realize Tom was here, but he is a very, very good friend of mine and I appreciate very much his attendance. I did not realize he had come in and I very much appreciate his being here. Senator Grassley. That is all I have. Senator Cantwell. Well, Mr. Melloy, thank you for time before the committee. I know that we will have an open record for other members to submit questions, if they have them, and I know you will submit your answers back quickly to those. We appreciate your time and your family's time in being here today. Judge Melloy. Thank you again, Senator. Senator Cantwell. Thank you. Let's move now to the district court nominees, if they could all come up together--Richard Leon, Jay Zainey, James Gritzner, Robert Blackburn, and Cindy Jorgenson. If you could, before you sit down, stand up so I can swear you in. If you will raise your right hands, do you swear the testimony you are about to give before the committee will be the truth, the whole truth and nothing but the truth, so help you God? Mr. Gritzner. I do. Judge Blackburn. I do. Judge Jorgenson. I do. Mr. Leon. I swear. Mr. Zainey. I do. Senator Cantwell. Please be seated. I think maybe by our seating arrangement there that we have determined the process of individuals. So if the nominees would like to take the opportunity to introduce their family members that are here and any other special guests, why don't we start with you, Mr. Gritzner. STATEMENT OF JAMES GRITZNER, OF IOWA, NOMINEE TO BE DISTRICT JUDGE FOR THE SOUTHERN DISTRICT OF IOWA Mr. Gritzner. Thank you, Madam Chair. My wife, Zoe, is here with me today. Our son, Zack, is a student at Central College, in Pella, Iowa. He is impressing his father by not missing any classes today. And I am also pleased that Michael Pratt is here. Michael Pratt is the son of Judge Robert Pratt, who, if I am fortunate enough to be confirmed by the committee, will be a colleague of mine, and I am pleased that Michael is here as well. Thank you for that opportunity. [The biographical information of Mr. Gritzner follows:] [GRAPHIC] [TIFF OMITTED] T5707A.039 [GRAPHIC] [TIFF OMITTED] T5707A.040 [GRAPHIC] [TIFF OMITTED] T5707A.041 [GRAPHIC] [TIFF OMITTED] T5707A.042 [GRAPHIC] [TIFF OMITTED] T5707A.043 [GRAPHIC] [TIFF OMITTED] T5707A.044 [GRAPHIC] [TIFF OMITTED] T5707A.045 [GRAPHIC] [TIFF OMITTED] T5707A.046 [GRAPHIC] [TIFF OMITTED] T5707A.047 [GRAPHIC] [TIFF OMITTED] T5707A.048 [GRAPHIC] [TIFF OMITTED] T5707A.049 [GRAPHIC] [TIFF OMITTED] T5707A.050 [GRAPHIC] [TIFF OMITTED] T5707A.051 [GRAPHIC] [TIFF OMITTED] T5707A.052 [GRAPHIC] [TIFF OMITTED] T5707A.053 [GRAPHIC] [TIFF OMITTED] T5707A.054 [GRAPHIC] [TIFF OMITTED] T5707A.055 [GRAPHIC] [TIFF OMITTED] T5707A.056 [GRAPHIC] [TIFF OMITTED] T5707A.057 [GRAPHIC] [TIFF OMITTED] T5707A.058 [GRAPHIC] [TIFF OMITTED] T5707A.059 [GRAPHIC] [TIFF OMITTED] T5707A.060 [GRAPHIC] [TIFF OMITTED] T5707A.061 [GRAPHIC] [TIFF OMITTED] T5707A.062 [GRAPHIC] [TIFF OMITTED] T5707A.063 [GRAPHIC] [TIFF OMITTED] T5707A.064 [GRAPHIC] [TIFF OMITTED] T5707A.065 [GRAPHIC] [TIFF OMITTED] T5707A.066 [GRAPHIC] [TIFF OMITTED] T5707A.067 Senator Cantwell. Mr. Blackburn, would you like to introduce anyone? STATEMENT OF ROBERT BLACKBURN, OF COLORADO, NOMINEE TO BE DISTRICT JUDGE FOR THE DISTRICT OF COLORADO Judge Blackburn. I would. Before that, I would like to take this opportunity to personally thank you and Senator Leahy, Senator Grassley and Kyl and other members of the Senate Judiciary Committee for affording us this unique and privileged opportunity, after what has been certainly a humbling, sobering, and deliberative process. I am pleased to have with me today my wife and partner of now near 25 years, Connie Blackburn. Connie was born and raised for a time in Iowa and she wanted me to go on the record for her in support of the two Iowa nominees, as well. [Laughter.] Judge Blackburn. Seated with her is my father, Ed Blackburn, who is more than just my father, certainly a friend, and for the last 10 years he and I raised beautiful registered Black Angus cattle together and survived economically to talk about it. He is here. Deeper in the audience is a friend and former colleague of mine, Scott R. Foncannon, Esquire, and his daughter, Sarah. Until recently, Scott practiced law in southeastern Colorado and appeared frequently before my court. He has recently transitioned with his family to the State of Maryland, and I can truly say that if all judges had the kind of attorney that Mr. Foncannon is before them, they would indeed be blessed and their jobs made much easier. [The biographical information of Judge Blackburn follows:] [GRAPHIC] [TIFF OMITTED] T5707A.068 [GRAPHIC] [TIFF OMITTED] T5707A.069 [GRAPHIC] [TIFF OMITTED] T5707A.070 [GRAPHIC] [TIFF OMITTED] T5707A.071 [GRAPHIC] [TIFF OMITTED] T5707A.072 [GRAPHIC] [TIFF OMITTED] T5707A.073 [GRAPHIC] [TIFF OMITTED] T5707A.074 [GRAPHIC] [TIFF OMITTED] T5707A.075 [GRAPHIC] [TIFF OMITTED] T5707A.076 [GRAPHIC] [TIFF OMITTED] T5707A.077 [GRAPHIC] [TIFF OMITTED] T5707A.078 [GRAPHIC] [TIFF OMITTED] T5707A.079 [GRAPHIC] [TIFF OMITTED] T5707A.080 [GRAPHIC] [TIFF OMITTED] T5707A.081 [GRAPHIC] [TIFF OMITTED] T5707A.082 [GRAPHIC] [TIFF OMITTED] T5707A.083 [GRAPHIC] [TIFF OMITTED] T5707A.084 [GRAPHIC] [TIFF OMITTED] T5707A.085 [GRAPHIC] [TIFF OMITTED] T5707A.086 [GRAPHIC] [TIFF OMITTED] T5707A.087 Senator Cantwell. Ms. Jorgenson. STATEMENT OF CINDY JORGENSON, OF ARIZONA, NOMINEE TO BE DISTRICT JUDGE FOR THE DISTRICT OF ARIZONA Judge Jorgenson. Yes. First of all, I want to thank you so much for the opportunity to be here today. I have many family members here from various States and I really appreciate their support. First, my husband, Don, and my two children, Tyler, who is 16, and Andrew, who is 13. They are reluctantly dressed in their shirts and ties and they are here today. It is their first visit to Washington, so we are going to spend the next few days touring around. Also, my parents are here, Richard and Annamaria Kelly, and this is a very special place for them because they met in Washington, D.C. My father is a graduate of Annapolis and my mother worked at the Italian embassy, and they were in those situations when they met here. I also have numerous cousins. Here, on the far right, my aunt--first, my aunt, Francis Kelly. She is here from New York. Marty Kelly Patel and her husband, Bhogi, they are here from New Jersey. Alice Kelly Enright; she is here from Washington. Jack Kelly is here from Philadelphia. Mary Kelly is here from Connecticut, and then Dr. Steve Kelly is here from New York. So I really appreciate the support of all my family members. [The biographical information of Judge Jorgenson follows:] [GRAPHIC] [TIFF OMITTED] T5707A.088 [GRAPHIC] [TIFF OMITTED] T5707A.089 [GRAPHIC] [TIFF OMITTED] T5707A.090 [GRAPHIC] [TIFF OMITTED] T5707A.091 [GRAPHIC] [TIFF OMITTED] T5707A.092 [GRAPHIC] [TIFF OMITTED] T5707A.093 [GRAPHIC] [TIFF OMITTED] T5707A.094 [GRAPHIC] [TIFF OMITTED] T5707A.095 [GRAPHIC] [TIFF OMITTED] T5707A.096 [GRAPHIC] [TIFF OMITTED] T5707A.097 [GRAPHIC] [TIFF OMITTED] T5707A.098 [GRAPHIC] [TIFF OMITTED] T5707A.099 [GRAPHIC] [TIFF OMITTED] T5707A.100 [GRAP
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African Americans and Politics in Virginia (1865–1902)
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Attempted Black Suffrage in Norfolk Early in 1865, even before the Civil War was over, African Americans in Norfolk began discussing the legal and political implications of the abolition of slavery and the end of military protection. The right to vote almost certainly was on their agenda. In February when white residents of Norfolk who had remained loyal to the Union proposed to restore civilian municipal government, African Americans petitioned the president and the commanding officer of the U.S. Read more about: African Americans and Politics in Virginia (1865–1902)
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Encyclopedia Virginia
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Summary
African Americans were deeply involved in Virginia politics from the Civil War until the first years of the twentieth century. Prior to 1865, only adult white men were legally able to vote in Virginia. With the abolition of slavery, African American men began to fight for their full rights as citizens. In Norfolk, in May 1865, they cast votes for the first time. Though, local electoral boards refused to count them. The first election in which Black men voted and those votes were counted was for delegates to the Constitutional Convention of 1867–1868. They elected 24 Black representatives. Beginning in 1869, African Americans began to be elected to the General Assembly. Most ran as Republicans and later as members of the biracial Readjuster Party. Some black politicians were more radical than others, but they generally advocated for Black civil rights, free public schools, and a refinancing of the state’s large antebellum debt. African American women were probably active behind the scenes, especially in campaigns supporting public schools. Formal black participation in Virginia politics after the Civil War peaked in 1881. The Readjusters swept statewide offices and took control of both houses of the assembly. In 1888, John Mercer Langston won a contested election for House of Representatives. He became the first African American from Virginia to serve in Congress and the only one prior to 1993. In the years that followed, however, white supremacist Democrats fought for control again. They passed various laws to reduce Black suffrage, which culminated in the Constitution of 1902 and a 50% decrease in the state’s voters. African Americans largely did not participate again in formal state politics until after World War II (1939–1945).
In This Entry
Further Reading
Contributor: Brent Tarter
Attempted Black Suffrage in Norfolk
Before the Civil War was over, African Americans in Norfolk began discussing the legal and political effects of the abolition of slavery. The right to vote almost certainly was on their agenda. In February white residents of Norfolk who had remained loyal to the Union proposed to restore civilian city government. African Americans petitioned the president and the commanding officer of the U.S. Army to request that civilian government replace military government only on a “loyal and equal basis.”
On April 4, 1865, the men in Norfolk founded the Colored Monitor Union Club. They demanded “the right of universal suffrage to all loyal men, without distinction of color, and to memorialize the Congress of the United States to allow the colored citizens the equal right of franchise with other citizens.” At the same time, African Americans were organizing in Hampton, Williamsburg, and Richmond, Virginia.
The Black men of Norfolk went even further. City residents called for an election of one state senator and two members of the House of Delegates to represent the city. Norfolk’s Black residents decided to vote in that election. More than 500 of them assembled in the Bute Street Methodist Church. Their number doubled before the end of the day. They sent small groups to polling places in the city to find out whether election officers would receive their votes.
Officials in three of the wards refused. But in the city’s Second Ward, they agreed to record the votes of Black Norfolk men on separate sheets. In small groups, 354 men went to the Second Ward throughout the day and voted for white candidates who pledged to support African American suffrage. The 712 residents of the other three wards remained at the church and unanimously recorded their votes for the same candidates.
Without counting the votes of the Black men, the candidates for whom they voted finished a second in the three-way races for each of the seats in the assembly. Had the African American votes from the Second Ward been counted, those candidates would have won the election easily. Had all of the 1,066 votes from Black men been counted, the candidates who pledged to support Black suffrage would have won by almost 900 votes.
On June 5, members of the Norfolk organization and other local Black citizens met at the Catharine Street Baptist Church. They created an “Address From the Colored Citizens of Norfolk, Va., to the People of the United States.” It was printed that autumn with a record of the creation of the union and the attempt of the men to vote in May.
The long address to their “Fellow Citizens” began,
We do not come before the people of the United States asking an impossibility; we simply ask that a Christian and enlightened people shall, at once, concede to us the full enjoyment of those privileges of full citizenship…which must be the desire of every patriot.
The authors explained the many ways in which freedpeople were denied participation in the legal system. They explained that they weren’t asking for “expensive aid from military forces,” or “overbearing State action;” They declared, “…give us the suffrage, and you may rely upon us to secure justice for ourselves, and all Union men, and to keep the State forever in the Union.”
Colored State Convention in Alexandria
Some white Virginians promoted suffrage for African Americans. They realized that the only chance that they had to remain politically competitive was to give Black men the vote. In Alexandria, they formed the Virginia Union Association. Its aim was to generate political support for changes in Virginia’s political culture. The association agreed to “secure the elective franchise to our colored population, as soon as it can be safely done.”
More than sixty African Americans met in a Colored State Convention in Alexandria. Several of the leaders of the Norfolk and Richmond organizations attended the state convention. It adopted several resolutions and public statements. These declarations insisted on full citizenship and voting rights.
African American Suffrage and a New Constitution
No member of the General Assembly agreed to grant the vote to African Americans. Governor Pierpont was opposed to allowing African Americans to vote because many former slaves were not literate. In 1867, Congress, through the Reconstruction Acts, enforced military rule on Virginia and the other former Confederate states. Congress required that each state adopt a new state constitution. It also required that when the army conducted elections for members of the conventions, it permit African American men to vote and to run for seats in the convention.
Before the election in Virginia, 105,832 African American men registered. In fact, many white men who opposed Congressional Reconstruction decided not to register. Others were still legally unable to register and vote because of their Confederate pasts.
On election day, October 22, 1867, a significant number of registered white voters refused to take part. African Americans cast more votes than white men by a large margin. In most cities and counties white men voted against holding the convention at all. Black men voted overwhelmingly in favor. Almost all Black men voted for candidates who favored making significant reforms to the old state constitution. Most white voters opposed those candidates. As a result, men who supported radical reform won a majority of seats in the convention. Among them were 24 African Americans, many of whom had lived in slavery until the spring of 1865.
The convention voted to include a new section in the constitution that granted the vote to adult African American men. Delegate Thomas Bayne, of Norfolk, made a notable speech in favor of the section. He had escaped from slavery in Virginia before the Civil War and become a doctor in New England. Bayne returned to Norfolk and in May 1865 presided over the conference that decided that Black men would vote. His 1868 speech in favor of granting all men the right to vote reflected the beliefs held by most African American men at that time about their new place in the American nation. Paraphrasing Thomas Jefferson and citing the Declaration of Independence, Bayne stated that all men were created equal in the eyes of God, and that no men had the right to deprive any other men of God-given rights.
“Has a man the right to live?” Bayne asked the other delegates. “Was he born a freeman? Did God make man a slave? I say, no. If God never made man a slave, man was born free, and had a right to liberty. That is the principle of the Declaration of Independence … I rejoice to-day that it is my privilege to stand on this floor and say that we are now beginning to live where we can recognize God as the great giver of all good gifts, and among them, the right of suffrage.”
First African Americans in State Government
African Americans were unsure about whether to allow former Confederates back into politics soon or at all. White Republicans were divided on the same question, with some favoring the move as a way of making peace. In October 1869, Virginia held its first election held since the ratification of the new constitution. Radical reformers suffered a serious defeat. White members of the Conservative Party supported a moderate Republican ticket for the statewide offices. This helped to defeat a radical Republican ticket that included an African American candidate, Joseph D. Harris, for lieutenant governor. Conservatives also won large majorities in both houses of the General Assembly. Nevertheless, thirty Black men won election to the assembly. 18- 20 Black men won in each of the legislative elections in 1871, 1873, and 1875.
During those years, almost all of the African American men active in Virginia politics were part of the Republican Party. Some of them supported more radical proposals than others. Between 1867 and 1895, nearly 100 Black Virginians served in the two houses of the General Assembly or in the Constitutional Convention. Many of them had grown up in slavery. But some had been free before the Civil War, and others came of age afterward. Some of the members of the convention had little or no education. But by the 1880s most of the legislators were educated and well qualified. A few had very successful political careers. They served their localities in the assembly for several terms and became influential leaders in the Republican Party.
For instance, Peter Jacob Carter, an army veteran from Northampton County on the Eastern Shore, served four terms in the House of Delegates. He campaigned for Republican candidates throughout eastern Virginia. He was a prominent delegate to the party’s state conventions. Other men with long and successful careers included Ross Hamilton, who served in the assembly for twenty years (see also the three Norton brothers of Williamsburg and York County—F. S. Norton, Daniel M. Norton, and Robert Norton). Other African Americans had briefer and less notable political careers. Some fell victim to increasing racial prejudice and political difficulties.
White Backlash and Coalition Building
Many white Virginians remained opposed to African American suffrage. In 1876 the Conservative majority in the General Assembly submitted two constitutional amendments. These amendments were designed to reduce the number of African American voters. One made payment of a poll tax a requirement for voting. The other disfranchised men convicted of small offences such as stealing chickens. The amendments were based on a realistic understanding that many poor Black men could not afford to pay the tax. They also were based on a racist belief that Black men were naturally less honest than white men.
The amendments functioned as intended. The number of voters in the state declined by almost 10% immediately after ratification of the amendments. The amendments contributed significantly to the reduction in the number of African Americans who won election to the General Assembly.
Despite the new barriers, Black Virginians voted and successfully ran for public office in increasing numbers during the second half of the 1870s and 1880s. The Readjuster movement provided the motivation for Black political action. Readjusters proposed solutions to the debt that Virginia had created before the Civil War. They also proposed to redirect money to the public schools that had been used to pay down the debt. African American and many poor white Virginians supported the Readjuster proposals to preserve the public school system.
In 1879, Readjusters won majorities in both houses of the General Assembly. But a Conservative governor vetoed their debt-reduction bill. Before the general election of 1881, about 300 African American Republicans convened in Petersburg. They discussed whether to make a formal alliance with the Readjusters. It was an unruly meeting. Personal conflicts among the leaders and differing political priorities led to clashes in the beginning. Many men did not want to lose their political identity as Republicans.
With strong support from African American voters, the Readjusters won all the statewide offices in 1881 as well as larger majorities in the assembly. Early in 1882 the General Assembly passed a bill that significantly reduced the cost of paying the public debt. The assembly also passed many reform measures. It restored funding for the public schools and appointed a new state superintendent of public instruction. The new state leader replaced most of the county and city school superintendents with men who were more sympathetic to the education of African Americans. The assembly abolished the whipping post as a punishment for African Americans. It also established Virginia Normal and Collegiate Institute (later Virginia State University), the state’s first public college for African Americans. It created the first mental hospital for Black Virginians. Those achievements would not have been possible without the support of African American voters and their political leadership.
African Americans contributed greatly to the success of the Readjusters and to Republican presidential candidates throughout the decade. The Readjusters were never a Black-majority party. Many white men eagerly supported the Readjusters, too. As a result, some of them adopted a more egalitarian attitude than most white Virginians ever had. Such attitudes posed a threat to white supremacy, as did the coalition’s political power. This motivated the Democratic Party to respond.
Shortly before the 1883 legislative elections, a street fight in Danville between white and Black men helped tip the election against the Readjusters and Republicans. Democrats labeled this a “race riot.” Democrats also suggested that such violence was the logical consequence of increased Black influence in politics. Two years later, the statewide ticket of Readjusters and Republicans were defeated. This ended the most active period of political reform in nineteenth-century Virginia.
Disfranchisement
Nearly all of the African American Readjusters continued to participate in the Republican Party while the Readjuster Party existed. Many of them remained active afterward. Some white Readjusters joined the Republican Party, too. Mahone, a former Confederate and leader in the Readjuster Party, found support amongst many Black voters. But his leadership style caused division at times. In 1888, for instance, when John Mercer Langston ran for the House of Representatives as a Republican, Mahone refused to support him. He arranged for a white Republican to run in the same district. As a result, a Democratic candidate won the election. Nevertheless, Langston successfully challenged the outcome and briefly served in Congress. He was the first African American from Virginia to do so and the only one prior to 1993.
In 1884, the Democratic majorities in the General Assembly passed the Anderson-McCormick Act. It replaced all officers of election in the state and authorized the assembly to appoint a three-member electoral board for each city and county. That guaranteed that white Democrats would be in charge of all elections in the state. They often looked the other way when election tampering occurred. Sometimes they actively conspired with party officials. These officials stuffed ballot boxes, intimidated voters, or made African Americans or known Republicans stand in long lines that prevented some of them from voting before the polls closed.
Ten years later Democrats passed the Walton Act, which introduced the “Australian ballot” to Virginia. The state printed the names of all candidates on a ballot and required voters to mark a line through at least three-quarters of the name of each candidate they wished to vote against. That allowed vote counters to disallow ballots cast for Republicans or African Americans and to count votes for Democrats even if not marked as clearly. It discriminated against African Americans, who were more likely than white men to be unable to read or write.
The number of African Americans who voted and who won elections began to decline. They were the last Black legislators in Virginia until 1968. In Richmond, white political leaders redrew the city’s electoral district boundaries in the 1890s to create white majority districts. That made it impossible for African Americans to win municipal government elections. By the end of the century very few African Americans still held local offices anywhere in the state. Republicans in Congress had by then largely given up trying to force southern states to abide by either the letter or the spirit of the Fifteenth Amendment. White men in Virginia and in most other states continued to exclude African Americans from politics.
Constitutional Convention of 1900–1901
The all-white Constitutional Convention of 1901–1902 completed the almost total destruction of African American political activity in Virginia. It turned back nearly all of the democratic reforms in the state constitutions of 1851, 1864, and 1869. The convention reintroduced the poll tax as a requirement for voting. This created new forms of political corruption and also significantly reduced the number of adult, male Virginians who could vote. The constitutional changes disfranchised about 90 percent of the few African Americans who still voted in Virginia and about 50 percent of the white voters.
The white-supremacist Democratic Party retained control of both houses of the General Assembly, as well as many state and local offices. From then until after World War II, very few Black Virginians ran for public office and only a very small number held minor local offices.
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Executive Committees
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Executive Committee Search
If you have any questions about the information below, please contact the WV SOS Elections department at 304-558-6000 or via e-mail to elections@wvsos.com.
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HDFS Intro to Families (Exam 1) Flashcards
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Study Flashcards On HDFS Intro to Families (Exam 1) at Cram.com. Quickly memorize the terms, phrases and much more. Cram.com makes it easy to get the grade you want!
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//www.cram.com/favicon.ico
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https://www.cram.com/flashcards/hdfs-intro-to-families-exam-1-5083874
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Companionate
Liking
Consummate Love
Part of Sternberg's theory - includes intimacy and commitment.
Part of Sternberg's theory - includes only intimacy
Composed of all three components, "complete love"
Suspicious Jealousy
Reactive Jealousy
Occurs when there is no evidence or only ambiguous evidence for suspecting the partner is involved with someone else.
Occurs when evidence is revealed of a past, present, or anticipated relationship with another person.
Martyring
Manipulation
Maintaining relationships by consistently minimizing one's own needs while trying to satisfy those of one's partner.
Seeking to control feelings, attitudes, and behavior of one's partner in underhanded ways.
Sternberg's Theory of Love
What are some characteristics of relationships w/ only 1 component?
What about 2 components?
1: Liking (intimacy) like this characterized by closeness and trust; infatuation (passion) characterized by physical attraction & sexual arousal; empty love (commitment) characterized by strong commit. to mainintaing relationship; love like these are considered significantly less stable than love of 2 components.
2: presence of sexual passion & emotional intimacy; presence of commitment and emotional intimacy; commitment and sexual passion; love like these considered stronger than infatuation or liking
Name and explain the three things love IS NOT
Martyring, Manipulation, and limerence
Although love is usually associated with rewarding and positive outcomes, what are some exceptions?
Being rejected
Being the rejector
(particularly when the rejected doesn't relent)
How does mature love differ from immature love?
Immature love is passionate or romantic love whereas mature is companionate love.
Immature: passionate thinking; passionate feeling; passionate behavior.
Mature: found that your partner is trustworthy and stable, caring and kind, and someone you actually like.
Power
Conflict
Repressed anger
The ability or potential to impose one's will on other people (get them to think, feel, or do something they normally wouldn't have done)
Two types - negative and positive
The unconscious suppression of feelings of anger so that they are expressed in other ways.
Passive-Aggression
Scapegoating
Expressing anger indirectly
Blaming one family member for everything that goes wrong.
Gaslighting
Empathetic Listening (Active Listening)
One partner (perhaps using sarcasm), constantly criticizes or denies the other's definition of reality.
Seek to understand before being understood
How does unequal power affect relationships and the people in them?
Can affect self-esteem, can inhibit satisfaction, love, and sharing of feelings, and can encourage manipulation.
What are some examples of objective measures of power?
What is meant by subjective measure of fairness?
Which is more powerful in regards to predicting marital satisfaction?
FIND
6 types of power? Give healthy and unhealthy examples of each.
Coercive - based on dominant partner's ability to punish partner with psychological, emotional, or physical abuse. H= UN=
Reward - based on a belief that being agreeable with the partner will elicit rewards from that partner. H= UN=
6 types of power continued...
Expert - stems from dominant partner's superior judgment, knowledge, or ability. H= UN=
Legitimate - based on individuals ability to claim authority. H= UN=
6 types of power continued...
Referent - based on less dominant partner's emotional identification with the dominant power. H= UN=
Informational - based on the persuasive content of what the dominant partner tells another individual. H= UN=
What are the 5 rules for fighting fair?
Attack problems, not your partner, avoid negativity.
Focus on specific issues, use "I" statements, avoid mixed messages.
Be sensitive about timing and place
Say what you mean
Let your partner know that you are listening
What is the sentence structure for effective "I" statements?
I feel _______ when you _______ because ________.
What are they styles of poor listening?
The faker
The dependent listener
The interrupter
The self-conscious listener
The intellectual listener
What are the four rules for effective communication?
Create an environment that gives communication high priority and values others' viewpoints.
Share power and hopes.
Be specific, honest, and kind.
Tell your partner what you wan tin positive terms, as for information, and listen well.
What is meant by the "Four Horsemen of the Apocalypse?" What are the 5 predictors of divorce in this theory? Provide examples of each.
John Gottman - identified several red flags predicting divorce or breakup.
Contempt
Criticism
Defensiveness
Stonewalling
Belligerence
What are the 9 things most likely to cause conflict in a relationship?
Household tasks, money, sex, loyalty, power, nurturance, privacy/alone-time, children, differences in style.
Sexual Identity
Sexual Orientation
Sexual Monogamy
(synonymous with sexual orientation)A set of sexual practices and attitudes leading to the formation in a person's mind of an identity as heterosexual, homosexual, bisexual, asexual.
Sexual activity with one partner.
Heterosexuality
Homosexuality
Bisexuality
Attracted to the opposite sex partners
Attracted to same sex partners
Attracted to partners of both sexes
Asexuality
Sexual Values
Absolutism
Have emotional feelings and may desire intimate relationship with others, just not sexual ones.
Deeply held beliefs about what is right and wrong, desirable and undesirable sexual behavior.
People who adhere to strict codes, usually based on religion that dictate what is right and wrong.
Hedonism
Relativism
Sexual Scripts
"If it feels good, do it, but don't hurt anybody in the process."
"What you do sexually depends on the person you are with, how you feel about each other, and the nature of the relationship."
Set of expectations as to how one should behave in sexual situations.
Patriarchal Sexuality
Expressive Sexuality
Beliefs, values, attitudes, and behaviors developed to protect the male line of descent.
Sexual infidelity
Open Marriage
Not remaining faithful in a relationship.
Marriage in which a married couple agrees that each may have emotional and seek relations with others, while still keeping the marriage the primary relationship.
Swinging
Polyamory
Marriage arrangement in which couples exchange partners in order to engage in purely recreational sex.
Arrangement in which committed couples exchange partners in order to engage in purely recreational sex.
What is the American Psychiatric Association's official position on sexual orientation?
In 1973 homosexuality was removed from its list of mental disorders.
Regards to the sexual revolution:
How did the sexual values and behaviors of Americans (married and unmarried) change during this time period?
Behaviors and attitudes changed regarding premarital sex and marital sex.
More people engaged in intercourse
Regards to the sexual revolution:
How did accessibility to birth control and changes in the laws regarding sexuality influence behavior during this time period?
FIND
Basic timeline for LGBT rights as they currently stand?
FIND
What are the four stages in acquiring a gay or lesbian identity?
1- Sensitization: "Am I different?" confusion, denial (occurs before puberty)
2- Identity Confusion: "I'll prove I'm not gay," (occurs during adolescence).
3- Identity Assumption: "I know I'm gay, but which people should I tell?" M: 19-21 yrs F: 21-23
4- Commitment: "I'm gay, but that's not all I am."
Name and describe four standards of premarital and non-marital sex.
Double Standard - premarital or non-marital sex is more acceptable for men than it is for women.
Permissiveness w/ Affection - allows premarital/non-marital sex provided that they have an affectionate and committed relationship.
Permissiveness w/o Affection - (recreational sex), allows premarital / non-martial sex regardless of the amount of affection or stability in their relationship.
Abstinence: voluntary avoidance of sexual intercourse.
What are some of the risk factors of sexual infidelity? What kinds of effects can infidelity have on a relationship?
Risk Factors: Loneliness, martial dissatisfaction, opportunity, power/ego, cyber-adultery, sex addiction (?)
Effects: Jealousy, Trust issues, risk of STDs/unplanned pregnancy, feelings of financial exploitation, increased attention to couple communication.
Covenant Marriage
Heterogamous Marriages
Anti-divorce contract in which couples demonstrate their strong commitment to marriage by 1) getting pre-marital counseling 2) getting marital counseling in times of marital difficulties and 3) agreeing not to divorce until after a separation of two years or after providing adultery or domestic abuse.
Those in which the partners are of different education, ethnicity, race, religion, age, and/or social class.
Homogamous Marriages
Marital Success
Permanence
Marriages between partners of similar education, ethnicity, race, religion, age, and/or social class.
(Marital quality) measured in terms of stability, happiness, and flexibility.
Partners promise to stay together lifelong.
Postnuptial Agreement
Prenuptial Agreement
Sexual Exclusivity
Same as prenuptial agreement except that it Is worked out by partners whoa re already married to one another.
Contract signed by the couple before the wedding that specifies in advance how property will be divided and children cared for in the event of divorce or one partners death.
Each partner promises to have sexual relations only with the other.
What are the most common reasons people give for getting married?
Love
Companionship
Desire for children
Happiness
Habit or convenience
Money
Dependence
Fear of AIDS
People generally go into a marriage with what 3 expectations?
Marriage as a rite of passage - an event signaling a major change from one social status to another.
Marriage in expectation of sexual exclusivity and permanence.
Marriage as a legal commitment.
Describe the 4 phases of family life (include the main features of each phase)
1-Beginning: Identity bargaining (realities of the marriage oblige spouses to adjust their idealized expectations of each other); loss of independence; new friends/relatives; career & domestic roles.
2- Child Rearing: stages of child rearing; changes during the child-rearing years.
3- Middle Age: (empty nest syndrome) improved marital satisfaction; lack of martial satisfaction.
4- Aging phase
What are the top 5 factors that people consider "very important" to a successful marriage? According to research studies what are the actual characteristics of successful marriages?
People: faithfulness, happy sexual relationship, sharing household chores, adequate income, and good housing.
Research: Similar backgrounds (homogamy), commonalities (similar characteristics & interests), economic status, work, & two paycheck couples, and domestic work & childcare - importance of equity (partners give in proportion to what they receive) and equality (partners have equal status are equally responsible for domestic, financial, and emotional tasks).
Roommate marriages
Commuter marriage
People living under same roof for years & years; no sexual bond, but roommates develop deep emotional attachment to one another.
Dual-career marriage in which each partner lives in a different geographical area, yet the pair still maintain their commitment to their family.
Transnational marriages
Living apart together couples
Those in which one partner is in the United States and the other and perhaps the children are in another country.
(Dual dwelling duos); happily married couples who are committed to each other but who live in separate quarters.
Skipped-generation households
Adultolescents/boomerangs
Grandparents raising grandchildren (usually because death, divorce, drugs, abandonment, incarceration, mental illness).
Adult children, usually in their twenties, who have moved back in with their parents.
Traditional family
Nonfamily household
Unit made up of two or more people who are related by blood, marriage, or adoption and who live together.
Consists of 1)a person who lives alone or 2_ people who live with unrelated individuals within a housing unit.
Lifestyle
Voluntary temporary singles
Pattern by which a person organizes his or her living arrangements in relation to others.
Those who are open to marriage but find seeking a mate a lower priority than other activities.
Involuntary stable singles
Stay-over relationships
Cohabitation
Those who would like to marry and are actively seeking mates.
Living together; couple living in an emotional and sexual relationship w/o being married.
3 shifts or patterns seen in contemporary household arrangements?
what reasons underly these changes?
FIND
Identify and explain the myths and realities about singles.
M: singles are self centered; R: more involved w/ friends than marriage people are.
M: singles are financially better off; R: more singles live below poverty level..
M: singles are happier; R: tend to believe they are happier, however they are also more likely to be lonely, depressed, anxious, and stressed.
M: singles are confirmed in their singlehood; R: most singles expect to be single for short period of time and to be married within 5 years.
What are some reasons that couples give for cohabitating instead of marrying?
Alternate way of being single - convenience; sliding into relationship.
Testing ground for marriage.
Alternative to marriage
People who choose cohabitation before marriage tend to share certain characteristics. What are these?
FIND
What does research say about outcomes for cohabitating couples compared to married couples?
[Depends on the level of commitment and communication prior to moving in. Long-term cohabiting couples (for at least 4yrs) differ little from married couple in conflict levels, amount of interaction, or relationship satisfaction.]
Less homongamus, higher incidence of depression, have more sex outside relationship, more likely get divorced if married.
Why might we see poorer outcomes for children in some cohabitating families compared to married families, but not all?
FIND
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29. The Triumph of the Right
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*The American Yawp is an evolving, collaborative text. Please click here to improve this chapter.*
I. Introduction
Speaking to Detroit autoworkers in October 1980, Republican presidential candidate Ronald Reagan described what he saw as the American Dream under Democratic president Jimmy Carter. The family garage may have still held two cars, cracked Reagan, but they were “both Japanese and they’re out of gas.” The charismatic former governor of California suggested that a once-proud nation was running on empty. But Reagan held out hope for redemption. Stressing the theme of “national decline,” he nevertheless promised to make the United States once again a glorious “city upon a hill.” In November, Reagan’s vision triumphed.
Reagan rode the wave of a powerful political movement referred to by historians as the New Right. More libertarian in its economics and more politically forceful in its conservative religious principles than the moderate brand of conservatism popular after World War II, the New Right had by the 1980s evolved into the most influential wing of the Republican Party. And it could claim increasing credit for Republican electoral successes. Building on the gradual unraveling of the New Deal political order in the 1960s and 1970s (see Chapter 28), the conservative movement not only enjoyed the guidance of skilled politicians like Reagan but drew tremendous energy from a broad range of grassroots activists. Countless ordinary citizens—newly mobilized Christian conservatives, in particular—helped the Republican Party steer the country rightward. Enduring conflicts over race, economic policy, sexual politics, and foreign affairs fatally fractured the liberal consensus that had dominated American politics since the presidency of Franklin Roosevelt, and the New Right attracted support from Reagan Democrats, blue-collar voters who had lost faith in the old liberal creed.
The rise of the right affected Americans’ everyday lives in numerous ways. The Reagan administration’s embrace of free markets dispensed with the principles of active income redistribution and social welfare spending that had animated the New Deal and Great Society in the 1930s and 1960s. As American liberals increasingly embraced a “rights” framework directed toward African Americans, Latinos, women, lesbians and gays, and other marginalized groups, conservative policy makers targeted the regulatory and legal landscape of the United States. Critics complained that Reagan’s policies served the interests of corporations and wealthy individuals and pointed to the sudden widening of economic inequality. But the New Right harnessed popular distrust of regulation, taxes, and bureaucrats, and conservative activists celebrated the end of hyperinflation and substantial growth in GDP.
In many ways, however, the rise of the right promised more than it delivered. Battered but intact, the social welfare programs of the New Deal and Great Society (for example, social security, Medicaid, and Aid to Families with Dependent Children) survived the 1980s. Despite Republican vows of fiscal discipline, both the federal government and the national debt ballooned. At the end of the decade, conservative Christians viewed popular culture as more vulgar and hostile to their values than ever before. And in the near term, the New Right registered only partial victories on a range of public policies and cultural issues. Yet from a long-term perspective, conservatives achieved a subtler and more enduring transformation of American politics and society. In the words of one historian, the conservative movement successfully “changed the terms of debate and placed its opponents on the defensive.” Liberals and their programs and policies did not disappear, but they increasingly fought battles on terrain chosen by the New Right.
II. Conservative Ascendance
The Reagan Revolution marked the culmination of a long process of political mobilization on the American right. In the first two decades after World War II the New Deal seemed firmly embedded in American electoral politics and public policy. Even two-term Republican president Dwight D. Eisenhower declined to roll back the welfare state. To be sure, William F. Buckley tapped into a deep vein of elite conservatism in 1955 by announcing in the first issue of National Review that his magazine “stands athwart history yelling Stop.” Senator Joseph McCarthy and John Birch Society founder Robert Welch stirred anticommunist fervor. But in general, the far right lacked organizational cohesion. Following Lyndon Johnson’s resounding defeat of Republican Barry Goldwater—“Mr. Conservative”—in the 1964 presidential election, many observers declared American conservatism finished. New York Times columnist James Reston wrote that Goldwater had “wrecked his party for a long time to come.”
Despite these dire predictions, conservatism not only persisted, it prospered. Its growing appeal had several causes. The expansive social and economic agenda of Johnson’s Great Society reminded anticommunists of Soviet-style central planning and deficits alarmed fiscal conservatives. Race also drove the creation of the New Right. The civil rights movement, along with the Civil Rights Act and the Voting Rights Act, challenged the racial hierarchy of the Jim Crow South. All of these occurred under Democratic leadership, pushing white southerners toward the Republican Party. In the late 1960s and early 1970s, Black Power, affirmative action, and court-ordered busing of children between schools to achieve racial balance brought “white backlash” in the North, often in cities previously known for political liberalism. To many white Americans, the urban rebellions, antiwar protests, and student uprisings of the late 1960s signaled social chaos. At the same time, slowing wage growth, rising prices, and growing tax burdens threatened many working- and middle-class citizens who long formed the core of the New Deal coalition. Liberalism no longer seemed to offer the great mass of white Americans a road map to prosperity, so they searched for new political solutions.
Former Alabama governor and conservative Democrat George Wallace masterfully exploited the racial, cultural, and economic resentments of working-class whites during his presidential runs in 1968 and 1972. Wallace’s record as a staunch segregationist made him a hero in the Deep South, where he won five states as a third-party candidate in the 1968 general election. Wallace’s populist message also resonated with blue-collar voters in the industrial North who felt left behind by the rights revolution. On the campaign stump, the fiery candidate lambasted hippies, antiwar protesters, and government bureaucrats. He assailed female welfare recipients for “breeding children as a cash crop” and ridiculed “over-educated, ivory-tower” intellectuals who “don’t know how to park a bicycle straight.” Wallace also advanced progressive proposals for federal job training programs, a minimum wage hike, and legal protections for collective bargaining. Running as a Democrat in 1972, Wallace captured the Michigan primary and polled second in the industrial heartland of Wisconsin, Pennsylvania, and Indiana. In May 1972, an assassin’s bullet left Wallace paralyzed and ended his campaign. Nevertheless, his amalgamation of older, New Deal–style proposals and conservative populism represented the rapid reordering of party loyalties in the late 1960s and early 1970s. Richard Nixon similarly harnessed the New Right’s sense of grievance through his rhetoric about “law and order” and the “silent majority.” But Nixon and his Republican successor, Gerald Ford, continued to accommodate the politics of the New Deal order. The New Right remained without a major public champion.
Christian conservatives also felt themselves under siege from liberalism. In the early 1960s, Supreme Court decisions prohibiting teacher-led prayer (Engel v. Vitale) and Bible reading in public schools (Abington v. Schempp) led some on the right to conclude that a liberal judicial system threatened Christian values. In the following years, the counterculture’s celebration of sex and drugs, along with relaxed obscenity and pornography laws, intensified the conviction that “permissive” liberalism encouraged immorality in private life. Evangelical Protestants—Christians who professed a personal relationship with Jesus Christ, upheld the Bible as an infallible source of truth, and felt a duty to convert, or evangelize, nonbelievers—composed the core of the so-called religious right.
With increasing assertiveness in the 1960s and 1970s, Christian conservatives mobilized to protect the “traditional” family. Women composed a striking number of the religious right’s foot soldiers. In 1968 and 1969 a group of newly politicized mothers in Anaheim, California, led a sustained protest against sex education in public schools. Catholic activist Phyllis Schlafly marshaled opposition to the ERA, while evangelical pop singer Anita Bryant drew national headlines for her successful fight to repeal Miami’s gay rights ordinance in 1977. In 1979, Beverly LaHaye (whose husband, Tim—an evangelical pastor in San Diego—later coauthored the wildly popular Left Behind Christian book series) founded Concerned Women for America, which linked small groups of local activists opposed to the ERA, abortion, homosexuality, and no-fault divorce.
Activists like Schlafly and LaHaye valorized motherhood as women’s highest calling. Abortion therefore struck at the core of their female identity. More than perhaps any other issue, abortion drew different segments of the religious right—Catholics and Protestants, women and men—together. The Supreme Court’s 1973 Roe v. Wade ruling outraged many devout Catholics and evangelicals (who had been less universally opposed to the procedure than their Catholic counterparts). Christian author Francis Schaeffer cultivated evangelical opposition to abortion through the 1979 documentary film Whatever Happened to the Human Race?, arguing that the “fate of the unborn is the fate of the human race.” With abortion framed in stark, existential terms, many evangelicals felt compelled to combat the procedure through political action.
Grassroots passion drove anti-abortion activism, but a set of religious and secular institutions turned the various strands of the New Right into a sophisticated movement. In 1979 Jerry Falwell—a Baptist minister and religious broadcaster from Lynchburg, Virginia—founded the Moral Majority, an explicitly political organization dedicated to advancing a “pro-life, pro-family, pro-morality, and pro-American” agenda. The Moral Majority skillfully wove together social and economic appeals to make itself a force in Republican politics. Secular, business-oriented institutions also joined the attack on liberalism, fueled by stagflation and by the federal government’s creation of new regulatory agencies like the Environmental Protection Agency and the Occupational Safety and Health Administration. Conservative business leaders bankrolled new “think tanks” like the Heritage Foundation and the Cato Institute. These organizations provided grassroots activists with ready-made policy prescriptions. Other business leaders took a more direct approach by hiring Washington lobbyists and creating political action committees (PACs) to press their agendas in the halls of Congress and federal agencies. Between 1976 and 1980 the number of corporate PACs rose from under three hundred to over twelve hundred.
Grassroots activists and business leaders received unlikely support from a circle of neoconservatives—disillusioned intellectuals who had rejected liberalism and the Left and become Republicans. Irving Kristol, a former Marxist who went on to champion free-market capitalism as a Wall Street Journal columnist, defined a neoconservative as a “liberal who has been mugged by reality.” Neoconservative journals like Commentary and Public Interest argued that the Great Society had proven counterproductive, perpetuating the poverty and racial segregation that it aimed to cure. By the middle of the 1970s, neoconservatives felt mugged by foreign affairs as well. As ardent Cold Warriors, they argued that Nixon’s policy of détente left the United States vulnerable to the Soviet Union.
In sum, several streams of conservative political mobilization converged in the late 1970s. Each wing of the burgeoning New Right—disaffected northern blue-collar workers, white southerners, evangelicals and devout Catholics, business leaders, disillusioned intellectuals, and Cold War hawks—turned to the Republican Party as the most effective vehicle for their political counterassault on liberalism and the New Deal political order. After years of mobilization, the domestic and foreign policy storms of the Carter administration provided the tailwinds that brought the conservative movement to shore.
III. The Conservatism of the Carter Years
The election of Jimmy Carter in 1976 brought a Democrat to the White House for the first time since 1969. Large Democratic majorities in Congress provided the new president with an opportunity to move aggressively on the legislative front. With the infighting of the early 1970s behind them, many Democrats hoped the Carter administration would update and expand the New Deal. But Carter won the presidency on a wave of post-Watergate disillusionment with government that did not translate into support for liberal ideas.
In its early days, the Carter administration embraced several policies backed by liberals. It pushed an economic stimulus package containing $4 billion for public works, extended food stamp benefits to 2.5 million new recipients, enlarged the Earned Income Tax Credit for low-income households, and expanded the Nixon-era Comprehensive Employment and Training Act (CETA). But the White House quickly realized that Democratic control of Congress did not guarantee support for its initially left-leaning economic proposals. Many of the Democrats elected to Congress in the aftermath of Watergate were more moderate than their predecessors, who had been trained in the New Deal gospel. These conservative Democrats sometimes partnered with congressional Republicans to oppose Carter, most notably in response to the administration’s proposal for a federal office of consumer protection.
Events outside Carter’s control certainly helped discredit liberalism, but the president’s own temperamental and philosophical conservatism hamstrung the administration and pushed national politics further to the right. In his 1978 State of the Union address, Carter lectured Americans that “government cannot solve our problems . . . it cannot eliminate poverty, or provide a bountiful economy, or reduce inflation, or save our cities, or cure illiteracy, or provide energy.” The statement neatly captured the ideological transformation of the country. Rather than leading a resurgence of American liberalism, Carter became, as one historian put it, “the first president to govern in a post–New Deal framework.” Organized labor felt abandoned by Carter, who remained cool to several of their highest legislative priorities. The president offered tepid support for a national health insurance proposal and declined to lobby aggressively for a package of modest labor law reforms. The business community rallied to defeat the latter measure, in what AFL-CIO chief George Meany described as “an attack by every anti-union group in America to kill the labor movement.” In 1977 and 1978, liberal Democrats rallied behind the Humphrey-Hawkins Full Employment and Training Act, which promised to end unemployment through extensive government planning. The bill aimed not only to guarantee a job to every American but also to reunite the interracial, working-class Democratic coalition that had been fractured by deindustrialization and affirmative action. But Carter’s lack of enthusiasm for the proposal allowed conservatives from both parties to water the bill down to a purely symbolic gesture. Liberals, like labor leaders, came to regard the president as an unreliable ally.
Carter also came under fire from Republicans, especially the religious right. His administration incurred the wrath of evangelicals in 1978 when the IRS established new rules revoking the tax-exempt status of racially segregated, private Christian schools. The rules only strengthened a policy instituted by the Nixon administration; however, the religious right accused Carter of singling out Christian institutions. Republican activist Richard Viguerie described the IRS controversy as the “spark that ignited the religious right’s involvement in real politics.” Race sat just below the surface of the IRS fight. After all, many of the schools had been founded to circumvent court-ordered desegregation. But the IRS ruling allowed the New Right to rain down fire on big government interference while downplaying the practice of segregation at the heart of the case.
While the IRS controversy flared, economic crises multiplied. Unemployment reached 7.8 percent in May 1980, up from 6 percent at the start of Carter’s first term. Inflation (the rate at which the cost of goods and services increases) jumped from 6 percent in 1978 to a staggering 20 percent by the winter of 1980. In another bad omen, the iconic Chrysler Corporation appeared close to bankruptcy. The administration responded to these challenges in fundamentally conservative ways. First, Carter proposed a tax cut for the upper middle class, which Congress passed in 1978. Second, the White House embraced a longtime goal of the conservative movement by deregulating the airline and trucking industries in 1978 and 1980, respectively. Third, Carter proposed balancing the federal budget—much to the dismay of liberals, who would have preferred that he use deficit spending to finance a new New Deal. Finally, to halt inflation, Carter’s appointed chair of the Federal Reserve, Paul Volcker, raised interest rates and tightened the money supply—policies designed to reduce inflation in the long run but which increased unemployment in the short run. Liberalism was on the run.
The decade’s second “energy crisis,” which witnessed another spike in oil prices and oil shortages across the country, brought out the southern Baptist moralist in Carter. On July 15, 1979, the president delivered a nationally televised speech on energy policy in which he attributed the country’s economic woes to a “crisis of confidence.” Carter lamented that “too many of us now tend to worship self-indulgence and consumption.” The country initially responded favorably to the push for energy conservation, yet Carter’s emphasis on discipline and sacrifice and his spiritual diagnosis for economic hardship sidestepped deeper questions of large-scale economic change and downplayed the harsh toll inflation had taken on regular Americans.
IV. The Election of 1980
These domestic challenges, combined with the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan and the hostage crisis in Iran, hobbled Carter heading into his 1980 reelection campaign. Many Democrats were dismayed by his policies. The president of the International Association of Machinists dismissed Carter as “the best Republican President since Herbert Hoover.” Angered by the White House’s refusal to back national health insurance, Massachusetts senator Ted Kennedy challenged Carter in the Democratic primaries. Running as the party’s liberal standard-bearer and heir to the legacy of his slain older brothers, Kennedy garnered support from key labor unions and left-wing Democrats. Carter ultimately vanquished Kennedy, but the close primary tally exposed the president’s vulnerability.
Carter’s opponent in the general election was Ronald Reagan, a former Hollywood actor who had served two terms as governor of California. Reagan ran as a staunch fiscal conservative and a Cold War hawk, vowing to reduce government spending and shrink the federal bureaucracy. Reagan also accused his opponent of failing to confront the Soviet Union and vowed steep increases in military spending. Carter responded by calling Reagan a warmonger, but the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan and the confinement of 52 American hostages in Iran discredited Carter’s foreign policy in the eyes of many Americans.
The incumbent fared no better on domestic affairs. Unemployment remained at nearly 8 percent. Meanwhile the Federal Reserve’s anti-inflation measures pushed interest rates to an unheard-of 18.5 percent. Reagan seized on these bad economic trends. On the campaign trail he brought down the house by proclaiming: “A recession is when your neighbor loses his job, and a depression is when you lose your job.” Reagan would then pause before concluding, “And a recovery is when Jimmy Carter loses his job.”
Social and cultural issues presented yet another challenge for the president. Although a self-proclaimed “born-again” Christian and Sunday school teacher, Carter struggled to court the religious right. Carter scandalized devout Christians by admitting to lustful thoughts during an interview with Playboy magazine in 1976, telling the reporter he had “committed adultery in my heart many times.” Although Reagan was only a nominal Christian and rarely attended church, the religious right embraced him. Reverend Jerry Falwell directed the full weight of the Moral Majority behind Reagan. The organization registered an estimated two million new voters in 1980. Reagan also cultivated the religious right by denouncing abortion and endorsing prayer in school. The IRS tax exemption issue resurfaced as well, with the 1980 Republican platform vowing to “halt the unconstitutional regulatory vendetta launched by Mr. Carter’s IRS commissioner against independent schools.” Early in the primary season, Reagan condemned the policy during a speech at South Carolina’s Bob Jones University, which had recently sued the IRS after the school’s ban on interracial dating led to the loss of its tax-exempt status.
Reagan’s campaign appealed subtly but unmistakably to the racial hostilities of white voters. The candidate held his first post–nominating convention rally at the Neshoba County Fair near Philadelphia, Mississippi, the town where three civil rights workers had been murdered in 1964. In his speech, Reagan championed the doctrine of states’ rights, which had been the rallying cry of segregationists in the 1950s and 1960s. In criticizing the welfare state, Reagan had long employed thinly veiled racial stereotypes about a “welfare queen” in Chicago who drove a Cadillac while defrauding the government or a “strapping young buck” purchasing T-bone steaks with food stamps. Like George Wallace before him, Reagan exploited the racial and cultural resentments of struggling white working-class voters. And like Wallace, he attracted blue-collar workers in droves.
With the wind at his back on almost every issue, Reagan only needed to blunt Carter’s characterization of him as an angry extremist. Reagan did so during their only debate by appearing calm and amiable. “Are you better off than you were four years ago?” he asked the American people at the conclusion of the debate. The American people answered no. Reagan won the election with 51 percent of the popular vote to Carter’s 41 percent. (Independent John Anderson captured 7 percent.) Despite capturing only a slim majority of the overall popular vote, Reagan scored a decisive 489–49 victory in the Electoral College. Republicans gained control of the Senate for the first time since 1955 by winning twelve seats. Liberal Democrats George McGovern, Frank Church, and Birch Bayh went down in defeat, as did liberal Republican Jacob Javits. The GOP picked up thirty-three House seats, narrowing the Democratic advantage in the lower chamber. The New Right had arrived in Washington, D.C.
V. The New Right in Power
In his first inaugural address Reagan proclaimed that “government is not the solution to the problem, government is the problem.” In reality, Reagan focused less on eliminating government than on redirecting government to serve new ends. In line with that goal, his administration embraced supply-side economic theories that had recently gained popularity among the New Right. While the postwar gospel of Keynesian economics had focused on stimulating consumer demand, supply-side economics held that lower personal and corporate tax rates would encourage greater private investment and production. Supply-side advocates promised that the resulting wealth would reach—or “trickle down” to, in the words of critics—lower-income groups through job creation and higher wages. Conservative economist Arthur Laffer predicted that lower tax rates would generate so much economic activity that federal tax revenues would actually increase. The administration touted the so-called Laffer Curve as justification for the tax cut plan that served as the cornerstone of Reagan’s first year in office. Republican congressman Jack Kemp, an early supply-side advocate and co-sponsor of Reagan’s tax bill, promised that it would unleash the “creative genius that has always invigorated America.”
The tax cut faced early skepticism from Democrats and even some Republicans. Vice president George H. W. Bush had belittled supply-side theory as “voodoo economics” during the 1980 Republican primaries. But a combination of skill and serendipity pushed the bill over the top. Reagan aggressively and effectively lobbied individual members of Congress for support on the measure. Then on March 30, 1981, Reagan survived an assassination attempt by a mentally unstable young man named John Hinckley. Public support swelled for the hospitalized president. Congress ultimately approved a $675 billion tax cut in July 1981 with significant Democratic support. The bill reduced overall federal taxes by more than one quarter and lowered the top marginal rate from 70 percent to 50 percent, with the bottom rate dropping from 14 percent to 11 percent. It also slashed the rate on capital gains from 28 percent to 20 percent. The next month, Reagan scored another political triumph in response to a strike called by the Professional Air Traffic Controllers Organization (PATCO). During the 1980 campaign, Reagan had wooed organized labor, describing himself as “an old union man” (he had led the Screen Actors Guild from 1947 to 1952) who still held Franklin Roosevelt in high regard. PATCO had been one of the few labor unions to endorse Reagan. Nevertheless, the president ordered the union’s striking air traffic controllers back to work and fired more than eleven thousand who refused. Reagan’s actions crippled PATCO and left the American labor movement reeling. For the rest of the 1980s the economic terrain of the United States—already unfavorable to union organizing—shifted decisively in favor of employers. The unionized portion of the private-sector workforce fell from 20 percent in 1980 to 12 percent in 1990. Reagan’s tax bill and the defeat of PATCO not only enhanced the economic power of corporations and high-income households, they confirmed that a new conservative age had dawned in American life.
The new administration appeared to be flying high in the fall of 1981, but developments challenged the rosy economic forecasts emanating from the White House. As Reagan ratcheted up tension with the Soviet Union, Congress approved his request for $1.2 trillion in new military spending. The combination of lower taxes and higher defense budgets caused the national debt to balloon. By the end of Reagan’s first term it equaled 53 percent of GDP, as opposed to 33 percent in 1981. The increase was staggering, especially for an administration that had promised to curb spending. Meanwhile, Federal Reserve chairman Paul Volcker continued his policy from the Carter years of combating inflation by maintaining high interest rates, which surpassed 20 percent in June 1981. The Fed’s action increased the cost of borrowing money and stifled economic activity.
As a result, the United States experienced a severe economic recession in 1981 and 1982. Unemployment rose to nearly 11 percent, the highest figure since the Great Depression. Reductions in social welfare spending heightened the impact of the recession on ordinary people. Congress had followed Reagan’s lead by reducing funding for food stamps and Aid to Families with Dependent Children and removed a half million people from the Supplemental Social Security program for the physically disabled. The cuts exacted an especially harsh toll on low-income communities of color. The head of the NAACP declared that the administration’s budget cuts had rekindled “war, pestilence, famine, and death.” Reagan also received bipartisan rebuke in 1981 after proposing cuts to social security benefits for early retirees. The Senate voted unanimously to condemn the plan, and Democrats framed it as a heartless attack on the elderly. Confronted with recession and harsh public criticism, a chastened White House worked with Democratic House Speaker Tip O’Neill in 1982 on a bill that restored $98 billion of the previous year’s tax cuts. Despite compromising with the administration on taxes, Democrats railed against the so-called Reagan Recession, arguing that the president’s economic policies favored the most fortunate Americans. This appeal, which Democrats termed the “fairness issue,” helped them win twenty-six House seats in the autumn congressional races. The New Right appeared to be in trouble.
VI. Morning in America
Reagan nimbly adjusted to the political setbacks of 1982. Following the rejection of his social security proposals, Reagan appointed a bipartisan panel to consider changes to the program. In early 1983, the commission recommended a onetime delay in cost-of-living increases, a new requirement that government employees pay into the system, and a gradual increase in the retirement age from sixty-five to sixty-seven. The commission also proposed raising state and federal payroll taxes, with the new revenue poured into a trust fund that would transform social security from a pay-as-you-go system to one with significant reserves. Congress quickly passed the recommendations into law, allowing Reagan to take credit for strengthening a program cherished by most Americans. The president also benefited from an economic rebound. Real disposable income rose 2.5 percent in 1983 and 5.8 percent the following year. Unemployment dropped to 7.5 percent in 1984. Meanwhile, the “harsh medicine” of high interest rates helped reduce inflation to 3.5 percent. While campaigning for reelection in 1984, Reagan pointed to the improving economy as evidence that it was “morning again in America.” His personal popularity soared. Most conservatives ignored the debt increase and tax hikes of the previous two years and rallied around the president.
The Democratic Party, on other hand, stood at an ideological crossroads in 1984. The favorite to win the party’s nomination was Walter Mondale, a staunch ally of organized labor and the civil rights movement as a senator during the 1960s and 1970s. He later served as Jimmy Carter’s vice president. Mondale’s chief rivals were civil rights activist Jesse Jackson and Colorado senator Gary Hart, one of the young Democrats elected to Congress in 1974 following Nixon’s downfall. Hart and other “Watergate babies” still identified themselves as liberals but rejected their party’s faith in activist government and embraced market-based approaches to policy issues. In so doing, they conceded significant political ground to supply-siders and conservative opponents of the welfare state. Many Democrats, however, were not prepared to abandon their New Deal heritage, and so the ideological tension within the party played out in the 1984 primary campaign. Jackson offered a largely progressive program but won only two states. Hart’s platform—economically moderate but socially liberal—inverted the political formula of Mondale’s New Deal–style liberalism. Throughout the primaries, Hart contrasted his “new ideas” with Mondale’s “old-fashioned” politics. Mondale eventually secured his party’s nomination but suffered a crushing defeat in the general election. Reagan captured forty-nine of fifty states, winning 58.8 percent of the popular vote.
Mondale’s loss seemed to confirm that the new breed of moderate Democrats better understood the mood of the American people. The future of the party belonged to post–New Deal liberals like Hart and to the constituency that supported him in the primaries: upwardly mobile, white professionals and suburbanites. In February 1985, a group of centrists formed the Democratic Leadership Council (DLC) as a vehicle for distancing the party from organized labor and Keynesian economics while cultivating the business community. Jesse Jackson dismissed the DLC as “Democrats for the Leisure Class,” but the organization included many of the party’s future leaders, including Arkansas governor Bill Clinton. The formation of the DLC illustrated the degree to which to the New Right had transformed American politics: New Democrats looked a lot like old Republicans.
Reagan entered his second term with a much stronger mandate than in 1981, but the Grand Old Party (GOP) makeover of Washington, D.C., stalled. The Democrats regained control of the Senate in 1986, and Democratic opposition prevented Reagan from eliminating means-tested social welfare programs, although Congress failed to increase benefit levels for welfare programs or raise the minimum wage, decreasing the real value of those benefits. Democrats and Republicans occasionally fashioned legislative compromises, as with the Tax Reform Act of 1986. The bill lowered the top corporate tax rate from 46 percent to 34 percent and reduced the highest marginal income tax rate from 50 percent to 28 percent, while also simplifying the tax code and eliminating numerous loopholes. The steep cuts to the corporate and individual rates certainly benefited wealthy individuals, but the legislation made virtually no net change to federal revenues. In 1986, Reagan also signed into law the Immigration Reform and Control Act. American policy makers hoped to do two things: deal with the millions of undocumented immigrants already in the United States while simultaneously choking off future unsanctioned migration. The former goal was achieved (nearly three million undocumented workers received legal status) but the latter proved elusive.
One of Reagan’s most far-reaching victories occurred through judicial appointments. He named 368 district and federal appeals court judges during his two terms. Observers noted that almost all of the appointees were white men. (Seven were African American, fifteen were Latino, and two were Asian American.) Reagan also appointed three Supreme Court justices: Sandra Day O’Connor, who to the dismay of the religious right turned out to be a moderate; Anthony Kennedy, a solidly conservative Catholic who occasionally sided with the court’s liberal wing; and archconservative Antonin Scalia. The New Right’s transformation of the judiciary had limits. In 1987, Reagan nominated Robert Bork to fill a vacancy on the Supreme Court. Bork, a federal judge and former Yale University law professor, was a staunch conservative. He had opposed the 1964 Civil Rights Act, affirmative action, and the Roe v. Wade decision. After acrimonious confirmation hearings, the Senate rejected Bork’s nomination by a vote of 58–42.
VII. African American Life in Reagan’s America
African Americans read Bork’s nomination as another signal of the conservative movement’s hostility to their social, economic, and political aspirations. Indeed, Ronald Reagan’s America presented African Americans with a series of contradictions. Black Americans achieved significant advances in politics, culture, and socioeconomic status. A trend from the late 1960s and 1970s continued and Black politicians gained control of major municipal governments across the country during the 1980s. In 1983, voters in Philadelphia and Chicago elected Wilson Goode and Harold Washington, respectively, as their cities’ first Black mayors. At the national level, civil rights leader Jesse Jackson became the first African American man to run for president when he campaigned for the Democratic Party’s nomination in 1984 and 1988. Propelled by chants of “Run, Jesse, run,” Jackson achieved notable success in 1988, winning nine state primaries and finishing second with 29 percent of the vote.
The excitement created by Jackson’s campaign mirrored the acclaim received by a few prominent African Americans in media and entertainment. Comedian Eddie Murphy rose to stardom on television’s Saturday Night Live and achieved box office success with movies like 48 Hours and Beverly Hills Cop. In 1982, pop singer Michael Jackson released Thriller, the best-selling album of all time. Oprah Winfrey began her phenomenally successful nationally syndicated talk show in 1985. Comedian Bill Cosby’s sitcom about an African American doctor and lawyer raising their four children drew the highest ratings on television for most of the decade. The popularity of The Cosby Show revealed how class informed perceptions of race in the 1980s. Cosby’s fictional TV family represented a growing number of Black middle-class professionals in the United States. Indeed, income for the top fifth of African American households increased faster than that of white households for most of the decade. Middle-class African Americans found new doors open to them in the 1980s, but the poor and working-class faced continued challenges. During Reagan’s last year in office the African American poverty rate stood at 31.6 percent, as opposed to 10.1 percent for whites. Black unemployment remained double that of whites throughout the decade. By 1990, the median income for Black families was $21,423, 42 percent below the median income for white households. The Reagan administration failed to address such disparities and in many ways intensified them.
New Right values threatened the legal principles and federal policies of the Great Society and the “rights revolution.” Reagan’s appointment of conservatives to agencies such as the Justice Department and the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission took aim at key policy achievements of the civil rights movement. When the 1965 Voting Rights Act came up for renewal during Reagan’s first term, the Justice Department pushed the president to oppose any extension. Only the intervention of more moderate congressional Republicans saved the law. The administration also initiated a plan to rescind federal affirmative action rules. In 1986, a broad coalition of groups—including the NAACP, the Urban League, the AFL-CIO, and even the National Association of Manufacturers—compelled the administration to abandon the effort. Despite the conservative tenor of the country, diversity programs were firmly entrenched in the corporate world by the end of the decade.
Americans increasingly embraced racial diversity as a positive value but most often approached the issue through an individualistic—not a systemic—framework. Certain federal policies disproportionately affected racial minorities. Spending cuts enacted by Reagan and congressional Republicans shrank Aid to Families with Dependent Children, Medicaid, food stamps, school lunch programs, and job training programs that provided crucial support to African American households. In 1982, the National Urban League’s annual “State of Black America” report concluded that “never [since the first report in 1976] . . . has the state of Black America been more vulnerable. Never in that time have black economic rights been under such powerful attack.” African American communities, especially in urban areas, also bore the stigma of violence and criminality. Homicide was the leading cause of death for Black males between ages fifteen and twenty-four, occurring at a rate six times that of other groups. Although African Americans were most often the victims of violent crime, sensationalist media reports incited fears about black-on-white crime in big cities. Ironically, such fear could by itself spark violence. In December 1984 a thirty-seven-year-old white engineer, Bernard Goetz, shot and seriously wounded four Black teenagers on a New York City subway car. The so-called Subway Vigilante suspected that the young men—armed with screwdrivers—planned to rob him. Pollsters found that 90 percent of white New Yorkers sympathized with Goetz. Echoing the law-and-order rhetoric (and policies) of the 1960s and 1970s, politicians—both Democratic and Republican—and law enforcement agencies implemented more aggressive policing of minority communities and mandated longer prison sentences for those arrested. The explosive growth of mass incarceration exacted a heavy toll on African American communities long into the twenty-first century.
VIII. Bad Times and Good Times
Working- and middle-class Americans, especially those of color, struggled to maintain economic equilibrium during the Reagan years. The growing national debt generated fresh economic pain. The federal government borrowed money to finance the debt, raising interest rates to heighten the appeal of government bonds. Foreign money poured into the United States, raising the value of the dollar and attracting an influx of goods from overseas. The imbalance between American imports and exports grew from $36 billion in 1980 to $170 billion in 1987. Foreign competition battered the already anemic manufacturing sector. The appeal of government bonds likewise drew investment away from American industry.
Continuing an ongoing trend, many steel and automobile factories in the industrial Northeast and Midwest closed or moved overseas during the 1980s. Bruce Springsteen, the self-appointed bard of blue-collar America, offered eulogies to Rust Belt cities in songs like “Youngstown” and “My Hometown,” in which the narrator laments that his “foreman says these jobs are going, boys / and they ain’t coming back.” Competition from Japanese carmakers spurred a “Buy American” campaign. Meanwhile, a “farm crisis” gripped the rural United States. Expanded world production meant new competition for American farmers, while soaring interest rates caused the already sizable debt held by family farms to mushroom. Farm foreclosures skyrocketed during Reagan’s tenure. In September 1985, prominent musicians including Neil Young and Willie Nelson organized Farm Aid, a benefit concert at the University of Illinois’s football stadium designed to raise money for struggling farmers.
At the other end of the economic spectrum, wealthy Americans thrived under the policies of the New Right. The financial industry found new ways to earn staggering profits during the Reagan years. Wall Street brokers like junk bond king Michael Milken reaped fortunes selling high-risk, high-yield securities. Reckless speculation helped drive the stock market steadily upward until the crash of October 19, 1987. On Black Friday, the market plunged eight hundred points, erasing 13 percent of its value. Investors lost more than $500 billion. An additional financial crisis loomed in the savings and loan (S&L) industry, and Reagan’s deregulatory policies bore significant responsibility. In 1982 Reagan signed a bill increasing the amount of federal insurance available to savings and loan depositors, making those financial institutions more popular with consumers. The bill also allowed S&Ls to engage in high-risk loans and investments for the first time. Many such deals failed catastrophically, while some S&L managers brazenly stole from their institutions. In the late 1980s, S&Ls failed with regularity, and ordinary Americans lost precious savings. The 1982 law left the government responsible for bailing out S&Ls out at an eventual cost of $132 billion.
IX. Culture Wars of the 1980s
Popular culture of the 1980s offered another venue in which conservatives and liberals waged a battle of ideas. The militarism and patriotism of Reagan’s presidency pervaded movies like Top Gun and the Rambo series, starring Sylvester Stallone as a Vietnam War veteran haunted by his country’s failure to pursue victory in Southeast Asia. In contrast, director Oliver Stone offered searing condemnations of the war in Platoon and Born on the Fourth of July. Television shows like Dynasty and Dallas celebrated wealth and glamour, reflecting the pride in conspicuous consumption that emanated from the White House and corporate boardrooms during the decade. At the same time, films like Wall Street and novels like Bret Easton Ellis’s Less Than Zero skewered the excesses of the rich.
The most significant aspect of much popular culture in the 1980s, however, was its lack of politics altogether. Steven Spielberg’s E.T.: The Extra-Terrestrial and his Indiana Jones adventure trilogy topped the box office. Cinematic escapism replaced the social films of the 1970s. Quintessential Hollywood leftist Jane Fonda appeared frequently on television but only to peddle exercise videos. Television viewership—once dominated by the big three networks of NBC, ABC, and CBS—fragmented with the rise of cable channels catering to particularized tastes. Few cable channels so captured the popular imagination as MTV, which debuted in 1981. Telegenic artists like Madonna, Prince, and Michael Jackson skillfully used MTV to boost their reputations and album sales. Conservatives condemned music videos for corrupting young people with vulgar, anti-authoritarian messages, but the medium only grew in stature. Critics of MTV targeted Madonna in particular. Her 1989 video “Like a Prayer” drew protests for what some people viewed as sexually suggestive and blasphemous scenes. The religious right increasingly perceived popular culture as hostile to Christian values.
The Apple II computer, introduced in 1977, was the first successful mass-produced microcomputer meant for home use. Cultural battles were even more heated in the realm of gender and sexual politics. American women pushed further into male-dominated spheres during the 1980s. By 1984, women in the workforce outnumbered those who worked at home. That same year, New York representative Geraldine Ferraro became the first woman to run on a major party’s presidential ticket when Democratic candidate Walter Mondale named her his running mate. Yet the triumph of the right placed fundamental questions about women’s rights near the center of American politics—particularly in regard to abortion. The issue increasingly divided Americans. Pro-life Democrats and pro-choice Republicans grew rare, as the National Abortion Rights Action League enforced pro-choice orthodoxy on the left and the National Right to Life Commission did the same with pro-life orthodoxy on the right. Religious conservatives took advantage of the Republican takeover of the White House and Senate in 1980 to push for new restrictions on abortion—with limited success. Senators Jesse Helms of North Carolina and Orrin Hatch of Utah introduced versions of a Human Life Amendment to the U.S. Constitution that defined life as beginning at conception. Both efforts failed. Reagan, more interested in economic issues than social ones, provided only lukewarm support for the anti-abortion movement. He further outraged anti-abortion activists by appointing Sandra Day O’Connor, a supporter of abortion rights, to the Supreme Court. Despite these setbacks, anti-abortion forces succeeded in defunding some abortion providers. The 1976 Hyde Amendment prohibited the use of federal funds to pay for abortions; by 1990 almost every state had its own version of the Hyde Amendment. Yet some anti-abortion activists demanded more. In 1988 evangelical activist Randall Terry founded Operation Rescue, an organization that targeted abortion clinics and pro-choice politicians with confrontational—and sometimes violent—tactics. Operation Rescue demonstrated that the fight over abortion would grow only more heated in the 1990s.
The emergence of a deadly new illness, acquired immunodeficiency syndrome (AIDS), simultaneously devastated, stigmatized, and energized the nation’s homosexual community. When AIDS appeared in the early 1980s, most of its victims were gay men. For a time the disease was known as GRID—gay-related immune deficiency. The epidemic rekindled older pseudoscientific ideas about the inherently diseased nature of homosexual bodies. The Reagan administration met the issue with indifference, leading liberal congressman Henry Waxman to rage that “if the same disease had appeared among Americans of Norwegian descent . . . rather than among gay males, the response of both the government and the medical community would be different.” Some religious figures seemed to relish the opportunity to condemn homosexual activity; Catholic columnist Patrick Buchanan remarked that “the sexual revolution has begun to devour its children.”
Homosexuals were left to forge their own response to the crisis. Some turned to confrontation—like New York playwright Larry Kramer. Kramer founded the Gay Men’s Health Crisis, which demanded a more proactive response to the epidemic. Others sought to humanize AIDS victims; this was the goal of the AIDS Memorial Quilt, a commemorative project begun in 1985. By the middle of the decade the federal government began to address the issue haltingly. Surgeon General C. Everett Koop, an evangelical Christian, called for more federal funding on AIDS-related research, much to the dismay of critics on the religious right. By 1987 government spending on AIDS-related research reached $500 million—still only 25 percent of what experts advocated. In 1987 Reagan convened a presidential commission on AIDS; the commission’s report called for antidiscrimination laws to protect people with AIDS and for more federal spending on AIDS research. The shift encouraged activists. Nevertheless, on issues of abortion and gay rights—as with the push for racial equality—activists spent the 1980s preserving the status quo rather than building on previous gains. This amounted to a significant victory for the New Right.
X. The New Right Abroad
The conservative movement gained ground on gender and sexual politics, but it captured the entire battlefield on American foreign policy in the 1980s, at least for a time. Ronald Reagan entered office a committed Cold Warrior. He held the Soviet Union in contempt, denouncing it in a 1983 speech as an “evil empire.” And he never doubted that the Soviet Union would end up “on the ash heap of history,” as he said in a 1982 speech to the British Parliament. Indeed, Reagan believed it was the duty of the United States to speed the Soviet Union to its inevitable demise. His Reagan Doctrine declared that the United States would supply aid to anticommunist forces everywhere in the world. To give this doctrine force, Reagan oversaw an enormous expansion in the defense budget. Federal spending on defense rose from $171 billion in 1981 to $229 billion in 1985, the highest level since the Vietnam War. He described this as a policy of “peace through strength,” a phrase that appealed to Americans who, during the 1970s, feared that the United States was losing its status as the world’s most powerful nation. Yet the irony is that Reagan, for all his militarism, helped bring the Cold War to an end through negotiation, a tactic he had once scorned.
Reagan’s election came at a time when many Americans feared their country was in an irreversible decline. American forces withdrew in disarray from South Vietnam in 1975. The United States returned sovereignty over the Panama Canal to Panama in 1978, despite protests from conservatives. Pro-American dictators were toppled in Iran and Nicaragua in 1979. The Soviet Union invaded Afghanistan that same year, leading conservatives to warn about American weakness in the face of Soviet expansion. Reagan spoke to fears of decline and warned, in 1976, that “this nation has become Number Two in a world where it is dangerous—if not fatal—to be second best.
The Reagan administration made Latin America a showcase for its newly assertive policies. Jimmy Carter had sought to promote human rights in the region, but Reagan and his advisors scrapped this approach and instead focused on fighting communism—a term they applied to all Latin American left-wing movements. And so when communists with ties to Cuba overthrew the government of the Caribbean nation of Grenada in October 1983, Reagan dispatched the U.S. Marines to the island. Dubbed Operation Urgent Fury, the Grenada invasion overthrew the leftist government after less than a week of fighting. Despite the relatively minor nature of the mission, its success gave victory-hungry Americans something to cheer about after the military debacles of the previous two decades.
Grenada was the only time Reagan deployed the American military in Latin America, but the United States also influenced the region by supporting right-wing, anticommunist movements there. From 1981 to 1990, the United States gave more than $4 billion to the government of El Salvador in a largely futile effort to defeat the guerrillas of the Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front (FMLN). Salvadoran security forces equipped with American weapons committed numerous atrocities, including the slaughter of almost one thousand civilians at the village of El Mozote in December 1981.
The Reagan administration took a more cautious approach in the Middle East, where its policy was determined by a mix of anticommunism and hostility toward the Islamic government of Iran. When Iraq invaded Iran in 1980, the United States supplied Iraqi dictator Saddam Hussein with military intelligence and business credits—even after it became clear that Iraqi forces were using chemical weapons. Reagan’s greatest setback in the Middle East came in 1982, when, shortly after Israel invaded Lebanon, he dispatched Marines to the Lebanese city of Beirut to serve as a peacekeeping force. On October 23, 1983, a suicide bomber killed 241 Marines stationed in Beirut. Congressional pressure and anger from the American public forced Reagan to recall the Marines from Lebanon in March 1984. Reagan’s decision demonstrated that, for all his talk of restoring American power, he took a pragmatic approach to foreign policy. He was unwilling to risk another Vietnam by committing American troops to Lebanon.
Though Reagan’s policies toward Central America and the Middle East aroused protest, his policy on nuclear weapons generated the most controversy. Initially Reagan followed the examples of presidents Nixon, Ford, and Carter by pursuing arms limitation talks with the Soviet Union. American officials participated in the Intermediate-range Nuclear Force (INF) Talks that began in 1981 and the Strategic Arms Reduction Talks (START) in 1982. But the breakdown of these talks in 1983 led Reagan to proceed with plans to place Pershing II nuclear missiles in Western Europe to counter Soviet SS-20 missiles in Eastern Europe. Reagan went a step further in March 1983, when he announced plans for a Strategic Defense Initiative (SDI), a space-based system that could shoot down incoming Soviet missiles. Critics derided the program as a “Star Wars” fantasy, and even Reagan’s advisors harbored doubts. “We don’t have the technology to do this,” secretary of state George Shultz told aides. These aggressive policies fed a growing nuclear freeze movement throughout the world. In the United States, organizations like the Committee for a Sane Nuclear Policy organized protests that culminated in a June 1982 rally that drew almost a million people to New York City’s Central Park.
Protests in the streets were echoed by resistance in Congress. Congressional Democrats opposed Reagan’s policies on the merits; congressional Republicans, though they supported Reagan’s anticommunism, were wary of the administration’s fondness for circumventing Congress. In 1982, the House voted 411–0 to approve the Boland Amendment, which barred the United States from supplying funds to the contras, a right-wing insurgency fighting the leftist Sandinista government in Nicaragua. Reagan, overlooking the contras’ brutal tactics, hailed them as the “moral equivalent of the Founding Fathers.” The Reagan administration’s determination to flout these amendments led to a scandal that almost destroyed Reagan’s presidency. Robert MacFarlane, the president’s national security advisor, and Oliver North, a member of the National Security Council, raised money to support the contras by selling American missiles to Iran and funneling the money to Nicaragua. When their scheme was revealed in 1986, it was hugely embarrassing for Reagan. The president’s underlings had not only violated the Boland Amendment but had also, by selling arms to Iran, made a mockery of Reagan’s declaration that “America will never make concessions to the terrorists.” But while the Iran-Contra affair generated comparisons to the Watergate scandal, investigators were never able to prove Reagan knew about the operation. Without such a “smoking gun,” talk of impeaching Reagan remained simply talk.
Though the Iran-Contra scandal tarnished the Reagan administration’s image, it did not derail Reagan’s most significant achievement: easing tensions with the Soviet Union. This would have seemed impossible in Reagan’s first term, when the president exchanged harsh words with a rapid succession of Soviet leaders—Leonid Brezhnev, Yuri Andropov, and Konstantin Chernenko. In 1985, however, the aged Chernenko’s death handed leadership of the Soviet Union to Mikhail Gorbachev, who, while a true believer in socialism, nonetheless realized that the Soviet Union desperately needed to reform itself. He instituted a program of perestroika, which referred to the restructuring of the Soviet system, and of glasnost, which meant greater transparency in government. Gorbachev also reached out to Reagan in hopes of negotiating an end to the arms race, which was bankrupting the Soviet Union. Reagan and Gorbachev met in Geneva, Switzerland, in 1985 and Reykjavik, Iceland, in 1986. The summits failed to produce any concrete agreements, but the two leaders developed a relationship unprecedented in the history of U.S.-Soviet relations. This trust made possible the Intermediate Nuclear Forces Treaty of 1987, which committed both sides to a sharp reduction in their nuclear arsenal.
By the late 1980s the Soviet empire was crumbling. Reagan successfully combined anticommunist rhetoric (such as his 1987 speech at the Berlin Wall, where he declared, “General Secretary Gorbachev, if you seek peace . . . tear down this wall!”) with a willingness to negotiate with Soviet leadership. But the most significant causes of collapse lay within the Soviet empire itself. Soviet-allied governments in Eastern Europe tottered under pressure from dissident organizations like Poland’s Solidarity and East Germany’s Neues Forum. Some of these countries, such as Poland, were also pressured from within by the Roman Catholic Church, which had turned toward active anticommunism under Pope John Paul II. When Gorbachev made it clear that he would not send the Soviet military to prop up these regimes, they collapsed one by one in 1989—in Poland, Hungary, Czechoslovakia, Romania, Bulgaria, and East Germany. Within the Soviet Union, Gorbachev’s proposed reforms unraveled the decaying Soviet system rather than bringing stability. By 1991 the Soviet Union itself had vanished, dissolving into a Commonwealth of Independent States.
XI. Conclusion
Reagan left office in 1988 with the Cold War waning and the economy booming. Unemployment had dipped to 5 percent by 1988. Between 1981 and 1986, gas prices fell from $1.38 per gallon to 95¢. The stock market recovered from the crash, and the Dow Jones Industrial Average—which stood at 950 in 1981—reached 2,239 by the end of Reagan’s second term. Yet the economic gains of the decade were unequally distributed. The top fifth of households enjoyed rising incomes while the rest stagnated or declined. In constant dollars, annual chief executive officer (CEO) pay rose from $3 million in 1980 to roughly $12 million during Reagan’s last year in the White House. Between 1985 and 1989 the number of Americans living in poverty remained steady at thirty-three million. Real per capita money income grew at only 2 percent per year, a rate roughly equal to the Carter years. The American economy saw more jobs created than lost during the 1980s, but half of the jobs eliminated were in high-paying industries. Furthermore, half of the new jobs failed to pay wages above the poverty line. The economic divide was most acute for African Americans and Latinos, one third of whom qualified as poor.
The triumph of the right proved incomplete. The number of government employees actually increased under Reagan. With more than 80 percent of the federal budget committed to defense, entitlement programs, and interest on the national debt, the right’s goal of deficit elimination floundered for lack of substantial areas to cut. Between 1980 and 1989 the national debt rose from $914 billion to $2.7 trillion. Despite steep tax cuts for corporations and the wealthy, the overall tax burden of the American public basically remained unchanged. Moreover, so-called regressive taxes on payroll and certain goods actually increased the tax burden on low- and middle-income Americans. Finally, Reagan slowed but failed to vanquish the five-decade legacy of liberal economics. Most New Deal and Great Society programs proved durable. Government still offered its neediest citizens a safety net, if a now continually shrinking one.
Yet the discourse of American politics had irrevocably changed. The preeminence of conservative political ideas grew ever more pronounced, even when Democrats controlled Congress or the White House. In response to the conservative mood of the country, the Democratic Party adapted its own message to accommodate many of the Republicans’ Reagan-era ideas and innovations. The United States was on a rightward path.
XII. Primary Sources
1. First Inaugural Address of Ronald Reagan (1981)
Ronald Reagan, a former actor, corporate spokesperson, and California governor, won the presidency in 1980 with a potent mix of personal charisma and conservative politics. In his first inaugural address, Reagan famously declared that “government is not the solution to our problem; government is the problem.”
2. Jerry Falwell on the “Homosexual Revolution” (1981)
“Letter from Jerry Falwell on his opposition to homosexuality and asking for support in keeping his “Old-Time Gospel Hour” television program on the air. Falwell writes that the Old Time Gospel Hour “is one of the few major ministries in America crying out against militant homosexuals” (p. 1). The letter is printed on what appears to be lined yellow notepad paper.”
3. Statements of AIDS Patients (1983)
HIV/AIDS confronted Americans in the 1980s. The disease was first associated with gay men (it was initially called Gay-Related Immune Disease, or GRID) and AIDS sufferers fought for recognition of the disease’s magnitude, petitioned for research funds, and battled against popular stigma associated with the disease.
4. Statements from The Parents Music Resource Center (1985)
In 1985, the Senate held hearings on explicit music. The Parents Music Resource Center (1985), founded by the wives of prominent politicians in Washington D.C., publicly denounced lyrics, album covers, and music videos dealing with sex, violence, and drug use. The PRMC pressured music publishers and retailers and singled out artists such as Judas Priest, Prince, AC/DC, Madonna, and Black Sabbath, and Cyndi Lauper. The following is extracted from statements by Susan Baker, the wife of then-Treasury Secretary James Baker, and Tipper Gore, wife of Senator and later Vice President Al Gore, in support of warning labels on music packaging.
5. Pat Buchanan on the Culture War (1992)
Pat Buchanan was a conservative journalist who worked in the Nixon and Reagan administrations before running for the Republican presidential nomination in 1992. Although he lost the nomination to George H.W. Bush, he was invited to speak at that year’s Republican National Convention, where he delivered a fiery address criticizing liberals and declaring a “culture war” at the heart of American life.
6. Phyllis Schlafly on Women’s Responsibility for Sexual Harassment (1981)
Conservative activist Phyllis Schlafly fought against feminism and other liberal cultural trends for decades. Perhaps most notably, she led the campaign against the Equal Rights Amendment, turning what had seemed an inevitability into a failed effort. Here, she testified before Congress about what she saw as the largely imagined problem of sexual harassment.
7. Jesse Jackson on the Rainbow Coalition (1984)
After a groundbreaking yet unsuccessful campaign to capture the Democratic Party’s nomination for president, Jesse Jackson delivered the keynote speech at the 1984 Democratic National Convention in San Francisco. He had campaigned on the idea of a “rainbow coalition,” a political movement that drew upon the nation’s racial, religious, and economic diversity. He echoed that theme in his convention speech.
8. Satellites Imagined in Orbit (1981)
While Cold War fears still preyed upon Americans, satellite technology and advancements in telecommunications inspired hopes for an interconnected future. Here, an artist in 1981 depicts various satellites in orbit around the Earth.
9. Ronald Reagan and the American Flag (1982)
President Ronald Reagan, a master of the “photo op,” appears here with a row of American flags at his back at a 1982 rally for Senator David Durenberger in Minneapolis, Minnesota.
XIII. Reference Material
This chapter was edited by Richard Anderson and William J. Schultz, with content contributions by Richard Anderson, Laila Ballout, Marsha Barrett, Seth Bartee, Eladio Bobadilla, Kyle Burke, Andrew Chadwick, Aaron Cowan, Jennifer Donnally, Leif Fredrickson, Kori Graves, Karissa A. Haugeberg, Jonathan Hunt, Stephen Koeth, Colin Reynolds, William J. Schultz, and Daniel Spillman.
Recommended citation: Richard Anderson et al., “The Triumph of the Right,” Richard Anderson and William J. Schultz, eds., in The American Yawp, eds. Joseph Locke and Ben Wright (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2018).
Recommended Reading
Brier, Jennifer. Infectious Ideas: U.S. Political Responses to the AIDS Crisis. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2009.
Carter, Dan T. The Politics of Rage: George Wallace, the Origins of the New Conservatism, and the Transformation of American Politics. Baton Rouge: LSU Press, 1995.
Chappell, Marisa. The War on Welfare: Family, Poverty, and Politics in Modern America. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2009.
Crespino, Joseph. In Search of Another Country: Mississippi and the Conservative Counterrevolution. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2007.
Critchlow, Donald. The Conservative Ascendancy: How the GOP Right Made Political History. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2007.
Dallek, Matthew. The Right Moment: Ronald Reagan’s First Victory and the Decisive Turning Point in American Politics. New York: Free Press, 2000.
Hinton, Elizabeth. From the War on Poverty to the War on Crime. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2016.
Hunter, James D. Culture Wars: The Struggle to Define America. New York: Basic Books, 1992.
Kalman, Laura. Right Star Rising: A New Politics, 1974–1980. New York: Norton, 2010.
Kruse, Kevin M. White Flight: Atlanta and the Making of Modern Conservatism. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2005.
Lassiter, Matthew D. The Silent Majority: Suburban Politics in the Sunbelt South. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2006.
MacLean, Nancy. Freedom Is Not Enough: The Opening of the American Workplace. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2008.
Moreton, Bethany. To Serve God and Walmart: The Making of Christian Free Enterprise. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2009.
Nadasen, Premilla. Welfare Warriors: The Welfare Rights Movement in the United States. New York: Routledge, 2005.
Nickerson, Michelle M. Mothers of Conservatism: Women and the Postwar Right. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2012.
Patterson, James T. Restless Giant: The United States from Watergate to Bush v. Gore. New York: Oxford University Press, 2005.
Phillips-Fein, Kim. Invisible Hands: The Businessmen’s Crusade Against the New Deal. New York: Norton, 2010.
Rodgers, Daniel T. Age of Fracture. Cambridge: Belknap Press, 2011.
Schoenwald, Jonathan. A Time for Choosing: The Rise of Modern American Conservatism. New York: Oxford University Press, 2001.
Self, Robert O. All in the Family: The Realignment of American Democracy Since the 1960s. New York: Hill and Wang, 2012.
Troy, Gil. Morning in America: How Ronald Reagan Invented the 1980s. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2005.
Westad, Odd Arne. The Global Cold War: Third World Interventions and the Making of Our Times. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2005.
Wilentz, Sean. The Age of Reagan: A History, 1974–2008. New York: HarperCollins, 2008.
Williams, Daniel K. God’s Own Party: The Making of the Christian Right. New York: Oxford University Press, 2007.
Zaretsky, Natasha. No Direction Home: The American Family and the Fear of National Decline. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2007.
Notes
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Best known as the first African American Mayor of Philadelphia, Woodrow Wilson Goode was born in 1938 into a family of tenant farmers near the town of Seaboard, North Carolina. Goode moved to Philadelphia with his family in 1954. In 1961, he received a B.A. … Read MoreW. Wilson Goode (1938- )
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Best known as the first African American Mayor of Philadelphia, Woodrow Wilson Goode was born in 1938 into a family of tenant farmers near the town of Seaboard, North Carolina. Goode moved to Philadelphia with his family in 1954.
In 1961, he received a B.A. from Morgan State University in Maryland. He then attended the University of Pennsylvania where he graduated with a Master’s in Public Administration in 1971. After graduation, Goode worked as a probation officer, a supervisor of a building maintenance firm, and an insurance claim adjuster.
Goode’s first foray into politics came when he managed the unsuccessful mayoral campaign of State Representative Hardy Williams in 1971. In 1979 Goode was appointed to head the Pennsylvania Public Utility Commission and later, between 1980 and 1983, he served in Mayor William J. Green’s administration as Managing Director of the City of Philadelphia.
As city manager Wilson Goode held neighborhood meetings to address city problems and brought fiscal efficiency by streamlining functions and operations in City Hall. He promoted his public image by riding garbage trucks to monitor the progress of sanitation workers and actively participated in neighborhood cleanups.
In 1983, when Philadelphia Mayor William Green announced his intention to step down, Goode immediately entered the race. He campaigned on downtown streets, greeting rush hour traffic commuters while gaining the endorsement of 67 of the 69 Democratic ward leaders and the majority of the city’s labor unions. Goode defeated former Philadelphia Mayor Frank Rizzo in the Democratic Primary. He won the general election against Philadelphia Stock Exchange Chairman John Egan, the Republican nominee, with 55% of the vote for Mayor.
Although Goode as mayor continued his efforts to make city government more efficient, his term was marred by the MOVE incident in the Spring of 1985. Philadelphia police attempted to remove a group of black nationalists who called themselves MOVE from a West Philadelphia home after neighbors complained about their erratic behavior. They requested and received permission from Mayor Goode to use an explosive device on the roof of the building. The explosion ignited a fire which killed six adults and five children in the house occupied by MOVE. The fire then spread through the neighborhood destroying sixty two homes. Mayor Goode was blamed for the tragic episode and barely managed to survive reelection in 1987.
Goode left office in 1991 and worked briefly with the U.S. Department of Education in Washington, D.C. before returning to Philadelphia. Goode also became an ordained minister and advocate of faith-based initiatives which worked with senior citizens and former prisoners. He is a member of Sigma Pi Phi fraternity. Wilson Goode, Jr. followed his father into Philadelphia politics and was elected to the Philadelphia City Council in 1999.
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https://www.e-ir.info/2019/03/13/balancing-in-central-europe-great-britain-and-hungary-in-the-1920s/
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Balancing in Central Europe: Great Britain and Hungary in the 1920s
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The most important issue in British-Hungarian relations was the economic and financial stabilisation of Hungary, which reflected British priorities within the region.
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E-International Relations
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https://www.e-ir.info/2019/03/13/balancing-in-central-europe-great-britain-and-hungary-in-the-1920s/
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This is an excerpt from Great Power Policies Towards Central Europe 1914–1945. Get your free copy here.
This chapter complements the much longer studies on British-Hungarian bilateral relations in the 1920s by Miklós Lojkó and Gábor Bátonyi. Since the publication of their monographs, a number of scholarly works have been written on various aspects of the bilateral relations between the two countries as well as on some of the major actors in contemporary political life, such as, for example, Pál Teleki by Balázs Ablonczy; while Sir Bryan Cartledge’s book about the British perception of the Trianon Peace Treaty of 1920 provides invaluable insights into the thinking of British politicians with reference to Central Europe.[1] Though new archival materials and secondary sources do not warrant a new interpretation of bilateral relations between Great Britain and Hungary in the post-WWI years, they do offer interesting new additions to the diplomatic and political history of the years in which Hungary was looking for a new role in international life, while Great Britain had to re-evaluate its prewar policies based on the Rankean ‘pentarchy,’ that is, the balance of power in Europe between five Great Powers (Austria-Hungary, France, Great Britain, Germany and Russia). This period also signaled the beginning of British ‘retreat’ from the affairs of Central Europe, with repercussions that turned out to be extremely tragic for the region and Europe in general.
It is stating the obvious that British foreign policy on the continent was driven to a large degree by balance of power considerations in the 19th century as well as in the early-20th century. Austria-Hungary played a pivotal role in these calculations in London. While the British government deemed the survival of Austria as a Great Power of primary national interest during the 1848–49 Hungarian revolution and war of independence, the Dual Monarchy’s alliance with the unified and rising Germany in the last decades of the 19th century changed the British outlook on, and the image of, the Monarchy. It was especially Hungary that started to be viewed increasingly critically, then with outright hostility, by the British government and press alike at around the turn of the century. The various British observers who influenced official circles and the public at large in Great Britain, foremost among them Robert William Seton-Watson, or the Vienna correspondent of The Times, Wickham Steed, attacked Hungarian social and political conditions from a liberal point of view.[2] The outbreak of the ‘Great War’ only, naturally, intensified agitation against Austria-Hungary in Britain, and this time the call for the federalization of the Monarchy and the emancipation of the Slavic peoples living within its borders became stronger by the day as the war dragged on. A key outlet for these ideas became The New Europe, a journal established in 1916 with contributors such as Seton-Watson, Wickham Steed, the Leeper brothers (Reginald and Allen), and – among others – Tomáš G. Masaryk, who was later elected the first President of Czechoslovakia in 1918. The periodical ceased to exist in 1920 as it had fulfilled its mission.[3]
For the better part of the war, as Bryan Cartlidge argues ‘nobody in London desired the destruction of Austria-Hungary,’ and ‘the British War Cabinet approved the prime minister’s view that after the war Austria-Hungary should be in a position to exercise a powerful influence in South-East Europe.’[4] The position of Prime Minister David Lloyd George (1916–22), however, changed in 1918, almost in parallel with that of Woodrow Wilson’s, with regard to the Dual Monarchy: now he wished to apply the principle of national self-determination (or ‘national aspirations’) to such a degree as it was practicable. The shift towards the breakup of Austria-Hungary became more pronounced after Charles Habsburg’s failure to secure a separate peace in the spring of 1918. This new thinking was more in harmony with the ideas which had gained ground in the Foreign Office due to, among others, Seton-Watson, Wickham Steed and Allen Leeper, who were to advise the British delegation at the Paris Peace Conference after the conclusion of hostilities in November 1918. They, together with Harold Nicolson, served as experts on Central Europe, and were sitting on the subcommittees deciding the postwar borders in the region. Nicolson also entertained a very bad opinion of the Hungarians,[5] but he confessed that they were treated unfairly after the war because the parallel sessions of the subcommittees drawing the new borders did not coordinate with each other.[6] Though Prime Minister Lloyd George realised the dangers of the harsh peace terms imposed on Germany, and especially on Hungary, the French and the British Foreign Office were against the re-opening of the questions: both State Secretary Arthur Balfour (1916–19) and his successor Lord Curzon (1919–24) argued that the settlements based on the experts’s opinions should stand. Harold Nicolson even credited the British delegation with preventing the Hungarians from being invited to discuss the terms, and cynically added that ‘it does not matter much.’[7]
The Paris Peace Conference brought some underlying tensions between Great Britain and France to the surface. Although, on the whole, they agreed that the ‘perpetrators’ of the war should be punished and, more specifically, Germany’s military and industrial capabilities should be crippled to an extent that it should never again try to upset the balance of power in Europe, the French were more vindictive in their demands than the British for geopolitical and historical reasons. Their idea of creating a buffer zone with client states along the eastern borders of Germany (and the western borders of Soviet Russia) meant, by default, that they favoured the successor states in Central Europe to a larger degree than even the British did. The French idea of ‘squaring the circle,’ that is, to incorporate Hungary into the French zone of influence together with Romania, Czechoslovakia and the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (later Yugoslavia) was short lived under Prime Minister Alexandre Millerand (1920) and General Secretary of the Foreign Ministry Maurice Paléologue in the first half of 1920. The so-called Millerand-letter (‘lettre d’envoi’) of 6 March 1920, in which the French Prime Minister held out hope to Hungary that her borders might be re-negotiated by the League of Nations, aroused the suspicion and, consequently, the opposition of the British. The French business interests, primarily that of the Scheider–Creuzot complex that sought to acquire assets (such as the Hungarian national railway) in Hungary, provoked the same reaction. London did not want to see unrivalled French economic and political influence in Central and South-East Europe; Paris entertained the thought of creating ‘a confederacy of Danubian states with Hungary as the axis of a pro-French Central Europe.’[8] As for Hungary, the country was in dire need of any help after losing about two-thirds of its former territory and a similar proportion of its population as a result of the Treaty of Trianon (signed on 4 June 1920). Besides the territorial and population loss, the areas lost to the so-called successor states included some of the richest in minerals, and industrial and communication infrastructures were seriously disrupted too. Therefore, the Hungarian Minister in Vienna, Dr. Gusztáv Gratz (1919–21) pointed out to the British High Commissioner Francis Oswald Lindley (1919–20) with all justification in early July 1920 that ‘in view of our situation [he cannot be surprised] if we feel compelled to accept a friendly offer of France. … [W]e feel that Great Britain has no sufficient interests in Hungary to support us … [O]ur experts who visited London came back with the impression that the only British interest is in the Danube river …’[9]
The truth is that Great Britain did have economic and political interests in Central and South-East Europe. In fact, London played the leading role among the Great Powers (France, Great Britain, Italy and the United States) which were constituting the Allied Military Commission after the suppression of the Communist dictatorship in Hungary in August 1919. The British had a clear objective of pushing for the establishment of a stable government, and putting Admiral Miklós Horthy at the head of the country. The British interest was primarily of an economic nature. The short-lived Communist dictatorship in Budapest from 21 March to 1 August 1919 displayed the pivotal role of Hungary in economic and trade relations in Central Europe. Strategic interests dictated that the region be stabilised and consolidated. A relatively prosperous chain of countries in Central Europe had the potential to resist a renewed German economic and political expansion into the region (on paper), as well as to provide a cordon sanitaire along the western borders of Soviet Russia, and to prevent Bolshevism from spreading into Western Europe. Regarding economic opportunities, the countries in the region offered exceptionally lucrative opportunities for foreign investments as each one of them was short of capital to build or rebuilt their economies. More specifically, the emerging British interest towards the Danube, which practically had been under the control of the British under Admiral Sir Ernest T. Troubridge, could also be attributed to their endeavour to gain a secure trading route for shipping oil from the Romanian oil fields. The British suspected that the French would like to gain control over the Danube from the Black Sea as far as the German section of the river, and then to connect it with the Rhine. Budapest and Vienna would have had to play the role of processing the raw materials imported from the East. This clash of interests ultimately resulted in a French withdrawal from the dispute over the control of shipping on the Danube.
The French decision should be put into a broader context: Paris did not wish to confront the British over this relatively marginal question because of certain security considerations. The French hope that the United States – either on a bilateral or a multilateral framework – would provide security guarantees against a potentially resurgent Germany, had been dashed with the defeat of Woodrow Wilson’s liberal internationalist vision by the US Congress and the public. Neither of them was ready at this point to assume a global role in security issues, so the Western European members of the former Entente were left to their own devices. The only meaningful supporter of French security concerns regarding Germany was Great Britain. Therefore, the French government concluded that the Danube and, for that matter, Hungary, was not worth risking British ‘goodwill,’ and decided to abandon plans of promoting economic interests in face of British opposition there. Moreover, the driving force, urging a more active French policy towards Hungary at the Quai d’Orsay, Maurice Paléologue, resigned late September 1920 and was succeeded by Philippe Barthelot (1920–33), who was not very well disposed towards Hungary.
The British, on the other hand, were instrumental in shaping political life and consolidating political power in Hungary. Sir George Clerk, a British diplomat who was sent to Budapest by the Peace Conference in October 1919 to oversee the creation of a new government, supported those political forces, namely the aristocrats and the groups around Admiral Miklós Horthy, who had been shunned earlier by, among others, the French. He and London favoured Admiral Horthy as the future head of Hungary because he was regarded to be a ‘safe pair of hands’ who would be able to bring the rather turbulent conditions in the country under control. Sir George also insisted that formal recognition of the new government be extended only if it would respect democratic civil rights.[10] He also put forward a plan for the treatment of Hungary (and Austria) in the future: he recommended lifting reparations payments so that the two countries’ economies could be put on a firm footing, and he suggested that a Central High Commission be set up to arbitrate questions related to ‘interethnic conflicts and revisionist claims.’[11]
Besides the formation of the government, there was one more domestic political question the following year (1920), in which London exerted relatively strong pressure on Budapest: the Peace Treaty of Trianon between Hungary and the Allied Powers. There was widespread, one may even say, universal opposition in Hungary to the treaty imposed on the country, but any prospect of ‘peaceful coexistence’ with the neighbours (which was Hungary’s vested interest given the latter’s military superiority) depended on the acceptance of the treaty as it was. The Allied High Commission, in which the British were playing a leading role, handed a strongly worded joint démarche to the Hungarian government urging Budapest to reconcile itself with the treaty containing extremely harsh conditions, which it did on 13 November 1920. London took a very firm position on the question of a potential return of King Charles IV or, for that matter, any Habsburg ruler to the throne of Hungary. The question first came to a head in November 1920 when Archduke Joseph Habsburg suggested that power be handed to him because the government was not stable enough. The Deputy of the British High Commissioner in Budapest, Wilfried Athelston-Johnson, informed the Habsburg Archduke that ‘His Majesty’s government cannot even consider the possibility of his candidacy.’[12] When Archduke Joseph protested that King Constantine I of Greece (1913–17, 20–22) had been allowed to return to power, High Commissioner Thomas Hohler (1920–21) called his attention to the fact that Greece was not surrounded by the countries of the so-called Little Entente (Czechoslovakia, the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, and Romania). Moreover, the British diplomat was worried that the return of a Habsburg ruler might provoke a civil war in Hungary as well. Then, in March 1921, Charles IV himself tried to reclaim his throne. The last Emperor of Austria and King of Hungary got in contact, through Prince Sixtus of Parma, who had already tried to mediate between the Austrians and the French in 1918, with Prime Minister Aristide Briand (though the French politician later denied the contact).[13] The topic was the return of Charles IV to Hungary where he enjoyed fairly substantial support among the so-called loyalists. The British got wind of the impending attempt of the restoration of Habsburg-rule in Hungary. They were also more than sceptical that Charles IV really thought that he had any chance of getting his throne back, while, on the other one, they warned the Hungarians against entertaining any such idea.[14] The early British warning was motivated largely by the concern that the neighbouring states might take (military) action against Hungary. Despite the advice to the contrary, Charles IV decided to return and arrived in Western Hungary on 27 March 1921. He got into negotiations with Governor Horthy, who managed to persuade him to leave and thus to prevent a potential political turmoil in the country. Charles IV finally left for Switzerland on 5 April.
However, the king did not give up hope to return, and Charles IV made another attempt in October that same year. This time the British intervention in Hungary proved to be stronger than it was six months before. Britain, France and Italy repeated what they declared in their joint note of 3 April 1920: they unequivocally stated their determined opposition to any restoration of a Habsburg-rule in Hungary. High Commissioner Hohler even threatened Prime Minister István Bethlen (1921–31) with refraining from putting pressure on the capitals of the Little Entente countries so that they would practice restraint.[15] In fact, as Hungarian Foreign Minister Miklós Bánffy (1921–22) reported to the Cabinet, the representatives of Czechoslovakia, Romania and the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes visited him after the British-French-Italian démarche had been delivered. These diplomats told Bánffy in no uncertain terms that their countries would take all measures necessary to maintain peace in Central Europe in case the Hungarian government was not able to do what was required of it. To exert even more pressure, High Commissioner Hohler, in the company of his colleagues, paid a visit to Governor Horthy, and they reiterated the warning which they had given to Foreign Minister Bánffy earlier. In reality, Great Britain also put pressure on the Czechs and the Yugoslavs to stop their war preparations. Otherwise, the British warned them, London would break off diplomatic relations with both of them. Hohler then held a conference with Prime Minister Bethlen and Foreign Minister Bánffy on 5 November, where the British High Commissioner emphasized that the main reason why the Great Powers were opposed to the return of Charles IV was that they feared that it would lead to a war in the region which they would like to avoid at any cost.[16]
The Great Powers at this point found it important to request from the Hungarian government that the House of Habsburg be dethroned – in order to prevent the recurrent attempts by the members of the royal family to regain their rule in Hungary; these attempts clearly undermined the political stability of Hungary and the region alike. Steps were also taken to defuse the current crisis. Meanwhile, a Cabinet meeting was held in London on 26 October in which Foreign Secretary Lord Curzon gave an account of the events in Hungary, and the members present agreed that Charles IV should be removed from Hungary as he was ‘in the centre of plots.’ Several ideas were floated as to the potential venues of his exile, including Italy (discarded because of the vicinity of the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes), Malta (ruled out because the Prince of Wales was just visiting the island), and finally they decided that they would ask Spain to provide a place of retirement for the former Habsburg ruler on an island belonging to Madrid. After all, Charles IV left Hungary for good on 31 October, and was carried to the island of Madeira on board the HMS Cardiff; he died shortly thereafter on 1 April 1922 in the Spanish flu epidemic that claimed the lives of millions of people after the Great War.
While the Bethlen-government and Governor Horthy were able to count on British support in their efforts to stave off the attempts by the Charles IV to regain his throne (technically speaking he had only relinquished, in a declaration issued at Eckartsau on 13 November 1919, ‘every participation in the administration of the State’ so long as the ‘vis maior’ blocking his rule existed), London proved to be insensitive to Hungarian demands for self-determination with regard to Western Hungary/Burgenland. At the same time, the British Foreign Office informed Budapest that it would not block a referendum which was to decide the future territorial affiliation of the disputed land. Former Prime Minister, Pál Teleki visited the French and British capitals in spring and summer 1921 to gain support for the Hungarian position. Teleki was fairly persuasive in private talks with, among others, former Prime Minister Henry Asquith, Lord Beaverbrook, and a few members of the House of Lords. Nevertheless, he ran into troubles in the Foreign Office. He made some critical remarks about the indifference, even ignorance, of the complicated ethnic issues in Central Europe, as well as the provisions regarding the minorities in the peace treaties, which did not go particularly well with, among others, Alexander Cadogan. In fact, Cadogan believed that Hungary could not postpone the transfer of Western Hungary to Austria any more.[17] He also regretted that the dispute prevented better relations between Austria and Hungary. The question was finally settled on 13 October 1921 after intensive talks in Venice; a referendum was held in and around Sopron (Ödenburg). A decisive majority then decided in favour of Hungary on 14–16 December 1921.
The single most important issue in British-Hungarian relations was the economic and financial stabilisation of Hungary. They reflected British priorities in the region: stable economies with substantial British economic and financial presence and, through it, influence over local governments. The broader objective can be said to have been – with a modern expression – a ‘double containment’ of the potential German and French interests in Central and South-East Europe. London did not wish to be politically or strategically tied down in these ‘faraway lands’ (borrowing Neville Chamberlain’s memorable comment on Czechoslovakia during the Sudeten crisis in the late 1930s). Great Britain’s policies towards these countries were motivated by another factor: British debts to the United States. As a number of countries were required to pay reparations after the war, foremost among them Germany, but also Hungary, it was in the interest of London to enable these countries to make payments so that Britain would also be able to make good on its financial obligations to the US. In general, one may conclude that similar ideas motivated the US when it tried to create a situation in the defeated countries, especially in Germany through the Dawes Plan, the Young Plan and, finally, the Hoover Moratorium in which they were able to fulfil their reparations obligations. As we will see later, it was predominantly British and American banking institutions that underwrote the League of Nations loans in the 1920s.
The competition for Hungarian business and financial assets between Great Britain and France started right after the conclusion of the war. The French wished to acquire the Hungarian state railways (MÁV) together with the Hitelbank (Credit Bank), which controlled about 230 companies in the country. The Governor of the Hitelbank, Adolf Ullmann (1895–1925), favoured the British, while Great Britain protested in a diplomatic note dated 4 June 1920 against the acquisition of the MÁV by the Schneider-Creuzot complex. The high hopes created in Hungary by the Millerand ‘letter d’envoi’ had a financial connotation as well: Finance Minister Loránd Hegedűs (1920–21) wished to base the new Hungarian currency on the French franc. It is perhaps unnecessary to remark here that the idea was torpedoed by London. Meanwhile, British banking interests had gained a foothold in Hungary by establishing the Angol-Magyar Bank (English-Hungarian Bank) in late spring 1920. The predecessor of the Angol-Magyar Bank, the Magyar Bank (Hungarian Bank) and the Kereskedelmi Rt. (Commercial Joint Stock Company) had been called into being in 1896 in order to guarantee commercial links between Hungary and the Balkans. It had established affiliates in Romania, Greece, Bulgaria and Turkey; thus, it fitted perfectly into the British strategy in the region. The Angol-Magyar Bank had two British partners: the Imperial and Foreign Corporation and the Marconi Group, which acquired 250,000 shares. The transaction was facilitated by Alfred Stead, who was an expert on the Danube-shipping issues. (At the same time, a British group acquired a share in the Austrian Donau-Dampschiffgesellschaft and the Süddeutsche Dampschiffgesellshaft. The underlying objective was clear: to control the shipping routes from the Balkans and the Romanian oil fields.) The Governor of the Angol-Magyar Bank, Simon Krausz, attempted to arrange a loan of 10 million pounds, but the British rejected the request with the explanation that they would not extend any loan to Hungary until the Treaty of Trianon was signed and ratified by the appropriate Hungarian authorities. Budapest made another attempt at getting a British loan in 1921 through another banker, Gyula Walder. However, the British were still reluctant to comply with the request referring to the uncertain political situation created by the repeated attempts of Charles IV to return to Hungary. The third Hungarian request came from Hungarian banks which wanted to stabilise the Hungarian currency (korona) with a two or three million pound sterling loan. This time the request was turned down because of the obscure situation regarding reparations payments.[18]
The situation changed in 1922: the two sides started to move closer to each other. The Hungarian chargé in Paris reported that he had met the British Under-Secretary for Foreign Affairs Sir Eyre Crowe (1920–25) in London, and that he enquired whether Hungarian companies or the government would not like to get a loan from Great Britain. Eyre’s offer was not, of course, without self-interest: British banks and industrial units were seeking investment opportunities, and the loan thus received was to be spent in Britain.[19] On the other hand, the Hungarian Finance Minister Tibor Kállay (1921–24) made an exploratory tour in Paris, London and Rome concerning a bigger loan. The Hungarian government hired Sir William Goode[20] in January 1923 to facilitate business and financial contacts in London. The breakthrough came with Tibor Kállay and Prime Minister István Bethlen’s visit to London on 7–10 May 1923. They met the most important British politicians from Prime Minister Bonar Law (1922–23) to Foreign Secretary Lord Curzon, as well as the Governor of the Bank of England Montagu Norman (1920–44), who was to play a crucial role in the League of Nations loan, which ultimately set Hungarian finances on a firm footing. The two Hungarian politicians also had talks with other prominent members of the financial world, including Anthony de Rothschild and Lionel de Rothschild. The shifting British position was indicated by the fact that the government disregarded the protests by R. W. Seton-Watson and the former Hungarian President, Mihály Károlyi, who lived in Britain at that time in exile, against the visit of Kállay and Bethlen. Moreover, it seems likely that Montagu Norman’s suggestion of depoliticisation of the financial reconstruction of Europe prevailed over the ideologically more committed voices in Britain (the Foreign Office and Sir Otto E. Niemeyer at the Treasury) – and over the French approach as well. Again, self-interest did play a role in Norman’s strategy: the regeneration of European trade would be bound to strengthen the sterling too. However, his vision of ‘an economic federation’ of countries along the Danube without customs barriers did not materialise because of political and ethnic tensions in Central Europe.[21]
The British advised the Hungarians that they should approach the League of Nations – with British support. (It happened on 4 May 1923.) The financial talks did not go smoothly. First, London had to convince the French, the Italians and the members of the Little Entente that an external load extended to Hungary was vital for the political stability of Central Europe. The countries mentioned worried first and foremost that Hungary would give preference to the repayment of the future loan to the reparations payments. When Prime Minister Bethlen threatened resignation because the talks seemed to be stalling, the British cautioned the opponents against obstruction. Thus, they let the Czechs know that they would receive the second tranche of the loan issued to them by the Baring banking house only if they accepted the British plan for the reconstruction of Hungary and cooperated with the efforts to put Hungary on a firm economic footing. The pressure resulted in a softening of the positions of the Little Entente: they were willing to disconnect the reparations payments from the loan at the conference held in Sinaia, Romania on 28–30 July 1923.
The ‘magic formula’ was finally worked out by Sir Arthur Salter, the Head of the League of Nations Financial Committee with Montagu Norman. The reparations payments were disconnected from the loans of some 10 to 12 million pounds. Moreover, a political protocol was attached to the financial provisions which stated that ‘largely due to British influence, it did not rule out Hungary’s moral right to seek territorial revision by peaceful means.’[22] Then in December 1923, Hungary pledged to pay 200 million golden crown (korona) within 20 years as reparations. However, the realisation of the League of Nations reconstruction loan ran into difficulties. As the reparations continued, which Montagu Norman opposed, the Bank of England declared that it could not support the deal under the existing conditions. After all, the Rothschild banking house in London subscribed four million pounds sterling, another four million was subscribed by Speyer & Co. of New York, while the rest (two million) was subscribed by Swedish, Swiss and Czech banks.[23]
A Boston financier, Jeremiah Smith, was picked by the British and the Americans to administer and control the spending of the loan and to oversee the policies aimed at enhancing the state revenues. The National Bank of Hungary began its operation on 24 June 1924; out of the seven major shareholders, two – the Anglo-Austrian Bank and the Midland Bank – were British, while the largest shareholder was the National City Bank of New York. In fact, the League of Nations was perhaps more important from the political point of view than from an economic one; only about 25% of the loan was spent ‘on meeting arrears or current account deficits of the budget.’[24] Its real benefit for Hungary was the improvement of Hungary’s international image after the war, the Communist dictatorship, and the backlash following the ‘red terror.’ One of the culminating points of the loan program was the introduction of a new currency, the pengő, on 1 January 1927.
Great Britain and Hungary began drifting away from each other in the latter half of the 1920s. Despite Montagu Norman’s hopes, Hungary decoupled the pengő from the pound-based system. More importantly, though, Budapest was not willing to commit itself to an ‘eastern Locarno.’ Foreign Secretary Austen Chamberlain (1924–29) tried to persuade Prime Minister István Bethlen to conclude agreements with Hungary’s neighbours similar to the Locarno Treaty, which had been signed by the Germans and the French, and the Germans and the Belgians. These two treaties guaranteed the borders between Germany and its two western neighbours. The Hungarian Premier promised to initiate negotiations with Hungary’s neighbors, and talks were indeed held between Hungary and Yugoslavia to discuss an agreement which would guarantee the borders between them. Meanwhile, however, Hungarian-Italian relations gained importance: for Hungary, the revisionist Italy seemed to offer better and real opportunities to achieve the redress of, at least, some of the injustices of the Treaty of Trianon. It is true that the ‘eternal friendship’ treaty signed by Prime Minister Bethlen and Benito Mussolini in Rome on 5 April 1927 did not contain too many specifics, but it signalled a definite turning point in the foreign policy orientation of Hungary towards the countries which – in the long run – wanted to change the status quo in Europe.
At this moment Great Britain got involved in a somewhat bizarre incident with Hungary. Harold Rothermere, the owner of the Daily Mail published an article in his newspaper on 21 June 1927 under the title ‘Hungary’s Place in the Sun.’ He argued that the dissolution of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy had been a mistake, and that the new – in part artificial – borders which did not take ethnic boundaries and the right of national determination into account, endangered peace in Europe. He concluded that the revision of the borders would be beneficial not only for Hungary, but also for the so-called successor states in Central Europe because a source of serious friction would be removed. He suggested that economic and financial pressure should be exerted by Britain and the US on the Little Entente countries to accept the redrawing of the borders. As Harold Rothermere enjoyed quite good and intimate relations with a number of people in the British government and the Parliament, some suspected that the British government was behind him, and the article was a sort of trial balloon to gauge reactions to the suggestion. The impression was reinforced by the fact that the Foreign Office did not comment in writing for some time. A war of words erupted between Harold Rothermere and especially the Czechs over the treatment of the Hungarian minority in Czechoslovakia. Prague, and the other capitals in the Little Entente countries suspected that Budapest was behind the British press magnate’s actions, and accused the Bethlen government of trying to achieve the revision of the Treaty of Trianon ‘through the back door.’ They were also suspicious of British motives: London repeatedly sided with Hungary in its various disputes with neighbouring countries. There was the case of the Hungarian landholders of Transylvanian origins over properties that had been confiscated without compensation by the Romanian government after 1919 if the landholders had opted for Hungarian citizenship, and the scandal over a transport of weapons spare parts of World War vintage (the shipment, which was sent from Italy to Hungary, was discovered by Austrian customs officers at the Hungarian border town of Szentgotthárd in January 1928 – Hungary’s neighbours lodged strongly worded protests and accused Budapest of preparing for a war against them to regain her lost territories). In the case of the former, the British, in principle, recognised that the Hungarians had a strong case against the Romanian authorities’ practices, while in the latter, London was instrumental in referring the case to a League of Nations commission, effectively burying the question in the ensuing investigation (which was carried out only by experts who were conducting a rather perfunctory investigation).
However, the Rothermere case was getting evermore awkward for Great Britain, and there was a danger that the somewhat farcical events would have serious consequences. One of them was the threat by the members of the Little Entente to introduce a boycott of trade relations with Britain. London had predominantly economic interests in Central Europe, and its political interests dictated the existence of stable governments in the region which, moreover, would not cause any disturbances that might involve Britain or, for that matter, the Great Powers. The Legation of Hungary was informed in London on Foreign Secretary Austen Chamberlain’s direct order that Budapest could not count on the goodwill of the British if it tried ‘to fish in troubled waters.’[25]
The events were getting a new twist at this point. The Daily Mail published a letter by Gordon Ross, a former member of the Hungarian-Czechoslovak Border Committee on 20 July 1927, in which the British delegate referred to A. Millerand’s ‘letter d’envoi.’ The authenticity of the letter was challenged by the former Secretary General of the French Foreign Ministry, Maurice Paléologue; his position was shared by a number of Hungarian politicians, including Count Albert Apponyi, as well as the British government. Despite the refutations, the question of the postwar borders of Hungary got into the limelight again; David Lloyd George, who had already expressed his reservations about the justness and the wisdom of the Treaty of Trianon, joined forces with the pro-Hungary ‘lobby’ in Britain (a few members of the House of Lords and one or two Members of Parliament). They claimed that the borders were not final and adjustments might be imagined to redress some justifiable grievances. The British government swung into action to prevent further escalation. Prime Minister Ramsay MacDonald (1929–35), in an interview given to the Czech newspaper, stated unambiguously that his country ‘was not interested in Rothermere’s campaign at all,’ and that Rothermere should not be taken seriously. The same message was delivered to the Hungarian government through the British Envoy in Budapest. On the other hand, influential politicians in Hungary believed mistakenly that Lord Rothermere was ‘a decisive factor’ in British political life. They even believed that he would support David Lloyd George at the next general election, which would be won by the former Liberal Party prime minister.[26] The issue was gradually fading away, though as a tragicomic episode, some people in Hungary raised the possibility of crowning Lord Rothermere or his son, Esmond Harmsworth. The Rothermere issue ultimately did not improve Hungary’s standing in the eyes of serious political elements in Britain, and it stoked the suspicion in London that even the otherwise prudent Bethlen government was prone to yield to the widespread revisionist spirit in Hungary at the expense of a more realistic foreign policy.
Notes
[1] Miklós Lojkó. Meddling in Middle Europe. Britain and the ‘Lands Between’ 1919–1925. Budapest: CEU Press, 2006; Gábor Bátonyi. Britain and Central Europe 1918–1933. Oxford: Clarendon, 1999; Balázs Ablonczy. Pal Teleki (1879–1941). The life of a controversial Hungarian statesman. New York: Columbia University Press, 2006; Sir Bryan Cartledge. The Peace Conference of 1919–1923 and Their Aftermath¸ 2009.
[2] Géza Jeszenszky, Az elveszett presztízs. Magyarország megítélésének megváltozása Nagy-Britanniában (1894-1918). Budapest: Magyar Szemle Könyvek, 1994.
[3] On the history of The New Europe see Harry Hanak, ‘The New Europe, 1916–1920′, The Slavonic and East European Review 39 (93) 1961: 369–399.
[4] Bryan Cartledge, The Will to Survive. London: Hurst & Co., 2011, 320.
[5] ‘My feelings towards Hungary were less detached. I confess that I regarded, and still regard, that Turanian tribe with acute distaste. Like their cousins the Turks, they had destroyed much and created nothing. … For centuries the Magyars had oppressed their subject nationalities …’ Harold Nicolson, Peacemaking 1919. London: Constable & Co., 1945, 27.
[6] Nicolson, Peacemaking 1919. 104.
[7] Cartledge, The Will to Survive, 328. It was only David Lloyd George who asked for further details concerning the ethnic Hungarians who got into the ‘successor states’ after the head of the Hungarian delegation in Paris, Count Albert Apponyi’s speech to the Peace Conference on 16 January 1920. For the details of the British approach to the question of Hungary’s new borders see, among others, Maria Ormos, Padovától Trianonig, 1918–1920. Budapest: Kossuth, 1983, 376–82.
[8] Lojkó, Meddling in Middle Europe, 25.
[9] Françis Deák and Dezső Újváry (eds.), Papers and Documents Relating to Foreign Relations of Hungary. Volume 1, Budapest: Royal Hungarian Ministry for Foreign Affairs, 1939, 437–39.
[10] The British government did not really engage in a thorough investigation into the situation in this respect; it accepted, one suspects, out of Realpolitik considerations, the assurances by Sir Thomas B. Hohler, the High Commissioner of the British mission in Budapest in that there was no terror any longer.
[11] Lojkó, Meddling in Middle Europe, 22.
[12] Elek Karsai (ed.), Számjeltávirat valamennyi magyar királyi követségnek. Budapest: Táncsics, 1969, 140.
[13] According to Colonel Edward Lisle Strutt, who was regarded a confidant of Charles IV, Aristide Briand stated that if the Emperor returned to Hungary and declared himself King of Hungary, and it would seem to be a fait accompli, neither France nor Great Britian would oppose it in any way. Karsai, Számjeltávirat valamennyi magyar királyi követségnek, 168.
[14] Hungarian Envoy in Vienna, Szilárd Masirevich reported that Colonel Strutt of the British Legation strongly reccommended in mid-March 1921 that the Hungarian government not get involved in any scheme of this nature. Miklós Horthy, Emlékirataim. Budapest: Európa, 1992, 151.
[15] Horthy, Emlékirataim, 155.
[16] Karsai, Számjeltávirat valamennyi magyar királyi követségnek, 247.
[17] Ablonczy, Teleki Pál, 211–12. Count Teleki was later appointed a member of the so-called Mosul-commission. Great Britain wanted to keep the vilayet inside Iraq, while Teleki came to the conclusion that it was only the religious affiliations that should decide the fate of any territory in the Middle East. London, understably, became quite dissatisfied and disappointed with his activities, though Teleki later asked the Hungarian Envoy to London, Iván Rubido-Zichy to inform the Foreign Office that he would be willing to take the British interests into account as much as possible.
[18] Tamás Magyarics, ‘Nagy-Britannia Közép-Európa politikája 1918-tól napjainkig’, Part I, Pro Minoritate (Summer 2002), 16–7.
[19] Karsai, Számjeltávirat valamennyi magyar királyi követségnek, 271.
[20] Sir William Goode was the Head of the Austrian Reparations Committee; after being hired by the Hungarian government, he was serving for 20 years as Hungary’s financial advisor in London.
[21] Lojkó, Meddling in Middle Europe, 64–5.
[22] Lojkó, Meddling in Middle Europe, 99.
[23] Gyula Barcza, Diplomataemlékeim 1911–1945. Volume 1. Budapest: Európa, 1994, 188.
[24] Lojkó, Meddling in Middle Europe, 130.
[25] Magda Ádám, A Kisantant és Európa. Budapest: Akadémiai, 1989, 248.
[26] Gyula Gömbös’s letter to Count István Bethlen, March 1929. Bethlen István, Titkos iratai. Budapest: Kossuth, 1972, 338–39.
Further Reading on E-International Relations
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The Genius of Paul Robeson
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One of the most famous artists of his time, Paul Robeson was an American bass-baritone singer active from the 1920s through to the 1950s. He lived an extraordinary life, from his incredible musical talent, political accomplishments, linguistic mastery and his performances on stage and screen, not to mention a fleeting yet legendary career as an American football player. Abbey Road’s Cameron Colbeck returns with his ‘Genius of’ series, examining the true greatness of Paul Robeson.
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Paris Peace Conf. 182/70
PART I. Composition of the Conference
N. B. To facilitate use, the members of the delegations of the powers have been divided into four categories, according to the functions which they perform at the Conference:
(1)
Plenipotentiary delegates;
(2)
Delegates and technical advisers;
(3)
Technical experts;
(4)
The secretariat general.
Accordingly where one category of delegates is not represented in a particular delegation the following category will be numbered according to the division above.
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA*
Hotel de Crillon
(Tel. Ely sees: 03–72)
I. Plenipotentiary Delegates (5 Places)
The President of the United States;
Hon. Robert Lansing, Secretary of State;
Hon. Henry White, former Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the United States at Paris and at Rome;
Hon. Edward M. House;
General Tasker H. Bliss, Military Representative of the United States on the Supreme War Council.
[Page 2]
II. Delegates and Technical Advisers
political and diplomatic questions
Mr. Ellis Loring Dresel, Chief of Division;
Mr. Jordan Herbert Stabler, Chief of the Division of Latin American Affairs in the Department of State;
Mr. E. T. Williams, former Chief of the Division of Far Eastern Affairs in the Department of State;
Mr. Frederic R. Dolbeare, Second Secretary of Embassy;
Mr. Allen W. Dulles, Second Secretary of Embassy;
Mr. Lithgow Osborne, Secretary of Embassy;
Mr. Sidney Y. Smith, Chief of Protocol;
Mr. J. G. D. Paul, Assistant.
legal questions
Mr. David Hunter Miller;
Mr. James Brown Scott;
Mr. H. G. Crocker;
Mr. Amos Scott Hershey;
Mr. Manley O. Hudson;
Mr. Joseph Bailey Brown.
military questions
Major General F. J. Kernan, U.S.A.;
Major General Mason N. Patrick, U.S.A.;
Colonel W. S. Browning, U.S.A.;
Colonel S. D. Embick, U.S.A.;
Colonel E. S. Gorrell, U.S.A.;
Captain C. E. Morton, U.S.A.
naval questions
Admiral W. S. Benson, U.S.N.;
Rear Admiral H. S. Knapp, U.S.N.;
Captain F. H. Schofield, U.S.N.;
Captain L. McNamee, U.S.N.;
Commander A. F. Carter, U.S.N.
financial questions
Mr. Norman H. Davis, Financial Commissioner;
Mr. John Foster Dulles;
Mr. Thomas W. Lamont;
Mr. Albert Strauss, Vice Governor of the Federal Reserve Board;
Mr. Hayden B. Harris.
[Page 3]
labor and shipping questions
Mr. Edward N. Hurley, Chairman of the Shipping Board (Labor and Shipping);
Mr. Samuel Gompers, President of the American Federation of Labor (Labor);
Mr. Henry M. Robinson.
economic and commercial questions
Mr. Bernard M. Baruch, Chairman of the War Industries Board;
Mr. Vance McCormick, Chairman of the War Trade Board;
Mr. Bradley W. Palmer;
Mr. L. L. Summers;
Mr. Fred. K. Neilsen;
Mr. George McFadden;
Mr. L. C. Sheldon.
food and relief questions
Mr. Herbert Hoover, Chief of the Food Administration;
Colonel J. A. Logan, U.S.A.;
Mr. R. A. Taft.
III. Technical Experts
Director:
Dr. S. E. Mezes.
Chief of Territorial Questions:
Dr. Isaiah Bowman.
economic and statistical questions
Dr. A. A. Young;
Colonel L. P. Ayres, U.S.A.
ethnographic questions
Dr. R. B. Dixon;
Captain W. C. Farabee.
historical questions
Dr. James T. Shotwell.
geographical questions
Professor Mark Jefferson.
colonial questions
Mr. George Louis Beer.
[Page 4]
questions relating to special areas
Germany—Dr. Wallace Notestein.
Austria-Hungary—Dr. Charles Seymour.
Western Asia—Dr. W. L. Westermann.
Balkans—Dr. Clive Day.
Western Europe—Dr. Charles H. Haskins.
Far East—Captain S. K. Hornbeck.
Italy—Dr. W. E. Lunt; Major D. W. Johnson.
Russia and Poland—Dr. R. H. Lord; Dr. Isaiah Bowman.
IV. Secretariat General
Secretary General:
Mr. Joseph Clark Grew, Minister Plenipotentiary.
A. Secretariat of the Conference
Secretaries:
Mr. Arthur Hugh Frazier, Counselor of Embassy;
Mr. Leland Harrison, Counselor of Embassy;
Mr. Philip H. Patchin, Counselor of Embassy;
Colonel U. S. Grant, 3rd, of the General Staff;
Mr. Alexander C. Kirk, Second Secretary of Embassy;
Mr. Gordon Auchincloss, Special Assistant in the Department of State;
Mr. Christian A. Herter, Special Assistant in the Department of State;
Mr. Grafton Winthrop Minot, Assistant;
Major van S. Merle-Smith, U.S.A.;
Captain James S. Garfield, U.S.A.;
Lieutenant Chester Burden, U.S.A.;
Lieutenant R. Emmet Condon, U.S.A.
B. Secretariat of the Delegation
Secretary for the League of Nations:
Mr. Whitney Shepardson.
Secretary for Questions Relating to the Responsibility of the War:
Mr. Alexander C. Kirk.
Secretary for Questions Relating to the Reparation of Damage:
Mr. Jerome D. Greene.
Secretary for Labor Questions:
Mr. Guy H. Oyster.
Secretary for Transport Questions:
Mr. Christian A. Herter.
[Page 5]
Secretaries for Financial and Economic Questions:
Colonel L. P. Ayres, U.S.A.;
Mr. W. W. Cumberland;
Lieutenant R. C. Effinger, U.S.A.;
Mr. D. P. Frary;
Lieutenant Bertram F. Willcox, U.S.A.;
Dr. Leo Wolman;
Mr. Andrew P. Martin;
Captain Jeremiah Smith, Jr.;
Mr. George Whitney;
Mr. Clarence C. Stetson;
Captain Fred. G. Tryon, U.S.A.;
Captain E. H. Hart, U.S.A.;
Lieutenant E. L. Ducros.
Secretaries for Territorial Questions:
Mr. Parker Thomas Moon;
Captain Lester W. Perrin, U.S.A.;
Captain J. E. Ewell, U.S.A.;
Mr. Arthur W. Dubois;
Captain Stuart Montgomery, U.S.A.;
Lieutenant Reuben Horchow, U.S.A.;
Mr. George Redington Montgomery;
Mr. Frank L. Warrin, Jr.
C. Press Bureau
Director:
Mr. Ray Stannard Baker.
Assistant Director:
Mr. Arthur Sweetser.
BRITISH EMPIRE*
Hotel Astoria
(Tel. Passy: 66–58; 40–46)
I. Plenipotentiary Delegates
Great Britain (5 Places)
The Rt. Hon. David Lloyd George, M. P., Prime Minister and First Lord of the Treasury;
The Rt. Hon. Arthur James Balfour, O. M., M. P., Secretary of State for foreign Affairs;
[Page 6]
The Rt. Hon. A. Bonar Law, M. P., Lord Privy Seal and Leader of the House of Commons;
The Rt. Hon. G. N. Barnes, Minister without Portfolio;
The Rt. Hon. Viscount Milner, G. C. B., G. C. M. G., Secretary of State for the Colonies;
The Rt. Hon. Winston Churchill, M. P., Secretary of. State for War and Aviation.
The Dominions and India
Dominions
Canada (2 Places).
The Rt. Hon. Sir Robert Borden, G. C. M. G., Prime Minister;
The Rt. Hon. Sir George Foster, G. C. M. G., Minister of Commerce;
The Hon. C. J. Doherty, Minister of Justice;
The Hon. A. L. Sifton, Minister of Customs.
[Page 7]
Australia (2 Places).
The Rt. Hon. W. M. Hughes, Prime Minister;
The Rt. Hon. Sir Joseph Cook, G. C. M. G., Minister of the Navy.
South Africa (2 Places).
General the Rt. Hon. Louis Botha, Prime Minister;
Lieut. General the Rt. Hon. J. C. Smuts, K. C., Minister of Defense.
New Zealand (1 Place).
The Rt. Hon. W. F. Massey, Prime Minister;
The Rt. Hon. Sir Joseph Ward, Bt., K. C. M. G., Minister of Finance.
Newfoundland.
The Rt. Hon. Sir William F. Lloyd, K. C. M. G., Prime Minister;
Alternate:
Sir William Goode, K. B. E., Secretary of the Food Ministry.
India (2 Places)
The Rt. Hon. E. S. Montagu, M. P., Secretary of State for India;
Major General His Highness the Maharajah of Bikaner, G. C. S. I., G. C. I. E., G. C. V. O., K. C. B., A. D. C.;
The Rt. Hon. the Lord Sinha, K. C, Parliamentary Under Secretary of State for India.
II. Delegates and Technical Advisers
The British Empire
political and diplomatic questions
The Rt. Hon. the Lord Hardinge of Penshurst, K. G., Ambassador, Administrative Director Charged with the Internal Organization of the Missions Composing the Delegation, Permanent Under Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs;
Sir William Tyrrell, K. C. M. G., C. B., Minister Plenipotentiary, Assistant to the Administrative Director, Assistant Under Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs;
The Rt. Hon. Sir Louis Mallet, G. C. M. G., C. B., Ambassador, Assistant Under Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs;
Sir Eyre Crowe, K. C. B., K. C. M. G., Minister Plenipotentiary, Assistant Under Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs;
Sir Esme Howard, K. C. B., K. C. M. G., Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of His Britannic Majesty at Stockholm;
Brigadier General A. Carton de Wiart, V. C, C. M. G., D. S. O.;
Lieut. Colonel B. J. B. Coulson;
[Page 8]
The Hon. Harold Nicolson, Secretary of Embassy of the Third Class;
Mr. A. Leeper, Secretary in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs;
Mr. J. W. Headlam-Morley, Secretary in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
legal questions
The Rt. Hon. the Lord Sumner of Ibstone, Lord of Appeal in Ordinary;
The Rt. Hon. Sir Gordon Hewart, K. C, M. P., Attorney General;
Sir Ernest Pollock, K. C., K. B. E., M. P., Solicitor General;
Mr. C. J. B. Hurst, C. B., K. C, Legal Adviser to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
league of nations
The Rt. Hon. the Lord Robert Cecil, K. C., M. P.
military questions
General Sir Henry Wilson, K. C. B., D. S. O., Chief of the Imperial General Staff.
aviation questions
Major General the Rt. Hon. J. E. B. Seely, C. B., C. M. G., D. S. O., Under Secretary of State for Aviation;
Major General Sir Frederic Sykes, K. C. B., C. M. G., Chief of Staff for Aviation and Chief of the Aviation Section.
naval questions
Admiral Sir Rosslyn Wemyss, G. C. B., C. M. G., M. V. O., R. N., First Sea Lord, Chief of the Naval General Staff.
labor questions
Sir Malcolm Delevingne, K. C. B., Assistant Under Secretary of State of the Home Office.
financial questions
The Rt. Hon. the Lord Cunliffe, G. B. E., former Governor of the Bank of England;
Mr. J. M. Keynes, C. B., Acting Principal Secretary of the Treasury; Principal Representative of the Treasury.
economic questions
Sir Hubert Llewellyn Smith, K. C. B., Permanent Secretary of the Board of Trade and Director General of the Economic Section of the Delegation;
[Page 9]
Mr. Henry Fountain, C. B., C. M. G., Assistant Secretary of the Board of Trade;
Mr. Charles Hipwood, C. B., Assistant Secretary of the Board of Trade;
Mr. W. Temple Franks, C. B., Comptroller General of Patents, Designs and Trade-marks in the Board of Trade;
Mr. H. A. Payne, C. B., Comptroller of Companies Department of the Board of Trade.
Mr. M. L. Kershaw, C. S. I., C. I. E.
III. Technical Experts
Great Britain
political and diplomatic questions
Mr. R. Macleay, C. M. G., Counselor of Embassy (Far East);
The Hon. A. Akers-Douglas, C. M. G., First Secretary of Embassy (Western Europe);
Mr. R. Vansittart, M. V. O., Secretary in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Orient);
Mr. M. Palairet, Second Secretary of Embassy (Roumania and Greece);
Mr. H. Knatchbull-Hugessen, Secretary in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Africa);
Mr. Eric Forbes Adams, Secretary in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Orient);
Lieut. Colonel T. E. Lawrence (Orient);
Major the Hon. W. Ormsby-Gore, M. P. (Orient);
Mr. E. Fullerton-Carnegie, Secretary in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Scandinavian Countries);
Mr. E. H. Carr, Secretary in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Northeastern Europe);
Sir Valentine Chirol (Orient);
Mr. H. J. Toynbee, Secretary in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Orient).
legal questions
Mr. H. W. Malkin, C. M. G., Assistant to the Legal Adviser of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Political Questions);
Lieut. Colonel J. H. Morgan (Military Questions).
league of nations
Mr. Philip Baker;
Major J. R. M. Butler.
[Page 10]
military questions
Major General P. P. de B. Radcliffe, C. B., D. S. O., Director of Military Operations;
Major General W. Thwaites, C. B., Director of the Intelligence Service of the Army;
Major General the Hon. C. Sackville-West, C. M. G., Military Representative of Great Britain on the Supreme War Council;
Brigadier General H. O. Mance, C. B., C. M. G., D. S. O., R. E. (Railroads);
Colonel W. C. Hedley, C. B., C. M. G. (Maps);
Colonel R. Meinertzhagen, D. S. O. (Colonies);
Lieut. Colonel E. Fitzgerald-Dillon, D. S. O. (Western Front);
Lieut. Colonel W. H. Gribbon, C. M. G. (Anatolia, Syria, Palestine, Arabia);
Lieut. Colonel J. H. F. Lakin (Mesopotamia, Persia);
Lieut. Colonel T. G. Heywood (Balkans, Yugo-Slavia);
Lieut. Colonel J. H. M. Cornwall, D. S. O., M. C. (Austria, Czechoslovakia, Hungary);
Lieut. Colonel F. H. Kisch, D. S. O. (Russia, China, Japan);
Lieut. Colonel R. H. Beadon, Quartermaster General.
aviation questions
Brigadier General P. R. C. Groves, D. S. O., Assistant Chief of the Aviation Section;
Colonel L. F. Blandy, D. S. O. (Technical Questions, Wireless Telegraphy, etc.);
Lieut. Colonel R. C. M. Pink (Operations);
Lieut. Colonel Sir Norman Leslie, Bt., C. B. E., Attaché for Aviation at the British Embassy at Paris (Intelligence);
Lieut. Colonel A. Ogilvie, O. B. E. (Technical and Commercial Questions);
Major D. C. James (Personnel and Matériel);
Captain D. S. K. Crosbie (Intelligence);
Captain E. H. Tindal Atkinson (Legal and Political Questions);
Mr. J. S. Ross (Financial Questions);
Mr. White Smith (Commercial Questions).
naval questions
Rear Admiral George P. Hope, C. B., Deputy First Sea Lord;
Captain J. R. Marriott, R. N., Assistant to the First Sea Lord;
Commander H. Spencer-Cooper, M. V. O., R. N., Assistant to the Deputy First Sea Lord;
Captain C. T. M. Fuller, C. M. G., D. S. O., R. N. (General Questions);
[Page 11]
Captain A. G. Hotham, R. N. (Commerce, Maritime Transport, Economic Questions);
Captain R. M. Colvin, R. N. (General Questions);
Captain K. G. B. Dewar, R. N. (League of Nations, Maritime Law, General Questions);
Captain G. B. Spicer-Simpson, D. S. O., R. N. (Non-European Questions);
Lieut. Colonel L. G. T. Halliday, V. C., C. B., R. M. (Territorial Questions in General);
Commander M. H. S. MacDonald, D. S. O., R. N. (Mediterranean, Orient);
Commander W. C. Lucas, R. N. (Russia);
Commander A. H. Taylor, R. N. (League of Nations, Maritime Law, General Questions);
Lieut. Commander L. McCormick-Goodhart, O. B. E., R. N. V. R. (Commerce, Navigation, Economic Questions);
Dr. A. Pearce Higgins (Maritime Law).
labor questions
Sir David Shackleton, K. C. B., of the Ministry of Labor;
Mr. H. B. Butler, C. B., of the Ministry of Labor;
Mr. G. Bellhouse, C. B. E., of the Home Office.
financial questions
Mr. S. A. Armitage-Smith, C. B., of the Ministry of Finance (Ottoman Empire, Financial Conditions of Peace);
Mr. H. E. Fass, of the Ministry of Finance (Debts of Invaded Countries);
Mr. Dudley Ward, of the Ministry of Finance (Reparations in General);
Mr. O. T. Falk, of the Ministry of Finance (General Questions);
Lieut. Colonel the Hon. Sidney Peel, D. S. O., M. P., of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (General Questions).
economic questions
Section A. Commerce and Industry
Mr. Percy Ashley, C. B., Assistant Secretary of the Board of Trade;
Mr. A. W. Flux, Assistant Secretary of the Board of Trade;
Mr. J. W. Verdier, O. B. E., of the Board of Trade;
Mr. T. G. Gibson, of the Board of Trade;
Mr. A. J. Martin, O. B. E., of the Board of Trade;
Mr. J. F. Ronca, M. B. E., of the Board of Trade;
Mr. W. T. Turner, of the Board of Trade;
Mr. W. Carter, of the Board of Trade;
[Page 12]
Mr. H. J. Hutchinson, of the Board of Trade;
Lieut. Commander J. G. Latham.
Section B. Shipping
Mr. Thomas Lodge, Assistant Secretary of the Ministry of Shipping;
Sir Thomas Royden, Bt., M. P., Assistant Secretary of the Ministry of Shipping;
Sir Osborn Holmden, K. B. E., Assistant Secretary of the Ministry of Shipping;
Paymaster-Commander W. H. Eves, R. N.
Technical Experts on Economic Questions:
Mr. S. J. Chapman, C. B. E., Assistant Secretary of the Board of Trade;
Mr. H. F. Carlill, Assistant Secretary of the Board of Trade;
The Hon. C. H. Tufton, C. M. G., of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs;
Mr. Philip Hanson, of the Ministry of Munitions;
Mr. H. W. Garrod, C. B. E., of the Ministry of Reconstruction;
Sir John Cadman, K. B. E., Member of the Petroleum Executive Committee;
Mr. P. F. Swain, C. B. E., of the Public Trustee’s Office.
food and relief questions
Sir William Goode, K. B. E., Secretary of the Food Ministry.
historical questions
Dr. G. W. Prothero, Historian of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
colonial questions
Sir Herbert J. Read, K.C.M.G., Assistant Under Secretary of State for the Colonies (General Questions);
Mr. C. Strachey, Principal Secretary of the Ministry of the Colonies (African Colonies);
Mr. J. F. N. Green, Principal Secretary of the Ministry of the Colonies (Colonies, Except African Colonies).
The Dominions and India
Canada
legal questions
Mr. L. Christie, Legal Adviser to the Department of External Affairs.
military questions
Lieut. General Sir Arthur Currie, Commander of the Canadian Army;
Lieut. Colonel O. M. Biggar, K. C, Judge Advocate General.
[Page 13]
financial, economic and labor questions
Mr. Lloyd Harris, Head of the Canadian Mission in London;
Mr. F. P. Jones, Vice President of the War Trade Board;
Mr. P. M. Draper, Secretary of the Canadian Trades and Labor Congress;
Mr. W. Warne, Statistician of the Department of Commerce.
Australia
political and diplomatic questions
Mr. P. E. Deane, Private Secretary to the Prime Minister.
legal questions
Sir Robert Garran, C.M.G., Solicitor General;
Lieutenant F. W. Eggleston, Legal Adviser.
South Africa
commercial questions
Sir David de Villiers Graaf, Bt., former Minister of Finance of South Africa.
New Zealand
political and diplomatic questions
Mr. R. Riley.
India
political and diplomatic questions
Sir Arthur Hirtzel, K.C.B., Assistant Under Secretary of State for India;
Lieut. Colonel Sir J. Dunlop Smith, K.C.S.I., K.C.V.O., CLE., Political Officer of the Indian Service, Aide to the Secretary of State for India.
economic questions
Mr. L. Kershaw, C.S.I., C.I.E., Secretary of the Financial and Statistical Section of the India Office.
IV. Secretariat General
Secretary General:
Lieut. Colonel Sir Maurice Hankey, K.C.B., Secretary of the Imperial War Cabinet.
[Page 14]
Secretaries of the War Cabinet:
Captain Clement Jones, C.B., Assistant Secretary of the War Cabinet;
Captain Edgar Abraham, Assistant Secretary of the War Cabinet;
Major A. M. Caccia, M.V.O., Secretary of the British Section of the Supreme War Council.
A. British Secretariat of the Conference
Secretaries:
Mr. H. Norman, Counselor of Embassy;
Mr. Eric Phipps, First Secretary of Embassy;
Sir Percy Loraine, Bt., First Secretary of Embassy;
Hon. T. A. Spring-Rice, Second Secretary of Embassy.
B. Secretariat of the Delegation
Mr. J. T. Davies, Secretary to Mr. Lloyd George;
Mr. Philip Kerr, Secretary to Mr. Lloyd George;
The Hon. Sir Eric Drummond, K.C.M.G., C.B., Minister Plenipotentiary, Secretary to Mr. Arthur James Balfour;
Mr. Ian Malcolm, M.P., Secretary to Mr. Arthur James Balfour;
Mr. Alwyn Parker, C.B., C.M.G., Counselor of Embassy, Secretary to Lord Hardinge;
Mr. R. H. Campbell, C.M.G., Second Secretary of Embassy, Secretary to Lord Hardinge;
Mr. J. C. Davidson, C.B., Secretary to Mr. A. Bonar Law;
Mr. Hodgson, Secretary to Mr. G. N. Barnes;
Major H. C. Thornton, Secretary to Lord Milner;
Mr. Edward Marsh, C.B., Secretary to Mr. Winston Churchill;
Mr. G. F. Buskard, Secretary to Sir Robert Borden;
Mr. J. F. Boyce, Secretary to Sir Robert Borden;
Mr. C. H. Payne, Secretary to Sir George Forster;
Mr. P. T. Ahern, Secretary to Mr. C. J. Doherty;
Mr. T. W. Quayle, Secretary to Mr. A. L. Sifton;
Mr. P. E. Deane, Secretary to Mr. W. M. Hughes;
Mr. R. Mungovan, Secretary to Sir Joseph Cook;
Captain Brebner, Secretary to General Louis Botha;
Captain Lane, Secretary to General J. C. Smuts;
Mr. F. D. Thomson, Secretary to Mr. W. F. Massey;
Miss A.M. Saunders, Secretary to Sir Joseph Ward;
Mr. W. J. Carew, Secretary to Sir William F. Lloyd;
Mr. C. H. Kisch, C.B., Secretary to Mr. E. S. Montagu;
Mr. W. R. Gourlay, C.I.E., Secretary to Lord Sinha;
Mr. A. J. Sylvester, O.B.E., Secretary to Sir Maurice Hankey.
[Page 15]
FRANCE
I. Plenipotentiary Delegates (5 Places)
M. Georges Clemenceau, President of the Council, Minister of War;
M. Pichon, Minister of Foreign Affairs;
M. L. L. Klotz, Minister of Finance;
M. André Tardieu, Commissioner General for Franco-American Affairs of War;
M. Jules Cambon, Ambassador;
Marshal Foch, Commander in Chief of the Allied Armies.
II. Delegates and Technical Advisers
political and diplomatic questions
M. Noulens, Ambassador of France at Petrograd, Chief of the French Mission in Poland;
M. Berthelot, Minister Plenipotentiary, Acting Director of Political and Commercial Affairs in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs;
M. Gout, Minister Plenipotentiary, Chief of the Asiatic Section in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs;
M. Laroche, Minister Plenipotentiary, Chief of the European Section in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs;
M. de Peretti de la Rocca, Minister Plenipotentiary, Chief of the African Section in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs;
General Le Rond, Adjutant General to the Marshal Commander in Chief of the Allied Armies.
legal questions
M. F. Larnaude, Dean of the Faculty of Law of the University of Paris;
M. André Weiss, Professor of the Faculty of Law of the University of Paris, Legal Adviser to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs;
M. Fromageot, Legal Adviser to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
league of nations
M. Léon Bourgeois, Senator, former President of the Council of Ministers, former Minister of Foreign Affairs.
military questions
General Alby, Chief of the General Staff of the Army;
General Belin, French Military Representative on the Supreme War Council;
General Degoutte, Commander of the French Sixth Army;
General Duval, Adjutant General, Inspector General of Aviation;
General Niessel, Member of the Interallied Commission to Poland.
[Page 16]
aviation questions
Colonel Dhé, Director of Aviation in the Ministry of War;
Post Captain Chauvin, Chief of the Military and Aviation Service and Aerial Patrols.
naval questions
Vice Admiral de Bon, Chief of the Naval General Staff.
labor questions
M. Colliard, Minister of Labor and Social Security;
M. Loucheur, Minister of Industrial Reconstruction.
financial questions
M. Sergent, Under Secretary of State for Finance;
M. Bolley, Director General in the Ministry of Finance;
M. Celier, Director in the Ministry of Finance;
M. Luquet, Vice Governor of the Bank of France.
economic questions
M. Clémentel, Minister of Commerce, Industry, Posts and Telegraph, of Maritime Transport and of the Merchant Marine;
M. Albert Lebrun, Minister for the Liberated Areas;
M. Bouisson, Commissioner for Maritime Transport and the Merchant Marine;
M. Jean Morel, Senator, former Minister, President of the Tariff Committee of the Senate;
M. Herbette, Director in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
M. Ch. Lyon-Caen, Professor of the Faculty of Law of the University of Paris;
M. Seydoux, Counselor of Embassy, Chief of Blockade Section in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
M. Kammerer, Consul General, Chief of the Financial Section in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs;
M. Pila, Consul General, Chief of the Economic Section in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
communications questions
M. Claveille, Minister of Public Works and of Transport.
colonial questions
M. Henry Simon, Minister for the Colonies.
[Page 17]
III. Technical Experts
political and diplomatic questions
M. Hermitte, Secretary of Embassy of the First Class, Chief of the Chancellery and of the Claims Section in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs;
M. Grenard, Consul General, Chairman of the Interallied Commission on Teschen;
M. Degrand, Consul of the Second Class;
M. Émile Bourgeois, Professor of the Faculty of Letters of the University of Paris;
M. Robert de Caix Saint-Aymour, Director of Asie française and Afrique française.
legal questions
M. Basdevant, Assistant Professor of the Faculty of Law of the University of Paris;
M. A. de Lapradelle, Professor of the Faculty of Law of the University of Paris, Assistant Legal Adviser to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
league of nations
M. de Sillac, Counselor of Embassy;
M. Clauzel, Secretary of Embassy of the First Class.
military questions
Lieut. Colonel Réquin, of the General Staff of the Army, Attached to the Commission on Franco-American Affairs of War;
Commandant de Montal, of the General Staff of the Army.
aviation questions
Commandant d’Aiguillon, Member of the French Advisory Commission on Aeronautical Questions at the Peace Conference;
M. d’Aubigny, Deputy, Chairman of the French Advisory Commission for Aeronautical Questions at the Peace Conference;
M. Branet, Counselor of State, former Director General of Customs;
M. Fighiera, Director in the Ministry of Commerce and Industry;
M. Pierre-Étienne Flandin, Deputy;
Captain L’Escaille, of the Naval Aviation;
M. Lallemand, Inspector General of Mines;
Captain Leroy, of the Service of Aeronautical Manufacture;
M. de Navailles, Chief of Section in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs;
Commandant Poli-Marchetti, of the General Staff of the Marshal Commander in Chief of the Allied Army;
[Page 18]
Lieut. Colonel Pujo, Assistant to the Director of Aviation in the Ministry of War;
Lieutenant Sáble, of the Naval Aviation;
Lieut. Colonel Saconney, Chief of the Section of the Anti-Aircraft Defense in the Ministry of War;
M. Soreau, Engineer, Vice President of the Aéro-Club de France;
Commandant Vuillemin, Aviation Squadron Commander;
M. Wahl, Naval Engineer Attached to the Ministry for the Colonies.
naval questions
Captain Levavasseur;
Lieutenant Odend’hal.
labor questions
M. Arthur Fontaine, Director in the Ministry of Labor and Social Security;
M. Jouhaux, Secretary General of the Confédération générate du Travail.
financial questions
Commandant Aron, of the Ministry of Industrial Reconstruction;
M. Bavière, Secretary of the Exchange Commission;
M. Bexon, former Inspector of Finance;
M. Bloch-Laroque, Advocate General in the Court of Appeals of Paris;
M. Bouniols, Representative of Titleholders at Belgrade;
M. de la Chaume, former Inspector of Finance;
M. Chevalier, Director of the Banque de Paris et des Pays-Bas;
M. Cheysson, Inspector of Finance;
M. Dayras, Inspector of Finance;
M. de Fabry, Inspector of Finance;
M. François-Marsal, Member of the Exchange Commission;
M. Gilbert Gidel, Professor of the Faculty of Law of the University of Rennes;
M. G. Homberg, President of the Exchange Commission;
M. Jouasset, Inspector of Finance;
M. de Lasteyrie, former Inspector of Finance;
M. Lefèvre, Secretary General of the Crédit Lyonnais;
M. Raphaël-Georges Lévy, Member of the Institute;
M. Lyon, Advocate in the Court of Appeals of Paris;
Captain Masson;
M. Mercier, Principal Naval Engineer;
M. Neymarck, Economist;
M. Nicou, Engineer of the Corps des Mines;
[Page 19]
M. Petit, Inspector of Finance;
M. Poisson, Inspector of Finance;
M. Sallandrouze de Lamornaix, Inspector General of Finance;
M. Théry, Economist;
M. de Verneuil, former Syndic of the Exchange Agents of the Paris Bourse;
Colonel Weyl, of the Ministry of Industrial Reconstruction.
economic questions
M. Alphand, Consul of the Second Class, Chief of Section in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs;
M. Bignon, Deputy;
M. Charmeil, Director in the Ministry of Commerce and Industry;
M. Drouets, Director of the Office of Industrial Property;
M. Fighiera, Director in the Ministry of Commerce and Industry;
M. Guillet, Director in the Ministry of Commerce and Industry;
M. Hauser, Professor of the Faculty of Letters of the University of Dijon, Chief of Mission of the Ministry of Commerce;
M. Laurent-Vibert, Chief of Mission of the Commission on Maritime Transport and the Merchant Marine;
M. de Navailles, Chief of Section in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs;
M. Petit, President of the Commercial Tribunal of the Seine;
M. Serruys, Director in the Ministry of Commerce and Industry;
M. Albert Tissier, Counselor to the Court of Cassation.
communications questions
M. Charguéraud, Counselor of State, Vice Chairman of the Superior Council of Public Works;
M. Colson, Counselor of State;
M. Charles Loiseau, Chief of the French Mission in Italy;
Lt. Colonel Rey, Secretary General of the European Commission of the Danube;
M. Rousseau, Counselor of State.
M. Tirman, Counselor of State.
ethnographic questions
M. Emmanuel de Martonne, Professor of the Faculty of Letters of the University of Paris;
M. Krajewski, Consul of the First Class;
M. L. Aubert, Director of the Service of Research and Information in the Commission on Franco-American Affairs of War;
M. Haumant, Professor of the Faculty of Letters of the University of Paris.
[Page 20]
IV. Secretariat General
Secretary General:
M. P. Dutasta, Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the French Republic at Berne, Secretary General of the Conference.
A. French Secretariat of the Conference
M. Paul Gauthier, Minister Plenipotentiary;
M. de Béarn, Secretary of Embassy of the Second Class.
B. Secretariat of the Delegation
M. de Montille, Secretary of Embassy of the First Class;
Baron Pieyre, Secretary of Embassy of the Second Class;
Captain de Saint-Quentin, Secretary of Embassy of the Second Class;
M. Tetreau, Consul of the Second Class;
Lieutenant de Percin, Secretary of Embassy of the Second Class;
Captain Carteron, Vice Consul of the First Class;
M. Lavondès, Vice Consul of the First Class;
Captain Escoffier, Professor in the École libre des Sciences politiques;
Viscount Emmery, Attaché;
Lieutenant Duboin;
M. de Curzon, Attaché;
Captain Portier, Secretary of the French Section of the Supreme War Council.
ITALY
Hotel Édouard VII
(Tel. Gut: 14–26)
I. Plenipotentiary Delegates (5 Places)
M. V. E. Orlando, President of the Council of Ministers;
Baron S. Sonnino, Minister of Foreign Affairs;
Marquis G. F. Salvago Raggi, Senator, former Ambassador of His Majesty the King of Italy at Paris;
M. A. Salandra, Deputy, former President of the Council of Ministers;
M. S. Barzilai, Deputy, former Minister.
II. Delegates and Technical Advisers
political and diplomatic questions
Count V. Macchi di Cellere, Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of His Majesty the King of Italy at Washington;
[Page 21]
M. G. de Martino, Minister Plenipotentiary, Secretary General of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs;
M. A. Ricci-Busatti, Minister Plenipotentiary, Chief of the Claims Section in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs;
M. G. C. Montagna, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of His Majesty the King of Italy at Christiania;
Marquis P. della Torretta, Minister Plenipotentiary.
legal questions
M. A. Scialoja, Senator, former Minister;
M. M. d’Amelio, Counselor to the Court of Cassation;
M. A. Ricci-Busatti, Minister Plenipotentiary, Chief of the Claims Section in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
military questions
General A. Diaz, Chief of the General Staff of the Army;
General U. Cavallero, Italian Military Representative on the Supreme War Council.
aviation questions
M. E. Chiesa, Deputy;
General M. Moris;
M. M. d’Amelio, Counselor to the Court of Cassation;
Rear Admiral P. Orsini;
M. G. C. Buzzati, Professor of International Law at the University of Pavia.
naval questions
Admiral P. Thaon di Revel, Chief of the Naval General Staff;
Rear Admiral M. Grassi;
Captain U. Conz.
economic and financial questions
M. Stringher, Minister of the Treasury (Economic and Financial Questions);
M. Ciuffelli, Minister of Industry and Commerce (Economic and Financial Questions);
M. S. Crespi, Minister of Supply (Economic and Financial Questions);
Baron E. Mayor des Planches, Senator, Honorary Ambassador, Commissioner General of Emigration (Labor and Emigration);
M. L. della Torre, Senator (Financial Questions);
M. G. Paratore, Deputy, Under Secretary of State in the Ministry of Commerce and Industry;
[Page 22]
M. A. Cabrini, Deputy (Labor and Emigration);
M. E. Chiesa, Deputy (Reparations);
M. M. d’Amelio, Counselor to the Court of Cassation (Reparations and Responsibilities);
M. L’Ingénieur Dante Ferraris, Industrialist (Economic and Financial Questions).
colonial questions
M. G. Agnesa, Minister Plenipotentiary, Director General of Political Affairs in the Ministry for the Colonies (possibly coming to Paris).
III. Technical Experts
political and diplomatic questions
M. Gustavo Tosti, Consul General;
M. A. Stranieri, Consul General;
Marquis C. Durazzo, Counselor of Legation;
M. G. Brambilla, Counselor of Legation;
Count Vannutelli-Rey, Counselor of Legation;
M. Marchetti Ferrante, Counselor of Legation;
M. C. Galli, Consul;
M. V. Bianchi, Consul;
M. R. Piacentini, Consul;
Marquis G. Paterno, Secretary of Legation;
Colonel Castoldi.
legal questions
M. J. Cammeo, Professor of Administrative Law at the University of Bologna;
M. M. Pilotti, Judge;
M. F. Salata, Prefect;
M. Gustavo Tosti, Consul General.
military questions
General Levi;
General Romei Longhena;
Colonel of the General Staff A. Pariani;
Lieut. Colonel of the General Staff G. Pellicelli;
Lieut. Colonel Tissi;
Commandant M. Pergolani;
Commandant G. Mazzolini;
Commandant G. Rugiu;
Captain E. Romagnoli.
[Page 23]
aviation questions
M. E. Delmati, Director General in the Ministry of Posts and Telegraph;
Colonel A. de Siebert;
Lieut. Colonel G. Costanzi;
Lieut. Colonel P. R. Piccio;
Lieut. Colonel C. Berliri-Zoppi;
Captain G. Finzi.
naval questions
Lieut. Colonel G. Laghezza;
Naval Engineer L. Fea.
labor questions
M. M. Abbiate, former Deputy;
M. G. Canepa, Deputy;
M. G. Longinotti, Deputy;
M. S. Coletti, Inspector of Emigration.
economic and financial questions
M. B. Attolico, Director General in the Ministry of Industry, Commerce and Labor (Economic and Financial Questions);
M. Brofferio, Counselor of State, Italian Treasury Commissioner in France (Financial);
M. G. B. Ceccato, Commercial Attaché at Washington (Economic Questions);
M. P. Conte, Inspector in the Ministry of the Treasury (Financial Questions);
M. C. Dragoni, Secretary General of the International Institute of Agriculture (Economic Questions);
M. A. Dell’Abbadessa, Director General in the Ministry of Finance (Economic and Financial Questions);
M. V. Giuffrida, Counselor of State, Director General in the Ministry of Supply (Economic and Financial Questions);
M. L. Lucciolli, Director General in the Ministry of Finance (Finance);
M. G. Mariani, Commercial Attaché (Economic Questions);
M. A. Pirelli, Industrialist, Head of the Mission of the Ministry of Commerce and Industry (Economic and Financial Questions);
M. F. Quartieri, Industrialist (Economic and Financial Questions);
M. E. Venezian, Inspector General in the Ministry of Commerce and Industry (Economic Questions).
[Page 24]
communications questions
M. Sinigaglia, Assistant Chief of the Service of the State Railways;
M. Fiori, Chief of the Division of the State Railways;
M. Baldassarre, Chief of Division in the Ministry of Public Works;
Commandant Centa, Director General of the Merchant Marine;
M. Ingianni, Port Captain;
M. Moscheni, Director of Warehouses, Trieste.
colonial questions
M. R. Piacentini, Consul;
M. V. Catastini, Colonial Director in the Ministry for the Colonies;
M. de Nobili Massuero, Secretary in the Ministry for the Colonies.
IV. Secretariat General
Secretary General:
Count L. Aldrovandi, Minister Plenipotentiary.
A. Italian Secretariat of the Conference
Secretaries:
Marquis C. Durazzo, Counselor of Legation;
M. G. Brambilla, Counselor of Legation;
M. T. Bertelé, Secretary of Legation;
Major A. Jones;
Lieutenant A. Zanchi.
B. Offices of the Ministers and Plenipotentiary Delegates
Office of the President of the Council of Ministers:
M. Battioni, Inspector General, Secretary to the President of the Council of Ministers;
Prince G. di Scordia, Secretary of Legation;
M. A. Protani, Secretary;
M. U. Lucchini, Secretary;
Sub-Lieutenant F. Flores.
Assistants to the President of the Council:
M. F. Salata, Prefect;
Professor G. Gallavresi.
Press Commissioner:
Prince G. Lanza di Scalea.
Office of the Minister of Foreign Affairs:
Chief of the Office:
Count L. Aldrovandi, Minister Plenipotentiary.
[Page 25]
Secretaries:
Count D. Rogeri, Secretary of Legation;
M. A. Trombetti, Secretary of Legation;
M. T. Bertelé, Secretary of Legation;
Count L. O. Vinci, Secretary of Legation;
Press Commissioner:
M. P. Aloisi, Counselor of Legation.
C. Secretariat of the Delegation
Secretaries for Political Questions:
Count D. Rogeri, Secretary of Legation;
M. T. Bertelé, Secretary of Legation;
Count L. O. Vinci, Secretary of Legation.
Secretary for Legal Questions:
M. F. Foberti, Chief of Section in the Ministry of the Interior.
Secretaries for Aviation Questions:
Commandant A. Guidoni;
Lieutenant U. Sauda.
Secretary for Military Questions:
Captain V. Fracchia.
Secretary for Naval Questions:
Lieutenant A. Giuganino.
Secretaries for Economic and Financial Questions:
M. F. Giannini (Economic Questions);
M. L. Ceccato (Economic Questions);
M. V. Tasco (Economic Questions);
Captain Guido Jung (Financial Questions).
Secretary for Transport Questions:
M. M. Mosca, Engineer in the Ministry of Transport.
Secretary for Labor and Emigration Questions:
M. di Palma Castiglione, Inspector of Emigration.
JAPAN
Hotel Bristol
(Tel. Central: 41–77)
I. Plenipotentiary Delegates (5 Places)
Marquis Saionji, former President of the Council of Ministers;
Baron Makino, former Minister of Foreign Affairs, Member of Diplomatic Council;
[Page 26]
Viscount Chinda, Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of His Majesty the Emperor of Japan at London;
M. K. Matsui, Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of His Majesty the Emperor of Japan at Paris;
M. H. Ijuin, Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of His Majesty the Emperor of Japan at Rome.
II. Delegates and Technical Advisers
political and legal questions
M. Akidzuki, former Ambassador;
M. Adatci, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of His Majesty the Emperor of Japan at Brussels;
M. Otchiai, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of His Majesty the Emperor of Japan at The Hague;
M. Sakutaro Tachi, Professor of the Faculty of Law of the University of Tokyo;
M. H. Nagaoka, Counselor of Embassy;
M. Kato, Member of the House of Peers.
military questions
Lieut. General Nara, of the General Staff of the Army;
Brigadier General Tanaka, Military Attaché at the Japanese Embassy at London;
Colonel Sato, Military Attaché at the Japanese Legation at Berne.
aviation questions
M. Tanakadate, Honorary Professor of the Faculty of Science of the University of Tokyo;
Captain Osumi, of the Naval General Staff.
naval questions
Vice Admiral Takeshita, Assistant Chief of the Naval General Staff;
M. Yamakawa, Counselor in the Ministry of Marine;
Rear Admiral Iida, Naval Attaché at the Japanese Embassy at London.
economic and financial questions
M. Kengo Mori, Financial Agent of the Japanese Embassies at London and at Paris;
Baron Kondo;
M. Okubo, Member of the House of Peers;
M. Oka, former Director of Commercial and Industrial Affairs in the Ministry of Agriculture and Commerce;
[Page 27]
M. E. Fukai;
M. M. Fukui;
M. M. Kita;
M. K. Kikuchi;
M. Kurokawa;
M. Tatsumi.
III. Technical Experts
military questions
Colonel Nagai, Military Attaché at the Japanese Embassy at Paris:
Lieut. Colonel Ninomiya, of the General Staff of the Army;
Lieut. Colonel Hata, of the General Staff of the Army;
Captain Fujioka, of the General Staff of the Army;
Captain K. Nishihara, of the General Staff of the Army.
aviation questions
Naval Lieutenant Takata.
naval questions
Captain Matsumura, Naval Attaché at the Japanese Embassy at Paris;
Captain Nomura, of the Naval General Staff;
Captain Yamamoto, of the Naval General Staff;
Captain Funakoshi, of the Naval General Staff;
Captain Anno, of the Naval General Staff.
labor questions
M. B. Suzuki;
M. Yoshizaka, Factory Inspector in the Ministry of Agriculture and Commerce.
IV. Secretariat General
Secretary General:
M. Otchiai, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of His Majesty the Emperor of Japan at The Hague.
Secretaries:
M. Matsuoka, Secretary in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs;
M. Sadao Saburi, Secretary in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs;
M. Yoshida, Secretary in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs;
M. Kimura, Secretary in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs;
M. Kawai, Secretary of Legation;
M. Arita, Secretary in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs;
[Page 28]
M. Saito, Secretary of Embassy;
M. Shigemitsu, Secretary in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs;
M. K. Horiuchi, Secretary of Embassy;
M. H. Ashida, Secretary of Embassy;
M. Kato, Secretary of Embassy;
M. K. Kuriyama, Secretary of Embassy;
M. Tani, Secretary of Embassy;
M. Sawada, Attaché to Embassy;
M. Harada, Attaché to Embassy;
M. Koshida, Attaché to Embassy;
M. Yokoyama, Attaché to Embassy;
M. Matsumiya, Attaché to Embassy;
M. Mori, Vice Consul;
M. Sato, Vice Consul.
BELGIUM
Hotel Lotti
(Tel. Central: 13–00; 71–85; 43–66)
I. Plenipotentiary Delegates (3 Places)
M. Hymans, Minister of Foreign Affairs, Minister of State;
M. van den Heuvel, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of His Majesty the King of Belgians, Minister of State;
M. Vandervelde, Minister of Justice, Minister of State.
II. Delegates and Technical Advisers
legal questions
M. Rolin-Jaequemyns, Secretary General of the Delegation.
military questions
Lieut. Colonel of the General Staff Galet, Honorary Aide-de-Camp to the King.
aviation questions
Colonel van Crombrugghe, Commander of Belgian Military Aviation.
labor questions
M. Mahaim, Professor at the University of Liege, Secretary of the Belgian Section of the International Association for the Legal Protection of Workers.
[Page 29]
economic, commercial and financial questions
M. Jaspar, Minister of Economic Affairs;
M. Brunet, Director General of Commerce and of Consulates in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs;
M. Lepreux, Vice Governor of the National Bank of Belgium;
M. Despret, Advocate in the Court of Cassation, Administrator of the Bank of Brussels.
communications questions
M. Segers, Minister of State.
colonial questions
M. Orts, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary, Acting Secretary General of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
III. Technical Experts
legal questions
M. van Iseghem, President of the Court of Cassation;
M. Remy, Counselor to the Court of Cassation;
M. Dejace, Professor at the University of Liege;
Baron Descamps, Senator, Professor at the University of Louvain;
M. Errera, Professor at the University of Brussels;
M. Lafontaine, Senator;
M. Nys, Professor at the University of Brussels, Counselor to the Court of Appeals;
M. Prins, Professor at the University of Brussels;
M. Albéric Rolin, Professor Emeritus at the University of Ghent, Director of the Library of the Palace of Peace at The Hague;
M. Varlez, Professor at the University of Ghent.
military questions
Captain Commandant G. van Egroo, of the General Staff;
Captain Commandant Derousseaux, of the General Staff.
labor questions
M. de Brouckère, Counselor to the Ministry of Economic Affairs;
M. C. van Overberghe, Honorary Secretary General of the Department of Sciences and Arts;
R. P. Rutten, President of the Confédération des Syndicats Chrétiens;
M. Mertens, Secretary General of the Executive Committee of the Labor Party and of the Independent Syndicates;
M. Lombard, Vice Deputy, Secretary General of the Miners Federation;
[Page 30]
M. Hénin, Counselor to the Ministry of Economic Affairs;
M. van der Stegen, Industrialist, Ghent;
M. Fraipont, Director General of the Cristalleries du Val Saint-Lambert.
financial questions
M. E. Carton de Wiart, Director of the Société générale de Belgique;
M. Hautain, Director of the National Bank of Belgium;
M. Rombouts, Director General in the Ministry of Finance.
economic and industrial questions
M. Trasenster, Administrator of the Société d’Ougrée-Marihaye;
M. Canon-Legrand, President of the Chamber of Commerce of Mons;
M. Galopin, Deputy Administrator of the National Arms Factory of Herstal;
M. Jean de Hemptinne, Industrialist, Ghent;
M. Begault, Actuary;
M. Thomas Braun, Advocate at the Court of Appeals in Brussels;
M. Capitaine, Advocate in the Court of Appeals in Liège.
agricultural questions
M. E. Tibbaut, Vice President of the Chamber of Representatives, President of the Conseil Supérieur de l’Agriculture and of the Agricultural Section of the Comité National;
M. G. Dumont de Chassart, Member of the Conseil Supérieur de l’Agriculture;
M. Boël;
M. Crahay, Director General of Waters and Forests;
M. Frateur, Professor of Biology at the University of Louvain.
communications questions
M. van Gansberghe, Director General of Bridges and Highways;
M. Coppieters, Senator, Technical Adviser on Public Works;
M. van Mierlo, Honorary Engineer of Bridges and Highways, former Engineer of the State Marine;
M. Pierrard, Director General of the Marine;
M. Hostie, Legal Adviser in the Administration of the Marine;
M. Rotsaert, Lieutenant of Engineers.
IV. Secretariat General
Secretary General:
M. Rolin-Jaequemyns.
[Page 31]
Secretaries:
Count de Romrée de Vichenet, Secretary of Legation;
Viscount Jacques Davignon, Secretary of Legation, Attaché in the Office of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs;
Count Guillaume de Hemricourt de Grunne, Secretary of Legation;
Baron Capelle, Chief of Bureau in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs;
Baron Jules Guillaume, Attaché of Legation, Sub-Lieutenant of Artillery;
Lieutenant of Artillery Henri Rolin, Attaché in the Office of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
Chief of the Chancery of the Secretariat General:
M. van Eycken, Chief of Bureau, Chief of the Chancery of the Office of the Minister of Foreign Affairs.
Commander of Military Personnel Attached to the Delegation:
Captain Commandant Nypels.
Assistants to the Delegation:
M. Charles Terlinden, Professor at the University of Louvain;
M. de Visscher, Professor at the University of Ghent;
M. Maurice Bourquin, Professor at the University of Brussels;
M. van den Ven, Professor at the University of Louvain, Special Delegate of the Ministry of Finance;
M. de l’Escaille, Counselor of Legation;
M. Louwers, Secretary of the Colonial Council;
Commandant Maury, Chief of the Cartographic Service of the Ministry for the Colonies;
M. Ganshof, Licencié ès lettres, with rank of subaltern.
BOLIVIA
Avenue de Malakoff, 104
(Tel. Passy: 74–63)
I. Plenipotentiary Delegate (1 Place)
M. Ismael Montes, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of Bolivia at Paris.
IV. Secretariat General
Secretary:
M. I. Montes h., Secretary of Legation.
[Page 32]
BRAZIL
Hotel Plaza Athéneé
(Tel. Passy: 62–37)
I. Plenipotentiary Delegates (3 Places)
M. Epitacio Pessõa, former Minister of State, former Member of the Supreme Court of Justice, Federal Senator;
M. Olyntho de Magalhaes, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States of Brazil at Paris, former Minister of Foreign Affairs;
M. Pandiá Calogeras, Deputy, former Minister of Finance;
M. Raoul Fernandes, Deputy.
II. Delegates and Technical Advisers
legal questions
M. Rodrigo Octavio, Professor of International Law of the Faculty of Rio de Janeiro, Legal Counselor of the Republic.
military questions
Commandant Malan d’Angrogne, Military Attaché at the Legation of Brazil at Paris.
naval questions
Captain Armando Burlamaqui.
IV. Secretariat General
Secretary General:
M. Helio Lobo, Secretary General of the Presidency of the Republic.
First Secretaries:
M. J. J. Moniz de Aragão, Counselor of Embassy at Rome;
M. F. Pessõa de Queiroz, Consul General of Brazil in Roumania, of the Office of the Minister of Foreign Affairs;
M. P. Leão Velloso Netto, Counselor of the Legation of Brazil at Paris.
Second Secretaries:
M. F. de Souza Dantas, Secretary of the First Class of the Legation of Brazil at The Hague;
M. Carlos C. de Ouro Preto, Secretary of the Second Class of the Legation of Brazil at London;
M. Mauricio Nabuco, of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs;
M. L. de Andrade Muller, Secretary of the Second Class of the Legation of Brazil at Havana.
[Page 33]
Attachés:
M. Gustavo Barroso, former Deputy;
M. Luiz Silveira, of the Ministry of Agriculture;
M. A.-A. Carneiro da Cunha, Advocate;
M. F. Mendes de Almeida, Jr., Advocate;
M. Eugenio G. Catta-Preta, Advocate;
M. P. de Castro Maya, Engineer;
M. Paulo Bittencourt, Advocate;
M. Raphael de Hollanda, Engineer;
Press:
M. O. de Carvalho Azevedo.
CHINA
Hotel Lutetia
(Tel. Fleurus: 16–61)
I. Plenipotentiary Delegates (2 Places)
M. Lou Tseng-tsiang, Minister of Foreign Affairs;
M. Cheng-ting Thomas Wang, former Minister of Agriculture and Commerce;
M. Vi Kyuin Wellington Koo, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of China at Washington;
M. Sao-Ke Alfred Sze, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of China at London;
M. Suntchou Wei, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of China at Brussels.
II. Delegates and Technical Advisers
political and diplomatic questions
M. Hawkling L. Yen, Counselor of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
legal questions
M. Liu Chung-cheh, Counselor of the Cabinet and Counselor of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs;
M. Tsien Tai, Counselor of the Ministry of Justice.
military questions
Lieut. General Tang Tsai-li;
Major General Han Lin-chun;
Major General Dan Pao-tchao;
Major General Liang Shang-tung;
Colonel Tcheng-hung.
[Page 34]
naval questions
Rear Admiral Woo Tsen-nan;
Captain Chen Shau Kwan.
economic and commercial questions
M. Tai-chi Quo, former Secretary of the Presidency of the Republic and former Counselor of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs;
M. Wang Chiii-chun, Director of the Peking-Hankow Railway;
M. Tsang Ou, Engineer Attached to the Ministry of Communications and Director of the Chinese State Railway (Lung-Hai line);
M. Pehan B. Sze, Technical Expert of the Ministry of Agriculture and Commerce;
M. C. C. Wang, Counselor of the Ministry of Agriculture and Commerce;
M. V. K. Ting, Director of the Geological Service of the Ministry of Agriculture and Commerce;
M. Fong Tching-kouée.
III. Technical Experts
Sir John Mac Leavy Brown, C. M. G., Counselor of the Legation of China at London;
Dr. S. E. Morrison, Political Counselor of the Presidency of the Republic of China;
M. Henri de Codt, Legal Consultant of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs;
M. G. Padoux, Counselor of the Court of Accounts;
M. Georges Bouillard, Engineer-Counselor of the Peking-Hankow Railway.
IV. Secretariat General
Secretary General:
M. Yo Tsao-yeu, Counselor of the Legation of China at Paris.
Secretaries:
M. Tchou Tsong-han, Secretary of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs;
M. Chang-hsuan Sun, Secretary of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs;
M. Chaohsiung Zee, Assistant Secretary of the Presidency of the Council, Assigned to the Minister of Foreign Affairs;
M. Shen Tchong-huin, Secretary of the First Class of the Legation of China at The Hague;
M. Chang Yuen-chi, Secretary of the Second Class of the Legation of China at Paris;
[Page 35]
M. Sze-ping, Secretary of the Second Class of the Legation of China at London;
M. Tchao Itao, Consul of China at Padang;
M. Wen Pin Wei, Secretary of the Third Class of the Legation of China at Washington;
M. Taï Mingfou, Secretary of the Third Class of the Legation of China at Paris;
M. Tchen Hio-lan, Secretary of the Third Class of the Legation of China at Paris;
M. Tehéou-wei, Assistant Secretary of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs;
M. Shu-tze, Secretary of the Third Class of the Legation of China at Berne.
M. L. V. Pan, Attaché of the Legation of China at London;
M. Yang Ngan-chan, Secretary of the Third Class of the Legation of China at Washington;
M. Li Tchuin, Vice Consul of China at Paris;
M. Pih Min-yu, Attaché of the Legation of China at London;
M. Hianghieng Li, former Secretary of the First Class of the Legation of China at Rome;
M. King Pouzong, former Secretary of the Third Class of the Legation of China at Paris;
Commandant Tcheng Tse-li;
Commandant Tao Shou-mou.
Assistant Secretaries:
M. Hoo Chi-tsai, Doctor of Law;
M. Tsiao-ling C.-L. Soong;
M. Wunsz King;
M. Yun-kuan Kuo;
M. Chao Chuan;
M. Linson Edward Dzau;
M. Hsu Gnietseng;
M. Tcheng Kyd;
M. William Hsieh;
Captain Ou-tsing;
Captain Wang Jou-kiou;
Captain Wang Ken;
Lieutenant Chu Tsu-sien;
M. Chu Nei-chu.
[Page 36]
CUBA
Avenue Mareeau, 51
(Tel. Passy: 18–42)
I. Plenipotentiary Delegate (1 Place)
M. Antonio Sanchez de Bustamante, Dean of the Faculty of Law of the University of Havana, President of the Cuban Society of International Law.
III. Technical Experts
legal questions
M. Rafael M. Angulo, Under Secretary of the Ministry of Public Education and Fine Arts.
IV. Secretariat General
Secretary General:
M. Guillermo de Blanck, Minister Plenipotentiary.
Assistant Secretaries:
M. Miguel Angel Campa, Secretary of Legation of the First Class;
M. Manuel Tejedor, Secretary of Legation of the First Class.
Attachés:
M. Pedro Martinez Fraga;
M. Luis Machado;
M. Gustavo S. de Bustamante.
ECUADOR
Rue de la Bienfaisance, 9
I. Delegate Plenipotentiary (1 Place)
M. Dorn y de Alsua, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of Ecuador at Paris;
Dr. Carlos B. Tobar, former Minister of Foreign Affairs.
IV. Secretariat General
Secretary General:
M. G. Zaldumbide, Secretary of Legation of the First Class.
[Page 37]
GREECE
Hotel Mercédès
(Tel. Passy: 72–67; 72–84)
I. Plenipotentiary Delegates (2 Places)
M. Eleftherios Veniselos, President of the Council of Ministers;
M. Nicolas Politis, Minister of Foreign Affairs;
M. A. Romanos, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of His Majesty the King of the Hellenes at Paris.
II. Delegates and Technical Advisers
M. A. Michalakopoulos, Minister of State;
M. L. Coromilas, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of His Majesty the King of the Hellenes at Rome.
III. Technical Experts
political and diplomatic questions
M. C. Rentis, Chief of Section in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs;
M. R. Raphaël, Secretary in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs;
M. S. Marchetti, Secretary of Legation;
M. A. Negropontis, Attaché of Legation.
legal questions
M. M. Kebedgy, former Counselor to the Mixed Court of Appeals of Egypt;
M. Th. Jon, former Professor of International Law at Boston University.
military questions
Colonel A. Mazarakis.
naval questions
Captain N. Botassis, Naval Attaché in the Legation of Greece at Paris.
labor questions
M. I. Sophianopoulos, Secretary General of the Ministry of National Economy.
financial questions
M. Andreades, Professor at the University of Athens;
M. A. Mylonas, Secretary General in the Ministry of Agriculture.
[Page 38]
commercial and economic questions
M. N. Speranza, Director in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs;
M. K. Varvaressos, Director in the Ministry of National Economy.
industrial questions and public works
M. A. Politis, Director of the Hellenic Railways;
M. M. Caramanos, Commercial Counselor of the Hellenic Government.
IV. Secretariat General
Secretaries General:
M. N. Speranza, Director in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs;
M. C. Rentis, Chief of Section in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
A. Greek Secretariat of the Conference
Secretaries:
M. R. Raphaël, Secretary in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs;
M. S. Marchetti, Secretary of Legation;
M. K. Veniselos, Secretary of Legation.
Attachés:
M. C. Papadiamantopoulos, Attaché in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs;
M. A. Negropontis, Attaché of Legation.
B. Offices of the Ministers and Plenipotentiary Delegates
Office of the President of the Council of Ministers, Minister of War Chief of the Office:
M. Jean Politis, Secretary of Legation.
Office of Ordinance:
Captain S. Veniselos.
Secretary:
M. A. Lianopoulos, Vice Consul.
Office of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs:
Chief of the Office:
M. Georges Melas, Secretary in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
Secretary:
Lieutenant Ath. Politis, Attaché in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
[Page 39]
GUATEMALA
Avenue Kléber, 44
(Tel. Passy: 54–35)
I. Plenipotentiary Delegate (1 Place)
M. Joaquín Mendéz, former Minister of State for Public Works and Public Education, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of Guatemala at Washington, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary on Special Mission at Paris.
IV. Secretariat General
Secretary General:
M. Guillermo Matos Pacheco, Chargé d’Affaires of Guatemala at Paris.
Assistant Secretary:
Dr. Rodolfo Robles.
Military Attaché:
Captain Miguel Idigoras, of the Military Academy of Guatemala, Personal Attaché of the President of Republic of Guatemala.
HAITI
Boulevard de Courcelles, 104
(Tel. Wagram: 55–80)
I. Plenipotentiary Delegate (1 Place)
M. Tertullien Guilbaud, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of Haiti at Paris.
IV. Secretariat General
Secretaries:
M. Clément Dartiguenave, Secretary of the Legation of Haiti at Paris;
Dr. Auguste Casseus, former Counselor of Legation.
[Page 40]
HEDJAZ
Avenue du Bois-de-Boulogne, 72
(Tel. Passy: 56–04)
I. Plenipotentiary Delegates (2 Places)
His Royal Highness Emir Feisal;
M. Rustem Haidar.
II. Delegates and Technical Advisers
General Noury;
Dr. Ahmed Kadry;
Farès Khoury;
Emine Arslan;
Captain Tahsine Kadry.
IV. Secretariat General
Secretary General:
Aouni Abdul-Hadi.
Secretary:
Kisbani.
HONDURAS
Hotel du Bon LaFontaine, Rue des Saints-Peres, 64 and 66
(Tel. Saxe: 18–80)
I. Plenipotentiary Delegate (1 Place)
Dr. Policarpo Bonilla, on Special Mission at Washington, former President of the Republic of Honduras; Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary.
LIBERIA
Hotel Scribe
(Tel. Central: 39–46)
I. Plenipotentiary Delegates (1 Place)
Hon. C. D. B. King, Secretary of State;
M. C. B. Dunbar;
M. H. F. Worley.
[Page 41]
IV. Secretariat General
Secretary:
M. H. A. Miller.
NICARAGUA
Boulevard de Magenta, 28
I. Plenipotentiary Delegate (1 Place)
M. Salvador Chamorro, President of the Chamber of Deputies.
IV. Secretariat General
First Secretary:
M. Guerrero-Montalvan, Advocate.
Second Secretary:
M. C. Chamorro-Bénard, Consul General of Nicaragua at Paris.
Counselors:
M. Pedro Cabrera;
M. Luis Jiménez.
PANAMA
Quai de Passy, 16
(Tel. Passy: 82–47)
I. Plenipotentiary Delegate (1 Place)
M. Antonio Burgos, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of Panama at Madrid.
III. Delegates and Technical Advisers
M. Walter S. Penfield, Legal Counselor of the Legation of Panama at Washington;
Lieut. Colonel Arthur Dryhurst Budd, of the American Army.
IV. Secretariat General
Rue Cardinet, 70
(Tel. Wagram: 04–15)
Secretary:
M. Ernest Heurtematte, Consul of Panama at Paris, Attaché in the Legation.
Assistant Attaché:
M. Raul A. Amador, Chargé d’Affaires of Panama at Paris.
[Page 42]
PERU
Rue Chateaubriand, 14
(Tel. Élysées: 49–93)
I. Plenipotentiary Delegates (1 Place)
M. Carlos G. Candamo, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of Peru at Paris;
M. Francisco Garcia Calderon, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of Peru at Brussels;
M. V. M. Maurtua, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of Peru at The Hague, former Minister of Finance, former Deputy.
IV. Secretariat General
Secretaries:
M. Juan B. de Lavalle;
M. Enrique Goytisolo.
POLAND
Hotel des Champs-Élysées, 3, 5, Rue Balzac
(Tel. Élysées: 06–87; 19–86; 19–87; and 19–88)
I. Plenipotentiary Delegates (2 Places)
M. Roman Dmowski, President of the Polish National Committee;
M. Ignace Paderewski, President of the Council of Ministers, Minister of Foreign Affairs.
Alternate:
M. Casimir Dluski, Member of the Polish National Committee.
II. Delegates and Technical Advisers
legal questions
M. Stanislas Kutrzeba, Professor of History of Law at the University of Cracow and Member of the Polish Academy at Warsaw and of the Czech Academy at Prague.
questions relating to responsibility for the war
M. Constantin Skirmunt, Member of the Polish National Committee, Delegate to the Italian Government;
M. Léon Lubienski, Member of the Polish National Committee;
M. Casimir Rybinski, Delegate of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
[Page 43]
labor questions
M. Stanislas Patek, Member of the Polish National Committee;
M. Jean Zoltowski, Member of the Polish National Committee.
financial questions
M. Sigismond Chamiec, Secretary General of the Polish Economic Delegation, Director of the National Bank of Loans (Bank of Poland).
economic questions
Dr. Arthur Benis, Secretary of the Chamber of Commerce of Cracow.
questions relating to reparation of damage questions
M. Sigismond Chamiec, Director of National Bank of Loans;
M. Ladislas Grabski, President of the Office of the Liquidation of War;
M. Casimir Olszowski, Director of the Department of Damages in the Ministry of Finances of Poland;
M. Roman Rybarski, Professor at the University of Cracow.
economic and commercial questions
M. André Wierzbicki, President of the Polish Economic Delegation, former Minister of Industry and Commerce, Director of the Society of Industrialists of Poland.
communication questions
M. Casimir Kasperski, Economist, Professor at the School of Higher Studies of Commerce of Warsaw.
III. Technical Experts
political and diplomatic questions
M. Joachim Bartoszewicz, Member of the Polish National Committee;
M. Casimir Downarowicz, Member of the Polish National Committee;
M. Erasme Piltz, Member of the Polish National Committee, Delegate to the French Government;
M. Nicolas Rey, Member of the Polish National Committee;
M. Marjan Seyda, Member of the Polish National Committee;
M. Ladislas Sobanski, Member of the Polish National Committee, Delegate to the British Government;
M. Gustave Szura, Delegate of the National Council from the Duchy of Teschen;
M. Vladimir Tetmajer, Member of the Polish National Committee;
M. Stanislas Thugutt, Member of the Polish National Committee, former Minister of the Interior;
[Page 44]
M. Joseph Wielowieyski, Member of the Polish National Committee, Secretary General of the Committee;
M. Maurice Zamoyski, Member of the Polish National Committee.
historical and legal questions
M. François Pulaski, President of the Polish Commission of Preparatory Work for the Peace Conference, former President of the Council of State, Secretary General of the Society of Sciences of Warsaw;
M. Oscar Halecki, Professor of the History of Eastern Europe at the University of Warsaw;
M. Ladislas Konopczynski, Professor of the History of Poland at the University of Cracow, Member of the Society of Sciences of Warsaw;
M. Léon Valerian Nalecz d’Ostrorog, former Legal Counselor of the Ottoman Empire, former First Legal Counselor and Minister Plenipotentiary of the Sublime Porte;
M. Czeslas Prusrynski, Counselor of Legation;
M. Venceslas Sobieski, Professor of Contemporary History at the University of Cracow, Member of the Society of Sciences of Warsaw;
M. Bohdan Winiarski, Lecturer of Constitutional and Administrative Law at the School of Political Science of Cracow.
naval questions
Colonel George Zwierkowski.
labor questions
M. François Sokal, Engineer, of the Ministry of Labor.
economic, industrial, agricultural, financial and commercial questions
M. Venceslas Babinski, Economist;
M. François Bujak, Economist, Professor at the University of Cracow, Corresponding Member of the Academy of Sciences of Cracow;
M. Joseph Buzek, Economist, Professor at the University of Cracow, Director of the Central Statistical Office of Warsaw;
M. Sigismond Chrzanowski, Vice President of the Central Agricultural Society of Poland;
M. Antoine Doerman, Economist, Under Secretary of State for Commerce and Industry of Galicia;
M. Boguslaw Herse, President of the Society of Polish Merchants;
M. Stanislas Karlowski, Director of the Bank of Commerce at Warsaw;
[Page 45]
M. Stefan Laurysiewicz, Vice President of the Society of Polish Merchants;
M. André Lubomirski, President of the Society of Industrialists of Galicia;
M. Étienne Markowski, former Director of the Russian Asiatic Bank at London and New York;
M. Edouard Natanson, Industrialist, Member of the Council of the Society of Industrialists of Poland;
M. Maurice Poznanski, Industrialist, Member of the Council of the Society of Industrialists of Poland;
M. Edouard Rose, of the Ministry of Industry and Commerce;
M. Alexandre Szczepanski, Economist, Director of the Economic Section in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs at Warsaw;
M. Henri Tennenbaum, Economist, Professor at the School of Higher Studies of Commerce of Warsaw;
M. Gustave Wertheim, Economist, Professor at the School of Higher Studies of Commerce of Warsaw.
reparation of damage questions
M. Venceslas Kawinski, Director of the Central Industrial Commission of the Evaluation of Damages.
geographical and ethnographical questions
M. Jean Czekanowski, Professor at the University of Lwow;
M. Casimir Nitsch, Professor at the University of Lwow, Corresponding Member of the Academy of Sciences of Cracow;
M. Eugène Romer, Professor at the University of Lwow, Corresponding Member of the Academy of Sciences of Cracow;
M. Jean Rozwadowski, Member of the Polish National Committee;
M. Antoine Sujkowski, Professor of Geography at the University of Warsaw.
IV. Secretariat General
Secretary General:
M. Stanislas Kozicki, Member of the Polish National Committee.
Assistant Secretaries:
M. Michel Sokolnicki, Member of the Polish National Committee;
M. Sigismond Chamiec, Secretary General of the Economic Delegation.
Chief of the Office of the Secretariat General:
M. Georges Tomaszewski, former Secretary of Legation.
Chief of the Press Service:
M. Louis Wlodek.
[Page 46]
PORTUGAL
Hotel Campbell
(Tel. Élysées: 08–69, 08–70)
I. Plenipotentiary Delegates (2 Places)
Dr. Affonso Costa, former President of the Council of Ministers;
M. Augusto Soares, former Minister of Foreign Affairs;
Colonel Norton de Mattos, former Minister of War;
M. Alfredo Freire d’Andrade, Professor on the Faculty of Sciences, former Minister of Foreign Affairs;
M. Jayme Batalha Reis, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of Portugal at Petrograd.
II. Delegates and Technical Advisers
political and diplomatic questions
M. João Chagas, Minister Plenipotentiary, former President of the Council of Ministers;
M. Manuel Teixeira-Gomes, Minister Plenipotentiary;
M. Augusto de Vasconcellos, Minister Plenipotentiary, former President of the Council and former Minister of Foreign Affairs.
legal questions
M. Augusto Soares, former Minister of Foreign Affairs.
league of nations
M. Jayme Batalha Reis, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of Portugal at Petrograd.
financial and communication questions
M. A. Santos Viegas, former Minister of Finances, Subdirector of the Portugal Railways Company.
military and aviation questions
Colonel Norton de Mattos, former Minister of War.
naval questions
Captain A. Botelho de Sousa, Professor at the Naval School, former Senator.
economic and labor questions
Dr. Albino Vieira da Rocha, Professor of Economics at the University of Lisbon.
[Page 47]
colonial questions
M. Alfredo Freire d’Andrade, Professor on the Faculty of Sciences, former Minister of Foreign Affairs.
IV. Secretariat General
Secretary General:
M. Augusto de Vasconcellos, Minister Plenipotentiary, former President of the Council and former Minister of Foreign Affairs.
Assistant Secretary General:
M. A. de S. Santos Bandeira, Minister Plenipotentiary.
Secretaries:
M. João A. de Bianchi, First Secretary of the Delegation, Secretary of the Legation of Portugal at London;
M. José de Abreu, Chief of the Office of the President of the Delegation;
Captain T. W. Fernandes, Assistant Military Attaché in the Legation of Portugal at London;
Lieutenant Sebastião de Barros Abreu e Costa, Private Secretary of the President of the Delegation;
Second Lieutenant Alfredo da Cruz Nordeste, Assistant in the Secretariat;
Second Lieutenant Luiz Leote do Rego, Assistant in the Secretariat.
ROUMANIA
Avenue des Champs-Éilysées, 77
(Tel. Passy: 53–16)
I. Plenipotentiary Delegates (2 Places)
M. Jean J. C. Bratiano, President of the Council of Ministers, Minister of Foreign Affairs;
General Constantin Coanda, General of the Army Corps, Royal Aide-de-Camp, former President of the Council of Ministers;
Dr. Vaida-Voevod, Minister of State;
M. Nicolas Misu, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of His Majesty the King of Roumania at London;
M. Victor Antonesco, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of His Majesty the King of Roumania at Paris, former Minister of Finance;
M. Constantin Diamandy, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of His Majesty the King of Roumania at Petrograd;
[Page 48]
M. Georges Danielopol, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of His Majesty the King of Roumania at Washington.
II. Delegates and Technical Advisers
M. P. Zahariade, Engineer Inspector General, former Subdirector of the State Railways;
M. S. Rosental, Legal Consultant.
III. Technical Experts
legal questions
M. Ef. Antonesco, Counselor of the Court of Appeal of Bucharest, Secretary General of the Roumanian Delegation;
M. C. Antoniade, Counselor of the Court of Appeal of Bucharest;
M. M. Djuvara, Doctor of Law.
military questions
Staff-Colonel Thomas Dimitresco.
economic and financial questions
M. G. Caracostea, Engineer Inspector General, Director of the Commercial Service on the Railways;
Dr. Creanga, Professor at the University, former Secretary General of the Ministry of Industry and Commerce;
M. C. Crishan (Banat);
M. N. Flondor, Secretary General of the Ministry for Bukovina;
M. D. Gheorghio, Director General of Customs;
M. D. Marinesco, Engineer Inspector General of Post and Telegraph;
M. Jean Mocsoni (Banat);
Dr. Moroiano, Commercial Attaché (Transylvania);
Dr. Mrazec, Professor at the University of Bucharest, Member of the Roumanian Academy;
M. Eugène Neguicea, Professor of the University, former Director General of Customs;
M. Michel Serban, Lecturer at the University, Agricultural Inspector (Transylvania);
M. Georges Popesco, Engineer Inspector General, Director of River Hydraulic Service;
M. Nicolas Stefanesco, Engineer Inspector General, former Director of River Navigation of the Roumanian State;
M. Jean Tanasesco, Engineer, Subdirector of Biological Institute of Bucharest;
M. Jean Pellivan, Director of Justice in Bessarabia.
[Page 49]
ethnographical and geographical questions
M. Caïus Brediceano, Special Counselor to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Banat);
Professor Doctor Coltor (Transylvania);
M. Lepadato, Member of the Roumanian Academy (Transylvania);
M. Arhip Roshca (Bukovina);
M. Basile Vitenco (Bukovina);
M. Trajan Vuia (Banat).
IV. Secretariat General
Secretary General:
M. Constantin Bratiano, former Director of the Political Office of the Presidency of the Council of Ministers.
Assistants to the President of the Delegation:
M. Aurel Vassilio, Secretary of the First Class of the Legation of Roumania at Paris;
M. J.-J. Plessia, Chief of the Office of the Minister of Foreign Affairs.
SERBIA
Hotel Beau-Site, Rue de Presbourg, 4
(Tel. Passy: 55–47)
I. Plenipotentiary Delegates (3 Places)
M. N. P. Pachitch, former President of the Council of Ministers;
M. Ante Trumbić, Minister of Foreign Affairs;
M. Milenko R. Vesnitch, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of His Majesty the King of Serbia at Paris;
M. M. Ivan Zolger, Professor of the University;
M. Mathias Boshkovitch, Minister Plenipotentiary in retirement;
M. Otokar Rybar, Deputy;
M. Josip Smodlaka, Deputy.
II. Delegates and Technical Advisers
M. Andreya Radovitch, former President of the Council of Ministers;
M. Costa Stoyanovitch, former Minister;
M. Miloche Savtchitch, former Minister;
M. Velizar Yankovitch, former Minister;
M. Andra Stanitch, former Minister.
[Page 50]
legal questions
M. Slobodan Yovanovitch, Professor at the University of Belgrade;
M. Rodolphe A. Reiss, Professor of the University;
M. Dragoljoub Arandjelovitch, former Minister, Professor at the University of Belgrade;
M. Koumanoudi, Professor at the University of Belgrade;
M. M. A. Novakovitch, Lecturer at the University of Belgrade;
M. Léonide Pitamić, Professor of the University;
M. Iovan Voutchkovitch, Consul General.
military questions
General Pierre Péchitch, Deputy Chief of the Supreme General Staff;
Colonel of the General Staff D. Calafatovitch.
economic, financial, and communication questions
M. Dragolyoub Yoksimovitch, Deputy;
M. B. Voukovitch, Secretary General to the Board of Directors of the State Railways.
merchant marine questions
M. Melko Cingrija, Deputy;
M. Bozo Banac, Shipowner;
M. Bogdan Durbesić, Shipowner;
M. Filip Wolf Vuković, former Secretary of the Association of Shipowners at Trieste.
ethnographical and historical questions
M. Iovan Cvijić, former Rector of the University of Belgrade;
M. Andreja Radovitch, former President of the Council of Ministers;
Count L. de Vojnovitch, former Minister;
M. Tih. Djordjévitch, Lecturer at the University of Belgrade;
M. Alexandre Bélitch, Professor at the University of Belgrade;
M. Boza Marković, Professor at the University of Belgrade;
M. Iovan Radonitch, Professor at the University of Belgrade;
M. Stanoyé Stanoyevitch, Professor at the University of Belgrade;
M. Niko Zupanić, Vice Director of the Ethnographical Museum of Belgrade.
III. Technical Experts
military questions
Captain V. Sustersié;
Commandant Mirko Marinkovitch;
Commandant K. Stoyanovitch;
[Page 51]
Lieutenant V. Boudissavlievitch;
Lieutenant Mil. Andritch, Secretary of the Mission;
Lieutenant S. Tobolar.
economic and financial questions
M. Velimir Baïkitch, Director of the State School of Commerce;
M. Franc Barac, Professor at the University of Zagreb;
M. Albert Bonetić;
M. Milko Brezigar, Economist;
M. Dragoutine Doutchitch, Chief of Section in the Administration of State Monopolies;
M. V. Jelavić, Secretary in the Chamber of Commerce of Sarajevo;
M. Ivan Ierman, Economist;
M. Vekoslav Kisovec, Advocate;
M. Svetomir Korporić, Advocate;
M. Milko Kramer, Industrialist;
M. losip Lakatos, Publicist;
M. Bogdan Markovitch, Director of Land Credit;
M. Ivo Politeo, Publicist;
M. Dragoutine Protitch, Advocate;
M. Nicolas Stanarevitch, Bank Director;
M. Nicolas Stoyanovitch, Deputy;
M. Milan Todorovitch, Inspector in the Ministry of Commerce and Industry;
M. Costa Yovanovitch, Secretary General of the Chamber of Commerce of Belgrade.
communication questions
M. Ranislav Avramovitch, Engineer in Chief of the State Railways;
M. Dragoutine Dimitrievitch, Chief of Section in the Ministry of Post and Telegraphs;
M. R. Lenac, Governor of the City and District of Rieka (Fiume);
M. Bora Paiévitch, Engineer of the State Railways;
M. Milan Pouitch, Inspector of the State Railways;
M. Milan Senoa, Professor at the University of Zagreb.
ethnographical and historical questions
M. Ivan Maria Cok, Advocate;
M. Franjo Kovacić, Professor;
M. J. Mackovsek, Engineer;
M. Stévan Mihaldjitch, Archpriest;
M. Ianko Pretnar, Professor;
M. Iosip Ribarić, Professor;
M. Rudolf Signjar, Director of the Statistical Bureau of Zagreb;
[Page 52]
M. M. Slavić, Professor;
M. Milan Senoa, Professor at the University of Zagreb;
M. Ferdo de Sisić, Professor at the University of Zagreb;
M. Thomas Sorli, Notary;
M. André Tresic-Pavicic, Deputy;
Mgr. Hiralion Zeremsky, Bishop;
M. Nikola Zic, Professor.
Press Section:
M. Pa vie Popovitch, Professor at the University of Belgrade;
M. Franjo Cvetisa, Publicist;
M. Milan Grol, Director of the National Theater of Belgrade;
M. Grégoire Jakchitch, Consul;
M. Lazar Markovitch, Professor at the University of Belgrade;
M. Ivan Shvegel, Doctor of Law;
M. Janko Spassoyévitch, former Minister;
M. Vassa Stayitch, Professor;
M. Pavle Stéfanovitch, Professor;
M. Jovan Tanovitch, Publicist;
M. D. Tomitch, Journalist.
IV. Secretariat General
Secretaries General:
M. Bogumil Vosnjak;
M. Jovan T. Markovitch, Minister Plenipotentiary.
Secretaries:
M. Stévan Pavlovitch, Chief of the Office of the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Secretary of Legation of the First Class;
M. Brana Markovitch, Secretary of Legation of the First Class;
M. Lioubomir Néchitch, Secretary in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs;
M. Dragoutine Koyitch, Secretary of Legation;
M. Pavle Karovitch, Secretary in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs;
M. Ninko Péritch, Secretary in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs;
M. Pierre M. Yovanovitch, Secretary in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs;
M. Dragomir Kossidolatz, Secretary in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs;
M. Vassilyié Protitch, Secretary in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs;
M. Alexandre Tzintzar Markovitch, Secretary in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs;
M. Constantin Fotitch, Attaché of Legation;
M. Radomir N. Pachitch, Attaché of Legation.
[Page 53]
Attachés:
M. M. Pétroniévitch, former Chief of the Office of His Majesty the King;
M. Jivko Barlovatz, former Honorary Consul General;
M. Frédéric Juvancić, Professor in the Marine Academy;
M. Drago Marusić, Advocate;
M. Bruno-Hugo Stare, Secretary;
M. Marcel Guieysse Subprefect unattached.
SIAM
8, Rue Greuze
(Tel. Passy: 85–22)
I. Plenipotentiary Delegates (2 Places)
Prince Charoon, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of His Majesty the King of Siam at Paris;
Prince Traidos Prabandhu, Under Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs;
Phya Bibadh Kosha, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of His Majesty the King of Siam at Rome.
II. Technical Delegates
military questions
Lieut. Colonel Amoradhat, Aide-de-Camp of His Majesty the King of Siam, Military Attaché of the Siamese Legation at Paris.
naval questions
Captain Phra Pradiyat Navayuth, Aide-de-Camp of His Majesty the King of Siam, Member of the Siamese Military Mission at Paris.
IV. Secretariat General
Secretary General:
M. C. Kejara, Judge of the International Court of Bangkok.
Secretary:
Prince Vaidyakara, Secretary of the Legation of Siam at Paris.
Attachés:
Phra Ratanayapti, Attaché of Legation;
Luang Manja Vadi, Attaché in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs;
Luang Mitra Karma, Attaché in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs;
M. Choo Li, Attaché of Legation.
[Page 54]
CZECHO-SLOVAKIA (REPUBLIC)
Hotel Lutetia
(Tel. Fleurus: 16–75)
I. Plenipotentiary Delegates (2 Places)
M. Charles Kramar, President of the Council of Ministers;
M. Edouard Benes, Minister of Foreign Affairs.
III. Technical Experts
legal questions
M. Jaroslaw Kallab, Professor of International Law in the University of Prague;
M. Jean Kramar, Professor of Civil Law in the University of Prague.
military questions
Lieut. Colonel Bodolphe Kalhous, of the Ministry of National Defense.
labor questions
M. Rudolph Broz, Advocate at Prerov (Moravia);
M. Charles Brozek, Secretary of the Syndicate of Workers of Czechoslovak Mine Fields at Most (Brux);
M. Charles Folber, Secretary of the Syndicate of Tailors at Prague;
M. Joseph Hudec, Deputy in the Parliament of Prague;
M. Rodolphe Laube, Deputy in the Parliament of Prague;
M. Joseph Macek, Counselor in the Ministry of Agriculture at Prague;
M. V. Rambousek, Deputy in Parliament.
economic and financial questions
M. Théodore Houdek, Slovak Deputy in the Parliament of Prague;
M. Jean Kolousek, Professor of Political Economy in the Polytechnic School of Prague;
M. Jaroslaw Preiss, Director in Chief of the Zivnostenka Bank at Prague.
industrial, commercial, colonial, and naval questions
M. J. J. Dienelt, Director of the Export Office of the Chamber of Commerce and Industry at Prague;
M. Jean Havlasa, Explorer;
M. Igor Hrusovsky, Expert on Statistics of Industrial Work in Slovakia;
M. Vladimir List, Professor at the Polytechnic School of Brno (Moravia);
M. Hugo Vavrecka, Engineer, Naval Officer.
[Page 55]
communication questions
M. Antoine Klir, Professor at the Polytechnic School of Prague;
M. Eustache Moelzer, Engineer and Counselor in the Ministry of Public Works;
M. Vladimir Ibl, Engineer and Counselor of the Czecho-Slovak State Railways;
M. Vilém Cerno, Engineer of the Czecho-Slovak State Railways.
geological and mining industry questions
M. Joseph Voldrich, Professor of Geology at the Polytechnic School of Prague.
geographical, ethnographical and statistical questions
M. Antoine Bohac, Professor at Prague;
M. Adolphe Cerny, Professor of the University of Prague;
M. Jean Chotek, Professor of the University of Prague;
M. Victor Dvorsky, Professor of the University of Prague;
M. Joseph Malir, Professor at the Gymnasium of Zabreh (Moravia);
M. Lubos Niederle, Professor of the University of Prague;
M. Joseph Skultety, Slovak Deputy in the Parliament of Prague;
M. Thomas Stypa, Professor at Prague.
historical questions of czech law
M. Jean Kapras, Professor at the University of Prague.
cartographical questions
M. Jean Hocke, Professor at Prague;
M. Jaroslaw Pantoflicek, Professor at the Polytechnic School of Prague;
M. Jaroslaw Salac, Professor at Prague.
ecclesiastical questions
Mgr. Marian Blaha, Doctor of Theology, Dean at Trnava in Slovakia.
questions relating to affairs of teschen and of the rectification of the frontiers of czech silesia
M. Joseph Lukes, Agrarian Deputy for Silesia in the Parliament of Prague, Counselor of the Court of Assizes of Teschen.
lusatian affairs
M. Ernest Bart, Deputy in the Chamber of Saxony;
M. Jean Serbin, Professor and Delegate of Lusatia.
[Page 56]
ruthenian affairs in eastern slovakia
M. Antoine Bezkyd, Advocate at Presov.
IV. Secretariat General
Secretary General:
M. Stephen Osusky, Chargé d’Affaires at the Czecho-Slovakian Legation at London.
Secretaries:
M. Miro P. Bozinov, Secretary in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs;
M. Vladimir Slavik, Advocate at Jindr. Hradec;
M. Cyril Dusek, Deputy in the Parliament of Prague.
URUGUAY
Avenue Kléber, 78
(Tel. Passy: 64–38)
I. Plenipotentiary Delegates (1 Place)
M. Juan Antonio Buero, Minister of Foreign Affairs, former Minister of Industry, former Deputy;
M. Jacobo Varela Acevedo, former Minister of Foreign Affairs, former Senator;
M. Juan Carlos Blanco, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of Uruguay at Paris, former Minister of Public Works, former Deputy.
II. Delegates and Technical Advisers
Colonel Julio Nunez Brian;
Lieut. Colonel Hector Marfetan.
IV. Secretariat General
Secretary General:
M. Julian Nogueira.
Secretaries:
M. Rafael Capurro;
M. Adolfo Vaeza Belgrano;
M. Jorge B. Hardoy.
[Page 57]
PART II. Organization of the Conference
A. Bureau of the Conference
President: M. Georges Clemenceau (France)
Vice Presidents: Hon. Robert Lansing (United States of America); The Rt. Hon. David Lloyd George (British Empire); M. V. E. Orlando (Italy); Marquis Saionji (Japan).
secretariat general
Secretary General: M. P. Dutasta
Secretaries:
United States of America: Mr. Joseph Clark Grew; Mr. Leland Harrison; Colonel U. S. Grant, 3rd. British Empire: Lt. Colonel Sir Maurice Hankey; Mr. H. Norman; Mr. Eric Phipps. France: M. Paul Gauthier; M. de Béarn. Italy: Count L. Aldrovandi; Marquis C. Durazzo; M. G. Brambilla. Japan: M. Sadao Saburi; M. E. Kawai; M. H. Ashida.
functions of the secretariat
Office of the Secretariat General:
M. Arnavon, Secretary of Embassy of the First Class, Chief of Office.
secretariat
Secretaries:
M. de Montille;
Baron Pieyre;
Captain de Saint-Quentin;
M. Tetreau;
Lieutenant de Percin;
Captain Carteron;
M. Lavondès;
Captain Escoffier;
Viscount Emmery;
Lieutenant Duboin;
M. de Curzon.
[Page 58]
Translators:
M. Mantoux, Translating Officer of the Third Class;
M. Bergery, Translating Officer of the Third Class;
M. Camerlynck, Fellow of the University;
M. Coullet, Fellow of the University;
M. Demolon, Translating Officer of the Second Class;
M. Digeon, Fellow of the University;
M. Fannière, Translating Officer of the Second Class;
M. Gauthier, Fellow of the University;
M. Letorey, Translating Officer of the Second Class;
M. Meyer, Translating Officer of the Second Class;
M. de Pomereu, Assistant Translator;
M. Talamon, Lieutenant of Infantry.
protocol and archives
Lieut. Colonel Rey, Chief of Office.
Protocol:
Captain Lèbre;
Lieutenant Bedel;
M. E. Bordier;
M. Duchat;
M. Varnoux.
Stenography:
Captain Arsandaux, Revising Stenographer of the Senate;
M. Bara, Stenographer of the Senate;
M. Buchet, Stenographer of the Senate;
M. Clavel, Stenographer of the Chamber of Deputies;
Captain Detot, Revising Stenographer of the Chamber of Deputies;
M. Duployé, Stenographer of the Council of State;
M. Gavelle, Stenographer of the Chamber of Deputies;
M. Guérie, Stenographer of the Senate;
M. Guérin, Revising Stenographer of the Senate;
M. Hellouin, Stenographer of the Senate;
M. Roger Heymann, Stenographer of the Senate;
M. Raymond Heymann;
M. Lefèvre, Stenographer of the Senate;
M. Lelioux, Stenographer of the Council of State;
M. Lenglet, Revising Stenographer of the Chamber of Deputies;
M. Lévy, Revising Stenographer of the Senate;
M. Mayéras, Revising Stenographer of the Senate;
Captain Meyer, Stenographer of the Chamber of Deputies;
M. de la Morandière, Stenographer of the Senate;
M. Pillon, Revising Stenographer of the Senate;
[Page 59]
M. Raynaud, Chief of the Stenographic Office of the Chamber of Deputies;
M. Reddé, Assistant Stenographer of the Senate;
M. Robert, Revising Stenographer of the Chamber of Deputies;
M. Sarradin, Revising Stenographer of the Chamber of Deputies;
M. Vaudequin, Stenographer of the Algerian Financial Delegations;
M. Vincent, Stenographer of the Algerian Financial Delegations.
Archives.
Captain Carteron;
M. de Curzon.
committee on the verification of powers
Hon. Henry White (United States of America);
The Rt. Hon. Arthur James Balfour (British Empire);
M. Jules Cambon (France);
Marquis G. F. Salvago Raggi (Italy);
M. K. Matsui (Japan).
drafting committee
Mr. James Brown Scott (United States of America);
Mr. C. J. B. Hurst (British Empire);
M. Fromageot (France);
M. A. Ricci-Busatti (Italy);
M. H. Nagaoka (Japan).
B. The Conference in Plenary Session
United States of America (5 places): The President of the United States; Hon. Robert Lansing; Hon. Henry White; Hon. Edward M. House; General Tasker H. Bliss. British Empire: Great Britain (5 places): The Rt. Hon. David Lloyd George; The Rt. Hon. Arthur James Balfour; The Rt. Hon. A. Bonar Law; The Rt. Hon. G. N. Barnes; The Rt. Hon. Viscount Milner; The Rt. Hon. Winston Churchill. Dominions and India: Canada (2 places): The Rt. Hon. Sir Robert Borden; The Rt. Hon. Sir George Foster; The Hon. C. J. Doherty; The Hon. A. L. Sifton. [Page 60] Australia (2 places): The Rt. Hon. W. M. Hughes; The Rt. Hon. Sir Joseph Cook. South Africa (2 places): General the Rt. Hon. Louis Botha; Lieut. General the Rt. Hon. J. C. Smuts. New Zealand (1 place): The Rt. Hon. W. F. Massey; The Rt. Hon. Sir Joseph Ward. Newfoundland: The Rt. Hon. Sir William F. Lloyd; Alternate: Sir William Goode. India (2 places): The Rt. Hon. E. S. Montagu; Major General His Highness the Maharajah of Bikaner; The Rt. Hon. the Lord Sinha. France (5 places): M. Georges Clemenceau; M. Pichon; M. L.-L. Klotz; M. André Tardieu; M. Jules Cambon; Marshal Foch. Italy (5 places): M. V. E. Orlando; Baron S. Sonnino; Marquis G. F. Salvago Raggi; M. A. Salandra; M. S. Barzilai. Japan (5 places): Marquis Saionji; Baron Makino; Viscount Chinda; M. K. Matsui; M. H. Ijuin. Belgium (3 places): M. Hymans; M. van den Heuvel; M. Vandervelde. Bolivia (1 place): M. Ismaël Montes. Brazil (3 places): M. Epitacio Pessõa; M. Olyntho de Magalhaes; M. Pandiá Calogeras; M. Raoul Fernandes. China (2 places): M. Lou Tseng-tsiang; M. Cheng-ting Thomas Wang; M. Vi Kyuin Wellington Koo; M. Sao-Ke Alfred Sze; M. Suntchou Wei. Cuba (1 place): M. Antonio Sanchez de Bustamante. Ecuador (1 place): M. Dorn y de Alsua; Dr. Carlos R. Tobar, [Page 61] Greece (2 places): M. Eleftherios Veniselos; M. Nicolas Politis; M. A. Romanos. Guatemala (1 place): M. Joaquín Méndez. Haiti (1 place): M. Tertullien Guilbaud. Hedjaz (2 places): His Royal Highness Emir Feisal; M. Rustem Haidar. Honduras (1 place): Dr. Policarpo Bonilla. Liberia (1 place): Hon. C. D. B. King; M. C. B. Dunbar; M. H. F. Worley. Nicaragua (1 place): M. Salvador Chamorro. Panama (1 place): M. Antonio Burgos. Peru (1 place): M. Carlos G. Candamo; M. Francisco Garcia Calderon; M. V. M. Maurtua. Poland (2 places): M. Roman Dmowski; M. Ignace Paderewski, Alternate: M. Casimir Dluski. Portugal (2 places): Dr. Affonso Costa; M. Augusto Soares; Colonel Norton de Mattos; M. Alfredo Freire de Andrade; M. Jayme Batalha-Reis. Roumania (2 places): M. Jean J. C. Bratiano; General Constantin Coanda; Dr. Vaida-Voevod; M. Nicolas Misu; M. Victor Antonesco; M. Constantin Diamandy; M. Georges Danielopol. Serbia (3 places): M. N. P. Pachitch; M. Ante Trumbić; M. Milenko R. Vesnitch; M. M. Ivan Zolger; M. Mathias Boshkovitch; M. Otokar Rybar; M. Josip Smodlaka. Siam (2 places): Prince Charoon; Prince Traidos Prabandhu; Phya Bibadh Kosha. Czecho-Slovak Republic (2 places): M. Charles Kramar; M. Edouard Benes, [Page 62] Uruguay (1 place): M. Juan Antonio Buero; M. Jacobo Varela Acevedo; M. Juan Carlos Blanco.
C. Supreme Council of the Allies
Meeting Place: Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Office of the Minister)
President: M. Georges Clemenceau
United States of America: The President of the United States; Hon. Robert Lansing. British Empire: The Rt. Hon. David Lloyd George; The Rt. Hon. Arthur James Balfour. France: M. Georges Clemenceau; M. Pichon. Italy: M. V. E. Orlando; Baron S. Sonnino. Japan: Marquis Saionji; Baron Makino.
secretariat
France: M. P. Dutasta. United States of America: Mr. Joseph Clark Grew. British Empire: Lieut. Colonel Sir Maurice Hankey. Italy: Count L. Aldrovandi. Japan: M. Sadao Saburi.
D. Commissions
I. League of Nations.
II. Responsibility of the Authors of the War and the Enforcement of Penalties.
III. Reparation of Damage.
IV. International Labor Legislation.
V. International Regime of Ports, Waterways, and Railways.
VI. Financial Questions.
VII. Economic Questions.
VIII. Aeronautical.
IX. Territorial Questions.
X. Interallied Military and Naval Committee.
XI. Control of the Production of Materials of War in Germany and the Disarmament of the German Army.
XII. Specification of Materials of War Which May Be Demanded From Germany.
XIII. Study of the Means of Imposing the Armistice Conditions on Germany.
XIV. Committee for Drafting of the Military, Naval, and Aerial Clauses in the Treaty with Germany.
XV. Morocco.
XVI. Submarine Cables.
XVII. Supreme Economic Council.
[Page 63]
I. League of Nations
(Plenary Session of the Conference of January 25, 1919)
Place of Meeting: Hotel de Crillon
President: The President of the United States
United States of America: The President of the United States; Hon. Edward M. House. British Empire: The Rt. Hon. the Lord Robert Cecil; Lieut. General the Rt. Hon. J. C. Smuts. France: M. Léon Bourgeois; M. F. Larnaude. Italy: M. V. E. Orlando; M. A. Scialoja. Japan: Baron Makino; Viscount Chinda. Belgium: M. Hymans. Brazil: M. Epitacio Pessõa. China: M. Vi Kyuin Wellington Koo. Greece: M. Eleftherios Veniselos. Poland: M. Roman Dmowski. Portugal: M. Jayme Batalha Reis. Roumania: M. Constantin Diamandy. Serbia: M. Milenko R. Vesnitch. Czecho-Slovakia (Rep.): M. Charles Kramar.
secretariat
Secretaries:
United States of America: Mr. Whitney Shepardson. British Empire: Mr. Philip Baker. France: M. Clauzel. Italy: M. A. Ricci-Busatti. Japan: M. Sadao Saburi.
Liaison with the Secretariat General of the Conference: M. de Sillac.
II. Responsibility of the Authors of the War and the Enforcement of Penalties
(Plenary Session of the Conference of January 25, 1919)
Place of Meeting: Ministry of the Interior (Grand Dining Room)
President: Hon. Robert Lansing (United States of America)
Vice Presidents: The Rt. Hon. Sir Gordon Hewart (British Empire); or Sir Ernest Pollock (British Empire); M. A. Scialoja (Italy)
[Page 64]
United States of America: Hon. Robert Lansing; Mr. James Brown Scott. British Empire: The Rt. Hon. Sir Gordon Hewart; Alternates: Sir Ernest Pollock; The Rt. Hon. W. F. Massey. France: M. André Tardieu; Alternates: Captain Masson; M. F. Larnaude. Italy: M. A. Scialoja; Alternates: M. A. Ricci-Busatti; M. Gustavo Tosti; M. M. d’Amelio. Japan: M. Adatci; M. H. Nagaoka; Alternate: M. Sakutaro Tachi. Belgium: M. Rolin–Jaequemyns. Greece: M. Nicolas Politis. Poland: M. Constantin Skirmunt; Alternate: M. Léon Lubienski. Roumania: M. S. Rosental. Serbia: M. Slobodan Yovanovitch; Alternates: M. Koumanoudi; M. A. Novacovitch.
secretariat
Secretary General: M. A. de Lapradelle (France)
Secretaries:
United States of America: Mr. Alexander C. Kirk. British Empire: Lieut. Colonel O. M. Biggar. Italy: M. Gustavo Tosti. Japan: M. K. Kuriyama. Belgium: Baron Jules Guillaume. Greece: M. S. Marchetti. Poland: M. Casimir Rybinski.
Liaison with the Secretariat General of the Conference: Captain M. Escoffier.
[Page 65]
subcommissions
First Subcommission.—Criminal Acts
President: The Rt. Hon. W. F. Massey (British Empire)
United States of America: Mr. James Brown Scott. British Empire: The Rt. Hon. W. F. Massey. France: M. André Tardieu; Alternate: Captain Masson. Greece: M. Nicolas Politis. Japan: M. Adatci.
Second Subcommission.—Responsibility of the Authors of the War
President: Sir Ernest Pollock (British Empire)
British Empire: The Rt. Hon. Sir Gordon Hewart; or Sir Ernest Pollock. France: M. F. Larnaude. Italy: M. A. Scialoja; Alternates: M. A. Ricci-Busatti; M. Gustavo Tosti. Belgium: M. Rolin-Jaequemyns. Serbia: M. Slobodan Yovanovitch; Alternates: M. Koumanoudi; M. A. Novacovitch.
Third Subcommission.—Violation of the Laws and Customs of War
President: Hon. Robert Lansing (United States of America)
United States of America: Hon. Robert Lansing. Italy: M. M. d’Amelio. Japan: M. H. Nagaoka; Alternate: M. Sakutaro Tachi. Poland: M. Constantin Skirmunt; Alternate: M. Léon Lubienski. Roumania: M. S. Rosental.
[Page 66]
III. Reparation of Damage
(Plenary Session of the Conference of January 25, 1919)
Place of Meeting: Ministry of Finance, Hôtel du Ministre, Rue de Rivoli, Porte D.
President: M. L.-L. Klotz (France)
Vice Presidents: The Rt. Hon. W. M. Hughes (British Empire); M. van den Heuvel (Belgium).
United States of America: Mr. Bernard M. Baruch; Mr. Norman H. Davis; Mr. Vance McCormick. British Empire: The Rt. Hon. W. M. Hughes; Alternates: Sir Robert Garran; The Rt. Hon. the Lord Sumner of Ibstone; The Rt. Hon. the Lord Cunliffe. France: M. L.-L. Klotz; M. Loucheur; M. Albert Lebrun. Italy: M. A. Salandra; Alternates: M. S. Crespi; M. E. Chiesa; M. M. d’Amelio. Japan: M. Kengo Mori; M. H. Nagaoka; M. Tatsumi. Belgium: M. van den Heuvel; M. Despret. Greece: M. A. Romanos; M. A. Michalakopoulos. Poland: M. Sigismond Chamiec; M. Casimir Olszowski. Portugal: Dr. Affonso Costa; M. Alfredo Freire d’Andrade. Roumania: M. Georges Danielopol; M. P. Zahariade. Serbia: M. Costa Stoyanovitch; Alternates: M. Dragoutine Protitch; M. Velimir Baikitch; M. Miloche Savtchitch. Czecho-Slovak Republic: M. Edouard Benes; M. Stephen Osusky.
[Page 67]
secretariat
Secretaries:
United States of America: Mr. Jerome D. Greene. British Empire: Lieut. Colonel the Hon. Sidney Peel. France: M. de Lasteyrie. Italy: M. F. Foberti.
Liaison with the Secretariat General of the Conference: Baron M. Pieyre.
First Subcommission.—Evaluation of Damage
President: The Rt. Hon. the Lord Sumner of Ibstone (British Empire)
Vice President: M. E. Chiesa (Italy)
United States of America: Mr. Vance McCormick. British Empire: The Rt. Hon. the Lord Sumner of Ibstone. France: M. Albert Lebrun. Italy: M. E. Chiesa. Japan: M. Kengo Mori. Belgium: M. van den Heuvel. Greece: M. A. Michalakopoulos. Poland: M. Casimir Olszowski. Portugal: M. A. Santos Viegas. Roumania: M. Georges Danielopol. Serbia: M. Miloche Savtchitch. Czecho-Slovak Republic: M. Edouard Benes.
Secretary: M. E. Minost (France)
Second Subcommission.—Study of Financial Capacity of Enemy States, Their Means of Payment and Reparation
President: The Rt. Hon. the Lord Cunliffe (British Empire)
Vice President: M. Loucheur (France)
United States of America: Mr. Norman H. Davis. British Empire: The Rt. Hon. the Lord Cunliffe. France: M. Loucheur. Italy: M. A. Salandra; Alternate: M. M. d’Amelio. Japan: M. Tatsumi. Poland: M. Sigismond Chamiec. Portugal: M. Alfredo Freire d’Andrade. Roumania: M. Georges Danielopol. Serbia: M. Costa Stoyanovitch.
Secretary: M. F. Foberti (Italy)
[Page 68]
Third Subcommission.—Measures of Control and Guarantees
President: The Rt. Hon. W. M. Hughes (British Empire)
Vice President: Mr. Bernard M. Baruch (United States of America)
United States of America: Mr. Bernard M. Baruch. British Empire: The Rt. Hon. W. M. Hughes. France: M. L.-L. Klotz. Italy: M. M. d’Amelio. Japan: M. H. Nagaoka. Belgium: M. Despret. Greece: M. A. Romanos. Poland: M. Casimir Olszowski.
Secretary: Lieutenant James (United States of America)
IV. International Labor Legislation
(Plenary Session of the Conference of January 25, 1919)
Place of Meeting: Ministry of Labor, Hôtel du Ministre, Dining Room
President: Mr. Samuel Gompers (United States of America).
Vice Presidents: Mr. G. N. Barnes (British Empire); M. Colliard (France).
United States of America: Mr. Samuel Gompers; Mr. Edward N. Hurley; Alternate: Mr. Henry M. Robinson. British Empire: The Rt. Hon. G. N. Barnes, Alternates: Mr. H. B. Butler; Sir Malcolm Delevingne. France: M. Colliard; M. Loucheur. Italy: Baron B. Mayor des Planches; M. A. Cabrini; Alternate: M. S. Coletti. Japan: M. Otchiai; M. Oka. Belgium: M. Vandervelde; M. Mahaim. Cuba: M. Antonio Sanchez de Bustamante. Poland: M. Stanislas Patek; [Page 69] Alternate: M. François Sokal. Czecho-Slovak Republic: M. Rudolph Broz.
secretariat
Secretary General: M. Arthur Fontaine (France)
Assistant Secretary General: Mr. H. B. Butler (British Empire)
Secretaries:
United States of America: Mr. Guy H. Oyster. Italy: M. di Palma Castiglione. Japan: M. Yoshisaka.
Liaison with the Secretariat General of the Conference: Lieutenant Duboin.
V. International Regime of Ports, Waterways, and Railway
(Plenary Session of the Conference of January 25, 1919)
Place of Meeting: Ministry of Public Works, Room 39
President: M. S. Crespi (Italy)
Vice President: The Hon. A. L. Sifton (British Empire)
United States of America: Hon. Henry White; Mr. David Hunter Miller; Alternate: Mr. Manley O. Hudson. British Empire: The Hon. A. L. Sifton; Sir Hubert Llewellyn Smith; Alternate: Brigadier General H. O. Mance. France: M. Claveille; M. André Weiss. Italy: M. S. Crespi; M. G. de Martino. Japan: M. Adatci; Colonel Sato. Belgium: M. Segers; Alternates: M. de Visscher; M. Jean Hostie. China: M. Cheng-ting Thomas Wang; [Page 70] Alternate: M. Wang Chin-chun. Greece: M. L. Coromilas. Poland: M. Casimir Kasperski. Portugal: Count de Penha Garcia; Succeeded by: M. Augusto de Vasconcellos; Then by: Colonel Norton de Mattos. Roumania: M. Nicolas Misu; Alternate: M. Nicolas Stefanesco. Serbia: M. Ante Trumbić. Czecho-Slovak R
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Missouri Digital Heritage: Dred Scott Case, 1846
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MISSOURI STATE ARCHIVES
Missouri's Dred Scott Case, 1846-1857
In its 1857 decision that stunned the nation, the United States Supreme Court upheld slavery in United States territories, denied the legality of black citizenship in America, and declared the Missouri Compromise to be unconstitutional. All of this was the result of an April 1846 action when Dred Scott innocently made his mark with an "X," signing his petition in a pro forma freedom suit, initiated under Missouri law, to sue for freedom in the St. Louis Circuit Court. Desiring freedom, his case instead became the lightning rod for sectional bitterness and hostility that was only resolved by war.
"Dred Scott, a man of color, respectfully states. he is claimed as a slave."
(Petition to Sue for Freedom, 6 April 1846)
Initially, Scott's case for freedom was routine and relatively insignificant, like hundreds of others that passed through the St. Louis Circuit Court. The cases were allowed because a Missouri statute stated that any person, black or white, held in wrongful enslavement could sue for freedom. The petition that Dred Scott signed indicated the reasons he felt he was entitled to freedom. Scott's owner, Dr. John Emerson, was a United States Army surgeon who traveled to various military posts in the free state of Illinois and the free Wisconsin Territory. Dred Scott traveled with him and, therefore, resided in areas where slavery was outlawed. Because of Missouri's long-standing "once free, always free" judicial standard in determining freedom suits, slaves who were taken to such areas were freed-even if they returned to the slave state of Missouri. Once the bonds of slavery were broken, they did not reattach.
Dred Scott was born to slave parents in Virginia sometime around the turn of the nineteenth century. His parents may have been the property of Peter Blow, or Blow may have purchased Scott at a later date. The mystery of exact ownership is one that would follow Dred Scott, and later his family, throughout their lives as slaves. With few records extant, it is difficult to identify exactly when ownership of the family was transferred to various parties. By 1830, Peter Blow had settled his family of four sons and three daughters and his six slaves in St. Louis. This was after having moved from Virginia to Alabama, to attempt farming near Huntsville, and, when that failed, a move from Alabama to Missouri. In St. Louis, Peter Blow undertook the running of a boarding house, the Jefferson Hotel. Within a year, though, his wife Elizabeth died and on June 23, 1832, Peter Blow passed away.
The Blow children remained in St. Louis after the deaths of their parents and became well established in the city's society through marriage to prominent families. Charlotte Taylor Blow married Joseph Charless, Jr., in November 1831; his father had established the first newspaper west of the Mississippi River and had been a leading opponent of slavery while editor. Charless, Jr., operated a wholesale drug and paint store, Charless & Company (later Charless, Blow, & Company when brothers-in-law Henry Taylor Blow and Taylor Blow became partners). Martha Ella Blow married attorney Charles Drake in 1835. Drake is better known in history for his role in the creation of Missouri's 1865 constitution. As a leader of the Radical Republican Party after the Civil War, he was determined to punish those considered Southern sympathizers; the constitution he helped author took away many of their rights, including enfranchisement. Peter Ethelrod Blow married Eugenie LaBeaume in 1833. She was from an old French banking family; her oldest brother was a wealthy businessman who, in partnership with Blow, formed Peter E. Blow & Company. She had two other brothers; one was the St. Louis County sheriff for a time in the 1840s, and one, Charles Edmund LaBeaume, was a St. Louis attorney who played an important role in Dred Scott's freedom suits. All of these St. Louis connections proved helpful to Dred Scott.
".the said Dr. John Emerson purchased your petitioner."
(Petition to Sue for Freedom, 6 April 1846)
One of Dred Scott's ownership mysteries concerns the date of his sale to Dr. John Emerson. It was sometime after the Blows arrived in St. Louis in 1830 and before Dr. Emerson reported to Fort Armstrong in Illinois on December 1, 1833. There is no extant record of the sale, although several theories have been posited. It is possible that Peter Blow sold Dred Scott to Emerson before his death. It is also possible that Blow's heirs sold him from the estate. On June 30, 1847, Henry Taylor Blow testified in Dred Scott's circuit court trial for freedom that Peter Blow sold Scott to Dr. Emerson. Emerson's attorneys did not object to this testimony or cross-examine Blow on its accuracy, so it is probable this is the manner in which the ownership of Dred Scott passed to Dr. Emerson.
John Emerson came to St. Louis sometime before August 1831. He served as a civilian doctor at Jefferson Barracks for a time before his October 25, 1833, appointment as an assistant surgeon in the United States Army. He left St. Louis on November 19, accompanied by Dred Scott, to report for duty at Fort Armstrong, Illinois (the stay referred to in court documents as Rock Island). Emerson's assignment lasted for nearly three years and, under the conditions of the Northwest Ordinance of 1787, entitled Dred Scott to his freedom. That ordinance prohibited slavery in regions between the Mississippi and Ohio rivers and the Great Lakes, except as punishment for crimes. In addition, when the state of Illinois was created from part of the Northwest Ordinance territory in 1818, the state constitution prohibited slavery.
".and there kept petitioner to labor and service."
(Petition to Sue for Freedom, 6 April 1846)
Living at Rock Island was Dred Scott's first chance to sue for his freedom, assuming he knew he had that right. He did not sue, though, and in May 1836, traveled with Dr. Emerson to Fort Snelling when Emerson was transferred. Fort Snelling was located in the newly created Wisconsin Territory (part of the Iowa Territory after 1838), on the west bank of the Mississippi River. The journey and residence at Fort Snelling was Dred Scott's second chance to sue for freedom. Now he was resident in a territory that was governed by the 1820 Missouri Compromise, which prohibited slavery north of 36° 30' except within the boundaries of the state of Missouri. Again, though, he did not pursue his opportunity to sue for freedom based on this residence.
In either 1836 or 1837, Dred Scott married Harriet Robinson, a teen-aged slave owned by Major Lawrence Taliaferro, Indian agent for the territory. Unusual for slave weddings was the fact that an actual civil ceremony took place. Taliaferro was a justice of the peace and performed the wedding. At some point, ownership of Harriet was transferred to Emerson, although the record is unclear as to how this came about-another ownership mystery of the Scott family.
On October 20, 1837, Emerson left Fort Snelling for assignment to St. Louis, which he had repeatedly requested. He traveled from the fort by canoe because the upper Mississippi River was already frozen and steamboats were not making the trip. Due to the mode of travel, he left behind most of his possessions, including Dred and Harriet Scott. The Scotts were left in the care of someone else, to be hired out until Emerson could make arrangements to send for them. They had opportunity to escape slavery by running away in his absence, but they did not. Nor did they attempt to sue for their freedom during this time.
Almost immediately upon arriving in St. Louis, Emerson was transferred to Fort Jesup, Louisiana. He arrived there on November 22, 1837. The assignment lasted less than a year, but during that time in Louisiana he met Eliza Irene Sanford (known as Irene) of St. Louis; she was visiting her sister Mary, who was married to Captain Henry Bainbridge, also assigned to Fort Jesup at the time. Emerson married Irene on February 6, 1838. In April 1838, at Emerson's request, Dred and Harriet Scott traveled to Louisiana, thus voluntarily returning to a slave state. That September, the Emersons and the Scotts returned to St. Louis for a brief stay, then traveled back to Fort Snelling in October. On that October trip back to Fort Snelling, Eliza Scott, named for her mistress, was born on the steamer Gipsey, captained by Thomas Gray, north of the boundary of 36° 30' , in free territory. The group remained at Fort Snelling until May 1840.
".Emerson was ordered to Florida. and left petitioner."
(Petition to Sue for Freedom, 6 April 1846)
On May 29, 1840, Emerson was transferred to Florida, where the Seminole War was being fought. He left his wife and slaves in St. Louis, where Irene Emerson's father, Alexander Sanford, resided on his plantation, called California, in north St. Louis County; Sanford owned four slaves. Dred and Harriet Scott were hired out to various people during that time. Emerson was honorably discharged from the United States Army in August 1842. He returned to St. Louis but, unable to maintain a successful private practice in the city, settled permanently in Davenport, Iowa, on land he purchased in 1835. He began practice there in the summer of 1843. Irene Emerson joined him and gave birth to their daughter Henrietta in November 1843. On December 29, 1843, Emerson died suddenly; he was forty years old. The official cause of death was listed as consumption, but it is possible he died of complications from syphilis. An inventory of his Iowa estate mentioned slaves, but the inventory is no longer extant, so it is impossible to determine if this reference was to the Scott family. There is no mention of any slaves in Emerson's Missouri estate inventory, although it is likely that Dred and Harriet Scott were living in or around St. Louis, hired out. After Emerson's death, Irene Emerson returned to St. Louis with her daughter and lived with her father. His proslavery sentiments probably influenced many of her decisions after Dred and Harriet Scott filed for freedom.
By March 1846, Dred and Harriet Scott were hired out to Samuel Russell; he was the owner of a wholesale grocery, Russell & Bennett, located on Water Street in St. Louis. At some prior point, Dred Scott had been in the service of Irene Emerson's brother-in-law, Captain Henry Bainbridge. Later reports claim that he traveled with Bainbridge to Corpus Christi, Texas, but returned to St. Louis at the outbreak of the Mexican War. No mention of this travel is made in official court documents. There is no mention of where Harriet and Eliza Scott were during the time that Dred Scott was with Bainbridge.
".He is entitled to his freedom."
(Petition to Sue for Freedom, 6 April 1846)
On April 6, 1846, Dred and Harriet Scott each filed separate petitions in suits against Irene Emerson in the St. Louis Circuit Court to obtain their freedom from slavery. These documents, identical in nature, stated that the petitioners were entitled to their freedom based on residences in the free state of Illinois (Rock Island) and the free Wisconsin Territory (Fort Snelling).
The suits were brought under a Missouri statute that specifically allowed anyone held wrongfully in slavery to sue for their freedom. Specific procedures for filing suit were outlined in the statute. First, a petition to sue was filed in the circuit court. If the petition contained sufficient evidence that the plaintiff was being wrongfully held, the judge ordered that the petitioner be allowed to sue; security for all court costs that might be adjudged had to be presented to the court. The judge would also order that the petitioner have liberty to attend to counsel and court, and not be removed from the jurisdiction of the court, or subjected to any severe punishment because of the freedom suit. Although proslavery in sentiment, Judge John M. Krum approved the form of the petitions, which Dred and Harriet Scott signed with their marks, an "X," and granted them permission to sue.
"It shall be lawful for any person held in slavery to petition the general court."
(Laws of the Territory of Louisiana, 27 June 1807)
The statute required that the action taken be an action of trespass for false imprisonment. It went on to require that "The declaration shall be in the common form of a declaration for false imprisonment, and shall contain an averment, that the plaintiff, before and at the time of the committing of the grievances, was, and still is, a free person, and that the defendant held, and still holds, him in slavery." Clearly, Missouri law accommodated the pursuit of freedom under certain circumstances. As historian Don E. Fehrenbacher stated: "Anyone familiar with Missouri law could have told the Scotts that they had a strong case. Again and again, the highest court of the state had ruled that a master who took his slave to reside in a state or territory where slavery was prohibited thereby emancipated him" (Fehrenbacher 130).
Dred and Harriet Scott had no political motivation to pursue freedom. No one questioned their legitimate right to their freedom based on extended residence in free areas. That uncertainty had been resolved with the Missouri Supreme Court's 1824 decision in Winny v. Whitesides, where a mandate of "once free, always free" became standard judicial practice. Established legal precedents, however, no longer reflected what became an increasingly proslavery judicial attitude. From 1844 to 1846, twenty-five freedom suits had been filed in the St. Louis Circuit Court; only one resulted in freedom.
Dred and Harriet Scott's first attorney, in what became a long legal journey, was Francis B. Murdoch, who had moved to St. Louis from Alton, Illinois, in 1841. Murdoch was Alton's prosecuting attorney when abolitionist newspaperman Elijah Lovejoy was killed by a mob there in 1837. He may have connected with the Scott family through John R. Anderson who was minister of the Second African Baptist Church that Harriet Scott attended in St. Louis. Anderson had also lived in Alton; in fact, he had been Lovejoy's typesetter and was in Alton the night proslavery mobs destroyed the newspaper office and killed Lovejoy. Anderson returned to St. Louis soon after and began helping slaves pursue their freedom whenever he could. There is no definitive evidence of the Murdoch-Anderson connection in assisting the Scott family. However, Murdoch did help the Scotts initiate their freedom suits, and posted the required security for them. For some reason, he moved to California in 1847 before their cases came to trial.
".at the office of Charles D. Drake. depositions will be taken."
(Notice to take Depositions, 10 May 1847)
At this point, the Blow family, children of Dred Scott's former owner, became involved in the freedom suits, providing both financial and legal assistance. There are no known motivations for their involvement in the cases. The family may have felt some obligation to a former slave. It is probable that Charlotte Blow Charless, as the family matriarch, requested her brother-in-law Charles Drake's assistance with Dred and Harriet Scott's freedom suits when Murdoch left. Drake was the widower of Martha Ella Blow and, after her death, his unmarried sister-in-law, Elizabeth Blow, cared for the two young Drake children, keeping Drake in close contact with the Blow family. At this time, the future emancipator, described as intense and intelligent, supported slavery. It is not certain that Drake ever represented the Scotts in court, but he did a thorough job of taking depositions and positioning the case for its St. Louis trial. He temporarily moved to Cincinnati, his family's home, in June 1847, which once more left Dred and Harriet Scott without an attorney.
Again, there is no documentary evidence of how the Scotts' third attorney became involved, but circumstantial facts reveal a possible scenario. Samuel Mansfield Bay, a New Yorker by birth, and former Missouri legislator and attorney general, became the attorney of record in June 1847. He was the attorney for the Bank of Missouri where Joseph Charless, Jr., husband of Charlotte Blow Charless, was an officer. Charless, Jr., signed as security for Dred Scott on legal documents. It is possible Charless asked Bay to become involved in the Scotts' freedom suits.
"You are hereby commanded, that setting aside all manner of excuse and delay,
you appear before our Circuit Court."
(Writ of Summons, 24 June 1847)
The case came to trial on June 30, 1847, in the St. Louis circuit court. Judge Alexander Hamilton presided over the trial. In a fortuitous turn of events, he had replaced the proslavery Judge Krum; Hamilton's general sympathy toward slave freedom suits was favorable to Dred and Harriet Scott. George Goode represented Irene Emerson. Missouri law was clearly on the side of the Scott family. All Bay had to do was prove that Emerson had taken Dred Scott, and then Harriet, to reside on free soil, making them free by Missouri law, and that after Emerson's death, his widow claimed and held them as slaves in Missouri.
There were many precedents in Missouri law upholding the "once free, always free" judicial practice. There was the cornerstone case of Winny v. Whitesides (1824), which held that a person held in slavery in Illinois then brought to Missouri was entitled to freedom based on that residence. That decision was followed just a few years later by Merry v. Tiffin & Menard (1827) which held that residence in any territory where slavery was prohibited by the Northwest Ordinance of 1787 worked a slave's freedom. The validity of the Northwest Ordinance slavery prohibition was upheld by the Missouri Supreme Court in their 1828 decision in LaGrange v. Chouteau and again in Theoteste alias Catiche v. Chouteau (1829). That residence in Illinois worked a slave's freedom was upheld in numerous Court decisions, including Julia v. McKinney (1833) Nat v. Ruddle (1834) and Wilson v. Melvin (1837). The fact that Dr. Emerson was resident at a military post did not prevent emancipation, according to the Court's 1837 determination in Rachel v. Walker. Between 1837 and 1846, there were no new decisions made by the Missouri Supreme Court to overturn the clearly-established doctrine of "once free, always free."
On the day of the trial, Henry Taylor Blow testified that his father had sold Dred Scott to Dr. John Emerson. Witness depositions from both military posts established the fact that Dred and Harriet Scott had resided at the posts as slaves in service to Dr. Emerson. Catherine Anderson, the wife of a Fort Snelling officer, testified in her May 10, 1847, deposition that she had hired Harriet Scott for two or three months and stated that she knew others who had hired the Scotts while Dr. Emerson was stationed at Fort Jesup in Louisiana. Miles H. Clark, deposed on May 13, 1847, stated that while he was stationed at both Fort Armstrong (Rock Island) and Fort Snelling, he knew Emerson claimed Dred Scott as a slave and used him as such. Samuel Russell of St. Louis testified in court that he had hired Dred and Harriet Scott from Irene Emerson and paid her father, Alexander Sanford, for their services.
On cross-examination, though, Goode revealed that Russell's wife Adeline had, in fact, made the arrangements to hire Dred and Harriett from Irene Emerson; all Samuel Russell had done was pay money to Sanford. His testimony was dismissed as hearsay and did not prove to the jury that Irene Emerson held the Scotts as slaves. Because of this technicality, the jury returned a verdict against the Scotts-they remained in slavery. There was no question at this point as to the validity of the Northwest Ordinance slavery prohibition, or the similar prohibition in the 1820 Missouri Compromise. The jury did not deny "once free, always free"-they simply did not hear testimony sufficient to prove that Irene Emerson claimed Dred and Harriet Scott as her slaves. When Hamilton instructed the jury that Samuel Russell's testimony was inadmissible, they returned a verdict for Emerson.
".the plaintiff. moves the Court to set aside the verdict rendered."
(Motion for New Trial, 30 June 1847)
Bay moved for a new trial, arguing that the Scott family should not remain in slavery because of a technicality in the legal proceedings that could be easily remedied. Hamilton granted a new trial in December 1847, but not before Goode filed a bill of exceptions to the motion for a new trial, resulting in the case being taken on a writ of error to the Missouri Supreme Court; sitting were justices William Napton, William Scott, and Priestly H. McBride. A transcript of the circuit court trial was filed in Jefferson City on March 6, 1848. The case was argued on written briefs only; no oral statements were made. At this point, Alexander P. Field and David N. Hall represented Dred Scott. Field was an expert trial lawyer and prominent figure in Illinois and Wisconsin politics; little is known about Hall. Like Bay, the two attorneys had shared office space with Peter E. Blow's brother-in-law, Charles Edmund LaBeaume.
By the time the Missouri Supreme Court was prepared to hear the case on April 3, 1848, Judge Hamilton had already granted the new trial. As a result, Judge William Scott issued the unanimous decision on June 30, 1848, that there was "no final judgment upon which a writ of error can only lie," because the new trial had not taken place yet. Again, there was no consideration of the political implications of slavery in the territories; the case was still simply a suit for freedom, with the outcome still to be determined by St. Louis courts.
On March 17, 1848, before the next trial took place, Irene Emerson had the sheriff of St. Louis County take charge of the Scott family. He was responsible for their hiring out, and maintained the wages until such a time as the outcome of the freedom suit was determined (custody of the Scott family would remain with the St. Louis County sheriff until March 18, 1857). Beginning in 1851, Charles Edmund LaBeaume hired Dred and Harriet Scott from the sheriff; they worked for him for the next seven years. Sometime in 1849 or 1850, Irene Emerson moved to Springfield, Massachusetts, and married Dr. Calvin C. Chaffee in November 1850. Chaffee, an abolitionist apparently unaware of his wife's involvement in a slave freedom suit, was elected to the United States Congress shortly after his marriage to Irene Emerson.
"If the jury believe from the evidence."
(Jury Instructions, 1850)
Although Hamilton had granted a new trial on December 2, 1847, there was a lengthy delay before it actually took place. First, the case's detour to the Missouri Supreme Court took place in the spring and summer of 1848. Upon its return to the St. Louis Circuit Court, it was docketed for February 27, 1849, but postponed because of a heavy court schedule. This happened again when a court date of May 2, 1849, was set. The possibility of a trial in late May was denied when a fire swept through St. Louis on May 17, bringing most business in the city to a complete halt. A cholera outbreak in the summer delayed proceedings further. The case was finally heard on January 12, 1850, with Judge Alexander Hamilton presiding. The attorneys for Dred Scott were Field and Hall, who had represented him in the Missouri Supreme Court. In 1849, Hugh Garland and Lyman D. Norris replaced Emerson attorney George Goode. Garland was a Virginian by birth and had served in that state's legislature. Little is known about Norris' background, except that he was staunchly pro-slavery and never established a residence in St. Louis.
Field and Hall established the Scotts' residence in a free state and territory; at this point, there were still two separate cases, one for Dred Scott and one for Harriet Scott. The depositions of Catherine Anderson and Miles H. Clark were again presented. This time, though, a deposition of Adeline Russell was included, indicating that she made arrangements with Irene Emerson to hire the slaves Dred and Harriet Scott. Samuel Russell appeared in court to testify that he paid for the hiring of the slaves. The technicality that had cost freedom at the 1847 trial was now rectified.
For their case, Garland and Norris claimed that Irene Emerson had every right to hire out her slaves. They stated that while Dr. Emerson was residing at Fort Armstrong (Rock Island) and Fort Snelling, he was under military jurisdiction-not the civil law that prohibited slavery in those areas. Military law, they claimed, superceded civil law and therefore Dred and Harriet Scott were not free. This argument of military and civil law had already been presented to the Missouri Supreme Court in Rachel v. Walker (1837) and the Court determined at that time that the argument did not apply. Garland and Norris ignored this precedent, though, in an effort to protect Emerson's property interests.
With the new testimony from Adeline Russell proving that Irene Emerson claimed and held Dred and Harriet Scott as slaves, and with favorable instructions from Judge Hamilton, the jury found for the plaintiffs. Dred Scott and his family were free. Following the procedures outlined by Missouri law, they won freedom just like many other slaves had done previously in the state. The case was obviously not yet the lightning rod in the fight over slavery politics that it later became.
".the decision of the Supreme Court. shall also decide
and conclude the case of the said Harriet, his wife."
(Stipulation, 12 February 1850)
Emerson's attorneys immediately asked for a new trial, but were overruled. They then appealed to the Missouri Supreme Court, which granted a hearing. It is posited that the justices were waiting for an opportunity to make a pro-slavery judicial pronouncement and Scott v. Emerson provided that chance. On February 12, 1850, an agreement was reached between all parties that only the case of Dred Scott v. Irene Emerson would be advanced; the outcome of that decision would apply to Harriet Scott's case, too. The case was docketed for the March 1850 term in St. Louis. The justices deciding the case were William Napton, who had been on the bench during Emerson's 1848 appeal, James H. Birch, and John F. Ryland.
At the Supreme Court level, Emerson's attorneys continued to maintain that military law was different from civil law when slave property was involved. They claimed this despite the Court's ruling to the contrary in Rachel v. Walker. Hugh Garland's brief, filed in March 1850, had two points: 1) consent of the master and 2) military jurisdiction. He claimed that because Emerson was ordered to the military posts, there was no implied consent on his part that he willingly took his slaves into free areas; therefore, residence in those areas did not work Dred Scott's freedom. The Court had determined in Nat v. Ruddle (1834) that freedom existed only if the slave's residence in free areas is with the master's consent. Garland followed up this argument with his claim that, to a certain extent, military jurisdiction annulled the slavery prohibitions of the Northwest Ordinance and the Missouri Compromise. He did not deny the constitutionality of those provisions; he simply stated they did not apply in this instance.
David Hall prepared the brief for Dred Scott. He used the same arguments that he had promoted in the lower court: residence in a free state/territory worked the freedom of a slave and this was a solid judicial standard in Missouri. He claimed Rachel v. Walker denied the difference between military and civil law, and pointed out that when Dr. Emerson left Fort Snelling for Fort Jesup, he voluntarily left Dred Scott in a free territory, thereby working his freedom.
Because of an overloaded docket, the case was not taken up in the March 1850 term, but postponed until the October term. The decision of the justices to remand Dred Scott to slavery, though, had already been made. According to historian Walter Ehrlich, "For the first time, politics was injected into the case, not by the parties, but by the judges of the Missouri Supreme Court in their intended decision" (Ehrlich 58). He states that the justices made a decision, in the midst of growing sectional tension over the expansion of slavery, to overturn all previous opinions that recognized the validity of slavery prohibitions. Napton and Birch were strongly pro-slavery. While his views were less resolute, Ryland could not be described as anti-slavery. Although the three reached a unanimous decision, their opinion was never written. Napton was to have formulated the written opinion, but postponed his writing while waiting for a particular legal tome to arrive in Jefferson City. Before the book arrived, though, the first opportunity for Missouri voters to elect their judicial officials arose in August 1851. Nine candidates ran in the contested election for the three state Supreme Court seats; according to newspaper articles, the Dred Scott case as such was not a campaign topic. Napton and Birch were both voted off the bench in the August 1851 elections.
"Times now are not as they were,
when the former decisions on this subject were made."
(Missouri Supreme Court Opinion, filed 22 March 1852)
The case, then, came before a new Court comprised of two new justices, Hamilton Gamble, William Scott, and the one remaining justice, John Ryland. Hamilton Gamble, born in 1798 in Virginia, was a St. Louis attorney and Whig; he began legal practice at the age of eighteen and was appointed Missouri's Secretary of State in 1824. His legal technique was clear, brief, and logical. William Scott was a pro-slavery Democrat who had been on the bench during Irene Emerson's appeal in 1848. The new Court met in St. Louis for the October 1851 term, where they examined the Dred Scott case. The election of the two new judges, though, did little to change the political motivation, already in play, for a pro-slavery decision.
In anticipation of the hearing, Alexander Field resubmitted the 1850 briefs to the court. Emerson's attorney, Lyman Norris, not aware of Field's action, was in the process of preparing a new brief for the Court's examination. He obtained permission to file it late. His brief is of particular importance, says Ehrlich, because it marked "a significant change in the legal arguments" (Ehrlich 61). Although the justices questioned the validity of the slavery prohibitions outlined in the Ordinance of 1787 and the Missouri Compromise of 1820, Emerson's attorneys had never made validity of the prohibitions an argument in previous court appearances. In his new brief, Norris did not say the prohibitions were unconstitutional, but he questioned them as legal principles in his challenge of "once free, always free." His "sober second thoughts" on the matter challenged for the first time congressional prohibition of slavery in the territories. Dred Scott's suit for freedom was no longer simply that-the questioning of congressional authority now turned the case into a lightning rod for the slavery controversy.
The Court adjourned on December 24, 1851, and reconvened on March 15, 1852. On March 22, 1852, they rendered their 2-1 decision reversing the lower court decision. Justice William Scott wrote the opinion, with Ryland concurring. Scott did not deny that freedom suits had been presented to the Court previously. He claimed, though, that the decisions in those cases were made on the basis of the constitutions and laws of other states and/or territories without regard to the policies in Missouri. While recognizing that interstate comity could be a positive thing, he did not feel Missouri should have to recognize laws that were in opposition to its own; there should be a limit to the acknowledgment of comity. Scott also did not deny that the Missouri Compromise slavery prohibition was valid; he simply felt it was only valid where it applied, which was not within the boundaries of the state of Missouri. He acknowledged the right of slaves to obtain their freedom when taken to free states and/or territories; he advised, though, that slavery status reattached upon return to a slave state. The racist rhetoric that had surfaced in Norris' brief was also apparent in Scott's opinion when, in his conclusion, he stated that slavery was the will of God and that "Times now are not as they were, when the former decisions on this subject were made." With this statement, Scott all but admitted that racial and sectional prejudices influenced the decision.
In his dissenting opinion, Justice Hamilton Gamble also addressed the issue of comity. He asserted, though, that the differences in achieving emancipation had always been honored among courts of different states and that taking a slave where the institution was expressly prohibited was a tacit act of emancipation. He cited cases from Missouri, Louisiana, Virginia, Mississippi, and Kentucky in his justification of the emancipation force of the 1787 Northwest Ordinance. In concluding, he acknowledged the changing times and the fact that the slavery issue was becoming explosive in American politics and wrote, "Times may have changed, public feeling may have changed, but principles have not and do not change, and in my judgment there can be no safe basis for judicial decisions, but in those principles which are immutable." Nevertheless, Dred Scott was remanded to slavery.
On March 23, the day after the Missouri Supreme Court handed down its opinion, Irene Emerson Chaffee's attorneys appeared in the St. Louis Circuit Court, filing an order for the bonds signed by the Blow family covering the court costs. The attorneys also requested a return of the slaves and the payment of the slaves' wages of four years (at 6% interest). Judge Alexander Hamilton denied the order; no explanation for his ruling was made in the record books.
"This day come again the parties by their attorneys."
(Official Court Record, 15 May 1854)
Not satisfied with the Court's decision, on November 2, 1853, Dred Scott's friends helped him institute a suit in the Circuit Court of the United States for the District of Missouri. The Blow family, though, had made a decision that it could no longer financially support the Scott family's pursuit of freedom, especially since the prevailing attitudes appeared to be hopelessly against such a thing. A new attorney represented Scott since David Hall had died in the spring of 1851, before the Missouri Supreme Court decision, and after the decision, Alexander Field moved to Louisiana. Charles Edmund LaBeaume, who had been hiring the Scotts since 1851, consulted Roswell M. Field (no relation to Alexander Field) about the case. Field was friends with Alexander Hamilton and Hamilton Gamble, both of whom were sympathetic to the Scotts' cause. Field agreed to work on the case, free of charge, and suggested a suit in the federal courts under the diverse-citizenship clause, which governed lawsuits between parties who were residents of different states.
At this juncture in the case, Irene Emerson's brother, John Sanford, claimed ownership of the Scott family. This claim, like many Dred Scott ownership mysteries, has never been solved. There are no papers transferring ownership to Sanford from Chaffee. The Scott family had always been a sort of communal property to the Sanford family, so perhaps John Sanford, as an executor of his brother-in-law's estate, felt he was responsible for the slaves and, in a sense, their owner. Sanford was a West Point graduate and wealthy businessman. Although he had previously resided in St. Louis, by 1853, he was living in New York City. He maintained family ties in St. Louis because of his 1832 marriage to Emilie Chouteau, daughter of Pierre Chouteau, one of St. Louis' largest slave-holding families. Though she died in 1836, Sanford was already an active partner in most of the Chouteau family's business interests. After his wife's death, Sanford moved to New York as the eastern representative of the American Fur Company, acquired from John Jacob Astor. This tie to Chouteau explains in part Sanford's desire to continue fighting against Dred Scott's pursuit of freedom. The Chouteau family were unyielding in their defense of the institution of slavery and had been involved in numerous freedom suits. It is probable the family, especially Pierre Chouteau, encouraged Sanford to continue defending his property rights (or at least those of his sister).
Field's ultimate purpose in continuing Dred Scott's cause was to obtain from the United States Supreme Court a final judicial settlement of one question: Did residence in a free state or territory permanently free a slave? At issue was the Missouri Supreme Court's decision in Dred Scott's case that Missouri law could remand to servitude a person who had been emancipated based on residence in a free state and/or territory. The search for the answer to this question brought other questions to the fore, such as, did a black person have the right to be a citizen of the United States and thus bring suit at all? These legal aspects of slavery interested Field, probably more than the moral and ethical issues. Field claimed that being a Negro of African descent did not bar anyone from citizenship or the right to sue. This was a subject that Chief Justice Taney would address in his 1857 opinion.
The November 1853 suit was similar in most respects to Dred Scott's original plea of trespass against Irene Emerson in 1846. This time, though, the suit mentioned his daughters, Eliza and Lizzie, and claimed damages of $9000. In April 1854, Sanford's attorney, Hugh Garland filed a plea in abatement, which challenged the court's jurisdiction claiming that Dred Scott was not a citizen because he was a "negro of African descent." Field filed a demurrer stating that this fact did not bar Scott from citizenship or the right to sue. Judge Robert W. Wells upheld Field's demurrer. Because the court claimed jurisdiction, Sanford pled not guilty to Dred Scott's charges.
Field and Garland prepared an "Agreed-Upon Statement of Facts" in 1854, which was essentially a biographical sketch of Dred Scott's life from the time he was purchased by John Emerson through the 1852 Missouri Supreme Court decision. Historian Kenneth Kaufman speculates that this joint statement "probably signaled the point at which Dred Scott's freedom no longer depended on proving residence on free soil, but rather on proving that freedom, once gained on free soil, could be retained upon return to slave territory" (Kaufman 187-188). No other witnesses or testimony were offered after the statement was read to the jury on May 15, 1854. The United States Circuit Court found in favor of Sanford, leaving Dred Scott and his family in slavery. Field appealed to the United States Supreme Court at the December 1854 term. Interestingly enough, Judge Alexander Hamilton had already made a notation regarding Dred Scott v. Irene Emerson in the record books of the St. Louis Circuit Court. It read: "Continued by consent, waiting decision of U.S. Supreme Court." Hamilton made this note on January 25, 1854, many months before the federal court handed down its decision averse to Dred Scott. This notation suggests that those involved knew the case was headed to the United States Supreme Court, regardless of the outcome at the U.S. circuit court level (Kaufman 189).
"But no doubt he will find at the bar of the Supreme Court
some able and generous advocate."
(St. Louis Daily Morning Herald, 18 May 1854)
The United States Supreme Court did not hear the case until February 1856. Roswell Field arranged for Montgomery Blair, a St. Louis attorney living in Washington D.C., to argue Dred Scott's case before the Supreme Court. Because the case was becoming more high profile in the bitter conflict over slavery, Field needed a high-profile lawyer to argue it before the Court.
The Blair family was politically influential in St. Louis and Washington, D.C. Though part of the Southern aristocracy, they opposed slavery expansion. The family enjoyed a close friendship with Missouri's long-time United States Senator Thomas Hart Benton and strongly identified with the pro-Benton faction in Missouri. Montgomery Blair was outspoken in his antislavery views and, with his brother Frank, had been a leader in Missouri's Free Soil Movement. After consulting with his father, Francis Preston Blair, and securing a promise to underwrite the court costs from Gamaliel Bailey, editor of the anti-slavery "National Era," Blair agreed to represent Dred Scott.
John Sanford also had new representation in the United States Supreme Court. Hugh Garland died in October 1854; Lyman Norris had already left Missouri. Sanford acquired Reverdy Johnson, a nationally-known constitutional lawyer from Maryland, and Henry S. Geyer, St. Louis attorney and U.S. Senator for Missouri. Geyer, who defeated long-term Senator Thomas Hart Benton in 1850, represented a number of pro-slavery clients in Missouri, including Pierre Chouteau. Both Johnson and Geyer argued the case at no charge to Sanford.
In his brief filed February 7, 1856, Montgomery Blair argued that freedom based on residence in a free state or territory was permanent and slavery did not reattach upon return to a slave state. This had always been the case in Missouri until the state Supreme Court decided to inject current political views into its 1852 majority opinion. He also claimed that a Negro of African descent could be a citizen of the United States. Roswell Field and Blair hoped that the U.S. Supreme Court would uphold Missouri's long-standing legal precedent and laws regarding slave freedom and citizenship.
Oral arguments began on February 11, 1856, with Blair reiterating the points made in his brief. Geyer and Johnson challenged the authority of Congress to make the 1820 Missouri Compromise; they thus denied Dred Scott's right to freedom. They did not question whether Dred Scott could lose freedom gained by living in a free territory. They questioned whether he was ever free in the first place, since their legal interpretation did not recognize the binding force of either the Northwest Ordinance of 1787 or the Missouri Compromise of 1820.
In May 1856, the justices called for the case to be reargued in December. At that time, George Ticknor Curtis, a Boston attorney, Whig, and brother of U.S. Supreme Court Justice Benjamin Curtis, assisted Blair in arguing the constitutional questions of the case. A final decision was delivered on March 6, 1857. Eight of the nine justices wrote separate opinions. Seven justices, primarily pro-Southern, followed individual lines of reasoning that led to a shared opinion that, by law, Dred Scott was still a slave. Chief Justice Roger B. Taney wrote what is considered to be the majority opinion.
".they had no rights which the white man was bound to respect."
(Opinion of the United States Supreme Court, 6 March 1857)
Taney's "Opinion of the Court" stated that Negroes were not citizens of the United States and had no right to bring suit in a federal court. In addition, Dred Scott had not become a free man as a result of his residence at Fort Snelling because the Missouri Compromise was unconstitutional; Congress had no authority to prohibit slavery in the federal territories. Furthermore, Dred Scott did not become free based on his residence at Fort Armstrong (Rock Island), because his status, upon return to Missouri, depended upon Missouri law as determined in Scott v. Emerson. Because Dred Scott was not free under either the provisions of the Northwest Ordinance of 1787 or the 1820 Missouri Compromise, he was still a slave, not a citizen with the right to bring suit in the federal court system. According to Taney's opinion, African Americans were "beings of an inferior order. so far inferior, that they had no rights which the white man was bound to respect." (Kaufman 221). Taney returned the case to the circuit court with instructions to dismiss it for want of jurisdiction.
"Taylor Blow.acknowledges the execution by him
of a Deed of Emancipation to his slaves."
(Court Record, 26 May 1857)
In spite of the United States Supreme Court's decision that Dred Scott was a slave, he did finally receive his freedom. Irene Emerson's abolitionist second husband, Dr. Calvin Chaffee, now a Massachusetts congressman, found out his wife owned arguably the most famous slave in America in February 1857, just shortly before the Court's decision. Unable to intervene in the case at that point, Chaffee suffered "disparaging commentary" in newspapers nationwide and on the floor of Congress because of the seeming hypocrisy of his ardent abolitionist stance while being a slave owner. Chaffee immediately transferred ownership of the Scott family to Taylor Blow in St. Louis; Missouri law only allowed a citizen of the state to emancipate a slave there. Irene Emerson Chaffee agreed to this ownership transfer on the condition that she receive the wages the Scott family earned over the last seven years. The wages amounted to about $750. There is speculation that, in 1857, Dred and Harriet Scott were worth about $350 each on the slave market. Had Irene Emerson Chaffee sold them, her return may have been less than the total of their wages earned (Kaufman 226).
On May 26, 1857, Dred and Harriet Scott appeared in the St. Louis Circuit Court and were formally freed; Judge Alexander Hamilton approved the papers. Dred Scott took a job as a porter at Barnum's Hotel at Second and Walnut streets in St. Louis; he became a sort of celebrity there. The family lived off Carr Street in the city, where Harriet took in laundry, which Scott delivered when he was not working at the hotel. Dred Scott did not live to enjoy his free status very long; on September 17, 1858, he died of tuberculosis. Their daughter, Lizzie Scott, married Wilson Madison of St. Louis, and had two sons, Harry and John Alexander. Harriet Scott died on June 17, 1876, at the home of Lizzie and Wilson Madison. She was buried June 20, 1876, in Section C of Greenwood Cemetery in St. Louis County.
"Sectionalism dead? It was the most intense, bitter,
overshadowing sectionalism that forced
this decree from the Supreme Court."
(New York Tribune, 21 March 1857)
Dred Scott tried to win his freedom at a time when white Americans were struggling to determine the political status of slavery, as well as their attitudes toward black people, slave or free. He was simply in the wrong place at the wrong time. The United States Supreme Court's pro-slavery decision did not surprise the nation. In fact, it outraged much of the population when it was confirmed. When Emerson's attorneys questioned the constitutionality of the 1820 Missouri Compromise, they placed Dred Scott's case directly in the center of sectional political maelstrom. Extending slavery into the territories was a contentious issue with, as the national media reported, often-violent reactions. The hostility and bloodshed of the Missouri-Kansas border troubles only emphasized the sectional chasm between northern and southern states over the slavery issue.
The United States Supreme Court was under increasing pressure to offer a judicial resolution to the slavery issue. In denying Dred Scott his freedom, the Court made one of its most controversial decisions ever. Waves of indignation swept the North. Editorial comments from northern newspapers immediately denounced the decision as wicked, detestable, and cowardly. Individual clergymen sermonized on the evils of a decision that dismissed an entire race as inferior. The furor did not begin or end, though, with the decision's racism. Northerners who were not abolitionists, or even necessarily anti-slavery, protested the pro-Southern bias of the decision. It allowed, virtually unchecked, the spread of slavery into territories and states, threatening the economic aspirations of free white laborers.
Taney intended the Court's decision to end the slavery controversy for all time. Instead, the intense and immediate public reaction accelerated a chain of events that made fighting a civil war unavoidable.
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Candlelight Chamber Music Recital
Join us in this beautiful 350-year-old worship center for a recital with Chris Ertell on flute, George Pavelis on oboe, Jacquelin Spears on cello, and Cheryl Van Ornam on organ.
Carriage Ride
Enjoy a leisurely ride through the Historic Area by horse-drawn carriage. Surround yourself with the sights and sounds of our unique city.
Ciaconna: Tour of Italy
The recently formed Early Music Chamber Orchestra, Bruton Baroque, will begin its season “The Grand Tour” with a program from Italy, including music of Monteverdi and Locatelli.
Map & Program Guide
Download our printable map and guide to help plan your path around the largest outdoor educational living museum in the country.
Click to Download
Conversation: Meet a Person of the Past
Meet people of the past for some informal conversation or activity.
Conversation: Meet and Greet the Rare Breeds
Our Coach & Livestock team cares for over 100 rare breed animals, from lambs to cows to chickens to horses. Discover how they ensure these animals' safety and proper care.
Evening Program: Cry Witch
Question witnesses, weigh evidence, and determine the guilt or innocence of "the Virginia Witch." Not appropriate for young children due to subject matter and intense emotion.
Evening Program: Revolutionary Points of View
Step back in time to the eve of the American Revolution, when there were just as many opinions about war and independence as we hear about politics and religion today.
Evening Program: To Hang a Pirate
Join us in a trial of a Blackbeard crew member that occurred in Williamsburg in 1719. Hear the evidence and make a judgment!
Event: Halloween Williamsburg Old Time Radio Hour
Travel back in time to 1930s Williamsburg for a "live" radio broadcast. Immerse yourself in local legends and spooky sound effects. Join us for an unforgettable show.
Film: Williamsburg – The Story of a Patriot
See the 1957 film, in its vibrant 70mm format, that tells the story of a Virginia planter deciding to join the patriot cause.
For Donors: Visit a Nation Builder
Donors who have access to the donor reception center in the St. George Tucker House as part of their giving advantages are invited to meet with a Nation Builder.
Garden Workshop: Flower Press
Celebrate the beauty of summer while learning about how to preserve the flowers that make the Historic Area gardens so special.
Garden Workshop: Grapevine Wreaths
In this hands-on workshop, participants will learn how to decorate a grapevine wreath with natural materials from Colonial Williamsburg's Landscape Designers.
Goodwin Room Halloween Tea
Enjoy a spooky afternoon with your family and friends while indulging in the fine Afternoon Tea at the Williamsburg Inn with a Halloween inspired menu.
Hands-On: Stories on Stage
In this interactive family program, tell the tale of brave St. George and the Dragon! Learn about items in the Art Museums collection connected to the story & then take the stage.
Hands-On: Under Arms
Guests of all ages will step into the shoes of soldiers enlisting in the army during the American Revolution.
Historic Organ Recital - Thomas Marshall
Enjoy this Historic Organ Recital in the Wren Chapel at the College of William & Mary performed by Thomas Marshall, organist at Williamsburg United Methodist Church.
Homeschool Hands-On: 18th-Century Astronomy
Step into the solar system as you become the planets. Discover how 18th-century scientists viewed the stars (or skies).
Homeschool Hands-On: Create Art!
Explore the Galleries at the Art Museums, then drop by the Goode Education Studio and create art inspired by objects on exhibit.
Homeschool Hands-On: Importance of Tobacco
Learn about to historic farming trade. See some tobacco firsthand and learn about how tobacco shaped the economy.
Homeschool Performance: Fashioning a Future
Jane is getting married! Join the Hunter sisters through disagreement, sisterhood, and a little magic. The Play House Players present: Fashioning A Future!
Homeschool Performance: Nation Builder
Step into the past with a Nation Builder. Through stories, discussion, and questions, explore the hopes, choices, and challenges they faced.
Homeschool Tour: Women and the Law
Uncover the stories of women who engaged with the highest levels of colonial law and government as victims, participants, and even criminals.
Military Ceremony: Inspection and Drill
Colonial Williamsburg Military Programs and Fifes & Drums will recruit participants to assist in a military review on Market Square, followed by a drill and firing demonstration.
Museum Discoveries: The Public Hospital of 1773
Explore the Public Hospital of 1773 for a discussion about 18th-century mental health and the history of the reconstructed mental hospital.
Music: Fife & Drum
Watch and listen to the Fifes and Drums as they demonstrate the music and drill of various military ceremonies from an 18th-century soldier's working day.
Music: Governor's Musick in the Palace Ballroom
Join members of the Governor’s Musick in the Palace Ballroom as they illustrate domestic gentry music using period-style instruments and performance practices.
Music: Governor's Musick in the Wythe Parlor
Join members of the Governor’s Musick in the gentry setting of the Wythe House Parlor as they illustrate domestic music on period instruments.
Music: How to Play the 18th-Century Violin
The violin was played by all classes and in all settings in 18th-century Virginia. Come hear how this instrument was played; it is easier said than done.
Music: Mind the Music and the Step
Join members of the Governor’s Musick for an exploration of the political lyrics set to popular tunes at the time of the American Revolution.
Organ Recital & Hymn Sing
See this elegant 350-year-old worship space and enjoy a Hymn Festival presented by the Bruton Choirs, Director Rebecca Davy, and Organist JanEl Will.
Performance: Before Revolution: Fairfax Resolves
Join George Mason in 1774 as he reflects on the philosophies, conversations, and circumstances of others and witness how he uses these to create The Fairfax Resolves.
Performance: Beyond The Walls
The scholars of the Bray school have a lot that they can learn from the tiny creatures within its walls.
Performance: Designing Virginia's Seal
Join George Mason and George Wythe as committee members to design the new seal of a free and independent Virginia.
Performance: Entertainments at the Play House
Join members of the Jug Broke Theatre Company as we celebrate the season and play and talk about the stories behind some of our favorite music of the Revolutionary Era.
Performance: Fashioning a Future
Jane is getting married! Join the Hunter sisters through disagreement, sisterhood, and a little magic. The Jug Broke Theatre Company presents: Fashioning A Future!
Performance: From Freedom to Slavery
After making a free life for herself as an adopted Shawnee Indian, Methotaskee is brought back into slavery.
Performance: Good Progress
Meet Mrs. Wager, teacher of the Williamsburg Bray School, as she debates the nature of her school with Elizabeth DeRosario, a free Black woman.
Performance: Harvest's In, Fiddle's Out
Join some of the members of the Play House Players as they play 18th-century songs and dance tunes from the Williamsburg harvest season.
Performance: Highland Jubilee
In this interpretive concert, the Jug Broke Theatre Co. plays the tunes, songs, and poetry of Scottish origin that would have been heard in Williamsburg.
Performance: Is Our Love Enough
Join Sarah and Lewis Hallam as they step through the trials of marriage, family, and the theatre in the 1770s
Performance: My Dear Madam
Mrs. Washington reflects on her life in the public eye and how her friendship with Mrs. Adams has shaped the role of the president’s lady.
Performance: Play House of Horror
Horror-as-entertainment was as popular in the 18th century as it is today, and in both centuries, it was fodder for fun as much as fear!
Performance: Pursuing Happiness
Witness imagined conversations between Thomas Jefferson, John Locke, and King George III to discover the ghosts behind Jefferson’s drafts of the Declaration of Independence.
Performance: The Offering
Colonel William Byrd III, one of the most powerful loyalists in Virginia, has suddenly abandoned his allegiance to the king by seeking a commission in the Continental Army.
Performance: Two Steps Forward…
Hear different stories of the people and events that shaped America’s early history through their own actions and choices.
Performance: Visit a Nation Builder
Step into the past with a Nation Builder. Through stories, discussion, and questions, explore the hopes, choices, and challenges they faced.
Performance: Visit with Ann Wager
Step into the past with Ann Wager, Educator of free and enslaved children. Through stories and questions, explore the hopes, choices, and challenges she faced.
Performance: Visit with Colonel George Washington
Step into the past with George Washington, Colonel of the Virginia Regiment. Through stories and questions, explore the hopes, choices, and challenges he faced.
Performance: Visit with General George Washington
Step into the past with George Washington, father of the country. Through stories and questions, explore the hopes, choices, and challenges he faced.
Performance: Visit with George Wythe
Step into the past with George Wythe, teacher, lawyer, judge, and revolutionary. Through stories and questions, explore the hopes, choices, and challenges he faced.
Performance: Visit with Jane Vobe
Step into the past with Jane Vobe, keeper of the tavern "where all the best people resorted". Through stories and questions, explore the hopes, choices, and challenges she faced.
Performance: Visit with Marquis de Lafayette
Step into the past with the Marquis de Lafayette, French hero of two worlds. Through stories and questions, explore the hopes, choices, and challenges he faced.
Performance: Visit with Martha Washington
Step into the past with Martha Washington, our Nation’s first First Lady. Through stories and questions, explore the hopes, choices, and challenges she faced.
Performance: Visit with Patrick Henry
Step into the past with Patrick Henry, the Revolution’s son of thunder. Through stories and questions, explore the hopes, choices, and challenges he faced.
Performance: Visit with Reverend Gowan Pamphlet
Step into the past with Gowan Pamphlet, revolutionary Black Baptist preacher. Through stories and questions, explore the hopes, choices, and challenges he faced.
Performance: Visit with Young Gowan Pamphlet
Step into the past with young Gowan Pamphlet. Learn more about his contribution to the founding of our nation.
Performance: Washington and the Shawnee War
Washington had a long history with the Shawnee as allies and enemies. Come hear his perspectives on the war against the Shawnee in the frontiers of Virginia in 1774.
Performance: Washington’s Road to Revolution
Join George Washington before he leaves for Congress in 1774 to learn about how the year’s events affected life both publicly and privately on the Road to Revolution.
Performance: What Goes Up
Take flight with the first passengers in a hot air balloon in 1783!
Presentation: Deed Without a Name
Discover the tale of this musical theater playwright, who lost his career due to public exposure of his homosexuality. Mature subject matter, audience discretion advised.
Presentation: Excavation to Programming
Join a Nation Builder and a Colonial Williamsburg Archaeologist as they discuss important sites in Williamsburg from the 18th century to today.
Presentation: Firing of the Noon Gun
The noon gun signaled a cessation of morning drills and work parties and a start to preparing the midday meal.
Presentation: Good Stories about Great Stuff
Join a curator, conservator, educator, archaeologist, or historian to discover who created the object, who owned it, and how it ended up in the Colonial Williamsburg Collection.
Presentation: Musket Demonstration
Military Programs staff will demonstrate the loading and firing of the musket. Experience the sounds and smells a soldier experienced during the Revolution.
Presentation: Order in the Court
After a short exploration of the Courthouse and its surroundings, participate in a local court session where lives, liberties, and property are contested.
Presentation: Preserving the Millinery Trade
Join the Milliners and Mantua-makers as we share the story of the millinery shop at Colonial Williamsburg through its 70-year journey.
Presentation: Rediscovering the Bray School
Discover how our interpreters and scholars are making history by exploring the untold and ongoing story of the Williamsburg Bray School.
Presentation: Researching Indigenous History
Join the American Indian Initiative team as they share their research, programming, and outreach efforts as the initiative turns twenty years old.
Presentation: The Necessity of Order in Battle
Witness a demonstration of tactics that are crucial to success in combat.
Presentation: The Path of Valor
Discover your Revolution in this immersive, theatrical experience that thrusts you into the role of a townsperson on the Eve of the Revolution.
Presentation: The Powder Magazine's Modern History
This talk, exploring the period from 1889 to present, will examine the more recent preservation and interpretation history of the Magazine.
Presentation: The Shawnee and Dunmore at War, 1774
Discover how Indigenous alliances, the Proclamation of 1763, and settlers’ quest for land contributed to the 1774 Shawnee-Dunmore War and why choosing a winner isn't always clear.
Presentation: To Paint for War
Discover the warfare of the Eastern Woodlands tribes and nations and its lasting legacy in the United States.
Presentation: Two-Spirits in American Indian Life
Join a member of our American Indian Initiative as they explore the lives of two-spirit indigenous people who embody both female and male spirits.
Public Auction
Take part in an exciting auction! Bid on selected items from Colonial Williamsburg stores as well as exclusive items not available elsewhere.
Social Terrace Fall Bash
Bring your fall scarves, boots, and warm-up around the fire pits on the Social Terrace. We will have fall inspired food and cocktails and live music.
Special Event: Celebrating Lafayette
A celebration of the 200th anniversary of the Marquis de Lafayette’s 1824 Return Visit to Williamsburg with music, pomp, and military salutes.
Special Event: Conservation in Action
Arms conservator Isabelle will be on hand to discuss her work on the Magazine Project and the conservation of firearms.
Special Event: Custis Square Community Open House
Join us for a day of archaeology at Custis Square! Free flow exploration all day and conversations with George and Martha Washington.
Special Event: Dye Day at the Weaver
Join us as we recreate natural dyes and dye recipes of the 18th century to achieve a spectrum of dazzling colors.
Special Event: Firing of the Brick Kiln
Fall is time to fire the bricks! Come see the kiln fires rage as the bricks reach a temperature of over 2,000 degrees Fahrenheit.
Special Event: Ghouls, Ghosts, and Gleeful Gloom
Sing along, shiver, and quake during this delightful family-friendly program of spooky tunes and songs from these veteran performers.
Special Event: Good Progress
Meet Mrs. Wager, teacher of the Williamsburg Bray School, as she debates the nature of her school with Elizabeth DeRosario, a free Black woman.
Special Event: Gothic Airs on the Organized Piano
Step into the Making Music in Early America exhibit with Governor's Musick's Kyle Collins for a night of gothic-flavored music on the organized piano.
Special Event: Il Était Une Fois-Once Upon a Time
In this dramatic presentation, the Marquis de Lafayette returns to Williamsburg on October 20, 1824, and reflects upon the people and events that he experienced in his life.
Special Event: Indigenous Gown in a Day
The Mantua-makers are making a gown in a day! See what prominent northern Indigenous nations would have considered the height of fashion made with European trade goods.
Special Event: The Arts and Mysteries of Brewing
Enjoy this enlightening demonstration of the brewing process as it was practiced in the 18th century.
Special Event: The Crisis of 1798
How must a democracy work if it is to survive? How should citizens disagree? What is a loyal opposition? Explore these questions through America's constitutional crisis in 1798.
Special Event: The Williamsburg Symphony
Enjoy an enchanting evening with The Williamsburg Symphony Orchestra's string quartet as they showcase a captivating selection of classical favorites.
Special Event: Veterans Day Proclamation
Our Veterans Day begins at 10:00 a.m. with a ceremony on Palace Green honoring the men and women who have served in the United States Armed Forces.
Special Event: We are Everywhere
Join Professor Greg Smithers to open new insights into histories of gender diversity and sexual fluidity in Native America.
Street Theater: 1776
Gather with the people of Williamsburg to discuss and consider the front-page news of July 26, 1776.
Street Theater: A Right to Freedom and Education
Join our 18th-century community and engage with the residents of Williamsburg as we explore multiple different perspectives about freedom, community, and education.
Street Theater: A Way Forward
Join the people of Williamsburg while they navigate an uncertain time in our nation’s history and witness the original call that united thirteen colonies under one banner.
Street Theater: The Alternative of Williamsburg
Join the residents of Williamsburg as they consider the cost of pursuing a new government. What sacrifices would you make in support of your government?
Street Theater: Witnessing History
Discover where you fit within the lives and times that shaped our history by engaging directly with the people of our 18th-century city.
Summer Breeze Series: Free Movies & Concerts
Experience the ultimate Summer Movies Series in Merchants Square! Free movies every Sunday at sunset, weather permitting.
Sweet Tea & Barley Labor Day Patio Celebration
Join us for music, games, and great food on the Patio of at Sweet Tea & Barley to celebrate Labor Day and the end of the Summer.
Terrace Room Fall Tea
Enjoy a delightful afternoon with your family and friends while indulging in the fine Afternoon Tea at the Williamsburg Inn with a Fall inspired menu.
Terrace Room Summer Tea
Enjoy a delightful afternoon with your family and friends while indulging in the fine Afternoon Tea at the Williamsburg Inn with a Summer inspired menu.
Tour: Arboretum Central Historic Area
Learn about some of Colonial Williamsburg's most asked-about trees, how the colonists used them, and how they continue to be important today.
Tour: Arboretum Griffin Campus
Learn about Colonial Williamsburg’s Arboretum and the native and exotic trees and shrubs that make up its collection, some of which are uncommon in commercial landscapes.
Tour: Art Museums Overview
Join us on a 20-minute guided tour and enjoy some Museum favorites.
Tour: Backstory
During this guided tour, explore the stories behind the objects on display.
Tour: Bassett Trace Nature Trail Walk
Take a leisurely stroll on Bassett Trace Nature Trail and learn about Virginia’s wildlife and native habitats. If you like nature and enjoy being outdoors, this walk is for you!
Tour: Black Artists and Artisans
Enjoy a guided tour of the exhibit "'I made this': Works by Black Artists and Artisans."
Tour: Bray School Community
Join our interpreters to explore and discover the communities connected to the Williamsburg Bray School on this one-hour walking tour.
Tour: Custis Square Archaeology
Take a guided tour and talk with archaeologists in the field about the current archaeological investigations at John Custis IV’s four-acre home and early 18th-century gardens.
Tour: Good Stories about Great Stuff
Explore the galleries with a curator, conservator, educator, archaeologist, or a historian on this guided tour.
Tour: Meet the Gardener
Join Master Gardener volunteers as they answer questions about growing flowers and vegetables in the Historic Area.
Tour: Nassau Street, Past, Present, and Future
Join us for a walking tour and learn how a century of archaeology is contributing to a dynamic past, present, and future on Nassau Street.
Tour: Stables Behind-The-Scenes
Get a behind-the-scenes look at our modern stables and learn more about our carriages.
Tour: Williamsburg Lost & Found
Explore the history of Williamsburg through objects on exhibit during this guided tour.
W&M Homecoming Weekend Tailgate Party
Join us at the Sweet Tea & Barley Patio on Saturday, October 19, 2024, from 3 p.m. to 10 p.m. for the ultimate W&M Homecoming Tailgate Party!
|
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https://www.scoop.co.nz/stories/HL0701/S00049/religious-leaders-push-back-against-rep-goode.htm
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Religious Leaders Push Back Against Rep. Goode
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More than 20 prominent religious leaders have launched an online petition demanding that Rep. Vigil Goode (R-Va) reexamine his opposition to newly-elected Rep. Keith Ellison, a Muslim from Minnesota, taking his unofficial oath of office using the ...
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Religious Leaders Push Back Against Rep. Goode
By William Fisher
More than 20 prominent religious leaders have launched an online petition demanding that Rep. Vigil Goode (R-Va) reexamine his opposition to newly-elected Rep. Keith Ellison, a Muslim from Minnesota, taking his unofficial oath of office using the Qur'an, and to apologize for his statement that, without punitive immigration reform, "there will be many more Muslims elected to office demanding the use of the Qur'an."
The petition warns, "An attack against one religion is an attack against them all. Next week, it could be Jews. Next month, it could be Christian fundamentalists or evangelicals. Right now, it is Muslims. It is they who feel targeted by repression and abuse, and they who live among us in a growing climate of fear. … We hold it to be self-evident that all Americans have the right to practice their faith, whatever it may be, and that any Americans - regardless of race, color or creed - may be elected and sworn into office holding whatever book they consider sacred…We would point out that there are some five million Muslims in the US. Many have been here for generations. They are every bit as American as Rep. Goode. Some Americans have also converted to Islam, including Rep. Ellison. We call for a renewed unity among people of conscience and of faith."
The petition adds, "In a spirit of reconciliation and peace, we invite Rep. Goode to join with us in an inter-religious delegation to visit a mosque in his district, in order that the healing may begin."
The Goode-Ellison firestorm was triggered by remarks by right-wing talk-show host and writer Dennis Prager, who got the ball rolling about a month ago, arguing that Ellison, Congress' first Muslim, will literally "undermine American civilization" and "embolden Islamic extremists" if he takes the oath of office on a Koran instead of a Christian Bible. Rep. Goode was part of a wide assortment of right-wing critics who came forward with similar denunciations. Goode argued that Ellison is proof that we need immigration reform to prevent Muslims from entering the United States.
On swearing-in day last week, Rep. Ellison did in fact place his hand on the Muslim holy book in a private ceremony for family, friends, and staffers at the Capitol. The Qur'an he used had belonged to Thomas Jefferson, who was a native of Goode's Congressional District.
Earlier, following the en masse swearing in of the 110th Congress - at which no holy book is used - Rep. Goode was seen making his way to Rep. Ellison on the floor of the House. The two shook hands, but Goode has refused to retract his statements.
Appearing on Fox's "Your World" program with guest-host David Asman, Goode insisted he does not want to forbid Keith Ellison from using the Qu'ran outright. "But," he said, "I am for restricting immigration so that we don't have a majority of Muslims elected to the United States House of Representatives."
To block the invading hordes, Goode wants to curtail legal immigration for Middle Easterners, and end Diversity Visa programs that were created to increase the immigrants from non-European countries.
Religious leaders and organizations backing the petition include Dr. George Hunsinger of the Princeton Theological Seminary, Rev. Robert Edgar of the
National Council of Churches, Rabbi Steven B. Jacobs of the Rabbi Steven B. Jacobs Progressive Faith Foundation, Rev. Dr. Larry L. Greenfield of the
American Baptist Churches of Metro Chicago, Rev. Cedric A. Harmon of
Americans United for Separation of Church and State, Joseph C. Hough, Jr. of the Union Theological Seminary, Vincent Isner of Faithful America, a program of the National Council of the Churches of Christ USA, and Rev. Timothy F. Simpson of the Christian Alliance for Progress.
Readers wishing to read the full petition and original signatories can do so at http://ga3.org/campaign/reconcile.
In a statement, Rep. Ellison said, "We seem to have lost the political vision of our founding document -- a vision of inclusion, tolerance and generosity. I do not blame my critics for subscribing to a politics of scarcity and intolerance. However, I believe we all must project a new politics of generosity and inclusion. This is the vision of the diverse coalition in my Congressional district. My constituents in Minnesota elected me to fight for a new politics in which a loving nation guarantees health care for all of its people; a new politics in which executive pay may not skyrocket while workers do not have enough to care for their families."
He added, "I was elected to articulate a new politics in which no one is cut out of the American dream, not immigrants, not gays, not poor people, not even a Muslim committed to serve his nation."
Right-wing religious groups and the Republican Party have remained largely silent on the Goode-Ellison controversy. Only one prominent Republican, Sen. Lindsey Graham of South Carolina, has publicly defended Ellison's Qur'an decision and criticized Rep. Goode. Conservative religious groups have deviated little from promoting their more customary issues, such as opposition to "activist judges" and gay marriage. But there is mounting evidence that the more inclusive religious communities in the U.S. are determined to make their voices heard.
Princeton's Dr. George Hunsinger, one of the original petition signatories, told us, "We were outmaneuvered by the Religious Right. We have a 20-year deficit to make up for. But remember that it wasn't so long ago that the likes of Martin Luther King and Rev. William Sloane Coffin were on the scene... From a Christian point of view, faithfulness is a higher virtue than effectiveness. Which doesn't mean that we can afford to be slackers when it comes to making a difference."
Goode was elected to Congress in 1996 as a Democrat, representing the historically conservative 5th Congressional District of Virginia, located in the southwest part of the state, where the largest city is Charlottesville. Like many Southern Democrats, Goode strongly opposed abortion and gun control and vigorously supported the tobacco industry. He is also a long-time opponent of same-sex marriage and gay civil unions. He officially became a Republican in August 2002 before the primary election, making him the first Republican to represent this district since Reconstruction.
In 2005, Goode faced questions when a major corporate campaign donor, defense contractor MZM, Inc., was implicated in a bribery scandal that resulted in the criminal conviction and resignation of California congressman Randy "Duke" Cunningham. Although Goode insisted that his relations with MZM were motivated solely by his interest in bringing high-paying skilled jobs to his district, in December of that year he donated the $88,000 received in MZM contributions to regional charities.
In July 2006 Richard Berglund, a former supervisor of the Martinsville, Va. office of MZM Inc., pleaded guilty to making illegal donations to Goode's campaign. Court papers indicated that Berglund and MZM owner Mitchell Wade, who previously pleaded guilty, engaged in a scheme to reimburse MZM employees for campaign donations.There was no allegation of wrong-doing on the part of Goode's campaign.
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Wilson_Goode
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Wilson Goode
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Wilson_Goode
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American politician
For his son, the Philadelphia City Council member, see W. Wilson Goode Jr.
Woodrow Wilson Goode Sr. (born August 19, 1938) is a former Mayor of Philadelphia and the first African American to hold that office. He served from 1984 to 1992, a period which included the controversial MOVE police action and house bombing in 1985. Goode was also a community activist, chair of the state Public Utility Commission, and managing director for the City of Philadelphia.
Early life
[edit]
Goode was born into a family of tenant farmers near Seaboard, North Carolina.[1] His family arrived in Philadelphia in 1953 and lived in the Paschall neighborhood in Southwest Philadelphia. He was an honors student at John Bartram High School and then he graduated from Morgan State University in 1961. He was a member of the Reserve Officers Training Corps while attending Morgan State and entered the US Army as a First Lieutenant in the military police. He returned to Philadelphia and briefly worked as a manager at a building maintenance firm and as an insurance adjuster before he was hired by the Philadelphia Council for Community Development in 1967. He became executive director of PCCD in 1971. In 1967 he and his wife bought a house in the Paschall neighborhood, where he served as a deacon of Paschall's First Baptist Church. In 1968, he completed his graduate studies at the Fels Institute of Government at the University of Pennsylvania where he earned his master's in Public Administration.[2]
Service with the Public Utility Commission
[edit]
After African-American state senators complained that there had never been an African-American member of the state Public Utility Commission (PUC), Governor Milton Shapp began actively searching for one. His aide, Terry Dellmuth, knew Goode from his community and political activities and recommended him.
As a PUC commissioner, Goode met with community groups around the state, studied relevant issues, compiled what was seen as a pro-consumer record, and forged good working relations with his fellow commissioners. He was soon elevated to the chairmanship of the PUC, where he continued his pro-consumer policies but worked to limit PUC expenditures.
Work in the Office of the Mayor
[edit]
Philadelphia Mayor Bill Green, who had been elected in November 1979, had promised to appoint a black managing director after winning a racially divisive Democratic primary against former deputy mayor Charles Bowser. Green kept his promise by appointing Goode as managing director at the urging of key members of the black community. [citation needed]
Mayor of Philadelphia
[edit]
Before the primary election of 1983, Green decided not to seek reelection. Goode jumped into the race and defeated former Mayor Frank Rizzo in a racially polarized primary election. Goode went on to win the general election over former Green fund-raiser and Philadelphia Stock Exchange Chairman John Egan, the Republican Party nominee.[citation needed]
Goode's tenure as mayor was marred in 1985 by the MOVE Bombing, in which police attempted to clear a building in West Philadelphia inhabited by MOVE, a radical back-to-nature group, whose members, under the leadership of founder John Africa, had long defied city officials by yelling slogans and statements from a megaphone, ignoring city sanitation codes, assaulting neighbors, and resisting law enforcement officers.[3] During the attempt to evacuate the compound, police used tear gas, leading to members of MOVE opening fire on them. During the final assault on the building, the police dropped an improvised bomb made of C-4 plastic explosive and Tovex, an explosive gel used in underwater mining, onto to a bunker-like cubicle on the roof of the building. This caused the house to catch fire, and ignited a massive blaze which eventually consumed almost 4 city blocks, killed 11 people, and left 240 people homeless.[4]
In 1987 Goode ran for reelection, winning the Democratic primary before facing off in the general election against former mayor Frank Rizzo, who had converted to the Republican Party after losing the 1983 Democratic primary to Goode. Goode defeated Rizzo 51%-49% to earn a second term. [5]
Post-mayoral life
[edit]
Goode stayed active after leaving office as mayor by holding a position in the U.S. Department of Education. He earned a Doctor of Ministry at Palmer Theological Seminary,[6] and became a minister and professor at Eastern University, as well as a leader of advocacy for faith-based initiatives. He is CEO of Amachi, a mentoring program for children of incarcerated parents. He was awarded the Purpose Prize, a $100,000 award given to exceptional individuals over age 60 who are working to address critical social problems.
References
[edit]
Appearances on C-SPAN
Biography portal
Philadelphia portal
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White House Staff and Meetings. White House Staff and Meetings Thumbnails below link to larger images. For use of Reagan Library audiovisual materials please read the AV disclaimer. Order Form Order Information and Pricing
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en
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Ronald Reagan
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https://www.reaganlibrary.gov/archives/photo/white-house-staff-and-meetings
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Thumbnails below link to larger images. For use of Reagan Library audiovisual materials please read the AV disclaimer.
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C161-11, President Reagan speaks in the east room at the White House staff swearing in. 01/21/1981.
C179-22A, President Reagan with his Secretary Helene Von Damm on the First Day in Oval Office. 01/21/1981.
C179-22A, President Reagan holds an oval office staff meeting on his first full day in office (from left to right) Deputy Chief of Staff Michael Deaver, Counselor to the President Ed Meese, Chief of Staff James Baker III, Press Secretary James Brady, President Reagan. 01/21/1981.
C191-23, President Reagan and National Security Advisor Richard Allen in the Oval Office. 01/21/1981.
C372-15, President Reagan meeting with White House photographer Michael Evans in the Oval Office. 01/28/1981.
C398-4, President Reagan meeting with Budget Director David Stockman, Secretary of Treasury Don Regan, Chairman of Council of Economic Advisors Murray Weidenbaum, and Assistant for Policy Development Martin Anderson to discuss the economy in the Oval Office. 01/28/1981.
C426-12A, President Reagan talking with David Stockman in the Oval Office. 01/30/1981.
C687-9A, President Reagan in a meeting with the President's Economic Policy Advisory Board with members George Shultz, Murray Weidenbaum and Jack Kemp in the Cabinet Room. 02/10/1981.
C749-30, President and Nancy Reagan talking with Press Secretary James Brady in the White House ground floor corridor. 02/18/1981.
C733-24, Meeting with speechwriter Ken Khachigian in the Oval Office. 02/18/1981.
1014-6, President Reagan meeting with Anne Gorsuch, EPA Administrator-Designate in Oval Office. 03/05/1981.
C1001-19A, President Reagan attending a National Security Planning Group (NSPG) meeting in the Situation Room with William Casey, Alexander Haig, George Bush and Caspar Weinberger. 03/04/1981.
C1034-11, President Reagan talking to his secretary Helene Von Damm at his desk in the Oval Office. 03/06/1981.
C1178-11, President Reagan meeting with Deputy Chief of Staff Michael Deaver, Chief of Staff James Baker III, Counselor to the President Ed Meese in Oval Office. 03/13/1981.
C1343-13, President meeting with Assistant for Communications David Gergen in the Oval Office. 03/20/1981.
C1638-23, President Reagan attends his first cabinet meeting after the assassination attempt as Secretary of State Al Haig, Secretary of Interior James Watt, and Deputy Secretary of Defense Frank Carlucci applaud. 04/24/1981.
C1641-19, President Reagan, Michael Deaver, Ed Meese, and James Baker III having first staff meeting in the Oval Office after the assassination attempt. 04/24/1981.
C2164-14A, President Reagan and staff during a cabinet room meeting (from left to right) Secretary of State Alexander Haig, National Security Advisor Richard Allen, President Reagan, Deputy Secretary of State William Clark, Chief of Staff James Baker III and Secretary of Defense Caspar Weinberger. 05/28/1981.
C2323-10A, Working luncheon with President Reagan and National Security Advisor Richard Allen during visit of President Jose Lopez Portillo of Mexico at Camp David. 06/08/1981.
C2479-25A, President Reagan in a press conference meeting in the cabinet room with Chief of Staff James Baker III (at left) and Deputy Chief of Staff Michael Deaver. 06/16/1981.
2614-2A, President Reagan meeting with Senior Staff, Max Friedersdorf, James Baker, Ed Meese, Michael Deaver, Larry Speakes and David Gergen in the oval office. 6/23/81.
2774-6A, President Reagan meeting with Science Advisor George Keyworth in the Oval Office. 07/02/1981.
C3147-25, President Reagan and Vice President George Bush horseback riding at Quantico Marine Corps Base. 07/22/1981.
C3284-17, President Reagan celebrates with his staff in the oval office the passage of Federal Tax Legislation (from left to right) Assistant for Intergovernmental Affairs Richard Williamson, Assistant for Public Liaison Elizabeth Dole, Dennis Thomas, Secretary of Treasury Don Regan, Ann McLaughlin, Counselor to the President Ed Meese, Vice President George Bush, Karna Small, Assistant for Communications David Gergen, and President Reagan. 07/29/1981.
3384-20A, President Reagan with Attorney General William French Smith making a statement to the press regarding the air traffic controllers strike (PATCO) from the Rose Garden. 08/03/1981.
C3546-18A, David Stockman speaking at a Budget Working Group meeting to discuss Defense spending at Century Plaza Hotel in Los Angeles, California. 08/18/1981.
C3649-22, President Reagan eating lunch with Secretary of Labor Raymond Donovan aboard Air Force One. 09/03/1981.
C3748-5, White House photographers Jack Kightlinger, Mary Anne Fackelman, Bill Fitz-Patrick and Cynthia Johnson preparing for a photo shoot on the north lawn at the White House. 09/09/1981.
C4025-7A, President Reagan talking with Assistant for Political Affairs Lyn Nofziger, with Counselor to the President Ed Meese at left, in the Oval Office. 09/22/1981.
C4243-9, President Reagan walking with Michael Deaver, James Baker III and Ed Meese while talking to Dave Fischer along the colonnade. 10/01/1981.
C4306-19, President Reagan and Budget Director David Stockman during a legislative strategy group meeting in the Oval Office. 10/05/1981.
C4423-10A, President Reagan meeting with Assistant for Policy Development Martin Anderson in the Oval Office. 10/09/1981.
C4562-6, President Reagan meeting with Counselor to the President Ed Meese in Oval Office. 10/16/1981.
C4800-16A, President Reagan and Chief of Staff James Baker III examining the Senate vote on the proposed sale of air defense enhancement package AWACS to Saudi Arabia, in the Oval Office. 10/28/1981.
C4999-6A, President Reagan, Nancy Reagan, and Press Secretary James Brady at the ceremony to reopen the White House Press Room. 11/09/1981.
5219-11, Portrait of National Security Advisor Richard Allen in the White House. 11/19/1981.
C5348-9A, President Reagan meeting with Alexander Haig in Oval Office. 12/02/1981.
C5351-7, "The Troika" (from left to right) Chief of Staff James Baker III, Counselor to the President Ed Meese, Deputy Chief of Staff Michael Deaver at the White House. 12/14/1981.
C5478-11, President Reagan greeting Elliott Abrams, Assistant Secretary of State for Human Rights and Humanitarian Affairs in Oval Office. 12/10/1981.
C5512-6A, President Reagan Meeting to discuss monetary policy with Chairman of the Federal Reserve Paul Volker in Oval Office. 12/14/81.
C5518-2A, President Reagan and Secretary of Housing and Urban Development Samuel Pierce in the Oval Office. 12/02/1981.
C5577-6A, President Reagan meeting with James Baker and Richard Darman in the Oval Office. 12/16/1981.
C5678-22A, President Reagan in a Photo Op. With staff of Legislative Affairs, Max Friedersdorf, Ken Duberstein, Moore, Gribbin, Kennedy, Pamela Turner, Cooksey, Swanson, Wright, Ben Oglesby, Nancy Risque, Dressendorder, Hughes, Dickey, Ponticelli, Ratte, Blesse, Bennett, Wood, Singley, Burtner, Diamond, Frazier and Johnson in Oval Office. 12/21/1981.
C5935-7, President Reagan, Ed Meese, William Clark, David Gergen, James Baker, Mark Goode and Jose Muratti watching a television monitor with senior staff before a Press Conference in Red Room. 01/19/1982.
C5981-23, Lyn Nofziger talking with Lee Atwater in Nofziger's office in the White House. 01/21/1982.
C5994-8, President Reagan in a Farewell Photo opportunity with Lyn Nofziger, departing assistant for political affairs, and members of his staff including Lee Atwater and Ed Rollins in Oval Office. 01/22/1982.
C6249-18, Portrait of National Security Advisor Bill Clark in the White House. 02/06/1982.
C6570-17A, President Reagan with Assistant for Policy Development Martin Anderson and wife Annelise Anderson during a farewell party in honor of Martin Anderson. 02/25/1982.
C6602-9, President Reagan, Bill Clark, David Gergen, James Baker, Ed Meese, Larry Speakes, Dave Fischer walking to Marine One for Trip to California. 03/02/1982.
C6617-14, President Reagan meeting with J. Peter Grace at Century Plaza Hotel in Los Angeles, California. 03/03/1982.
6732-7, Dr. George Keyworth's group with Edward Teller, Edward Frieman, Solomon Buchsbaum, Paul Gray and other unidentified people in the White House. 03/09/1982.
C6955-17A, President Reagan with Director of Communications Pat Buchanan in the Oval Office. 03/19/1982.
C7536-11A, President Reagan and Secretary of State Alexander Haig meeting in the Oval Office to discuss the Falkland Island situation. 04/20/1982.
C7647-13A, President Reagan laughing with Melvin Bradley, Dennis Kass and Wendell Gunn in the Oval Office. 04/27/1982.
C7661-17, President Reagan talking with Senator Howard Baker, Donald Regan, Ed Meese, Richard Darman, James Baker and Ken Duberstein during a budget compromise meeting with bipartisan Congressmen at the United States Capitol. 04/28/1982.
C7667-25, President Reagan talking with Senator Paul Laxalt, Ken Duberstein, Senator Howard Baker, Ed Meese. Donald Regan, Ed Meese, Richard Darman, James Baker, Don Regan, Larry Speakes and David Gergen during a budget compromise meeting with bipartisan Congressmen at the United States Capitol. 04/28/1982.
C7997-21A, President Reagan talking with Anne Armstrong of the President's Foreign Intelligence Advisory Board in cabinet room. 05/13/1982.
C8076-23, President Reagan Meeting with Mike McManus, William Sittmann and Michael Deaver in oval office. 05/18/1982.
C8146-28, President Reagan meeting with EPA administrator Anne Gorsuch with Craig Fuller in the oval office. 05/20/1982.
C9226-8, President Reagan meeting with Director of the Peace Corps Loret Ruppe and William Clark in the oval office. 07/21/1982.
C9227-10, William Casey and George Shultz talking before a National Security Council (NSC) meeting in the Cabinet Room. 07/21/1982.
C9456-23, Portrait of Special Assistant for Public Liaison Morton Blackwell in the White House. 08/02/1982.
C9503-26, President Reagan and Secretary of Agriculture John Block visiting the Dee Family Farm in State Center, Iowa. 08/02/1982.
C9533-6A, White House Photo Office staff on south lawn with (left to right) Michael Evans, Louise Bell, Karl Schumacher, Mary Anne Fackelman, Scott Speakes, Diane Powers, Carol Greenawalt, Jack Kightlinger, Jayn Montieth, Bill Fitz-Patrick. 08/04/1982.
C9544-9, President Reagan meeting with Ed Meese, James Baker III, National Security Advisor Bill Clark and George Bush in the Oval Office. 08/04/1982.
C9755-14A, President Reagan conferring with Press Secretary Larry Speakes in the State Dining Room. 08/18/1982.
C9896-29, President Reagan greeting Oliver North during a Ceremony to present the Medal of Freedom to Ambassador Philip Habib in the blue room. 09/07/1982.
C10159-33, President Reagan in a National Security Council (NSC) Meeting with George Shultz, Caspar Weinberger, Philip Habib in the Cabinet Room. 09/20/1982.
C10498-13A, President Reagan talking to Ambassador Philip Habib, special emissary to the Middle East outside the Oval Office. 10/06/1982.
C10709-12, President Reagan talking to Secretary of Agriculture John Block before delivering a radio address to Farm communities regarding Agriculture and Grain exports in Roosevelt Room. 10/15/1982.
C11151-11A, President Reagan meeting with Jeane Kirkpatrick in the Oval Office. 11/05/1982.
C11218-1, President's Reagan Foreign Intelligence Advisory Board member Leo Cherne in the White House. 11/10/1982.
C11444-4, James Baker talking on telephone with Margaret Tutwiler standing nearby at Dave Fischer's desk. 11/23/1982.
C11867-17, President Reagan Meeting with Secretary of Transportation Drew Lewis and Ed Meese in Oval Office. 12/13/1982.
C11197-13, President Reagan having lunch with Vice President George Bush in the Oval Office. 12/16/1982.
C12146-11A, President Reagan meeting with Secretary of State George Shultz at the Annenberg Estate in Rancho Mirage, California. 12/31/1982.
C12250-3A, President Reagan departing from Press Conference with Elizabeth Dole in East Room. 01/05/1983.
C12279-20A, President Reagan greets John Roberts during a photo opportunity with members of the White House Counsel's Office in the Oval Office. 01/06/1983.
C12280-14, President Reagan in a photo op. with members of the White House Counsel's Office, Fred Fielding, Richard Hauser, David Waller, Peter Rusthoven, D. Edward Wilson, Sherrie Cooksey, Harold Goldfield, John Roberts, Anne Neal, Dianna Holland, Jane Dannenhauer, Bell, Gemmell, Kratovil, Kwiatt, Lloyd, Murray, Strudwick, Wilson in the Oval Office. 01/06/1983.
C12342-31A, President Reagan meeting with Philip Habib Special Emissary to the Middle East and with George Bush, Ed Meese, Caspar Weinberger, William Clark, Kenneth Dam, Geoffrey Kemp, Howard Teicher, Robert McFarlane, Nicholas Veliotes and Philip Dur in the Oval Office. 01/10/1983.
C12343-16A, Meeting to discuss the 1984 Budget of the United States with Secretary of Defense Caspar Weinberger and senior staff in Oval Office. 01/10/1983.
C12386-22A, President Reagan meeting with the Director of CIA William Casey in the Oval Office. 01/23/1983.
C12536-10A, President Reagan in an Oval Office meeting with Ed Meese, Michael Deaver and James Baker. 01/21/1983.
C12536-13A, President Reagan in an Oval Office meeting with Ed Meese, Michael Deaver and James Baker. 01/21/1983.
C12544-7A, President Reagan talking to Ken Adelman on Strategic Arms Negotiations in Oval Office. 01/21/1983.
C12545-2, White House Staff Secretary Richard Darman. 01/21/1983.
C12574-18A, President Reagan with Weidenbaum, Martin Anderson, Milton Friedman, Herb Stein, Arthur Laffer, Arthur Burns and Alan Greenspan during an Economic Advisory Board Meeting in the Roosevelt Room. 01/24/1983.
C12684-6A, President Reagan in a Photo Op. with James Cicconi in the Oval Office. 01/27/1983.
C12685-5A, President Reagan having a Photo Opportunity with James Baker and the Chief of Staff Office in the Oval Office. 01/27/1983.
C12759-9A, President Reagan walking with Senior Staff Ed Meese, James Baker, David Stockman, Martin Feldstein, Ken Duberstein and Donald Regan along the colonnade. 01/31/1983.
C12858-9, Deputy National Security Advisor Admiral John Poindexter. 02/04/1983.
C12872-15a, President Reagan in a meeting with speechwriters to discuss upcoming speeches with Aram Bakshian, Nancy Roberts, Anthony Dolan, Landon Parvin, Bentley Elliott, Mari Maseng and Dana Rohrabacher in the Oval Office. 02/04/1983.
C12954-28,President Reagan having a luncheon meeting with the Joint Chiefs of Staff, John Vessey, Edward Meyer, Robert Barrow, James Watkins, and Charles Gabriel along with staff Caspar Weinberger and Robert McFarlane in Cabinet Room. 02/11/1983.
C13092-14A, President Reagan having lunch with George Bush in Oval Office. 02/24/1983.
C13108-16, President Reagan meeting with Campaign Deputy Director Lee Atwater in the Oval Office. 02/24/1983.
C13248-7, Secretary of Defense Caspar Weinberger presents "Soviet Military Power" to President Reagan in the Oval Office. 03/08/1983.
C13369-13, President Reagan meeting with the Director of CIA William Casey in the Oval Office. 03/11/1983.
C13570-3, President Reagan Remarks on his Speech to the Nation to Administration Officials and invited guests in the Blue Room. 03/23/1983.
C13932-23, President Reagan meeting with National Security Advisor William Clark and Secretary of Defense Caspar Weinberger during the state visit of Sultan Qaboos bin Said of the Sultanate of Oman. 04/12/1983.
C14139-3A, Photo Op. of Staff in James Baker's Office with James Baker (waving white flag), Richard Darman, Larry Speakes, David Gergen, Ken Duberstein and David Stockman. 04/22/1983.
C14166, Class Photo of Assistants and Deputy Assistants to the President. 04/25/1983.
C14283-3, President Reagan in a photo op with the Office of Policy Development members Ed Harper, Ralph Bledsoe, Emily Rock, Betty Ayers, Janice Farrell, Roger Porter, Coye Richardson, Danny Boggs, Mel Bradley, Bob Carleson, Wendell Gunn, Kevin Hopkins, Velma Montoya, Mike Uhlman and Carlton Turner in the Oval Office. 04/28/1983.
C14706-5, President Reagan's Photo Opportunity with Office of Legislative Affairs staff including Ken Duberstein, Nancy Risque, Skolnick, Hughes, Palmer, Kabel, Kennedy, Swanson, Frazier, Wilson, Watson, Ben Oglesby, Dressendorfer, Wright, Scruggs, Davis, Bennett, Singley, Wood, Chesser, Ponticelli, Jaffke, Blesse and Peter Metzger in the Oval Office. 05/19/1983.
C15354-25A, President Reagan listening to Chief of Staff James Baker III during a Regional Forum on the National Commission on Excellence in Education Report at Farragut High School in Knoxville, Tennessee. 06/14/1983.
C15543-17A, President Reagan's photo op. in the oval office with White House Photo Office staff and Photographers Bill Fitz-Patrick, Billie Shaddix, Mary Anne Fackelman (Miner), Pete Souza, Carol Greenawalt (McKay), Diane Powers, Louise Bell, Jayn Montieth, Michael Evans and Jack Kightlinger. 06/21/1983.
C15763-24, President Reagan with Secretary of Education Terrel Bell during trip to Shawnee Mission Northwest High School in Shawnee, Kansas. 06/29/1983.
C16422-5A, President Reagan meeting with speechwriter director Aram Bakshian in the Oval Office. 08/05/1983.
C16471-15, President Reagan and Deputy Assistant Director for Legal Policy William Barr pose for a photo in the Oval Office. 08/09/1983.
C16492-10, President Reagan Meeting with Henry Kissinger and other Members of Bipartisan Commission on Central America in the cabinet room. 08/11/1983.
C17091, Portraits of Assistants to the Presidents. (Ed Meese, James Baker, Michael Deaver, William Clark, James Brady, Richard Darman, Ken Duberstein, Fred Fielding, Craig Fuller, David Gergen, John Herrington, Ed Hickey, James Jenkins, Michael McManus, John F.W. Rogers, Ec Rollins, Larry Speakes, Jack Svahn, Lee Verstandig, Faith Whittlesey). 09/19/1983.
C17489-3, President Reagan in a National Security Briefing with Ed Meese, Vice President George Bush, Bill Clark and Oliver North in the Oval Office. 10/04/1983.
C17548-2, President Reagan shaking hands with Marlin Fitzwater, Deputy Assistant Secretary for Public affairs at the Department of the Treasury, in the Oval Office before a briefing with staff on the Associated Press Board of Directors meeting. 10/05/1983.
C17739-20A, 10-17-1983 President Reagan in a photo opportunity with departing National Security Advisor William Clark and members of the National Security Council (NSC) staff, Robert McFarlane, John Poindexter, Richard Morris, Jacquelyn Hill, Wilma Hall, Kay Zerwick, Florence Gantt, Dona Proctor and Kathy McGraw in the Oval Office. 10/17/1983.
C17860-15, President Reagan talking with Deputy Chief of Staff Michael Deaver about the Marine Barracks bombing in Lebanon in the oval office. 10/24/1983.
C18058-20, President Reagan having a National Security Briefing with Donald Rumsfeld with Secretary of State George Shultz in oval office. 11/03/1983.
C18515-16, President Reagan during a National Security Planning Group (NSPG) meeting with George Bush, George Shultz, Caspar Weinberger, William Casey, John Vessey and Robert McFarlane in the Situation Room. 11/18/1983.
C19551-16, President Reagan with David Gergen at his farewell reception in the Roosevelt room. 01/19/1984.
C19697-6, President meeting with Deputy Chief of Staff Michael Deaver in oval office. 01/27/1984.
C20619-7, President Reagan talking with his secretary Kathy Osborne in oval office. 03/20/1984.
C21657-4A, President Reagan having the regular Thursday lunch with Vice President George Bush in the oval office. 05/03/1984.
C21720-5, President Reagan meeting with Frank Donatelli, Lyn Nofziger, James Baker, and Michael Deaver in the oval office; 05/09/1984.
C22681-19, Robert McFarlane James Baker and John Poindexter talking before a National Security Briefing in the Oval Office. 06/19/1984.
C23219-3, President Reagan Meeting Speechwriter Peggy Noonan and other Speechwriters in oval office. 07/19/1984.
C24605-9, President Reagan meeting with Robert Oakley to receive a preliminary inquiry into security measures at the United States Embassy annex in Beirut, Lebanon with Robert McFarlane, John Poindexter, Oliver North, James Baker, Ed Meese and Michael Deaver in the Oval Office. 09/27/1984.
C26253-4, President Reagan walking with his doctor Dr. Daniel Ruge outside of the Old Executive Office Building. 12/10/1984.
C26269-5, President Reagan meeting with United Nations Representative Jeane Kirkpatrick in the Oval Office. 12/11/1984.
C26553-8A, President Reagan meeting with George Shultz and Robert McFarlane. 01/04/1985.
C26624-7A, President Reagan making a statement to the press announcing the nomination of James Baker to be Secretary of the Treasury and the appointment of Donald Regan as Chief of Staff, speaking at the podium in press room. 01/08/1985.
C26626-9A, President Reagan making a statement to the press announcing the nomination of James Baker to be Secretary of the Treasury and the appointment of Donald Regan as Chief of Staff, speaking at the podium in press room. 01/08/1985.
C26631-12A, President Reagan making a statement to the press announcing the nomination of James Baker to be Secretary of the Treasury and the appointment of Donald Regan as Chief of Staff, speaking at the podium in press room. 01/08/1985.
C26639-6A, Secretary of the Treasury James Baker and Chief of Staff Donald Regan talking in the Cabinet Room. 01/09/1985.
C27067-13, President Reagan talking to new Secretary of Treasury James Baker III and Chief of Staff Don Regan about their switch of staff positions in the Oval Office. 01/29/1985.
C27220-8, President Reagan meeting to discuss personnel matters with Robert Tuttle and Becky Norton Dunlop in the Oval Office. 02/08/1985.
C27448-7A, President Reagan attending the Swearing In of Ed Meese as Attorney General with Ursula Meese, George Bush and Daniel Marks in oval office. 02/25/1985.
27698-8, President Reagan meeting with Secretary of Commerce Malcolm Baldrige in the Oval Office. 03/13/1985.
C28003-14, President Reagan talking with Secretary of Health and Human Services Margaret Heckler after a cabinet meeting to discuss health aspects of drug abuse and drug trafficking in cabinet room. 03/27/1985.
C28660-11, Farewell Photo Opportunity with William Sittmann and family in oval office. 04/26/1985.
C29841-5A, President Reagan being briefed National Security Briefing in the Oval Office on the TWA hostage crisis (from left to right) Chief of Staff Don Regan, President Reagan, Vice President George Bush, National Security Advisor Robert McFarlane, Deputy Assistant for National Security Affairs Admiral John Poindexter. 06/18/1985.
C30163-6A, President Reagan during a briefing on the Budget with Don Regan, David Stockman and George Bush in the Oval Office. 07/08/1985.
C30190-7, President Reagan walking with his chief of staff Donald Reagan and his dog "Lucky" along the White House colonnade. 07/10/1985.
C30191-16A, National Security Council NSC Briefing with Ambassador to the United Nations Vernon Walters in oval office. 07/10/1985.
C30379-22, President Reagan during a National Security Council NSC briefing with Don Regan, George Bush and Robert McFarlane in the West Sitting Hall Residence. 07/24/1985.
C30392-23, Larry Speakes working in his office on his computer. 07/25/1985.
C30456-17, President Reagan having lunch with Vice President George Bush to discuss the budget on the Truman balcony. 08/01/1985.
C30467-2, President Reagan in a National Security Briefing with George Bush, Robert McFarlane and Donald Regan in the oval office. 08/05/1985.
C30480-14, Meeting with Vice President George Bush, Secretary of Defense Caspar Weinberger, General John Vessey, Chief of Staff Donald Regan and National Security Advisor Robert McFarlane in oval office. 08/06/1985.
C30665-10, President Reagan in a meeting with Secretary of State George Shultz and National Security Advisor Robert McFarlane in the Oval Office. 09/04/1985.
C30926-10, Meeting with speechwriters Dana Rohrabacher, Peter Robinson, Peggy Noonan in oval office. 09/18/1985.
C31187-4, President Reagan talking with William Bennett in oval office. 10/01/1985.
C31773-11, President Reagan talking to Vice President George Bush during a Meeting to discuss recent developments in the economy, with Don Regan, Jack Svahn, Al Kingon and Beryl Sprinkel in the oval office. 11/05/1985.
C31923-6A, President Reagan talking to William Casey in a National Security Planning Group (NSPG) with James Baker, George Shultz and Don Regan in the Situation Room. 11/12/1985.
C31939-20, President Reagan in a National Security Council (NSC) Meeting regarding Geneva with William Casey, Don Regan, Tyrus Cobb, George Shultz and Robert Gates in the oval office. 11/13/1985.
C32508-23, President Reagan President Reagan in a photo opportunity with the White House Advance Office in the oval office. 12/12/1985.
C32987-29, Meeting with CIA Director William Casey and Vice President George Bush, National Security Advisor John Poindexter, Chief of Staff Don Regan and Deputy Assistant for National Security Affairs Don Fortier in the oval office. 01/21/1986.
C33027-18, President Reagan talking to C. Everett Koop at a meeting with Pro Life Leaders in the cabinet room. 01/22/1986.
C33173-14, President Reagan Farewell meeting with Assistant for Public Liaison Linda Chavez in the oval office. 02/03/1986.
C33445-9, President Reagan meeting Peter Wallison, new Counsel to the President with Don Regan in oval office. 02/21/1986.
C33522-8, President Reagan meeting with Chief of Staff Don Regan and National Security Advisor John Poindexter regarding the Philippines in oval office. 02/25/1986.
33529-11A, President Reagan meeting with Chief of Staff Don Regan and National Security Advisor John Poindexter regarding the Philippines in oval office. 02/25/1986.
C33658-8, President Reagan during a briefing for an upcoming meeting with the Godfrey Sperling Group holding up a T shirt with Larry Speakes and Dennis Thomas in the Oval Office. 03/04/1986.
C33740-2, President Reagan meeting with Campaign Manager Stu Spencer in oval office. 03/10/1986.
C33914-4, Nancy Reagan talking with George Shultz at the State Visit of Prime Minister Brian Mulroney of Canada in the Yellow Oval Room. 03/18/1986.
C33992-4, President Reagan meeting with Elliott Abrams about his trip to Central America with John Whitehead, John Poindexter, Oliver North, Don Regan, Don Fortier and George Bush in the Oval Office. 03/24/1986.
C34996-7, President Reagan in a National Security Council Meeting with George Shultz, William Casey, John Poindexter, Caspar Weinberger and others in the Cabinet Room. 05/15/1986.
C34998-6a, President Reagan with George Shultz, Caspar Weinberger and Malcolm Baldrige viewing a model of NASA rockets during a National Security Council (NSC) meeting in the Cabinet Room. 05/15/1986.
C35113-3A, President Reagan in the Oval Office Meeting with Gerald Carmen United States Representative to the European Office of the United Nations. 05/22/1986.
C35361-13, President Reagan meeting with George Bush, Ken Adelman, John Poindexter, Sven Kraemer and with Donald Lowitz, the United States Ambassador to the 40-Nation Conference on Disarmament in Geneva, in the oval office. 06/05/1986.
C35696-12, President Reagan Farewell Photo Op. with Clarence Thomas of the EEOC, Equal Employment Opportunity Commission in oval office. 06/23/1986.
C35779-12, President Reagan, National Security Advisor John Poindexter and Chief of Staff Donald Regan walking to the White House after a National Security Council Meeting at the OEOB, 07/01/1986.
C35797-10A, President Reagan talking with Donald Regan in the Chief of Staff's office. 07/01/1986.
C36200-7, President Reagan and Nancy Reagan in a farewell photo opportunity with Eugene Allen, retiring Maitre d' in the oval office. 07/17/1986.
C36364-15, President Reagan talking with assistant Jim Kuhn and Deputy Press Secretary Larry Speakes in the Oval Office. 07/28/1986.
C36569-9, President Reagan meeting with George Shultz, James Baker, George Bush, Caspar Weinberger, Don Regan, William Casey, James Miller, William Crowe, John Poindexter, and Howard Teicher in the situation room. 08/14/1986.
C36906-4, President Reagan talking to Television Office Special Assistant Elizabeth Board before his Address to the Nation on Drug Abuse in the residence. 09/14/1986.
C37135-20, President Reagan working with Pamela Turner in Oval Office. 09/25/1986.
C37419-20, President Reagan, Ken Adelman, Secretary of State George Shultz, Chief of Staff Donald Regan, Assistant Secretary of Defense Richard Perle, Max Kampelman, Paul Nitze, and National Security Advisor John Poindexter during staff briefing at Hofdi House, Reykjavik Summit, Iceland. 10/12/1986.
C38208-20, President Reagan walking with Secretary of State George Shultz outside the oval office. 12/04/1986.
C38524-6A, President Reagan attending an Economic Policy Council Meeting with James Baker and George Shultz in the Cabinet Room. 12/17/1986.
C38604-12, President Reagan during a farewell photo opportunity with Carol McCain in the Oval Office. 12/22/1986.
C38726-7, Portrait of National Security Advisor Frank Carlucci in the White House. 01/07/1987.
C38749-33, President Reagan meeting with Assistant Press Secretary Marlin Fitzwater in the oval office. 01/12/1987.
C38750-6, President Reagan meeting with Assistant Press Secretary Marlin Fitzwater, Don Regan and Vice President George Bush in the oval office. 01/12/1987.
C38750-12, President Reagan meeting with Arms Negotiators Max Kampelman, Maynard Glitman and Ronald Lehman with the Press Photographers in the Oval Office. 01/12/1987.
C38812-12, President Reagan's arrival in snow via a Chevy Suburban at White House and talking to Dr. Hutton at the Diplomatic Entrance. 01/25/1987.
C39249-31A, President Reagan holds a National Security Council (NSC) meeting with George Bush, Donald Regan, Frank Carlucci, Colin Powell, Robert Oakley, Robert Gates in oval office. 02/25/1987.
C39563-9A, President Reagan in a meeting with Howard Baker, Arthur Culvahouse and David Abshire in the Oval Office. 03/16/1987.
C39715-16, President Reagan in a National Security Council Briefing on the new Space Station with Ken Duberstein, Howard Baker, William Cockell, Frank Carlucci and Colin Powell in the oval office. 03/24/1987.
C40679-11, President Reagan during a photo opportunity with staff members of the Office of Public Liaison, including Mari Maseng, Melvin Bradley and Linda Arey in the Oval Office. 05/14/1987.
C40763-15, President Reagan holds a National Security Planning Group meeting on the U.S.S. Stark attack in the White House Situation Room (from left to right) General Robert Herres, Secretary of Defense Caspar Weinberger and President Reagan. 05/18/1987.
C40764-24, President Reagan talking to General Robert Herres during a National Security Planning Group meeting on the U.S.S. Stark attack in the White House Situation Room. 05/18/1987.
C41723-8, President Reagan meeting with Assistant Secretary of Defense Richard Perle in oval office. 05/20/1987.
C40898-18A, President Reagan with William Webster and Lynda Clugston at the swearing ceremony for William Webster as Director of the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) in Langley, Virginia. 05/26/1987.
C40912-22, President Reagan in a National Security briefing with George Bush, Howard Baker and Ken Duberstein in the Oval Office Study. 05/27/1987.
C40997-2, President Reagan with Secretary of Treasury James Baker III, Alan Greenspan, and Paul Volcker in the Press Room as he announces the nomination of Alan Greenspan as Chairman of the Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve Board. 06/02/1987.
C41610-15, President Reagan and Vice President Bush together for a cabinet photo shoot in the Treaty Room. 07/01/1987.
C41863-12A, President Reagan meeting with USIA Director Charles Wick in oval office. 07/22/1987.
C41865-13, President Reagan in a meeting with Charles Wick, Marvin Stone, George Shultz, Colin Powell and Howard Baker in the Oval Office. 07/22/1987.
C42007-16, President Reagan during the farewell photo opportunity with Director of Media Relations Sue Mathis Richard and her family in the Oval Office. 07/30/1987.
C42121-19, William Verity Jr. making a statement to the press on his appointment as Secretary of Commerce in the press briefing room. 08/10/1987.
C42145-20, President Reagan attends the Swearing-in ceremony for Alan Greenspan as Chairman of the Federal Reserve Board, Sworn in by Vice President George Bush, in the East Room. 08/11/1987.
C42544-14, President Reagan meeting with Chief of Staff Howard Baker and Ken Duberstein in the residence private study. 09/17/1987.
C42832-14, Portrait of Thomas Griscom, Assistant to the President for Communications and Planning. 10/02/1987.
C42858-4, President Reagan meeting with Secretary of Education William Bennett in the Oval Office. 10/05/1987.
C43170-18, President Reagan with George Bush during a National Security Council (NSC) Briefing, sitting by the fireplace in the Oval Office. 10/20/1987.
C43175-10, President Reagan attends an economic meeting with Alan Greenspan, Chief of Staff Howard Baker, and Secretary of Treasury James Baker III in the West Sitting Hall. 10/20/1987.
C43272-14, President Reagan meeting with George Shultz and Frank Carlucci to to receive a report on recent meetings with Soviet Leaders in the West Sitting Hall. 10/25/1987.
C43439-14, Ann McLaughlin speaking to the press about her nomination as Secretary of Labor in rose garden. 11/03/1987.
C43481-12, President Reagan announcing nomination of Frank Carlucci as Secretary of Defense and Colin Powell as National Security Advisor upon the resignation of Caspar Weinberger. 11/05/1987.
C43514-24, President Reagan in a group photo opportunity with staff members of the Council of Economic Advisers (CEA) in the Oval Office. 11/05/1987.
C43921-11, Kenneth Starr swearing in James Burnley as Secretary of Transportation with wife Jane Burnley in Roosevelt room. 12/03/1987.
C43638-14, President Reagan in a photo opportunity with Frank Carlucci, Colin Powell, and the National Security Council (NSC) staff Florence Gantt, Kay Zerwick, Dona Proctor, Victoria Lara and Karen Steid in the Oval Office. 11/13/1987.
C44547-7, President Reagan during a farewell photo op with Special Assistant for Management and Director John FW Rogers in the Oval Office. 12/22/1987.
C44553-5, President Reagan in a photo opportunity with the Scheduling Office staff with Fred Ryan, Jill Barla, Ann Carmi, Helen Donaldson, Phyllis Hallahan, Ellen Jones, Susie Karas, Chris McCarrick, Edita Piedra, Mary Rollins, Kim Sandie, Sandy Warfield and Linda Weslar in the Oval Office. 12/22/1987.
C44579-8, President Reagan Meeting with Counsel to the President Arthur Culvahouse in Oval Office. 12/24/1987.
C44813-4, The Reagan's meeting with Secretary of Health and Human Services Otis Bowen to present high school drug abuse study in White House residence. 01/14/1988.
44987-26, President Reagan meeting with Colin Powell, John Negroponte, Howard Baker and Ken Duberstein for a national security briefing in oval office with Jim Kuhn. 01/26/1988.
C45316-14, President Reagan holds an economic briefing with Secretary of Treasury James Baker III, Alan Greenspan, Beryl Sprinkel, Chief of Staff Howard Baker and Dan Crippen in the Oval Office. 02/10/1988.
C46041-15, President Reagan in a photo opportunity with senior staff members of the National Security Council (NSC) staff, John Negroponte, Colin Powell, Paul Stevens, William Cockell, Herman Cohen, Stephen Danzansky, Robert Dean, Fritz Ermarth, Alison Fortier, D Barry Kelly, James Kelly, Robert Linhard, Robert Oakley, Peter Rodman, Nicholas Rostow and Jose Sorzano in the Oval Office. 03/24/1988.
C46184-26, President Reagan having lunch with George Shultz, Ken Duberstein, Colin Powell, and Howard Baker on the White House Patio. 03/30/1988.
C46448-13, President Reagan holds a National Security Council meeting on the Persian Gulf with National Security Advisor Colin Powell in the Oval Office. 04/18/1988.
C46512-5, President Reagan and Vice President George Bush in the Oval Office. 04/20/1988.
46518-12, President Reagan talking with Attorney General Ed Meese, Chief of Staff Howard Baker, A.B. Culvahouse and Ken Cribb in the oval office. 04/20/1988.
C46533-14, President Reagan greeting Deputy Secretary of State John Whitehead during the Signing Ceremony for the Memorandum of the Agreement with Israel for an Israel Independence Day in the Oval Office. 04/21/1988.
C46769-8A, President Reagan walking with Vice President George Bush along the Colonnade. 05/03/1988.
C46769-19, President Reagan walking with Vice President George Bush along the Colonnade. 05/03/1988.
C46771-11, President Reagan meeting with George Bush in the Oval Office. 05/03/1988.
C46781-3, President Reagan talking with Chief of Staff Howard Baker and Jim Kuhn in the Oval Office. 05/03/1988.
C46902-9A, President Reagan shaking hands with Vice President Bush during a meeting to discuss major legislative issues with Republican Members of Congress in the Cabinet Room. 05/11/1988.
C47687-5, President Reagan in a meeting with Secretary of State George Shultz and National Security Advisor Colin Powell in the Oval Office. 06/13/1988.
C47788-12, President Reagan and Vice President George Bush discuss the status of the drought situation with Secretary of Agriculture Richard Lyng in the Oval Office. 06/17/1988.
C47855-22, President Reagan, Chief of Staff James Baker III and Secretary of State George Shultz talking while departing from the G-7 Economic Summit in Metro Toronto Convention Center, Canada. 06/20/1988.
C48233-12, President Reagan and Vice President George Bush talking on Colonnade. 07/07/1988.
C48234-31, President Reagan and Vice President George Bush talking on Colonnade. 07/07/1988.
C48463-14, National Security Council Meeting with staff and briefing by Edward Teller in the situation room. 07/26/1988.
C48475-15, President Reagan in a briefing for a working visit of General Secretary Karoly Grosz of Hungary with Colin Powell, George Shultz, James Baker, John Whitehead, Rozanne Ridgway and Rudolf Perina in the Oval Office. 07/27/1988.
C48561-10, President Reagan and Secretary of Interior Donald Hodel speaking at a briefing on the Yellowstone Forest Fire in the Oval Office. 08/01/1988.
C48776-9, President Reagan saying goodbye to speechwriter Peter Robinson on his last day. 08/11/1988.
C48806-14, President Reagan attending the Swearing In of Richard Thornburgh as Attorney General by Justice Antonin Scalia with George Bush and Ginny Thornburgh in Roosevelt Room. 08/12/1988.
C49335-6, President Reagan meeting with Secretary of Treasury Nicholas Brady in the Oval Office. 09/21/1988.
C49337-9, President Reagan eating lunch with Vice President George Bush in the oval office patio. 09/21/1988.
C50434-19, President Reagan talking with Cabinet Affairs assistant Nancy Risque in the oval office. 11/14/1988.
C50804-20, President Reagan in a meeting with George Shultz, Ken Duberstein, Bill Burns, Charles Hill, Colin Powell and MB Oglesby in the Oval Office. 12/06/1988.
C50878-20, President Reagan at a National Security Council (NSC) briefing watching Middle East situation on television with MB Oglesby, Ken Duberstein, Colin Powell, George Bush, John Negroponte in oval office study. 12/09/1988.
C51161-3A, President Reagan meeting with speechwriter Peggy Noonan, Mari Maseng and Ken Duberstein in the Oval Office. 12/20/1988.
C51161-10A, President Reagan meeting with speechwriter Peggy Noonan in the Oval Office. 12/20/1988.
C51468-10, President Reagan having lunch with George Bush in the Oval Office Study. 01/12/1989.
C51514-1,President Reagan meeting with speechwriter Tony Dolan in the Oval Office. 01/13/1989.
C51618-11, President Reagan meeting with Chief of Staff Ken Duberstein in the Oval Office. 01/19/1989.
C51648-2, President Reagan presenting the Medal of Freedom to Secretary of State George Shultz during a Luncheon in the East Room. 01/19/1989.
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TRIBUTE TO TRINITY EPISCOPAL CHURCH OF LAWRENCE, KANSAS, UPON THE CELEBRATION OF ITS 150TH ANNIVERSARY
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[Congressional Record (Bound Edition), Volume 152 (2006), Part 12] [Extensions of Remarks] [Pages 16528-16530] [From the U.S. Government Publishing Office, www.gpo.gov] TRIBUTE TO TRINITY EPISCOPAL CHURCH OF LAWRENCE, KANSAS, UPON THE CELEBRATION OF ITS 150TH ANNIVERSARY ______ HON. DENNIS MOORE of kansas in the house of representatives Friday, July 28, 2006 Mr. MOORE of Kansas. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to pay tribute to the Trinity Eptscopal Church of Lawrence, Kansas, which on August 20th will celebrate its 150th year of serving Kansans attending the University of Kansas as well as residents of Lawrence. Lawrence has a long and vibrant history of religious diversity, dating back to its founding prior to the Civil War by immigrants who sought to establish Kansas as a state where slavery was prohibited. I am pleased to have this opportunity to place into the Congressional Record an article originally published in the Lawrence Journal-World which details the history of several of Lawrence's original [[Page 16529]] congregations, including Trinity Episcopal Church. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to have this opportunity to share this history with the House and I commend the members of Trinity Episcopal Church as they prepare to celebrate 150 years of service to the people of Lawrence and the University of Kansas. [From the Lawrence Journal-World, Sept. 19, 2004] City Churches Trace Roots to Pioneer Days (By Jim Baker) Lawrence was born from the reaction between pro-slavery forces and abolitionists fighting for control over the future of the Kansas Territory--and the city's early churches were the catalyst. The struggles of the abolitionists, in Lawrence's opening decades, set the course for many congregations that went on to flourish in the ensuing 150 years. In 1854, the New England Emigrant Aid Company sent a hardy band of 29 men to found a city in the Kansas Territory, hoping to settle the land with as many abolitionists as possible. The hope was that when the territory eventually achieved statehood, Kansas would be a free state. Among the men recruited by Amos Lawrence, a wealthy merchant based in Boston, were Unitarians, Methodists and Congregationalists. The most prominent Unitarian among them was Charles Robinson, who would become the first governor of Kansas. It took the group about two weeks to reach a site here, and then its members set up housing in order to establish a beachhead for abolitionists. The Unitarian Church--known as the Unitarian Society in Lawrence--was founded in 1856, the year that a stone church was built at what is now Ninth and Ohio streets. The church also was used by the Congregationalists and Methodists. The first minister was the Rev. Ephraim Nute. ``Certainly in the early years, Unitarians were instrumental in building the schools, fostering abolitionism, providing aid for the Underground Railroad and settlers of the abolitionist persuasion. The Unitarian Church was used as a hospital in the aftermath of Quantrill's Raid (Aug. 21, 1863),'' said Carol Huettner, administrator of the Unitarian Fellowship of Lawrence, 1263 N. 1100 Road. ``I think that the idea of tolerance, inclusion and basic fairness is part and parcel of the mindset of Lawrence, and I believe that comes in a straight, unbroken line from the first Unitarian settlers here. Lawrence would not have been founded were it not for Unitarians.'' Impressive heritage The history of three of Lawrence's oldest churches also is rooted in the epic clash between those who wanted Kansas to be a slave state and those who were ``free-staters.'' The founders of Plymouth Congregational Church, 925 Vt., came to Kansas to swell the ranks of settlers opposed to slavery. They were among the group sent out by the New England Emigrant Aid Company. ``They were abolitionists, and they came to Lawrence in 1854. Lawrence was a frontier town, and the only place where they could meet was a building made out of hay, with a thatched roof. That's where the church started,'' said the Rev. Peter Luckey, Plymouth's senior pastor. Plymouth was founded Oct. 15, 1854. The church, like the city itself, is celebrating its sesquicentennial this year. Plymouth's historic sanctuary, designed by noted Kansas architect John G. Haskell, was built in 1870--only 7 years after Quantrill's Raid on the city. ``The pastor at the time was Richard Cordley (the church's second pastor, who came in 1857), and he was a very strong, abolitionist preacher. It can be argued that part of what brought William Quantrill to Lawrence is they were intent on getting him. They actually came to his house,'' Luckey said. Plymouth, which today has 1,200 members, has been at the same location since 1870. First Baptist Church, 1330 Kasold Drive, is a year younger than Plymouth--it was founded in June 1855 and will celebrate its 150th anniversary next year--and traces its roots back to the conflict between pro-slavery and abolitionist forces. ``We had seven founding members in 1855. One of them was actually murdered in Quantrill's Raid, though the (original) church at Eighth and Kentucky wasn't harmed,'' says the Rev. Marcus McFaul, First Baptist's senior pastor, and the 30th full-time pastor in the church's history. ``Lawrence, Kansas, and the Christian experience in this town in many ways does reflect what I would call classic, liberal Christianity. Our founders really did embrace the dignity and worth of all people. That's a pretty significant thing in 1855 on the frontier, when everybody thought Kansas was going to be like Missouri, a slave state.'' First Baptist's original sponsoring denominational group came from Boston, home to many abolitionists, and this influenced the course the congregation was to take. McFaul said he was conscious of his church's history and legacy. ``It's almost overwhelming, because you're made very much aware that you stand on the shoulders of all those pastors who went before you.'' Another Lawrence congregation that was directly affected by the battle over slavery is Trinity Episcopal Church, 1011 Vt., founded in 1857. ``All of our parish records were burned in Quantrill's Raid. Everything was burned. We lost all the documents, baptism certificates, all of that was burned. They had to start again,'' said the Rev. Jonathon Jensen, who is the 19th rector in the church's history. Trinity Episcopal has been in downtown Lawrence nearly as long as the city itself has existed. The church was formed, and the present lot of Vermont Street was purchased, in 1857. The church's first building was consecrated and opened for service July 29, 1859. The present building in the Gothic Revival style was begun in 1870 and completed in 1873. Jensen is proud of Trinity Episcopal's long history, and he often reflects on the church's founders and past rectors. ``I feel a connection with all those who've gone before us, and it reminds me of all of those who will come after us. It feels much larger than myself,'' he said. rich history Plymouth is not the only Lawrence church celebrating a sesquicentennial anniversary this year. So is First United Methodist Church, 946 Vt. ``We consider our history as beginning with the arrival of the Rev. William Goode and the Rev. James Griffing to Lawrence on Nov. 7, 1854. They held revival services here in November and December of 1854. The church charter was actually in 1855, but we have always celebrated our history as starting in 1854,'' said Jerry Niebaum, co-chairman of First United Methodist's sesquicentennial committee. Goode was appointed to the Kansas-Nebraska district of the Methodist Church. Griffing was a circuit rider, traveling between communities from Lawrence to near Junction City. He was a preacher on horseback, who rode the countryside and preached the Gospel throughout the territory. ``Our first framed church was built in 1858 where the Southwestern Bell tower is downtown. If you look at the Harper's Bazaar (magazine) drawing of Quantrill's Raid, you see the Methodist church right in the center of the destruction. It was not damaged at all, and it was used as a morgue for the victims of the raid. They moved out the pews to make room for the bodies,'' Niebaum said. A brick church was built in 1865 where the Masonic Temple now stands, 1001 Mass., and it was used until 1891, when the congregation moved into its present stone structure at 946 Vt. First United Methodist has now been in the same downtown church for 113 years. ``History doesn't excite a lot of people, but yes, there are many here who understand the rich history that we have,'' Niebaum said. sense of belonging For black settlers who migrated to Lawrence in the city's early years, the churches they formed offered much more than simply a place to worship. They offered a safe haven for the expression of culture, opportunities for leadership and education, as well as a place for social, political and, later, civil rights activities. ``African-American churches are important in every community, especially if you go back in history. There was a time when blacks didn't have much of a social role outside the church. They needed some place of stability, some place that they felt was their own,'' said the Rev. William Dulin, pastor of Calvary Church of God in Christ, 646 Ala. ``If it hadn't been for the black churches that offered a feeling that they belonged, blacks who came to this area probably wouldn't have stayed here. Churches gave them a sense of spiritual guidance, as well as some roots. The city might have been different today if we hadn't had some of those churches.'' The earliest black churches in Lawrence that have maintained continuous congregations--despite name changes and physical relocations--date back almost to the founding of the city itself. St. Luke AME Church, 900 N.Y., and Ninth Street Baptist Church, 847 Ohio, were both founded in 1862. Other black congregations founded in the city's early years are: St. James AME Church, North Seventh and Maple streets, established in 1865; First Regular Missionary Baptist Church (originally located at 416 Lincoln), founded in 1868; and Second Christian Church, 1245 Conn., (it has also changed locations), organized in 1897. The Rev. Reginald Bachus, as pastor of First Regular Missionary Baptist Church, 1646 Vt., is the leader of a congregation with a venerable history. The church will celebrate its 136th anniversary in October. He reflected on the meaning of churches to Lawrence's black residents, particularly during a time when they were largely shunned by the city's whites. ``In the life of the African-American community, especially 150 years ago, the church was really the only place that they could feel comfortable, express themselves and have a sense of belonging in society. Many times, people could exercise their talents and leadership abilities, which they couldn't do in a secular setting,'' Bachus said. [[Page 16530]] Alice Fowler, historian of First Regular Missionary Baptist Church as well as a member of the congregation for the past 50 years, agreed with her pastor's assessment. ``The (black) church was the social and political outlet, the congregating place of African-Americans. It was a church, a school and a way to inform people of events that were going on in the community,'' she said. ``There was very large participation in events for the church, such as vacation Bible school and church picnics. There weren't a lot of activities that African-Americans could take part in (in the wider community). So churches provided their own resources for African-Americans during the (city's) early years.'' ____________________
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A Brief History of the Committee on Education and the Workforce The Committee's basic jurisdiction is over education and labor matters generally. While Congress has been concerned over education and labor issues since i...
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The Committee's basic jurisdiction is over education and labor matters generally. While Congress has been concerned over education and labor issues since its beginning, attempts to create a Committee with jurisdiction over education and labor failed in early Congresses due to Representatives' concern over the constitutional grounds for such a federal role and the belief that education was more properly the responsibility of the states.
The first Committee of jurisdiction, the Committee on Education and Labor, was established on March 21, 1867 in the aftermath of the Civil War and the growth of American industry. On December 19, 1883, the Committee on Education and Labor was divided into two standing committees: Committee on Education and Committee on Labor. On January 2, 1947, the Legislative Reorganization Act again combined the Committees, renamed the Committee on Education and Labor. On January 4, 1995, the Committee was renamed the Committee on Economic and Educational Opportunities. On January 7, 1997, the Committee was renamed the Committee on Education and the Workforce; on January 5, 2007, it became the Committee on Education and Labor; most recently, on January 5, 2011, the Committee was given its current name, the Committee on Education and the Workforce.
Committee Membership
Congress
Year
Republicans
Democrats
Total Membership
116th
2018-19
22
28
50
115th
2017-18
23
17
40
114th
2015-16
22
16
38
113th
2013-14
23
18
41
112th
2011-12
23
17
40
111th
2009-10
19
30
49
110th
2007-08
22
27
49
109th
2005-06
26
21
47
108th
2003-04
27
22
49
107th
2001-02
27
22
49
106th
1999-00
27
22
49
105th
1997-98
25
20
45
104th
1995-96
24
19
43
103rd
1993-94
15
28
43
102nd
1991-92
15
25
40
101st
1989-90
13
23
36
100th
1987-88
13
21
34
99th
1985-86
14
20
34
98th
1983-84
13
25
38
97th
1981-82
14
21
35
96th
1979-80
13
24
37
95th
1977-78
12
25
37
[Source: Committee Calendars]
The Committee on Education and Labor was created on March 21, 1867.
Committee on Education and Labor (1867-1883)
Chairman
Ranking Minority Member
Party
Congress
Years
John Baker (IL)
Union Republican
40th
1867-1869
Samuel M. Arnell (TN)
Republican Independent
41st
1869-1871
Legand W. Perce (MS)
Republican
42nd
1871-1873
James Monroe (OH)
Republican
43rd
1873-1875
Gilbert C. Walker (VA)
Conservative
44th
1875-1877
John Goode, Jr. (VA)
Democrat
45th-46th
1877-1881
J.T. Updegraff (OH)
Republican
47th
1881-1882
John C. Sherwin (IL)
Republican
47th
1882-1883
The separate committees on Education and Labor were established in December 1883.
Committee on Education (1883-1947)
Chairman
Ranking Minority Member
Party
Congress
Years
D. Wyatt Alken (SC)
Democrat
48th-49th
1883-1887
Allen D. Candler (GA)
Democrat
50th
1887-1889
James O'Donnell (MI)
Republican
51st
1889-1891
Walter I. Hayes (IA)
Democrat
52nd
1891-1892
David B. Brunner (PA)
Democrat
52nd
1892
Benjamin A. Ealoc (TN)
Democrat
52nd-53rd
1892-1895
Galusha A. Grow (PA)
Republican
54th-57th
1897-1903
David A. De Armond (MO)
Democrat
56th-57th
1899-1903
George N. Southwick (NY)
Republican
58th-60th
1903-1909
Willard D. Vandiver (MO)
Democrat
58th
1903-1905
Edwin Y. Webb (NC)
Democrat
59th
1905-1907
James F. Burke (PA)
Republican
61st
1909-1911
Asbury F. Lever (SC)
Democrat
60th-61st
1907-1911
Asbury F. Lever (SC)
Democrat
62nd
1911-1913
James F. Burke (PA)
Republican
62nd-63rd
1911-1915
Dudley M. Hughes (GA)
Democrat
63rd-64th
1913-1917
Caleb Powers (KY)
Republican
64th-65th
1915-1919
William J. Sears (FL)
Democrat
65th
1917-1919
Simeon D. Fees (OH)
Republican
66th-67th
1919-1923
William J. Sears (FL)
Democrat
66th
1919-1921
William B. Bankhead (AL)
Democrat
67th
1921-1923
Frederick W. Dallinger (MA)
Republican
68th
1923-1925
Bill Green Lowrey (MS)
Democrat
68th-70th
1923-1929
Daniel A. Reed (NY)
Republican
69th-71st
1925-1931
Loring M. Black Jr. (NY)
Democrat
71st
1929-1931
John J. Douglas (MA)
Democrat
72nd-73rd
1931-1935
Daniel A. Reed (NY)
Republican
72nd
1931-1933
James L. Whitley (NY)
Republican
73rd
1933-1935
Vincent L. Palmisano (MD)
Democrat
74th-75th
1935-1937
Albert E. Carter (CA)
Republican
74th
1935-1937
William H. Larrabee (IN)
Democrat
75th-77th
1937-1943
George A. Dondero (MI)
Republican
75th-79th
1937-1947
Graham A. Barden (NC)
Democrat
78th-79th
1943-1947
Committee on Labor (1883-1947)
Chairman
Ranking Minority Member
Party
Congress
Years
James H. Hopkins (PA)
Democrat
48th
1883-1885
John J. O'Neill (MO)
Democrat
49th-50th
1885-1889
William H. Wade (MO)
Republican
51st
1889-1891
John C. Tarsney (MO)
Democrat
52nd
1891-1893
Lawrence M. McGann (IL)
Democrat
53rd
1893-1895
Thomas W. Phillips (PA)
Republican
54th
1895-1897
Willaim Jasper Talbert (SC)
Democrat
56th-57th
1899-1903
John J. Gardner (NJ)
Republican
55th-61st
1897-1911
Ben F. Caldwell (IL)
Democrat
58th
1903-1905
William Randolph Hearst (NY)
Democrat
59th
1905-1907
Henry R. Ralney (IL)
Democrat
60th-61st
1907-1911
William B. Wilson (PA)
Democrat
62nd
1911-1913
John J. Gardner (NJ)
Republican
62nd
1911-1913
David J. Lewis (MD)
Democrat
63rd-64th
1913-1917
John M.C. Smith (MI)
Republican
63rd-65th
1913-1919
James P. Maher (NY)
Democrat
65th
1917-1919
J.M.C. Smith (MI)
Republican
66th
1919-1921
James P. Maher (NY)
Democrat
66th
1919-1921
John I. Nolan (CA)
Republican
67th
1921-1922
Eugene Black (TX)
Democrat
67th
1921-1923
Frederick N. Zihlman (MD)
Republican
67th-68th
1922-1925
William D. Upshaw (GA)
Democrat
68th-69th
1923-1927
William F. Kopp (IA)
Republican
69th-71st
1925-1930
William P. Connery Jr. (MA)
Democrat
70th-71st
1927-1931
William P. Connery, Jr. (MA)
Democrat
72nd-75th
1931-1937
Richard Welch (CA)
Republican
72nd-79th
1931-1947
Mary T. Norton (NJ)
Democrat
75th-79th
1937-1947
The two separate committees were terminated on January 7, 1947, and the Committee on Education and Labor was re-created as of that date.
Committee on Education and Labor (1947-1995)
Chairman
Ranking Minority Member
Party
Congress
Years
Fred A. Hartley, Jr. (NJ)
Republican
80th
1947-1949
John Lesinski (MI)
Democrat
80th
1947-1949
John Lesinski (MI)
Democrat
81st
1949-1950
Samuel K. McConnell, Jr. (PA)
Republican
81st-82nd
1949-1953
Graham A. Barden (NC)
Democrat
81st-82nd
1950-1953
Samuel K. McConnell, Jr. (PA)
Republican
83rd
1953-1955
Graham A. Barden (NC)
Democrat
83rd
1953-1955
Graham A. Barden (NC)
Democrat
84th-86th
1955-1961
Samuel K. McConnell, Jr. (PA)
Republican
84th-85th
1955-1957
Ralph W. Gwins (NY)
Republican
85th
1957-1959
Carroll D. Kearns (PA)
Republican
86th-87th
1959-1963
Adam C. Powell (NY)
Democrat
87th-89th
1961-1966
Peter H.B. Frelinghuysen (NJ)
Republican
88th
1963-1965
William H. Ayres (OH)
Republican
89th-91st
1965-1971
Carl D. Perkins (KY)
Democrat
90th-98th
1967-1984
Albert H. Quie (MN)
Republican
92nd-95th
1971-1978
John M. Ashbrook (OH)
Republican
96th-97th
1979-1982
John N. Erlenborn (IL)
Republican
97th-98th
1982-1984
Augustus F. Hawkins (CA)
Democrat
98th-101st
1984-1991
James M. Jeffords (VT)
Republican
99th-100th
1985-1988
William F. Goodling (PA)
Republican
101st-103rd
1989-1995
William D. Ford (MI)
Democrat
102nd-103rd
1991-1995
On January 4, 1995, the Committee's name was changed to the Committee on Economic and Educational Opportunities.
Committee on Economic and Educational Opportunities (1995-1997)
Chairman
Ranking Minority Member
Party
Congress
Years
William F. Goodling (PA)
Republican
104th
1995-1997
William L. Clay (MO)
Democrat
104th
1995-1997
On January 7, 1997, the Committee's name was changed to the Committee on Education and the Workforce.
Committee on Education and the Workforce (1997-2007)
Chairman
Ranking Minority Member
Party
Congress
Years
William F. Goodling (PA)
Republican
105th-106th
1997-2000
William L. Clay (MO)
Democrat
105th-106th
1997-2000
John A. Boehner (OH)
Republican
107th-109th
2001-2006
Howard P. "Buck" McKeon (CA)
Republican
109th
2006-2007
George Miller (CA)
Democrat
107th-109th
2001-2007
On January 5, 2007, the Committee's name was changed to the Committee on Education and Labor.
Committee on Education and Labor (2007-2010)
Chairman
Ranking Minority Member
Party
Congress
Years
George Miller (CA)
Democrat
110th-111th
2007-2010
Howard P. “Buck” McKeon (CA)
Republican
110th
2007-2009
John Kline (MN)
Republican
111th
2009-2010
On January 5, 2011, the Committee's name was changed to the Committee on Education and the Workforce.
Committee on Education and the Workforce (2011- )
Chairman
Ranking Minority Member
Party
Congress
Years
John Kline (MN)
Republican
112th-
2011-
George Miller (CA)
Democrat
112th-
2011-
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27th United States Congress
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The Twenty-seventh United States Congress was a meeting of the legislative branch of the United States of America federal government, consisting of the United States Senate and the U.S. House of Representatives. It met in Washington, D.C. from March 4, 1841 to March 3, 1843, during the administration of U.S. President William Henry Harrison and the first two years of the administration of his successor, U.S. President John Tyler.
The apportionment of seats in this House of Representatives was based on the Fifth Census of the United States in 1830. Both chambers had a Whig majority.
March 4, 1841 - March 3, 1843
Special session of the Senate: March 4, 1841 – March 15, 1841.
First session: May 31, 1841 - September 13, 1841.
Second session: December 6, 1841 - August 31, 1842.
Third session: December 5, 1842 - March 3, 1843.
Previous congress: 26th Congress
Next congress: 28th Congress
Party summary
The count below identifies party affiliations at the beginning of the first session of this Congress, and includes members from vacancies and newly admitted states, when they were first seated. Changes resulting from subsequent replacements are shown below in the "Changes in membership" section.
Senate
Whig (W): 29 (majority)
Democratic (D): 22
vacant: 1
TOTAL members: 52
House of Representatives
Whig (W): 142 (majority)
Democratic (D): 98
Independent Democratic (ID): 1
Independent (I): 1
TOTAL members: 242
Leadership
Vice President of the United States (President of the Senate):
John Tyler, Whig of Virginia, succeeded to the presidency April 4, 1841, thereafter vacant.
President pro tempore of the Senate:
William R. King, Democratic of Alabama (U.S. state), elected March 4, 1841.
Samuel L. Southard, Whig of New Jersey, elected March 11, 1841
Willie P. Mangum, Whig of North Carolina (U.S. state), elected May 31, 1842.
House of Representatives
Speaker of the House
John D. White, Whig of Kentucky, elected May 31, 1841.
Major events
Events of 1841, 1842 & 1843
March 4, 1841 -- William Henry Harrison became President of the United States of America.
April 4, 1841 -- John Tyler became President of the United States of America.
Major legislation
List of United States federal legislation in the 27th Congress
April 19, 1841 -- Bankruptcy Act of 1841.
September 4, 1841 -- Preemption Act of 1841.
August 30, 1842 -- Tariff of 1842 ("Black Tariff").
Membership highlights by chamber
This list is arranged by chamber, then by state. Senators are listed in order of seniority, and Representatives are listed by district.
Senate
Senators were elected by the state legislatures every two years, with one-third beginning new six year terms with each Congress. Preceding the names in the list below are Senate class numbers, which indicate the cycle of their election. In this Congress, Class 1 meant their term began in the last Congress, requiring reelection in 1844; Class 2 meant their term began with this Congress, requiring reelection in 1846; and Class 3 meant their term ended with this Congress, requiring reelection in 1842.
Alabama
2: William R. D. King (D)
3: Clement C. Clay (D)
Arthur P. Bagby (D)
Arkansas
2: William S. Fulton (D)
3: Ambrose H. Sevier (D)
Connecticut
3: Perry Smith (D)
1: Jabez W. Huntington (W)
Delaware
1: Richard H. Bayard (W)
2: Thomas Clayton (W)
Georgia
3: Alfred Cuthbert (D)
2: John Macpherson Berrien (W)
Illinois
3: Richard M. Young (D)
2: Samuel McRoberts (D)
Indiana
3: Oliver H. Smith (W)
1: Albert S. White (W)
Kentucky
3: Henry Clay (W)
John J. Crittenden (W)
2: James T. Morehead (W)
Louisiana
3: Alexander Mouton (D)
Charles M. Conrad (W)
2: Alexander Barrow (W)
Maine
1: Reuel Williams (D)
John Fairfield (D)
2: George Evans (W)
Maryland
1: William D. Merrick (W)
3: John L. Kerr (W)
Massachusetts
2: Isaac C. Bates (W)
1: Rufus Choate (W)
Michigan
1: Augustus S. Porter (W)
2: William Woodbridge (W)
Mississippi
2: Robert J. Walker (D)
1: John Henderson (W)
Missouri
1: Thomas H. Benton (D)
3: Lewis F. Linn (D)
New Hampshire
3: Franklin Pierce (D)
Leonard Wilcox (D)
2: Levi Woodbury (D)
New Jersey
1: Samuel L. Southard (W)
William L. Dayton (W)
2: Jacob W. Miller (W)
New York
3: Silas Wright, Jr. (D)
1: Nathaniel P. Tallmadge (W)
North Carolina
2: Willie P. Mangum (W)
3: William A. Graham (W)
Ohio
3: William Allen (D)
1: Benjamin Tappan (D)
Pennsylvania
3: James Buchanan (D)
1: Daniel Sturgeon (D)
Rhode Island
1: Nathan F. Dixon (W)
William Sprague (W)
2: James F. Simmons (W)
South Carolina
2: John C. Calhoun (D)
3: William C. Preston (W)
George McDuffie (D)
Tennessee
1: Alfred O. P. Nicholson (D)
2: vacant
Vermont
3: Samuel Prentiss (W)
Samuel C. Crafts (W)
1: Samuel S. Phelps (W)
Virginia
1: William C. Rives (W)
2: William S. Archer (W)
House of Representatives
The names of members of the House of Representatives elected statewide on the general ticket or otherwise at-large, are preceded by an "A/L," and the names of those elected from districts, whether plural or single member, are preceded by their district numbers.
Many of the congressional district numbers are linked to articles describing the district itself. Since the boundaries of the districts have changed often and substantially, the linked article may only describe the district as it exists today, and not as it was at the time of this Congress.
Alabama [1]
A/L: Reuben Chapman (D)
A/L: George S. Houston (D)
A/L: Dixon H. Lewis (D)
A/L: William W. Payne (D)
A/L: Benjamin G. Shields (D)
Arkansas
A/L: Edward Cross (D)
Connecticut [2]
A/L: Joseph Trumbull (W)
A/L: William W. Boardman (W)
A/L: Thomas W. Williams (W)
A/L: Thomas B. Osborne (W)
A/L: Truman Smith (W)
A/L: John H. Brockway (W)
Delaware
A/L: George B. Rodney (W)
Georgia [3]
A/L: Julius C. Alford (W)
Edward J. Black (D)
A/L: William C. Dawson (W)
Walter T. Colquitt (D)
A/L: Thomas F. Foster (W)
A/L: Roger L. Gamble (W)
A/L: Richard W. Habersham (W)
George W. Crawford (W)
A/L: Thomas Butler King (W)
A/L: James A. Meriwether (W)
A/L: Eugenius A. Nisbet (W)
Mark A. Cooper (D)
A/L: Lott Warren (W)
Illinois
1: John Reynolds (D)
2: Zadok Casey (ID)
3: John T. Stuart (W)
Indiana
1: George H. Proffit (W)
2: Richard W. Thompson (W)
3: Joseph L. White (W)
4: James H. Cravens (W)
5: Andrew Kennedy (D)
6: David Wallace (W)
7: Henry S. Lane (W)
Kentucky
1: Linn Boyd (D)
2: Philip Triplett (W)
3: Joseph R. Underwood (W)
4: Bryan Y. Owsley (W)
5: John B. Thompson (W)
6: Willis Green (W)
7: John Pope (W)
8: James C. Sprigg (W)
9: John White (W)
10: Thomas F. Marshall (W)
11: Landaff W. Andrews (W)
12: Garrett Davis (W)
13: William O. Butler (D)
Louisiana
1: Edward D. White (W)
2: John B. Dawson (D)
3: John Moore (W)
Maine
1: Nathan Clifford (D)
2: William Pitt Fessenden (W)
3: Benjamin Randall (W)
4: George Evans (W)
David Bronson (W)
5: Nathaniel S. Littlefield (D)
6: Alfred Marshall (D)
7: Joshua A. Lowell (D)
8: Elisha H. Allen (W)
Maryland [4]
1: Isaac D. Jones (W)
2: James A. Pearce (W)
3: James W. Williams (D)
Charles S. Sewall (D)
4: John P. Kennedy (W)
4: Alexander Randall (W)
5: William Cost Johnson (W)
6: John T. Mason (D)
7: Augustus R. Sollers (W)
Massachusetts
1: Robert C. Winthrop (W)
Nathan Appleton (W)
2: Leverett Saltonstall (W)
3: Caleb Cushing (W)
4: William Parmenter (D)
5: Levi Lincoln, Jr. (W)
Charles Hudson (W)
6: Osmyn Baker (W)
7: George N. Briggs (W)
8: William B. Calhoun (W)
9: William S. Hastings (W)
10: Nathaniel B. Borden (W)
11: Barker Burnell (W)
12: John Quincy Adams (W)
Michigan
A/L: Jacob M. Howard (W)
Mississippi [5]
A/L: William M. Gwin (D)
A/L: Jacob Thompson (D)
Missouri [6]
A/L: John C. Edwards (D)
A/L: John Miller (D)
New Hampshire [7]
A/L: Charles G. Atherton (D)
A/L: Edmund Burke (D)
A/L: Ira A. Eastman (D)
A/L: John R. Reding (D)
A/L: Tristram Shaw (D)
New Jersey [8]
A/L: John B. Aycrigg (W)
A/L: William Halstead (W)
A/L: John P. B. Maxwell (W)
A/L: Joseph F. Randolph (W)
A/L: Charles C. Stratton (W)
A/L: Thomas Jones Yorke (W)
New York [9]
1: Charles A. Floyd (D)
2: Joseph Egbert (D)
3: Charles G. Ferris (D)
3: John McKeon (D)
3: James I. Roosevelt (D)
3: Fernando Wood (D)
4: Aaron Ward (D)
5: Richard D. Davis (D)
6: James G. Clinton (D)
7: John Van Buren (D)
8: Jacob Houck, Jr. (D)
8: Robert McClellan (D)
9: Hiram P. Hunt (W)
10: Daniel D. Barnard (W)
11: Archibald L. Linn (W)
12: Bernard Blair (W)
13: Thomas A. Tomlinson (W)
14: Henry B. Van Rensselaer (W)
15: John Sanford (D)
16: Andrew W. Doig (D)
17: David P. Brewster (D)
17: John G. Floyd (D)
18: Thomas C. Chittenden (W)
19: Samuel S. Bowne (D)
20: Samuel Gordon (D)
21: John C. Clark (W)
22: Samuel Partridge (D)
22: Lewis Riggs (D)
23: Victory Birdseye (W)
23: A. Lawrence Foster (W)
24: Christopher Morgan (W)
25: John Maynard (W)
26: Francis Granger (W)
John Greig (W)
27: William M. Oliver (D)
28: Timothy Childs (W)
29: Seth M. Gates (W)
30: John Young (W)
31: Staley N. Clarke (W)
32: Millard Fillmore (W)
33: Alfred Babcock (W)
North Carolina
1: Kenneth Rayner (W)
2: John R. J. Daniel (D)
3: Edward Stanly (W)
4: William H. Washington (W)
5: James I. McKay (D)
6: Archibald H. Arrington (D)
7: Edmund Deberry (W)
8: Romulus M. Saunders (D)
9: Augustine H. Shepperd (W)
10: Abraham Rencher (W)
11: Greene W. Caldwell (D)
12: James Graham (W)
13: Lewis Williams (W)
Anderson Mitchell (W)
Ohio
1: Nathanael G. Pendleton (W)
2: John B. Weller (D)
3: Patrick G. Goode (W)
4: Jeremiah Morrow (W)
5: William Doan (D)
6: Calvary Morris (W)
7: William Russell (W)
8: Joseph Ridgway (W)
9: William Medill (D)
10: Samson Mason (W)
11: Benjamin S. Cowen (W)
12: Joshua Mathiot (W)
13: James Mathews (D)
14: George Sweeny (D)
15: Sherlock J. Andrews (W)
16: Joshua R. Giddings (W)
17: John Hastings (D)
18: Ezra Dean (D)
19: Samuel Stokely (W)
Pennsylvania [10]
1: Charles Brown (D)
2: George W. Toland (W)
2: John Sergeant (W)
Joseph R. Ingersoll (W)
3: Charles J. Ingersoll (D)
4: Jeremiah Brown (W)
4: John Edwards (W)
4: Francis James (W)
5: Joseph Fornance (D)
6: Robert Ramsey (W)
7: John Westbrook (D)
8: Peter Newhard (D)
9: George M. Keim (D)
10: William Simonton (W)
11: James Gerry (D)
12: James Cooper (W)
13: William S. Ramsey (D)
Amos Gustine (D)
14: James Irvin (W)
15: Benjamin A. Bidlack (D)
16: John Snyder (D)
17: Davis Dimock, Jr. (D)
Almon H. Read (D)
18: Charles Ogle (W)
Henry Black (W)
James M. Russell (W)
19: Albert G. Marchand (D)
20: Enos Hook (D)
Henry W. Beeson (D)
21: Joseph Lawrence (W)
Thomas M. T. McKennan (W)
22: William W. Irwin (W)
23: William Jack (D)
24: Thomas Henry (W)
25: Arnold Plumer (D)
Rhode Island [11]
A/L: Robert B. Cranston (W)
A/L: Joseph L. Tillinghast (W)
South Carolina
1: Isaac E. Holmes (D)
2: R. Barnwell Rhett (D)
3: John Campbell (D)
4: Sampson H. Butler (D)
Samuel W. Trotti (D)
5: Francis W. Pickens (D)
6: William Butler (W)
7: James Rogers (D)
8: Thomas D. Sumter (D)
9: Patrick C. Caldwell (D)
Tennessee
1: Thomas D. Arnold (W)
2: Abraham McClellan (D)
3: Joseph L. Williams (W)
4: Thomas J. Campbell (W)
5: Hopkins L. Turney (D)
6: William B. Campbell (W)
7: Robert L. Caruthers (W)
8: Meredith P. Gentry (W)
9: Harvey M. Watterson (D)
10: Aaron V. Brown (D)
11: Cave Johnson (D)
12: Milton Brown (W)
13: Christopher H. Williams (W)
Vermont
1: Hiland Hall (W)
2: William Slade (W)
3: Horace Everett (W)
4: Augustus Young (W)
5: John Mattocks (W)
Virginia
1: Francis Mallory (W)
2: George B. Cary (D)
3: John W. Jones (D)
4: William O. Goode (D)
5: Edmund W. Hubard (D)
6: Walter Coles (D)
7: William L. Goggin (W)
8: Henry A. Wise (W)
9: Robert M. T. Hunter (IW)
10: John Taliaferro (W)
11: John M. Botts (W)
12: Thomas W. Gilmer (W)
13: Linn Banks (D)
William Smith (D)
14: Cuthbert Powell (W)
15: Richard W. Barton (W)
16: William A. Harris (D)
17: Alexander H. H. Stuart (W)
18: George W. Hopkins (D)
19: George W. Summers (W)
20: Samuel L. Hays (D)
21: Lewis Steenrod (D)
Delegates
Florida Territory
A/L: David Levy Yulee (D)
Iowa Territory
A/L: Augustus C. Dodge (D)
Wisconsin Territory
A/L: Henry Dodge (D)
Membership detail by state
Senators were elected by the state legislatures every two years, with one-third beginning new six year terms with each Congress. Preceding the names in the list below are Senate class numbers, which indicate the cycle of their election. In this Congress, Class 1 meant their term began in the last Congress, requiring reelection in 1844; Class 2 meant their term began with this Congress, requiring reelection in 1846; and Class 3 meant their term ended with this Congress, requiring reelection in 1842.
The names of members of the House of Representatives elected statewide on the general ticket or otherwise at-large, are preceded by an "A/L," and the names of those elected from districts, whether plural or single member, are preceded by their district numbers.
Many of the congressional district numbers are linked to articles describing the district itself. Since the boundaries of the districts have changed often and substantially, the linked article may only describe the district as it exists today, and not as it was at the time of this Congress.
The list below is arranged by state, then by chamber. Senators are shown in order of seniority, House members in district order.
Alabama
Senate
2: William R. D. King (1786-1853), Democratic
3: Clement C. Clay (1789-1866), Democratic …resigned November 15, 1841.
Arthur P. Bagby (1794-1858), Democratic …elected to fill, vacancy November 24, 1841.
House of Representatives (5 seats) [12]
A/L: Reuben Chapman (1799-1882), Democratic
A/L: George S. Houston (1811-1879), Democratic
A/L: Dixon H. Lewis (1802-1848), Democratic
A/L: William W. Payne (1807-1874), Democratic
A/L: Benjamin G. Shields (1808-1850), Democratic
Arkansas
Senate
2: William S. Fulton (1795-1844), Democratic
3: Ambrose H. Sevier ,(1801-1848), Democratic
House of Representatives (1 seat)
A/L: Edward Cross (1798-1887), Democratic
Connecticut
Senate
3: Perry Smith (1783-1852), Democratic
1: Jabez W. Huntington (1788-1847), Whig
House of Representatives (6 seats) [13]
A/L: Joseph Trumbull (1782-1861), Whig
A/L: William W. Boardman (1794-1871), Whig
A/L: Thomas W. Williams (1789-1874), Whig
A/L: Thomas B. Osborne (1798-1869), Whig
A/L: Truman Smith (1791-1884), Whig
A/L: John H. Brockway (1801-1870), Whig
Delaware
Senate
1: Richard H. Bayard (1796-1868), Whig
2: Thomas Clayton (1777-1854), Whig
House of Representatives (1 seat)
A/L: George B. Rodney (1803-1883), Whig
Georgia
Senate
3: Alfred Cuthbert (1785-1856), Democratic
2: John Macpherson Berrien (1781-1856), Whig
House of Representatives (9 seats) [14]
A/L: Julius C. Alford (1799-1863), Whig …resigned in 1841.
Edward J. Black (1806-1846), Democratic …elected to fill vacancy, seated March 2, 1842.
A/L: William C. Dawson (1798-1856), Whig …resigned November 13, 1841.
Walter T. Colquitt (1799-1855), Democratic …elected to fill vacancy, seated February 1, 1842.
A/L: Thomas F. Foster (1790-1848), Whig
A/L: Roger L. Gamble (1787-1847), Whig
A/L: Richard W. Habersham (1786-1842), Whig …died December 2, 1842.
George W. Crawford (1798-1872), Whig …elected to fill vacancy, seated February 1, 1843.
A/L: Thomas Butler King ,1864), Whig
A/L: James A. Meriwether (1806-1852), Whig
A/L: Eugenius A. Nisbet (1803-1871), Whig …resigned in 1841.
Mark A. Cooper ,1885), Democratic …elected to fill vacancy, seated February 1, 1842.
A/L: Lott Warren (1797-1861), Whig
Illinois
Senate
3: Richard M. Young (1798-1861), Democratic
2: Samuel McRoberts (1799-1843), Democratic
House of Representatives (3 seats)
1: John Reynolds (1788-1865), Democratic
2: Zadok Casey (1796-1862), Independent Democratic
3: John T. Stuart (1807-1885), Whig
Indiana
Senate
3: Oliver H. Smith (1794-1859), Whig
1: Albert S. White (1803-1864), Whig
House of Representatives (7 seats)
1: George H. Proffit (1807-1847), Whig
2: Richard W. Thompson (1809-1900), Whig
3: Joseph L. White ( -1861), Whig
4: James H. Cravens (1802-1876), Whig
5: Andrew Kennedy (1810-1847), Democratic
6: David Wallace (1799-1859), Whig
7: Henry S. Lane (1811-1881), Whig
Kentucky
Senate
3: Henry Clay (1777-1852), Whig …resigned March 31, 1842.
John J. Crittenden (1786-1863), Whig …elected to fill, vacancy March 31, 1842.
2: James T. Morehead (1797-1854), Whig
House of Representatives (13 seats)
1: Linn Boyd ,1859), Democratic
2: Philip Triplett (1799-1852), Whig
3: Joseph R. Underwood (1791-1876), Whig
4: Bryan Y. Owsley (1798-1849), Whig
5: John B. Thompson (1810-1874), Whig
6: Willis Green ( - ), Whig
7: John Pope (1770-1845), Whig
8: James C. Sprigg (1802-1852), Whig
9: John White (1802-1845), Whig
10: Thomas F. Marshall (1801-1864), Whig
11: Landaff W. Andrews (1803-1887), Whig
12: Garrett Davis (1801-1872), Whig
13: William O. Butler (1791-1880), Democratic
Louisiana
Senate
3: Alexander Mouton (1804-1885), Democratic …resigned March 1, 1842.
Charles M. Conrad (1804-1878), Whig …elected to fill, vacancy April 14, 1842.
2: Alexander Barrow (1801-1846), Whig
House of Representatives (3 seats)
1: Edward D. White (1795-1847), Whig
2: John B. Dawson (1798-1845), Democratic
3: John Moore (1788-1867), Whig
Maine
Senate
1: Reuel Williams (1783-1862), Democratic …resigned February 15, 1843.
John Fairfield Democratic …elected to fill vacancy, never served in this Congress
2: George Evans (1797-1867), Whig
House of Representatives (8 seats)
1: Nathan Clifford (1803-1881), Democratic
2: William Pitt Fessenden (1806-1869), Whig
3: Benjamin Randall (1789-1859), Whig
4: George Evans (1797-1867), Whig …resigned before Congress assembled.
David Bronson (1800-1863), Whig …elected to fill vacancy from preceding Congress, seated May 31, 1841.
5: Nathaniel S. Littlefield (1804-1882), Democratic
6: Alfred Marshall (1797c-1868), Democratic
7: Joshua A. Lowell (1801-1874), Democratic
8: Elisha H. Allen (1804-1883), Whig
Maryland
Senate
1: William D. Merrick (1793-1857), Whig
3: John L. Kerr (1780-1844), Whig
House of Representatives (8 seats) [15]
1: Isaac D. Jones (1806-1893), Whig
2: James A. Pearce (1805-1862), Whig
3: James W. Williams (1792-1842), Democratic …died December 2, 1842.
Charles S. Sewall (1779-1848), Democratic …elected to fill vacancy, seated January 7, 1843.
4: John P. Kennedy (1795-1870), Whig
4: Alexander Randall (1803-1881), Whig
5: William Cost Johnson (1806-1860), Whig
6: John T. Mason (1815-1873), Democratic
7: Augustus R. Sollers (1814-1862), Whig
Massachusetts
Senate
2: Isaac C. Bates (1779-1845), Whig
1: Rufus Choate (1799-1859), Whig
House of Representatives (12 seats)
1: Robert C. Winthrop (1809-1894), Whig …resigned May 25, 1842, elected to fill vacancy, seated December 5, 1842.
Nathan Appleton (1779-1861), Whig …elected to fill vacancy, seated June 9, 1842, resigned September 28, 1842.
2: Leverett Saltonstall (1783-1845), Whig
3: Caleb Cushing ,1879), Whig
4: William Parmenter (1789-1866), Democratic
5: Levi Lincoln, Jr. (1782-1868), Whig …resigned March 16, 1841, before Congress assembled.
Charles Hudson (1795-1881), Whig …elected to fill vacancy, seated May 3, 1841.
6: Osmyn Baker ,1875), Whig
7: George N. Briggs (1796-1861), Whig
8: William B. Calhoun (1796-1865), Whig
9: William S. Hastings (1798-1842), Whig …died June 17, 1842.
10: Nathaniel B. Borden (1801-1865), Whig
11: Barker Burnell (1798-1843), Whig
12: John Quincy Adams (1767-1848), Whig
Michigan
Senate
1: Augustus S. Porter (1798-1872), Whig
2: William Woodbridge (1780-1861), Whig
House of Representatives (1 seat)
A/L: Jacob M. Howard (1805-1871), Whig
Mississippi
Senate
2: Robert J. Walker (1801-1869), Democratic
1: John Henderson (1797-1857), Whig
House of Representatives (2 seats) [16]
A/L: William M. Gwin (1805-1885), Democratic
A/L: Jacob Thompson (1810-1885), Democratic
Missouri
Senate
1: Thomas H. Benton (1782-1858), Democratic
3: Lewis F. Linn (1796-1843), Democratic
House of Representatives (2 seats) [17]
A/L: John C. Edwards (1804-1888), Democratic
A/L: John Miller (1781-1846), Democratic
New Hampshire
Senate
3: Franklin Pierce (1804-1869), Democratic …resigned February 28, 1842.
Leonard Wilcox (1799-1850), Democratic …appointed to fill vacancy March 1, 1842, subsequently elected.
2: Levi Woodbury (1789-1851), Democratic
House of Representatives (5 seats) [18]
A/L: Charles G. Atherton (1804-1853), Democratic
A/L: Edmund Burke (1809-1882), Democratic
A/L: Ira A. Eastman (1809-1881), Democratic
A/L: John R. Reding (1805-1892), Democratic
A/L: Tristram Shaw (1786-1843), Democratic
New Jersey
Senate
1: Samuel L. Southard (1787-1842), Whig …died June 26, 1842.
William L. Dayton (1807-1864), Whig …appointed to fill vacancy July 2, 1842, subsequently elected.
2: Jacob W. Miller ,1862), Whig
House of Representatives (6 seats) [19]
A/L: John B. Aycrigg (1798-1856), Whig
A/L: William Halstead (1794-1878), Whig
A/L: John P. B. Maxwell (1804-1845), Whig
A/L: Joseph F. Randolph (1803-1873), Whig
A/L: Charles C. Stratton (1796-1859), Whig
A/L: Thomas Jones Yorke (1801-1882), Whig
New York
Senate
3: Silas Wright, Jr. (1795-1847), Democratic
1: Nathaniel P. Tallmadge (1795-1864), Whig
House of Representatives (40 seats) [20]
1: Charles A. Floyd (1791-1873), Democratic
2: Joseph Egbert (1807-1888), Democratic
3: Charles G. Ferris (1796c-1848), Democratic
3: John McKeon (1808-1883), Democratic
3: James I. Roosevelt (1795-1875), Democratic
3: Fernando Wood (1812-1881), Democratic
4: Aaron Ward (1790-1867), Democratic
5: Richard D. Davis (1799-1871), Democratic
6: James G. Clinton (1804-1849), Democratic
7: John Van Buren (1799-1855), Democratic
8: Jacob Houck, Jr. (1801-1857), Democratic
8: Robert McClellan (1806-1860), Democratic
9: Hiram P. Hunt (1796-1865), Whig
10: Daniel D. Barnard (1797-1861), Whig
11: Archibald L. Linn (1802-1857), Whig
12: Bernard Blair (1801-1880), Whig
13: Thomas A. Tomlinson (1802-1872), Whig
14: Henry B. Van Rensselaer (1810-1864), Whig
15: John Sanford (1803-1857), Democratic
16: Andrew W. Doig (1799-1875), Democratic
17: David P. Brewster (1801-1876), Democratic
17: John G. Floyd (1806-1881), Democratic
18: Thomas C. Chittenden (1788-1866), Whig
19: Samuel S. Bowne ,1865), Democratic
20: Samuel Gordon (1802-1873), Democratic
21: John C. Clark (1793-1852), Whig
22: Samuel Partridge (1790-1883), Democratic
22: Lewis Riggs (1789-1870), Democratic
23: Victory Birdseye (1782-1853), Whig
23: A. Lawrence Foster ( - ), Whig
24: Christopher Morgan (1808-1877), Whig
25: John Maynard ( -1850), Whig
26: Francis Granger (1792-1868), Whig …resigned March 5, 1841, elected to fill vacancy, seated December 7, 1841.
John Greig (1779-1858), Whig …elected to fill vacancy, seated May 31, 1841, resigned September 25, 1841.
27: William M. Oliver (1792-1863), Democratic
28: Timothy Childs (1785-1847), Whig
29: Seth M. Gates ,1877), Whig
30: John Young (1802-1852), Whig
31: Staley N. Clarke (1794-1860), Whig
32: Millard Fillmore ,1874), Whig
33: Alfred Babcock (1805-1871), Whig
North Carolina
Senate
2: Willie P. Mangum (1792-1861), Whig
3: William A. Graham (1804-1875), Whig
House of Representatives (13 seats)
1: Kenneth Rayner (1808-1884), Whig
2: John R. J. Daniel (1802-1868), Democratic
3: Edward Stanly (1810-1872), Whig
4: William H. Washington (1813-1860), Whig
5: James I. McKay (1793-1853), Democratic
6: Archibald H. Arrington (1809-1872), Democratic
7: Edmund Deberry (1787-1859), Whig
8: Romulus M. Saunders (1791-1867), Democratic
9: Augustine H. Shepperd (1792-1864), Whig
10: Abraham Rencher (1798-1883), Whig
11: Greene W. Caldwell (1806-1864), Democratic
12: James Graham (1793-1851), Whig
13: Lewis Williams (1782-1842), Whig …died February 23, 1842.
Anderson Mitchell ,1876), Whig …elected to fill vacancy, seated April 27, 1842.
Ohio
Senate
3: William Allen (1803-1879), Democratic
1: Benjamin Tappan (1773-1857), Democratic
House of Representatives (19 seats)
1: Nathanael G. Pendleton (1793-1861), Whig
2: John B. Weller (1812-1875), Democratic
3: Patrick G. Goode (1798-1862), Whig
4: Jeremiah Morrow (1771-1852), Whig
5: William Doan (1792-1847), Democratic
6: Calvary Morris (1798-1871), Whig
7: William Russell (1782-1845), Whig
8: Joseph Ridgway (1783-1861), Whig
9: William Medill (1802-1865), Democratic
10: Samson Mason (1793-1869), Whig
11: Benjamin S. Cowen (1793-1860), Whig
12: Joshua Mathiot ,1849), Whig
13: James Mathews (1805-1887), Democratic
14: George Sweeny (1796-1877), Democratic
15: Sherlock J. Andrews (1801-1880), Whig
16: Joshua R. Giddings (1795-1864), Whig …resigned March 22, 1842, elected to fill vacancy, seated December 5, 1842.
17: John Hastings (1778-1854), Democratic
18: Ezra Dean (1795-1872), Democratic
19: Samuel Stokely (1796-1861), Whig
Pennsylvania
Senate
3: James Buchanan (1791-1868), Democratic
1: Daniel Sturgeon (1789-1878), Democratic
House of Representatives (28 seats) [21]
1: Charles Brown (1797-1883), Democratic
2: George W. Toland (1796-1869), Whig
2: John Sergeant (1779-1852), Whig …resigned September 15, 1841.
Joseph R. Ingersoll (1786-1868), Whig …elected to fill vacancy, seated December 9, 1841.
3: Charles J. Ingersoll (1782-1862), Democratic
4: Jeremiah Brown (1785-1858), Whig
4: John Edwards (1786-1843), Whig
4: Francis James (1799-1886), Whig
5: Joseph Fornance (1804-1852), Democratic
6: Robert Ramsey (1780-1849), Whig
7: John Westbrook (1789-1852), Democratic
8: Peter Newhard (1783-1860), Democratic
9: George M. Keim (1805-1861), Democratic
10: William Simonton (1788-1846), Whig
11: James Gerry (1796-1873), Democratic
12: James Cooper (1810-1863), Whig
13: William S. Ramsey (1810-1840), Democratic …died October 17, 1840.
Amos Gustine (1789-1844), Democratic …elected to fill vacancy from preceding Congress, seated May 31, 1841.
14: James Irvin (1800-1862), Whig
15: Benjamin A. Bidlack (1804-1849), Democratic
16: John Snyder (1793-1850), Democratic
17: Davis Dimock, Jr. (1801-1842), Democratic …died January 13, 1842.
Almon H. Read (1790-1844), Democratic …elected to fill vacancy, seated March 18, 1842.
18: Charles Ogle (1798-1841), Whig …died May 10, 1841, before Congress assembled.
Henry Black (1783-1841), Whig …elected to fill vacancy, seated June 28,1841, died November 28, 1841.
James M. Russell (1786-1870), Whig …elected to fill vacancy, seated January 3, 1842.
19: Albert G. Marchand (1811-1848), Democratic
20: Enos Hook (1804-1841), Democratic …resigned April 18, 1841.
Henry W. Beeson (1791-1863), Democratic …elected to fill vacancy, seated May 31, 1841.
21: Joseph Lawrence (1786-1842), Whig …died April 17, 1842.
Thomas M. T. McKennan (1794-1852), Whig …elected to fill vacancy, seated May 30, 1842.
22: William W. Irwin (1803-1856), Whig
23: William Jack (1788-1852), Democratic
24: Thomas Henry (1779-1849), Whig
25: Arnold Plumer (1801-1869), Democratic
Rhode Island
Senate
1: Nathan F. Dixon (1774-1842), Whig …died January 29, 1842.
William Sprague (1799-1856), Whig …elected to fill vacancy February 5, 1842.
2: James F. Simmons (1795-1864), Whig
House of Representatives (2 seats) [22]
A/L: Robert B. Cranston (1791-1873), Whig
A/L: Joseph L. Tillinghast (1791-1844), Whig
South Carolina
Senate
2: John C. Calhoun (1782-1850), Democratic …resigned March 3, 1843.
3: William C. Preston (1794-1860), Whig …resigned November 29, 1842.
George McDuffie (1790-1851), Democratic …elected to fill vacancy December 2, 1842.
House of Representatives (9 seats)
1: Isaac E. Holmes (1796-1867), Democratic
2: R. Barnwell Rhett ,1876), Democratic
3: John Campbell (1795-1845), Democratic
4: Sampson H. Butler (1803-1848), Democratic …resigned September 27, 1842.
Samuel W. Trotti (1810-1856), Democratic …elected to fill vacancy, seated December 17, 1842.
5: Francis W. Pickens (1805-1869), Democratic
6: William Butler (1790-1850), Whig
7: James Rogers (1795-1873), Democratic
8: Thomas D. Sumter (1809-1874), Democratic
9: Patrick C. Caldwell (1801-1855), Democratic
Tennessee
Senate
1: Alfred O. P. Nicholson (1808-1876), Democratic …served until February 7, 1842.
2: vacant …vacancy in this class throughout the Congress.
House of Representatives (13 seats)
1: Thomas D. Arnold (1798-1870), Whig
2: Abraham McClellan (1789-1866), Democratic
3: Joseph L. Williams (1810-1865), Whig
4: Thomas J. Campbell (1786-1850), Whig
5: Hopkins L. Turney (1797-1857), Democratic
6: William B. Campbell (1807-1867), Whig
7: Robert L. Caruthers ,1882), Whig
8: Meredith P. Gentry (1809-1866), Whig
9: Harvey M. Watterson (1811-1891), Democratic
10: Aaron V. Brown (1795-1859), Democratic
11: Cave Johnson (1793-1866), Democratic
12: Milton Brown (1804-1883), Whig
13: Christopher H. Williams (1798-1857), Whig
Vermont
Senate
3: Samuel Prentiss (1782-1857), Whig …resigned April 11, 1842.
Samuel C. Crafts (1768-1853), Whig …appointed to fill vacancy April 23, 1842, subsequently elected.
1: Samuel S. Phelps (1793-1855), Whig
House of Representatives (5 seats)
1: Hiland Hall (1795-1885), Whig
2: William Slade (1786-1859), Whig
3: Horace Everett (1779-1851), Whig
4: Augustus Young (1784-1857), Whig
5: John Mattocks (1777-1847), Whig
Virginia
Senate
1: William C. Rives (1793-1868), Whig
2: William S. Archer (1789-1855), Whig
House of Representatives (21 seats)
1: Francis Mallory (1807-1860), Whig
2: George B. Cary (1811-1850), Democratic
3: John W. Jones (1791-1848), Democratic
4: William O. Goode (1798-1859), Democratic
5: Edmund W. Hubard (1806-1878), Democratic
6: Walter Coles (1790-1857), Democratic
7: William L. Goggin (1807-1870), Whig
8: Henry A. Wise (1806-1876), Whig
9: Robert M. T. Hunter (1809-1887), Independent Whig
10: John Taliaferro (1768-1852), Whig
11: John M. Botts (1802-1869), Whig
12: Thomas W. Gilmer (1802-1844), Whig
13: Linn Banks (1784-1842), Democratic …contested election, served until December 6, 1841.
William Smith (1797-1887), Democratic …contested election, seated December 6, 1841.
14: Cuthbert Powell (1775-1849), Whig
15: Richard W. Barton ,1859), Whig
16: William A. Harris (1805-1864), Democratic
17: Alexander H. H. Stuart (1807-1891), Whig
18: George W. Hopkins (1804-1861), Democratic
19: George W. Summers (1804-1868), Whig
20: Samuel L. Hays (1794-1871), Democratic
21: Lewis Steenrod (1810-1862), Democratic |}
Delegates
Florida Territory
A/L: David Levy Yulee (1810-1886), Democratic
Iowa Territory
A/L: Augustus C. Dodge (1812-1883), Democratic
Wisconsin Territory
A/L: Henry Dodge (1782-1867), Democratic
Membership detail by Chamber/Party
The list below is arranged by chamber, then by political party. Members are shown in alphabetical order.
Senate
Senators were elected by the state legislatures every two years, with one-third beginning new six year terms with each Congress.
Democratic
A-F
William Allen, Ohio
Arthur P. Bagby, Alabama (U.S. state)
Thomas H. Benton, Missouri
James Buchanan, Pennsylvania
John C. Calhoun, South Carolina
Clement C. Clay, Alabama (U.S. state)
Alfred Cuthbert, Georgia
John Fairfield, Maine
William S. Fulton, Arkansas (U.S. state)
G-R
William R. D. King, Alabama (U.S. state)
Lewis F. Linn , Missouri
George McDuffie, South Carolina
Samuel McRoberts, Illinois (U.S. state)
Alexander Mouton, Louisiana
Alfred O. P. Nicholson, Tennessee
Franklin Pierce, New Hampshire
S-Z
Ambrose H. Sevier, Arkansas (U.S. state)
Perry Smith, Connecticut
Daniel Sturgeon, Pennsylvania
Benjamin Tappan, Ohio
Robert J. Walker, Mississippi
Leonard Wilcox, New Hampshire
Reuel Williams, Maine
Levi Woodbury, New Hampshire
Silas Wright, Jr., New York
Richard M. Young, Illinois (U.S. state)
Whig
A-F
William S. Archer, Virginia
Alexander Barrow, Louisiana
Isaac C. Bates, Massachusetts
Richard H. Bayard, Delaware
John Macpherson Berrien, Georgia
Rufus Choate, Massachusetts
Henry Clay, Kentucky
Thomas Clayton, Delaware
Charles M. Conrad, Louisiana
Samuel C. Crafts, Vermont
John J. Crittenden, Kentucky
William L. Dayton, New Jersey
Nathan F. Dixon, Rhode Island
George Evans, Maine
G-R
William A. Graham, North Carolina (U.S. state)
John Henderson, Mississippi
Jabez W. Huntington, Connecticut
John L. Kerr, Maryland
Willie P. Mangum, North Carolina (U.S. state)
William D. Merrick, Maryland
Jacob W. Miller, New Jersey
James T. Morehead, Kentucky
Samuel S. Phelps, Vermont
Augustus S. Porter, Michigan
Samuel Prentiss, Vermont
William C. Preston, South Carolina
William C. Rives, Virginia
S-Z
James F. Simmons, Rhode Island
Oliver H. Smith, Indiana
Samuel L. Southard, New Jersey
William Sprague, Rhode Island
Nathaniel P. Tallmadge, New York
Albert S. White, Indiana
William Woodbridge, Michigan
House of Representatives
Members of the House of Representatives were elected by popular vote, variously to single member districts or at-large.
Democratic
A-B-C
Archibald H. Arrington, North Carolina (U.S. state)
Charles G. Atherton, New Hampshire
Linn Banks, Virginia
Henry W. Beeson , Pennsylvania
Benjamin A. Bidlack, Pennsylvania
Edward J. Black, Georgia
Samuel S. Bowne, New York
Linn Boyd , Kentucky
David P. Brewster , New York
Aaron V. Brown, Tennessee
Charles Brown, Pennsylvania
Edmund Burke, New Hampshire
Sampson H. Butler, South Carolina
William O. Butler, Kentucky
Greene W. Caldwell, North Carolina (U.S. state)
Patrick C. Caldwell, South Carolina
John Campbell, South Carolina
George B. Cary, Virginia
Reuben Chapman, Alabama (U.S. state)
Nathan Clifford, Maine
James G. Clinton, New York
Walter Coles, Virginia
Walter T. Colquitt, Georgia
Mark A. Cooper, Georgia
Edward Cross, Arkansas (U.S. state)
D-E-F
John R. J. Daniel, North Carolina (U.S. state)
Richard D. Davis, New York
John B. Dawson, Louisiana
Ezra Dean, Ohio
Davis Dimock, Jr., Pennsylvania
William Doan, Ohio
Andrew W. Doig, New York
Ira A. Eastman, New Hampshire
John C. Edwards, Missouri
Joseph Egbert, New York
Charles G. Ferris, New York
Charles A. Floyd, New York
John G. Floyd, New York
Joseph Fornance, Pennsylvania
G-H-I
James Gerry, Pennsylvania
William O. Goode, Virginia
Samuel Gordon, New York
Amos Gustine, Pennsylvania
William M. Gwin, Mississippi
William A. Harris, Virginia
John Hastings, Ohio
Samuel L. Hays, Virginia
Isaac E. Holmes, South Carolina
Enos Hook, Pennsylvania.
George W. Hopkins, Virginia
Jacob Houck, Jr., New York
George S. Houston, Alabama (U.S. state)
Edmund W. Hubard, Virginia
Charles J. Ingersoll, Pennsylvania
J-K-L
William Jack, Pennsylvania
Cave Johnson, Tennessee
John W. Jones, Virginia
George M. Keim, Pennsylvania
Andrew Kennedy, Indiana
Dixon H. Lewis, Alabama (U.S. state)
Nathaniel S. Littlefield, Maine
Joshua A. Lowell , Maine
M-N-O
Albert G. Marchand, Pennsylvania
Alfred Marshall, Maine
John T. Mason, Maryland
James Mathews, Ohio
Abraham McClellan, Tennessee
Robert McClellan, New York
James I. McKay, North Carolina (U.S. state)
John McKeon, New York
William Medill, Ohio
John Miller, Missouri
Peter Newhard, Pennsylvania
William M. Oliver, New York
P-Q-R
William Parmenter, Massachusetts
Samuel Partridge, New York
William W. Payne, Alabama (U.S. state)
Francis W. Pickens, South Carolina
Arnold Plumer, Pennsylvania
William S. Ramsey, Pennsylvania
Almon H. Read, Pennsylvania
John R. Reding, New Hampshire
John Reynolds, Illinois (U.S. state)
R. Barnwell Rhett, South Carolina
Lewis Riggs, New York
James Rogers, South Carolina
James I. Roosevelt, New York
S-T-U-V
John Sanford, New York
Romulus M. Saunders, North Carolina (U.S. state)
Charles S. Sewall, Maryland
Tristram Shaw, New Hampshire
Benjamin G. Shields, Alabama (U.S. state)
Robert B. Smith, South Carolina
William Smith, Virginia
John Snyder, Pennsylvania
Lewis Steenrod, Virginia
Thomas D. Sumter, South Carolina
George Sweeny, Ohio
Jacob Thompson, Mississippi
Samuel W. Trotti, South Carolina
Hopkins L. Turney, Tennessee
John Van Buren, New York
W-X-Y-Z
Aaron Ward, New York
Harvey M. Watterson, Tennessee
John B. Weller, Ohio
John Westbrook, Pennsylvania
James W. Williams, Maryland
Fernando Wood, New York
Whig
A-B-C
John Quincy Adams, Massachusetts
Julius C. Alford, Georgia
Elisha H. Allen, Maine
Landaff W. Andrews, Kentucky
Sherlock J. Andrews, Ohio
Nathan Appleton, Massachusetts
Thomas D. Arnold, Tennessee
John B. Aycrigg, New Jersey
Alfred Babcock, New York
Osmyn Baker, Massachusetts
Daniel D. Barnard, New York
Richard W. Barton, Virginia
Victory Birdseye, New York
Henry Black, Pennsylvania
Bernard Blair, New York
William W. Boardman, Connecticut
Nathaniel B. Borden, Massachusetts
John M. Botts, Virginia
George N. Briggs, Massachusetts
John H. Brockway, Connecticut
David Bronson, Maine
Jeremiah Brown, Pennsylvania
Milton Brown, Tennessee
Barker Burnell, Massachusetts
William Butler, South Carolina
William B. Calhoun, Massachusetts
Thomas J. Campbell, Tennessee
William B. Campbell, Tennessee
Robert L. Caruthers, Tennessee
Timothy Childs, New York
Thomas C. Chittenden, New York
John C. Clark, New York
Staley N. Clarke, New York
James Cooper, Pennsylvania
Benjamin S. Cowen, Ohio
Robert B. Cranston, Rhode Island
James H. Cravens, Indiana
George W. Crawford, Georgia
Caleb Cushing, Massachusetts
D-E-F
Garrett Davis, Kentucky
William C. Dawson, Georgia
Edmund Deberry, North Carolina (U.S. state)
John Edwards, Pennsylvania
George Evans, Maine
Horace Everett, Vermont
William Pitt Fessenden, Maine
Millard Fillmore, New York
A. Lawrence Foster, New York
Thomas F. Foster, Georgia
G-H-I
Roger L. Gamble, Georgia
Seth M. Gates, New York
Meredith P. Gentry, Tennessee
Joshua R. Giddings, Ohio
Thomas W. Gilmer, Virginia
William L. Goggin, Virginia
Patrick G. Goode, Ohio
James Graham, North Carolina (U.S. state)
Francis Granger, New York
Willis Green, Kentucky
John Greig, New York
Richard W. Habersham, Georgia
Hiland Hall, Vermont
William Halstead, New Jersey
William S. Hastings, Massachusetts
Thomas Henry, Pennsylvania
Jacob M. Howard, Michigan
Charles Hudson, Massachusetts
Hiram P. Hunt, New York
Joseph R. Ingersoll, Pennsylvania
James Irvin, Pennsylvania
William W. Irwin, Pennsylvania
J-K-L
Francis James, Pennsylvania
William Cost Johnson, Maryland
Isaac D. Jones, Maryland
John P. Kennedy, Maryland
Thomas Butler King, Georgia
Henry S. Lane, Indiana
Joseph Lawrence, Pennsylvania
Levi Lincoln, Jr., Massachusetts
Archibald L. Linn, New York
M-N-O
Francis Mallory, Virginia
Thomas F. Marshall, Kentucky
Samson Mason, Ohio
Joshua Mathiot, Ohio
John Mattocks, Vermont
John P. B. Maxwell, New Jersey
John Maynard, New York
Thomas M. T. McKennan, Pennsylvania
James A. Meriwether, Georgia
Anderson Mitchell, North Carolina (U.S. state)
John Moore, Louisiana
Christopher Morgan, New York
Calvary Morris, Ohio
Jeremiah Morrow, Ohio
Eugenius A. Nisbet, Georgia
Charles Ogle, Pennsylvania
Thomas B. Osborne, Connecticut
Bryan Y. Owsley, Kentucky
P-Q-R
James A. Pearce, Maryland
Nathanael G. Pendleton, Ohio
John Pope, Kentucky
Cuthbert Powell, Virginia
George H. Proffit, Indiana
Robert Ramsey, Pennsylvania
Alexander Randall, Maryland
Benjamin Randall Maine
Joseph F. Randolph, New Jersey
Kenneth Rayner, North Carolina (U.S. state)
Abraham Rencher, North Carolina (U.S. state)
Joseph Ridgway, Ohio
George B. Rodney, Delaware
James M. Russell, Pennsylvania
William Russell, Ohio
S-T-U-V
Leverett Saltonstall, Massachusetts
John Sergeant, Pennsylvania
Augustine H. Shepperd, North Carolina (U.S. state)
William Simonton, Pennsylvania
William Slade, Vermont
Truman Smith, Connecticut
Augustus R. Sollers, Maryland
James C. Sprigg, Kentucky
Edward Stanly, North Carolina (U.S. state)
Samuel Stokely, Ohio
Charles C. Stratton, New Jersey
Alexander H. H. Stuart, Virginia
John T. Stuart, Illinois (U.S. state)
George W. Summers, Virginia
John Taliaferro, Virginia
John B. Thompson, Kentucky
Richard W. Thompson, Indiana
Joseph L. Tillinghast, Rhode Island
George W. Toland, Pennsylvania
Thomas A. Tomlinson, New York
Philip Triplett, Kentucky
Joseph Trumbull, Connecticut
Joseph R. Underwood, Kentucky
Henry B. Van Rensselaer, New York
W-X-Y-Z
David Wallace, Indiana
Lott Warren, Georgia
William H. Washington, North Carolina (U.S. state)
Edward D. White, Louisiana
John White, Kentucky
Joseph L. White, Indiana
Christopher H. Williams, Tennessee
Joseph L. Williams, Tennessee
Lewis Williams, North Carolina (U.S. state)
Thomas W. Williams, Connecticut
Robert C. Winthrop, Massachusetts
Henry A. Wise, Virginia
Thomas Jones Yorke, New Jersey
Augustus Young, Vermont
John Young , New York
Independent Democratic
Zadok Casey, Illinois (U.S. state)
Independent Whig
Robert M. T. Hunter, Virginia
Membership Changes
The count below reflects changes from the beginning of the first session of this Congress.
Senate
replacements: 9
Democrats (D) : no net change
Whigs (W) : no net change
deaths: 2
resignations: 8
interim appointments: 0
vacancy: 1
Total seats with changes: 10
House of Representatives
replacements: 17
Democrats (D) : 3 seat net gain
Whigs (W) : 3 seat net loss
deaths: 8
resignations: 12
contested election: 1
Total seats with changes: 20
Officers
Senate
Secretary of the Senate:
Asbury Dickens of North Carolina (U.S. state) elected December 12, 1836.
Sergeant at Arms of the Senate:
Stephen Haight of New York, elected September 4, 1837.
Edward Dyer of Maryland, elected March 8, 1841.
Chaplain of the Senate
The Rev. George G. Cookman, Methodist, elected December 31, 1839.
The Rev. Septimus Tustin, Presbyterian, elected June 12, 1841.
House of Representatives
Clerk of the House:
Matthew S. Clarke of Pennsylvania, elected May 31, 1841.
Sergeant at Arms of the House:
Eleazor M. Townsend of Connecticut, elected June 8, 1841.
Doorkeeper of the House:
Joseph Follansbee of Massachusetts, elected June 8, 1841.
Postmaster of the House:
William J. McCormick, elected June 8, 1841.
Chaplain of the House
The Rev. John W. French, Episcopalian, elected May 31, 1841.
The Rev. John N. Maffit, Methodist, elected December 6, 1841.
The Rev. Frederick T. Tiffany, Episcopalian, elected December 5, 1842.
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Constitution_Party_(United_States)
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American political party
"Taxpayers Party" redirects here. For the New York party, see Taxpayers Party of New York.
"American Constitution Party" redirects here. For the Colorado party, see American Constitution Party (Colorado).
For the 1950s conservative third party, see Constitution Party (United States, 1952).
The Constitution Party, formerly the U.S. Taxpayers' Party until 1999, is an ultra-conservative political party in the United States that promotes a religiously conservative interpretation of the principles and intents of the United States Constitution. The party platform is based on originalist interpretations of the Constitution and shaped by principles which it believes were set forth in the Declaration of Independence, the Bill of Rights, the Constitution and the Bible.
The party was founded by Howard Phillips, a conservative activist, after President George H. W. Bush violated his pledge of "read my lips: no new taxes". During the 1992 and 1996 presidential elections, the party sought to give its presidential nomination to prominent politicians including Pat Buchanan and Ross Perot, but was unsuccessful and instead selected Phillips as its presidential nominee in three successive elections. Michael Peroutka was given the presidential nomination in 2004, followed by Chuck Baldwin in 2008 (although he faced opposition from multiple state affiliates), Virgil Goode in 2012, Darrell Castle in 2016, and Don Blankenship in 2020.
In 2000, Rick Jore became the first member of the party to hold a seat in a state legislature. He was subsequently defeated in the 2000, 2002 and 2004 elections; however, he was later elected to a state legislature in 2006, the first Constitution Party candidate to do so. In 2002, Greg Moeller became the first member of the party to win a partisan election. The Constitution parties of Minnesota and Colorado have both achieved major party status once.
As of June 2024 , the Constitution Party has 28 members who have been elected to city council seats and other municipal offices across the United States.[14] In terms of registered members, the party ranks fifth among national parties in the United States.[15]
History
Formation
During the 1988 presidential election, Republican nominee George H. W. Bush stated "read my lips: no new taxes" at the 1988 Republican National Convention. However, Bush violated that pledge during his presidency. Following the breaking of the no new taxes pledge Howard Phillips announced that he would form a third political party called the U.S. Taxpayers' Party.[16]
Phillips formed his new party through the U.S. Taxpayers Alliance, an organization he had founded and which had affiliates in twenty-five states, using its mailing list to announce the formation of a new party.[17][18] Phillips also attempted to create a coalition with state affiliates of the American Party, but was rejected.[19] The party was accepted into the Coalition for Free and Open Elections alongside the Freedom Socialist Party.[20] The party launched its first petition drive when Jack Perry started a campaign to appear on the 1991 United States special election ballot in Pennsylvania.[21]
1990s
From January 25 to 26, 1997, the national committee of the U.S. Taxpayers' Party convened in Miami, Florida. During their meeting it was proposed to change the name of the party to either "Constitutional" or "Independent American", but the vote was tied 27 to 27 so U.S. Taxpayers' was retained as the party's name.[22] In March 1999, another name change was proposed, with American Independent, American Heritage, Constitutional, Independent American, and American Constitution as possible names, but it was unsuccessful.[23][24] On September 3, 1999, the national convention of the U.S. Taxpayers' Party was held and during it the name of the party was successfully changed to Constitution.[25] Every state affiliate of the party, except for Nevada and California, changed their names except for in Michigan where the Michigan Secretary of State denied the request.[26] The party is still called the U.S. Taxpayers' Party in Michigan as of 2022.[27]
In 1998, Patricia Becker, the U.S. Taxpayer's nominee for Minnesota state auditor, received over 5% of the popular vote giving the U.S Taxpayers' Party major party status in Minnesota. The party would later hold caucuses during the 2000 presidential election.[28]
1992 presidential election
Members of the party sought to give its presidential nomination to Ross Perot or Pat Buchanan during the 1992 presidential election, but were unsuccessful.[29][30] In January 1992, Phillips was selected to serve as a tentative presidential candidate for the party until a more prominent candidate wanted the party's presidential nomination.[31] Albion W. Knight Jr. was later selected to serve as the party's tentative vice-presidential nominee.[32]
On April 15, Phillips announced that he would run for the presidency.[33] Phillips accepted the U.S. Taxpayers' Party's presidential nomination at its national convention in New Orleans, Louisiana, which was held from September 4 to 5.[34][35] In the general election Phillips and Knight placed seventh with 43,400 votes.[36]
Following the 1992 presidential election the U.S. Taxpayers' Party's had ballot qualified state affiliates in California, New Mexico, and South Carolina.[37]
1996 presidential election
In 1996, Phillips sent a memo to conservative Christian leaders including James Dobson, the head of Focus on the Family, stating that anti-abortion candidates like Pat Buchanan, Alan Keyes, or Bob Dornan were unlikely to become the Republican presidential nominee and that they should instead support an anti-abortion third party candidate.[38]
Phillips supported giving the presidential nomination of the U.S. Taxpayers' Party to Buchanan.[39] Tom Staley, Buchanan's campaign chairman in northern Texas, stated that Buchanan would consider accepting the party's nomination if it had ballot access in all fifty states.[40] Phillips was given the party's presidential nomination again at its national convention in San Diego, California, on August 17, 1996, and Herbert Titus was selected to serve as the vice-presidential nominee.[41] In the general election Phillips and Titus placed sixth with 184,820 votes.[42]
2000s
In 2000, a schism occurred within the party, with those who advocated an explicitly religious party leaving to form the Christian Liberty Party, then known as the American Heritage Party.[43][44]
On February 15, 2000, Rick Jore, a member of the Montana House of Representatives who had attended the 1999 Constitution Party National Convention, announced that he was leaving the Republican Party and joining the Constitution Party.[45] Jore unsuccessfully sought reelection in 2000, and unsuccessfully attempted to win election to the Montana House of Representatives in 2002, and 2004, before winning election to the state house in 2006.[46][47]
On November 5, 2002, Greg Moeller became the first member of the Constitution Party to win a partisan election when he won election as a Scott Township Trustee in Hamilton County, Iowa, with only a write-in opponent.[48]
In 2006, the Constitution Party of Oregon disaffiliated with the national Constitution Party over disagreements regarding abortion policy. However, despite disaffiliating the Constitution Party of Oregon gave its presidential nomination to Baldwin during the 2008 presidential election. During the 2012 presidential election the party attempted to give its presidential nomination to Ron Paul, but he rejected it and Will Christensen was given the nomination instead. In 2013, the Constitution Party of Oregon affiliated with the Independent American Party.[49]
2000 presidential election
Unlike the 1992 and 1996 presidential elections the U.S. Taxpayers' Party did not seek a prominent politician to give its presidential nomination to.[50] New Hampshire Senator Bob Smith announced that he was leaving the Republican Party on July 13, 1999, and briefly sought the presidential nomination of the Constitution Party before dropping out.[51][52]
On September 4, 1999, the party selected to give its presidential nomination to Phillips and its vice-presidential nomination to Joseph Sobran.[25] However, on March 31, 2000, Sobran resigned from the ticket due to conflicts between him being a columnist and vice-presidential nominee.[53] On September 2, Curtis Frazier was selected to replace Sobran as the party's vice-presidential nominee.[54] In the general election Phillips and Frazier placed sixth with 98,027 votes.[55]
2004 presidential election
On November 7, 2003, Michael Peroutka announced that he would seek the Constitution Party's presidential nomination and on the same day the party selected him to serve as the stand-in presidential candidate.[56] He won the presidential nominations of the American Independent and Alaskan Independence parties.[57] Peroutka was given the party's presidential nomination and Chuck Baldwin was given the party's vice-presidential nomination.[58]
2008 presidential election
Chuck Baldwin and Alan Keyes sought the Constitution Party's presidential nomination during the 2008 presidential election. At the party's national convention Baldwin defeated Keyes winning the party's presidential nomination and Darrell Castle was selected to serve as the vice-presidential nominee.[59][60] Baldwin also received the presidential nomination of the Reform Party of Kansas.[61] In the general election they placed sixth with 199,880 votes.[62]
However, the American Independent Party, which had been affiliated with the Constitution since 1991, split into two factions between supports of Baldwin and Keyes.[63][64] The Secretary of State of California ruled that the presidential ticket of Keyes and Wiley Drake had the nomination of the American Independent Party.[64][65] In the general election they placed ninth with 47,941 votes.[62]
On September 5, the Constitution Party of Montana submitted a list of presidential electors pledged to Ron Paul for president and Michael Peroutka for vice-president. Paul was aware and that he would not object as long as he did not need to sign any declaration of candidacy.[66] However, Paul later wrote a letter to the Secretary of State of Montana asking for his name to be removed from the ballot as he was nominated without permission, but it was too late to remove his name from the ballot.[67] Paul also appeared on the ballot in Louisiana under the name "Louisiana Taxpayers Party" with Barry Goldwater Jr. as his vice-presidential running mate.[68] Paul later endorsed Baldwin for president.[69] In the general election he placed tenth with 47,512 votes.[62]
2010s
During the 2010 Colorado gubernatorial election the American Constitution Party, the Constitution Party's affiliate in Colorado, gave its gubernatorial nomination to Tom Tancredo. In the general election Tancredo received over 36% of the popular vote, more than the 10% required for major party status in Colorado.[70] During the campaign the American Constitution Party's voter registration doubled from 1,271 to 2,731 voters.[71] Major party status in Colorado gave the party the ability to appoint seventeen members to Colorado state boards and commissions, but the party suffered from complicated campaign finance reports and fines from errors and omissions in the reports which led to a negative bank account balance.[72][73]
2012 presidential election
On February 21, 2012, Virgil Goode, a former member of the United States House of Representatives who had served as a Democrat, independent, and Republican, announced that he would seek the Constitution Party's presidential nomination.[74] Goode won the nomination at the party's national convention which was held from April 18 to 21, 2012, in Nashville, Tennessee, and Jim Clymer was selected to serve as his vice-presidential running mate.[75] Goode was the first Constitution Party presidential nominee to have held elected federal or state office.[76] In the general election Goode and Clymer placed sixth with 122,417 votes.[77]
The Reform Party of Kansas gave its presidential nomination to Chuck Baldwin and its vice-presidential nomination to Joseph Martin as his vice-presidential running mate.[78] However, the party attempted to give its presidential nomination to Goode, but the attempt to change the nomination was rejected by the Kansas State Objections Board.[79][80]
2020s
In 2020, the Virginia, Idaho, South Dakota, and Alaska Constitution parties disaffiliated with the national Constitution Party and the Montana Constitution Party disbanded.[81] On April 14, the Constitution Party of Virginia's state committee voted to reaffiliate with the national Constitution Party, but was rejected by the national party on May 2.[82]
2020 presidential election
From October 18 to 19, 2019, a meeting of the Constitution Party's national committee was held. Don Blankenship served as a speaker at the meeting and announced his intention to run for the party's presidential nomination.[83] On May 2, 2020, Blankenship won the party's nomination at its virtual convention and William Mohr was selected to serve as the vice-presidential nominee.[84]
However, the Constitution parties of Virginia and New Mexico instead gave their presidential nominations to Sheila Tittle and the Virginia Constitution Party gave its vice-presidential nomination to Matthew Hehl.[85][86] The South Carolina Constitution Party chose to not run a presidential candidate during the 2020 presidential election.[87]
Voter registration and notable members
Multiple Republicans, including Virgil Goode, Tom Tancredo, Ellen Craswell, Rick Jore, and Cynthia Davis, have joined the Constitution Party.[88][89]
On April 2, 2002, Ezola Foster, who had served as the Reform Party of the United States of America's vice-presidential nominee during the 2000 presidential election, left the Reform Party to join the Constitution Party. From 2002 to 2004, she served on the party's national committee.[90][91]
Jim Gilchrist, the founder of the Minuteman Project, ran for a seat in the United States House of Representatives from California's 48th congressional district in a 2005 special election. He was the nominee of the American Independent Party, when it was affiliated with the Constitution Party, and placed third with 26,507 votes (25.5%).[92][93] During the campaign Gilchrist had raised more money than all of the Democratic candidates.[94] Gilchrist's 25.5% was the highest percentage of the vote received for a third party candidate in a United States House of Representatives election where both major parties participated since the A Connecticut Party received 26.3% in Connecticut's 1st congressional district in 1994.[95]
Jerome Corsi, who co-authored books with Gilchrist and Ohio Secretary of State Ken Blackwell, considered running for the Constitution Party's presidential nomination during the 2008 presidential election, but declined to seek the nomination.[96][97] Joe Miller, who ran as the Republican nominee in Alaska's 2010 Senate election, considered running for the Constitution Party's presidential nomination during the 2016 presidential election, but later declined.[98][99] John Hostettler, who served in the United States House of Representatives from 1994 to 2006 as a Republican, also considered running for the party's presidential nomination in 2016.[100]
On November 18, 2010, Virgil Goode joined the national committee of the Constitution Party. Goode served as a speaker at the Constitution Party's national committee meetings in 2009 and 2012.[101] Goode later served as the party's presidential nominee during the 2012 presidential election.
Year RV.[102][103][104][105][106][1] % Change 1992 247,995 0.3 1994 246,951 0.3 nil% 1996 306,900 0.4 nil% 1998 317,510 0.4 nil% 2000 348,977 0.4 nil% 2002 325,828 0.4 nil% 2004 367,521 0.4 nil% 2008 438,222 0.4 0.1% 2010 476,669 0.5 nil% 2012 77,918 0.1 0.4% 2016 92,483 0.1 nil% 2018 105,668 0.1 nil% 2020 118,088 0.1 nil% 2021 137,367 0.1 nil%
Platform
Domestic
Electoral College
The Constitution Party's 2016 platform supported retaining the Electoral College and was opposed to establishing a popular vote system to elect the president and vice president of the United States.[107]
Environmental policy
The party believes that "it is our responsibility to be prudent, productive, and efficient stewards of God's natural resources".[108]
The party rejects the scientific consensus on climate change, saying that "globalists are using the global warming threat to gain more control via worldwide sustainable development". According to the party, eminent domain is unlawful because "under no circumstances may the federal government take private property, by means of rules and regulations which preclude or substantially reduce the productive use of the property, even with just compensation".[108]
In regards to energy, the party calls attention to "the continuing need of the United States for a sufficient supply of energy for national security and for the immediate adoption of a policy of free market solutions to achieve energy independence for the United States," and calls for the abolition of the Department of Energy.[109]
Federalism
See also: States' rights and New Federalism
The party supports the repeal of the Sixteenth Amendment, which allows Congress to tax income derived from interest, dividends, and capital gains, and the Seventeenth Amendment, which requires the direct (popular) election of Senators.[110] The party holds that each state's membership in the Union is voluntary,[111] a stance known as the compact theory.
Fiscal policy
The Constitution Party's 2012 platform called for phasing out social security, and the 2016 platform states that "Social Security is a form of individual welfare not authorized in the Constitution".[112][107]
The 2012 platform supports reducing the role of the United States federal government through cutting bureaucratic regulation, reducing spending, and replacing the income tax with a tariff-based revenue system supplemented by excise taxes. The party also takes the position that the "imposition [...] of Federal income, payroll, and estate taxes [...] is an unconstitutional Federal assumption of direct taxing authority".[113] The party also supports the prohibition of Fractional-reserve banking[107] and the return to the Gold standard saying quote "The Constitution forbade the States from accepting or using anything other than a Gold and Silver based currency"[107] as stated in the 2016-2020 platform.
Social policy
The party opposes euthanasia, suicide, and abortion, including in cases of rape and incest.[114] The party supports the right of states to administer the death penalty.[115]
The party opposes any government legislation to authorize or define marriage contrary to the Bible, and states that "The law of our Creator defines marriage as the union between one man and one woman".[116] It supports the right for local and state governments to "proscribe offensive sexual behavior" and rejects "the notion that homosexuals, transgenders [sic] or those who are sexually deviant are deserving of legal favor or special protection".[117] The party strongly opposes "adoption by homosexual singles or couples".
The party also opposes pornography, believing that it is "a destructive element of society resulting in significant and real emotional, physical, spiritual and financial costs to individuals, families and communities," and distinguishable from the US citizen's "cherished First Amendment right to free speech." While expressing its belief in the individual responsibility of citizens and corporations, the party maintains that government plays a "vital role" in establishing and maintaining the highest level of decency in America's community standards.[118]
The party opposes all government sponsorship, involvement in, or promotion of gambling.[119] Citing Article 1 Section 8 and Amendment 10, the party opposes federal anti-drug laws, while conceding that the federal government may have a role in limiting the import of drugs.[120]
The Constitution Party believes that charitable giving is most effective when conducted by private parties. Because the authority to administer charity has not been granted to the government in the Constitution, the party maintains that the government has no business being involved in such endeavors.[121] The party opposes federal restrictions on, or subsidization of, medical treatments.[122]
See also: English-only movement
The party supports English as the official language for all governmental business, opposes bilingual ballots, and insists that those who wish to take part in the electoral process and governance of the U.S. be required to read and comprehend basic English as a precondition for citizenship.[123]
In 2009, the Southern Poverty Law Center described the party as a "Patriot Group," a category of parties that "advocate or adhere to extreme anti-government doctrines".[124]
Religion
R. J. Rushdoony, a main figure in Christian reconstructionism, helped write the party's 1992 platform. The 1992 platform stated that "the U.S. Constitution established a republic under God, not a democracy". Christian reconstructionism has been influential in the Constitution Party and calls for the remaking of government and society according to Old Testament Biblical law.[125]
The preamble of the 2004 platform states that the Lordship of Christ Jesus and the Bible are the final authority of law. It also stated that the purpose of the party was to restore American jurisprudence to its biblical and constitutional roots.[126]
Foreign
Trade
The Constitution Party's 2012 platform supports a non-interventionist foreign policy. It advocates reduction and eventual elimination of the role the United States plays in multinational and international organizations such as the United Nations and favors withdrawal of the United States from most treaties, such as NATO, North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) and the World Trade Organization. The party supports protectionist policies in international trade.
The party also believes in exercising a tariff system to counteract the United States' increasingly negative balance of trade.[127]
Immigration policy
The party in 2012 opposed immigration to the United States without government permission, and sought stricter controls on legal immigration. It demanded that the federal government implement an immigration policy disqualifying potential immigrants on grounds of ill health, criminality, low morals, or financial dependence, claiming that they would impose an improper burden on the United States. The party favored a moratorium on future immigration, with exceptions only for extreme cases of necessity, until federal welfare programs have been phased out and a better vetting program is in place.[123]
The party opposes welfare subsidies and other benefits to undocumented immigrants. It rejects the practice of bestowing U.S. citizenship on children born to illegal immigrant parents while in this country (jus soli), and flatly rejects any extension of amnesty to undocumented immigrants. The Constitution Party additionally calls for the use of the United States military to enforce its strict immigration policy.
Electoral results
President
Year Presidential nominee Home state Previous positions Vice presidential nominee Home state Previous positions Votes Notes 1992
Howard Phillips Virginia Chairman of The Conservative Caucus
Candidate for Massachusetts's 6th congressional district
(1970)
Candidate for United States Senator from Massachusetts
(1978)
Albion W. Knight Florida Presiding Bishop of the United Episcopal Church of North America
(1989–1992) 43,369 (nil%)
0 EV 1996
Howard Phillips Virginia (see above for previous positions)
Nominee for President of the United States
(1992) Herbert Titus Oregon Lawyer, writer 184,656 (0.2%)
0 EV 2000
Howard Phillips Virginia (see above for previous positions)
Nominee for President of the United States
(1992; 1996) Curtis Frazier Missouri Nominee for United States Senator from Missouri
(1998) 98,020 (0.1%)
0 EV [128] 2004 Michael Peroutka Maryland Lawyer
Founder of the Institute on the Constitution
Chuck Baldwin Florida Pastor, radio host 143,630 (0.1%)
0 EV 2008
Chuck Baldwin
(campaign) Florida Nominee for Vice President of the United States
(2004)
Darrell Castle Tennessee Lawyer 199,750 (0.2%)
0 EV [129] 2012
Virgil Goode
(campaign) Virginia Member of the Virginia Senate
(1973–1997)
Member of the United States House of Representatives from Virginia's 5th district
(1997–2009) Jim Clymer Pennsylvania Nominee for Lieutenant Governor of Pennsylvania
(1994; 1998)
Chair of the Constitution Party
(1999–2012)
Nominee for Attorney General of Pennsylvania
(2000)
Nominee for United States Senator from Pennsylvania
(2004) 122,388 (0.1%)
0 EV 2016
Darrell Castle
(campaign) Tennessee[130] Nominee for Vice President of the United States
(2008) Scott Bradley Utah Nominee for United States Senator from Utah
(2006; 2010) 203,069 (0.2%)
0 EV [131][130] 2020
Don Blankenship West Virginia Former CEO of Massey Energy
Republican candidate for U.S. Senate from West Virginia (2018)
William Mohr Michigan Chairman of the U.S. Taxpayers Party of Michigan 60,023 (nil%)
0 EV [132] 2024
Randall Terry
(campaign) Tennessee Anti-abortion activist
Candidate in the 2012 Democratic Party presidential primaries
Stephen Broden Texas Pastor
Republican candidate for U.S. House in Texas (2010) TBD [133]
House of Representatives
Election year No. of overall votes % of overall vote No. of representatives +/- 2000 122,936 0.1
0 / 435
2002 99,306 0.1
0 / 435
0 2004 132,613 0.2
0 / 435
0 2006 68,031 0.1
0 / 435
0 2008 136,021 0.1
0 / 435
0 2010 123,841 0.1
0 / 435
0 2012 118,102 0.1
0 / 435
0 2016 127,376 0.1
0 / 435
0 2018 74,956 nil
0 / 435
0 2020 82,567 0.1
0 / 435
0 2022 44,314 0.04%
0 / 435
0 General election results source:[134]
Senate
United States Senate Election year No. of total votes % of vote No. of seats won 1998 183,588 0.3 0 2000 286,816 0.4 0 2002 60,456 0.1 0 2004 404,853 0.5 0 2006 133,037 0.2 0 2008 240,729 0.4 0 2010 338,593 0.5 0 2012 140,636 0.2 0 2014 100,395 0.2 0 2016 93,315 0.1 0 2018 57,932 0.1 0 2020 110,851 0.1 0 2022 40,419 0.05 0 General election results source:[135]
Best results in major races
Office Percent (%) District Year Candidate President 1.3 Utah 2008 Chuck Baldwin 1.2 Alaska 2016 Darrell Castle 0.8 Washington 2016 Darrell Castle US Senate 5.7 Utah 2010 Scott Bradley 5.2 Oregon 2008 David Brownlow 4.0 Pennsylvania 2004 Jim Clymer US House 21.1 Florida District 16 2002 Jack McLain 16.9 Alabama District 1 2010 David M. Walter 16.5 Virginia District 11 2002 Frank W. Creel Governor 36.4 Colorado 2010 Tom Tancredo 15.5 Nevada 1974 James Houston 12.8 Pennsylvania 1994 Peg Luksik
See also
Constitution Party National Convention
Electoral history of the Constitution Party
List of political parties in the United States
Paleoconservatism
Theoconservatism
References
Notes
Bibliography
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Download Images of - Free for commercial use, no attribution required. From: George W Summers - A black and white photo of a man in a tuxedo, to William Robert Elliston in The Tennessean 1898. Find images dated from 1839 to 2013.
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PICRYL - Public Domain Media Search Engine
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https://jenikirbyhistory.getarchive.net/topics/politicians%2Bof%2Bthe%2Bwhig%2Bparty%2Bunited%2Bstates
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George W Summers - A black and white photo of a man in a tuxedo
George W. Summers, US Representative from Virginia Public domain photograph, 19th-century male politician portrait, free to use, no copyright restrictions image - Picryl description
Francis James (1799–1886), U.S. Representative from Pennsylvania
Published contemporary sketch of Francis James (1799–1886), an American politician from Pennsylvania who served as an Anti-Masonic and Whig member of the United States House of Representatives for Pennsylvania ... More
Elisha Mills Huntington 1842 - Public domain portrait engraving
Elisha Mills Huntington as Commissioner of the General Land Office. Lithograph on paper.
David Rumsey. - A black and white photo of a man in a suit and tie
Photograph of Hon. David Rumsey Public domain photograph, 19th century male portrait, free to use, no copyright restrictions image - Picryl description
John Nelson, bw photo portrait, Brady-Handy collection, circa 1855-186...
John Nelson, former United States Attorney General (1843-45). Also member of the U.S. House of Representatives (Whig-Maryland, 1841-43).
Horace Everett (Vermont) - Public domain portrait engraving
Horace Everett, Congressman from Vermont Public domain photograph, 20th-century male portrait, free to use, no copyright restrictions image - Picryl description
James C Alvord - Public domain portrait engraving
James C. Alvord, US Representative from Massachusetts Public domain photograph, male portrait, Quebec politician, free to use, no copyright restrictions image - Picryl description
John Wesley Crockett - A black and white photo of a man with a bow tie
John Wesley Crockett, US Representative from Tennessee Public domain photograph of politician, government and politics, free to use, no copyright restrictions image - Picryl description
Nathan Evans (Ohio) from findagrave
Nathan Evans, member of the United States House of Representatives. Public domain photograph, 19th-century male politician portrait, free to use, no copyright restrictions image - Picryl description
Michael H Jenks 1850 - Daguerreotype, Public domain
Michael H. Jenks, described in file as "father of Anna Jenks Ramsey."
James Dixon Roman - Public domain portrait engraving
James Dixon Roman, US Representative from Maryland Public domain photograph, male portrait, free to use, no copyright restrictions image - Picryl description
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Alphabetical List of Collections: A-B
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Please use the Online Archive of California to browse our collections, this list is not regularly updated. This alphabetical list contains information about manuscript, named, and rare book collections in the Department of Special Research Collections. Entries are included for title of the collection, as well as major subject and geographical areas covered by the collection.
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UCSB Library
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https://www.library.ucsb.edu/special-collections/collections/aguides
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Please use the Online Archive of California to browse our collections, this list is not regularly updated. This alphabetical list contains information about manuscript, named, and rare book collections in the Department of Special Research Collections. Entries are included for title of the collection, as well as major subject and geographical areas covered by the collection. In many cases there are brief descriptions of the collection’s contents and, in some cases, hot links to detailed collection guides. Please click on the links for more detailed information.
A • B • C • D • E • F • G • H • I • J • K • L • M • N • O • P • Q • R • S • T • U • V • W • X • Y • Z
[Abbey, Edward]. Bason (Robert E.) / Capra Press Records, ca. 1969-2004. Includes production and financial files from years Bason owned Santa Barbara-based Capra Press, as well as some earlier material from the Noel Young years. Correspondents include: Edward Abbey, Raymond Carver, Gretel Ehrlich, Tess Gallagher, Ursula LeGuin, Ken Millar, Margaret Millar, Henry Miller, Anaïs Nin, Lawrence Clark Powell, Thomas Sanchez, and John Sanford. (Printers Mss 59).
Abbey, Henry. One letter (ALS) to Mr. Dole. [Rondont/Rondout?], New York, 4 Jan. 1910. Laid in Henry Abbey, The Dream of Love (Cambridge, Mass.: Riverside Press, 1910). (SC 1).
Abbot (Abiel, Jr.) Correspondence, 1825-1826. Three letters (ALS) to his father Abiel Abbot, clergyman of Bevely, MA and his sister Adeline Gould, describing his unfavorable impressions of Cumana, Venezuela. (SC 1104).
Abbot (Carnzu) Travel Photograph Album, 1912. Includes images of Gibraltar, Egypt and Pyramids, Ceylon/India, Japan (Kamakura, Nara, and other), Yosemite, U.S. Southwest. (Bernath Mss 372).
Abdullah, Achmed [Captain] (1881-1945). Two letters (TLS) from Achmed Abdullah, pseudonym of Alexander Nicholayevitch Romanoff, a Russian-born writer, to Mr. Seidler, mainly about his novels and short stories. New York, 1924. (SC 361).
[Abolition]. Dickinson, Anna Elizabeth. One letter (ALS) from the abolitionist, lecturer, actress, playwright, and feminist Dickinson, re an invitation to speak – says her fee is $150 and her schedule is very busy, but she is willing to consider the offer. Philadelphia, 12 Sept. 1866. (Wyles SC 78).
[Abolition]. Incomplete printed text of an anti-abolitionist tract addressed primarily to the "Freemen of Tennessee," n.d. (Wyles SC 862).
[Abolition]. Larcom (Lucy) Collection, ca. 1846-1893. Photographs, correspondence, cards, and clippings relating to Larcom (1824-1893), a Massachusetts poet, storywriter, essayist, abolitionist, and friend of John Greenleaf Whittier. (SC 169).
[Abolition]. Lincoln, Levi [1782-1868; Massachusetts Governor, 1825-1834; Whig member of U.S. Congress, 1835-1841]. One letter (ALS) to Patience Earle, re abolition of slavery. Washington, [D.C.], 20 Feb. 1837. (Wyles SC 523).
[Abolition]. Lovejoy, Owen. One note (AN) and one printed speech, “The Fanaticism of the Democratic Party,” delivered by the Hon. Owen Lovejoy, of Illinois, to the House of Representatives, Feb. 21, 1859, in which he takes a strong abolitionist stand and states that he has indeed harbored fugitive slaves. (SC 179).
[Abolition]. National Anti-Slavery Standard. One printed flyer from abolitionist Parker Pillsbury, soliciting subscriptions for the Standard, the official newspaper of the American Anti-Slavery Society,ca. 1865-1870. (Wyles SC 462).
[Abolition]. Nineteenth Century Americana Collection, ca. 1754-1926. Mainly correspondence from the eastern part of the U.S., especially New England, New Jersey and, Pennsylvania. Subjects include slavery, abolition, Civil War, and overseas missions. (Mss 2).
[Abolition]. Whyte, Annie Glenn. Diary of a young woman who lived with her family near Pottstown, PA and who describes her daily life, social engagements, and includes mention of abolitionist riots, 1857-1858. (Wyles SC 469).
Abyssinia Photograph Album, ca. 1936. 193 black/white snapshots taken by an Italian army officer during tour in Abyssinia (Ethiopia). (Bernath Mss 228).
ACCESS Collection, 1965-1988. Files pertaining to the Alternative Comprehensive Environmental Study System (ACCESS) project in Santa Barbara county. (SBHC Mss 29).
“An Account of a Single Day as Passed in a Monastery at Shrewsbury.” One holograph document (AL). Laid in Abbé Proyart’s Life of Princess Louisa (Salisbury, 1808). (SC 515).
Acheson, Alexander Wilson. One letter (ALS) on letterhead stationery of The Missouri Pacific Railway Co., to the editor of the Philadelphia Press, re the editor’s desire to write a history of Pennsylvania troops in the Civil War. Acheson had been a private in the Thirteenth Pennsylvania Regiment and was transferred to the 140th Pennsylvania Regiment. Talks about his experiences in the Civil War . Denison, Texas, 8 Jan. 1886. (Wyles SC 1).
Ackerman (Marshall) Collection, ca. 1890s-1990s. William McKinley memorabilia, including early and modern first day covers, other philatelatic items, medals, programs, tickets, postcards, souvenir cards, etc. Includes some material re Spanish American War. (Mss 216).
Acosta (Oscar Zeta) Papers, 1936-1990. Personal and biographical information, correspondence, photographs, political and legal activity files, writings (reviews, articles and newsclippings) of the activist, attorney, and author of The Autobiography of a Brown Buffalo and The Revolt of the Cockroach People. Some materials post-date Acosta’s mysterious 1974 disappearance in Mexico. (CEMA 1).
Adams (Carlisle) Collection. Approximately 5,000 vocal 78rpm sound recordings. (PA Mss 23).
Adams, Charles F. One letter (TLS) to Charles M. Smith re Smith having been made President of the First Massachusetts Volunteer Cavalry Association. Boston, 22 Oct. 1906. (Wyles SC 2).
Adams (Fred) / Feraferia Collection. (ARC Mss 27).
Adams Express Company. One Civil War era document, for receipt of one keg, at the Chambersby agency, 6 Jan. 1865. (Wyles SC 3).
Adams, Henry. One mortgage document, conveying property from Henry Adams to Oliver S. Williams. Middlesex, New York, 14 Dec. 1837. (SC 663).
Adams, Henry Brooks (1838-1918). American historian and writer. Holdings include Democracy: An American Novel (1880) [Spec PS1004.A4 D4 1880], John Randolph (1882) [Wyles E302.6.R2 A3], Letters of Henry Adams, 1858-1891 (1930) [Wyles E175.5.A2 A4 1930], the four-volume set History of the United States of America (1930) [Wyles E302.1.A3 1930], and the two-volume set The Formative Years (1948) [Spec E302.1.A25 1948]. Fine press editions of The Education of Henry Adams (1942) [Spec E175.5.A17427], and Mont-Saint-Michel and Chartres (1957) [Spec DC20.A2 1957], both by the Limited Editions Club.
Adams, James Truslow. One letter (TLS) to John Moore, re James Truslo Adams’ cousin Frederic L. Adams (a son of Henry A. Adams), an Episcopal clergyman and playwright who end up living in southern California and who got into various sorts of trouble. Southport, Conn., June 30, 1947. (SC 617).
Adams, John Wolcott (1874-1925). Pen and ink drawing by American illustrator John Wolcott Adams, “New York in 1660.” Laid in Maud Wilde Goodwin’s Historic New York: The Half Moon Papers (New York: Putnam’s, 1901). (SC 360).
Adams (Perry) – Murder from Within Papers, ca. 1967-1980. Files relating to Isla Vista organizations and issues; correspondence (1980) and typescript draft of Adams’ unpublished study Murder from Within, co-authored with Fred T. Newcomb, alleging the JFK assassination was engineered by the U.S. Secret Service; and scattered issues of newspapers, mainly of Isla Vista, Santa Barbara, and California alternative press. (Mss 1).
Addison, Joseph (1672-1719). English essayist and politician. Holdings include Remarks on Several Parts of Italy (1705) [Spec DG424.A22], Notes upon the Twelve Books of Paradise Lost (1719) [Spec PR3562.A2 1719], the three-volume set Miscellaneous Works (1726) [Spec PR3301.T5 1726], Dialogues upon the Usefulness of Ancient Medals (1751) [Spec CJ5595.A3 1751], and an eight-volume set of The Spectator (1753) [Spec PR1365.S7 1753]. Also the dramatic works Cato: A Tragedy (1791) [Spec PR3304.C5 1791] and The Drummer, or, the Haunted House: A Comedy (1792) [Spec PR3304.D7 1792]. Fine press editions of The Vision of Mirzah (1917) by the Book Club of California [Printers Z239.N3 A33], An Essay by Joseph Addison: The Trial of the Wine-Brewers (1930) by John Henry Nash [Printers Z239.N3 A3], and The Sir Roger de Coverly Papers (1945) by the Limited Editions Club [Spec PR3304.D4 1945]. Additionally, a letter in Addison’s hand, dated May 1708, is available in the Isaac Foot Collection (Mss 33).
Aden and Egypt Photograph Album, ca. 1890s. 30+ albumen prints, with German and French captions, including panoramic view of Aden (Yemen) and other views of countryside; scenes of Cairo, pyramids, and Sphinx. Also several portraits of local inhabitants. (Bernath Mss 176).
Aden – British Camel Battery Photograph Album, ca. 1902-1904. 48 albumen prints of British Camel Battery in action against Turkish forces, Aden (Yemen) countryside and villages, Arab men, women, and children, local Jewish population. (Bernath Mss 143).
Aden [Yemen] Photograph Album, ca. 1937-1938. Album of a British airman, 90+ b/w snapshots with captions, mainly of Aden [Yemen]. Includes shots of fellow British servicemen, military planes and ships, Aden police and military on camels, dhows and other local boats, many street scenes, marketplaces, gardens, countryside, a Jewish shop, and a Christian Somali family in Crater. Also a few photos of Gibraltar, Malta, and Port Said. (Bernath Mss 50).
Aden [Yemen] Photograph Album, ca. 1930s. (SC 1015).
Adirondack Survey Maps, 1873. Two printed maps, including areas of Bald Peak and Mount Marcy, New York. (SC 1097).
Adkins, Jess. One letter (TLS) from Jess Adkins, of Jess Adkins & Zack Terrell Amusement Enterprises (Cole Bros. Circus and Clyde Beatty’s Gigantic Trained Wild Animal Exhibition) to James V. Chloupek of Oakland, CA, re the circus business as it pertained to California. Champaign, Illinois, July 3, 1936. (SC 362).
Ælfric (c.955-1020). English writer and first Abbot of Eynsham. Holdings include the facsimile edition Ælfric’s First Series of Catholic Homilies (1966) [Spec PR1525.A13].
Aerial Photographs of Manila [Philippines], ca. 1925-1935. 15 black and white aerial views, with captions, taken by the US Army Air Corps, 6th Photo Section, mainly military facilities and public buildings (Army and Navy Club, Bilibid Prison, Legislative Building and Walled City, ships (Asiatic Fleet, U.S.A.T. Republic and U.S. Grant), port area, piers, and landing area. (SC 973).
Aeschylus (c.525-456 BC). Greek playwright, known for tragedies. Holdings include two editions of the two-volume setHai tou Aischylou Tragōdiai sōzomenai hepta: Tragoediae Quae Extant Septem(1746) [Spec PA3825.A2 1746], featuring Greek and Latin on opposite pages; fine press editions of the Oresteia by Chiswick Press (1904) [Printers Z239.2.C36 A32], the Limited Editions Club (1961) [Spec PA3827.A7 M7 1961], Allen Press (1982) [Printers Z239.A46 A38 1982 vault], and the Gehenna Press translation by Ted Hughes (2002) [Printers Z239.G38 A32 2002 vault].
Aesop (c.620-560 BC). Greek fabulist of obscure origins; the numerous fables attributed to him are believed to have originated from many different sources. Holdings include two translations by Samuel Croxall: Fables of Æsop and Others (1787), part of the “Books Lincoln Read” collection [Wyles E457.21.L5 A4 1787] and The Fables of Æsop (1793) [Spec PA3855.E5 C7]; Bewick’s Select Fables of Æsop and Others (1879) [Printers Z239.2.B22 A38]; Fábulas de Esopo (1929), a facsimile of a 1489 Spanish edition [Printers Z241.A4 vault] and Les Fables d’Esope (1951), a facsimile of a 1659 French edition [Printers Z239.B52 A32]. Fine press editions by Golden Cockerel Press (1926) [Printers Z239.2.G58 A3], The Limited Editions Club (1933) [Printers Z239.L5 A37], and the Rose Valley Press (1944) with illustrations by John Tenniel [Printers Z239.R619 K367 1944].
[Afghanistan]. British Military in India and Burma Photograph Album, ca. 1930s-early 1940s. 300+ b/w images, album, apparently of a British soldier with the 2nd Battalion, Worcestershire Regiment, mainly snapshots of fellow soldiers, military camps, troops on the march, countryside and inhabitants of the North-West Frontier of India (now Pakistan and Afghanistan), and other parts of India and of Burma. (Bernath Mss 67).
[Afghanistan]. British Soldier’s Waziristan Photograph Collection, ca. 1929-1932. (Bernath Mss 282).
[Afghanistan]. Drosh Mule Corps Expedition Photograph Collection, ca. 1920s. 48 black/white photographs by a member of a British expedition in the mountainous area of Hindu Kush (now northern Pakistan/Afghanistan), near the Russian frontier, including images of Drosh fort and bazaar, mountain views and passes, river gorges, bridges, local people, mules, Kaffiristani carved effigies of horse and rider. (Bernath Mss 237).
[Afghanistan]. Islamic Manuscripts Collection, ca. 1122-latter 1800s. Single and double leaves from previously disbound Islamic texts, written in many parts of the Islamic world, including Afghanistan, China, Egypt, Gulf States [Qajar], India, North Africa [Algeria, Morocco, Tunisia], Pakistan, Persia [Iran], Syria, and Turkey. There are four chronologically arranged series: History, Koran, Poetry, and Prayers. (Mss 207).
Africa [Nigeria?] Photograph Album, ca. 1910s-1920s. (Bernath Mss 214).
[Africa]. Abyssinia Photograph Album, ca. 1936. 193 black/white snapshots taken by an Italian army officer during tour in Abyssinia (Ethiopia). (Bernath Mss 228).
[Africa]. Aden and Egypt Photograph Album, [ca. 1890s]. 30+ albumen prints, with German and French captions, including panoramic view of Aden (Yemen) and other views of countryside; scenes of Cairo, pyramids, and Sphinx. Also several portraits of local inhabitants. (Bernath Mss 176).
[Africa]. Algeria Photograph Album, ca. 1910s. (SC 938).
[Africa]. Algeria Photograph Album, 1923-1924. 82 black/white images, with captions in English, of a British family’s trip to Algeria. Includes views of Algiers, Tipasa (Tipaza), Belle Fontaine, Forêt de Bainem, Bouzorea, Valley of the Oued Messous, Aïn Toya, Guyotville, Timgad, El Kantara, and Saharan areas of Biskra, Menâa, and Beni Ferah. (SC 848).
[Africa]. Algeria Photograph Album, 1924. 61 b/w prints, captions in French, with some images of Europeans, but mainly local inhabitants and street scenes from Algiers, Biskra, Sidi Akba, Theniet el Had, Constantine, Sidi Said, as well as ruins of Timgad. (SC 946).
[Africa]. Algeria Photograph Album, 1928. 141 b/w photographs, captions in Dutch, and accompanying map with itinerary of unknown traveler. Includes images of people, street scenes, markets, gardens, festivals, Koranic schools, desert, oases, cavalry, and camel corps. Places include Constantine, Tizi Ouzou, El Kantara Timgad (Roman ruins), Chetma (oasis), M’Choumech, Biskra, Touggourt, Temacine, Ghardaya (some of Tuareg), Bou Saada, and Algiers. (Bernath Mss 280).
[Africa]. Algeria Photograph Collection, 1933. 55 b/w snapshots, with captions, of a 1933 tour in Algeria, containing images of Sidi Akba, Timgad (Roman settlement ruins), Biskra, and Bou Saada. Includes street and desert scenes, markets, local inhabitants, residences, camel and horse riders, horse races, and dancers, as well as several of the tour members. (SC 841).
[Africa]. Angola Mining Photograph Album, ca. late 1910s-early 1920s. 85 black/white photographs with handwritten captions in English, mainly southwest Angola, showing the arrival of the first geologists/miners/engineers by ship “S.S. Mozambique” at Mossamedes [now Namibe], the quay, street scene, and hunting; prospecting at Giraul, Mucungo, Lagoa da Mina, Muninho, Maiombo, Wanamandambi Camp, Pedra Grande region, Cambongue, Kune, and elsewhere, including images of camp life, buildings, geological formations, digging and mine shafts, ore [probably gold]; local population of Capanignube, Mucubaes, Maiombo, Kune. Also, views of Region Chapeu Armado [on the coast], including bay and bitumen deposits; construction of the Kune high-road; Boer wagons and cattle. (Bernath Mss 233).
[Africa]. Ashton Family World Travel Photograph Collection, 1892-1913. 2500+ b/w photographs in 53 Kodak albums, from numerous trips to far flung parts of the world, including Egypt. (Bernath Mss 115).
[Africa]. Asmara, Eritrea Photograph Album, ca. latter 1930s-early 1940s. Album, with about 96 black/white numbered but uncaptioned photographs, of Asmara and environs during the period of Italian occupation. Images of street scenes, local inhabitants, Art Deco buildings such as the Cinema Impero, Jamia al Kulafae Mosque, railway linking to the coast, surrounding countryside and roads. (SC 966).
[Africa]. Belgian Congo Mining Photograph Albums, ca. 1920-1922. Two albums, 93 b/w photographs, some captions in French, many of what appears to be early diamond mining in what was then them Belgian Congo, with images of laborers, European overseers, heavy machinery, and settlements. Places named include Mulomba, Bamba, Djoko, and Kinshasa. Also a few images of Dakar and Tenerife, taken on the outward voyage. (Bernath Mss 279).
[Africa]. Belgian Congo Photograph Album, ca. 1890s-1900s. 80 b/w snapshots, a few with captions, including images of local inhabitants and activities, as well as Belgian missionaries, and other Europeans. (SC 842).
[Africa]. British in Egypt / World War I Photograph Album, ca. 1917 -1919. 120+ b/w photos, very few with captions, mainly of British (men, women, and children) in Egypt (possibly Alexandria) during World War I. Mainly troops in camps and on the march, hospital wards, sporting events, and British families at various social occasions and outings in the countryside. Also a few images of Egyptians, street scenes and residences, and local boats. (Bernath Mss 56).
[Africa]. British Military in Egypt and Iraq Photograph Album, ca. 1918-1922. Album of Capt. R. E. Godfrey, 167 b/w snapshots, many with captions, recording service with the British 153rd Rifles in North Africa, 1918-1919, and in the Arab Revolt, 1920. About 70 images from Egypt and surrounding areas (Suez Canal, Ismailia, Great Pyramids, Alexandria, Kantara, Mansourah) and about 30 Arab Revolt images from Iraq (Nasiriyah, Imam Abdullah, Kut, Baghdad). (Bernath Mss 84).
[Africa]. Buerer (James) Central African Republic Slide Collection, ca. 1977-1991. 218 color slides, most around an American-run mission, possibly Baptist, in the Central African Republic, many of construction projects including hospital, churches, and houses. Very few captions, few locations noted (one is Kpokpo). Includes images of markets, local inhabitants and everyday activities, people walking on roads, fires, outdoor classrooms, group shots, mission vehicles and plane, aerial views, missionaries, local congregation. (Bernath Mss 334).
[Africa]. “Carta dell’Africa Orientale,” ca. 1930s. One printed color map of Eritrea, Ethiopia and Somalia, issued by the Touring Club Italiano. (SC 1110).
[Africa]. de Chetelat (Enzo) Papers, ca. 1901-1980s [bulk dates 1920s-1960s]. Autobiography, correspondence, documents, maps, reports, black/white photographs and photograph albums, several thousand color slides, and artifacts of a Swiss-born mining geologist who visited or worked in many countries from the 1920s to the 1970s, including Albania, Algeria, Bali, Belgian Congo, Brazil, British Honduras, Cambodia, Cameroon, Canada, Ceylon, Czechoslovakia, Dahomey, France, French Guinea, French Guyana, French Polynesia, Ghana, Hong Kong, India, Indonesia, Iran, Iraq, Ivory Coast, Japan, Jordan, Korea, Laos, Lebanon, Liberia, Libya, Macau, Madagascar, Malaysia, Mali, Martinique, Mauritania, Mauritius, Mexico, Morocco, Nepal, New Caledonia, New Zealand, Niger, Nigeria, Paracel Islands, Peru, Samoa, Senegal, Singapore, Somalia, Sumatra, Syria, Thailand, Togo, Tunisia, Turkey, Uganda, Upper Volta, Vietnam, and Yugoslavia. (Bernath Mss 316).
[Africa]. Consul General to Liberia. Two diaries, 1862-1863. (Wyles SC 592).
[Africa]. “Diese Widmung,” 1907. Portfolio of German Southwest Africa (now Namibia) color prints. (SC 859).
[Africa]. East Africa [Tanganyika] Photograph Albums, ca. 1911-1921. 232 black/white photos in 3 albums. (Bernath Mss 215).
[Africa]. Egypt Photograph Album, 1936-1938. 19 professional quality, artistic Egyptian scenes, including the Western Desert (people, tents, donkeys, camels), urban street scenes and people engaged in daily activities (barber, vendors with carts – possibly Cairo), as well as port and Nile River views, with people and cargo-hauling boats (feluccas). (Bernath Mss 70).
[Africa]. Egypt Photograph Album, 1946. (Bernath Mss 180).
[Africa]. Egypt Postcard and Stereoview Collection, ca. 1896-1920s. 51 postcards and 11 stereoviews. (Bernath Mss 141).
[Africa]. Ethiopia Manuscript and Printing Collection. (Printers Mss 51).
[Africa]. Europe 1930s and WWII North Africa Photograph Album, ca. 1930s-1945. 185+ b/w photographs of a 1930s bicycle tour through Europe, including Germany (Dresden), Venice, Vienna, the Dolomites, Yugoslavia, Roumania (Bucharest), and Bulgaria (Sofia), as well as North Africa during World War II (1942-1943), including Bougie, Constantine, Tunis (victory parade), Carthage, then on to Italy (1943), and back to North Africa (1944-1945), including Egypt (Timsah, Alexandria). (Bernath Mss 31).
[Africa]. Evershed (J. A.) East Africa, Egypt, Palestine Photograph Album, 1924. More than 140 b/w snapshots of Tanganyika (now Tanzania) including Tabora, Dodoma, Dar-es-Salaam, and Tanga, several of local schools and teachers, British and Tanganyikan. Also, views of Port Said, Zanzibar, Mombassa, Djibouti, Aden, and Port Sudan. Egypt views of the Pyramids and Sphinx, Cairo, and Suez Canal. Holy Land (Palestine) shots of street scenes of Jerusalem, Jordan Valley, Dead Sea, Jaffa, and Bethlehem. (Bernath Mss 63).
[Africa]. France and Algeria Photograph Albums, ca. 1916. Two photograph albums, more than 200 black/white photos, no captions except for one dated March 1916. Includes images of France and Algeria during World War I era, with images of local Arab population, street scenes, and soldiers in Algeria, as well as French countryside, unidentified family, and soldiers. (Bernath Mss 369).
[Africa]. French West and North Africa Photograph Album, ca. 1920s-1930s. (SC 1045).
[Africa]. German East Africa Photograph Album, ca. 1910. (Bernath Mss 296).
[Africa]. German East Africa Postcard Collection, ca. 1900-1920. 138 photographic postcards, most black/white but a few chromolithographic. Includes scenes from Dar es Salaam and other parts of German occupied Tanganyika (now Tanzania), prior to and during the East African campaign of World War I. (Bernath Mss 103).
[Africa]. German South West Africa Photograph Album, ca. 1900-1914. 48 black/white albumen prints from a disbound album, mainly of German soldiers and animal transport, Windhoek buildings, Angola mission station, Herero inhabitants, Okawayo military station, and Otjimbojo mines. (Bernath Mss 127).
[Africa]. German South West Africa Photograph Album, ca. 1915. 43 b/w snapshots, including several of the WWI British campaign in South West Africa – now Namibia. Also several of the South African Premier Diamond Mine workings, and cottages, rural scenery, and friends in what appears to be Great Britain. (SC 840).
[Africa]. Goodier (Brian G.) India and Burma Collection, 1942-1947. The collection was assembled by a Maj. B. G. Goodier, B. Sc (Tech), Royal Engineers and includes correspondence and photographs relating to his World War II and post war experiences in South Africa, India, and Burma, particularly relating to road building, and airfield construction. Locations include Durban, East Kirkee, Poona, Lahore, Madras, Bombay, and Rangoon. (Bernath Mss 93).
[Africa]. Graham (Grace) and Katherine R. Spencer Jamaica and Africa Photograph Album, 1922, 1930. (Bernath Mss 265).
[Africa]. Hatch (Mary Prescott) Papers, ca. 1889-1956. Primarily correspondence and drafts of Hatch’s writings, including essays and descriptions of travels around the world, including Europe and South Africa (based on her correspondence, ca. 1920s-1930s). Hatch was a Santa Barbara resident later in life. (Mss 44).
[Africa]. Huxley (Elspeth) Collection, 1950, 1954, 1966. Documents, letter, and clipping about East African affairs. Acquired, along with a number of books, mainly Africana, from Huxley. (SC 153).
[Africa]. Islamic Manuscripts Collection, ca. 1122-latter 1800s. Single and double leaves from previously disbound Islamic texts, written in many parts of the Islamic world, including North Africa [Algeria, Morocco, Tunisia]. There are four chronologically arranged series: History, Koran, Poetry, and Prayers. (Mss 207).
[Africa]. Koran [Sudan], 1964. One volume, bound in traditional Koranic form, written in Khartoum, Sudan, in Sudani hand. (Mss 198).
[Africa]. Madagascar Photograph Album, 1901-1907. 139 black/white prints, with captions in French. Includes images in and around Tananarive, Madagascar, of French officials, families, and children, local residents, street scenes, festivals and parades, bicycle races at the hippodrome, horse races and jockeys, rickshaws, boats and seaside. (SC 849).
[Africa]. Mallory (Margaret) Collection, ca. 1910s. Includes photographs of the Kasai District in the Belgian Congo and date books from Americans working in the region, 1914-1917, as well as a collection of West African postcards. Also some unrelated material such as framed Western Americana. (Bernath Mss 5).
[Africa]. Middle East Photo Album, ca. 1930s-early 1940s. 150+ b/w images, including Egypt (Port Said, Ismailia, Alexandria, Memphis, Cairo, the Nile, Pyramids, Sphinx, National Museum). (Bernath Mss 68).
[Africa]. Minieh [Egypt] Photograph Album, 1914. Album by Photographie Zola, dated Feb. 20, 1914, with 24 black/white mounted photographs of officials and dignitaries, horse and camel trainers, riders, and races at an unknown celebration/festival during the last days of Ottoman rule in Egypt. (Bernath Mss 185).
[Africa]. Moody (Margaret) Mbooni Mission Photograph Album, ca. 1927. Photographs of Kenya. (Bernath Mss 105).
[Africa]. Morocco Photograph Albums, ca. 1938-1940. (Bernath Mss 227).
[Africa]. Mozambique [Beira] Photograph Album, ca. 1890s. (Bernath Mss 183).
[Africa]. Nigeria Photograph Album, ca. 1912-1913. 48 black/white snapshots, likely taken by a British miner or geologist, including images of a trek to prospect for minerals, Baro market place, Kano horse race, Calabar sports, cattle and sheep from the northern Nigeria at Ibadan, views of the Cross River and villages along it, Frederick Lugard’s first visit to Calabar in Dec. 1912, the S.S. Munshi, views and buildings at Itu, Oron, Calabar, Opobo, Ibadan, Sapele rubber plantation, and the Lagos Railway. (Bernath Mss 120).
[Africa]. Nigeria / West African Frontier Force Photograph Album, 1901-1905. (Bernath Mss 297).
[Africa]. North Africa Cruise Album, 1912. Cruise album of a British couple, with about 100 photos and postcard views of Gibraltar, Morocco, Canary Islands, and Madeira. (Bernath Mss 39).
[Africa]. North Africa Photograph Album, ca. 1904-1905. 96 b/w prints, no captions, of North African urban street scenes, local inhabitants and Europeans, buildings, churches, businesses, gardens, boats and harbors, railways, parades/processions, and soldiers. Includes images from Tunisia and possibly other countries. (Bernath Mss 89).
[Africa]. Northern Rhodesia. Three signed petitions to Her Majesty’s Secretary of State for the Colonies, to secede from the Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland, n.d. (SC 354)
[Africa]. Partridge (David) Collection, ca. 1950-1964. Correspondence, documents and related materials, re Kenya. (SC 236).
[Africa]. Port Said and Mesopotamia Postcard / Photograph Album, ca. 1917-1919. World War I era album, including 47 images of Port Said. (Bernath Mss 49).
[Africa]. Roach (Charles A.) African Photograph Collection, 1943. Photograph album with 88 black/white images, plus 67 other loose photographs, many with captions, most taken by Rev. Charles A. Roach on a bicycle trip from Durban to Cairo in 1943, on the way back to his parish in Iraq, where he was Baghdad Chaplain and Oil Company Chaplain from 1939 to 1946. Includes images of local men, women, and children, hospitals, schools, churches and fellow clergy, residences, roads, and scenic views through South Africa, Belgian Congo, Rwanda, Kenya (Nairobi), Uganda (Kampala), and Sudan. Roach, an inveterate long distance cyclist, later developed a lecture/slide show based on his African journey. (Bernath Mss 119).
[Africa]. Senegal Photograph Collection, ca. late 1920s-early 1930s. 60 black/white photos, captions in French (Bernath Mss 242).
[Africa]. Shaw (W. B.) South Africa Photograph Album, 1918. Album commemorating a visit of Mr. and Mrs. W. B. Shaw to the C. J. Lappan family, at Shenfield house, in South Africa. 32 black/white photos, including Lappan and Shaw family members on the porch of Shenfield house, surrounding countryside, a shot of the family by a wagon with the caption "The Voortrekkers," as well as several images of local South African women, children, and their compounds. (Bernath Mss 54).
[Africa]. Sheinbaum (Stanley K.) Collection, ca. 1970s-2001. Articles about Sheinbaum, copy of oral history transcript with Joan Didion, and copy of oral history transcript by UCLA. Includes material about his association with CSDI and later New Perspectives magazine. Includes files, ca. latter 1970s-mid 1980s, kept by Stanley K. Sheinbaum mainly during his tenure as University of California Regent [1977-1989], at a time when UC was involved in divestment of South African investments, due to the political situation there. (Mss 217).
[Africa]. Sierra Leone Photograph Album, 1906-1907. 71 black/white images, most silver gelatin snapshots, some with dates and captions in English, in a partially filled album. The unnamed compiler likely was British, possibly a colonial administrator, businessman, or family member. Early images are of the outward bound voyage on the S.S. Nigeria in Nov. 1906, passengers and crew, as well as scenes of the coast, including Freetown. Also, other scenes of Freetown, including the wharf, Marley’s Extension, Boia railway station and tracks, local inhabitants and residences, Tai River and village, Mano Station, town of Bo, Ayo Ville hotel at Waterloo, European-style buildings and construction, boat building for the Sierra Leone Coaling Company, King Tom Jetty, King Jemmy [Jimmy] Bay and boats, local military and band, with European officers, on parade and with artillery, European men (including a Dr. Bower) and women in groups at leisure and in hammocks. The latest dated photograph is Dec. 4, 1907. (Bernath Mss 306).
[Africa]. Sierra Leone and Gambia Photograph Album, 1934. 61 black and white snapshots and commercial photographs, most with captions in English, in a partially filled album. The unnamed compiler, probably British, seemingly was on a March 29 to April 18, 1934 cruise aboard the R.M.S. Atlantis, departing Southampton, with stops at Las Palmas (Canary Islands, Sierra Leone (Freetown), Gambia (Bathurst), Madeira, Lisbon, and returning to Southampton. A printed ship’s log provides further information. Early images are of passengers on board ship and views of Las Palmas. Freetown images (beginning April 7) include street and shop scenes with local inhabitants, views on the railway to Waterloo, street scenes and buildings of Waterloo, Bathurst (from April 9) inhabitants, street scenes, outdoor workshops, pier, boats, and local gardens at Cape St. Mary. The last few images are commercial, numbered photos following the same stops as the ship and may have been purchased from a ship’s photographer. (Bernath Mss 307).
[Africa]. South Africa Christian Mission Photograph Album, ca. 1920s. (Bernath Mss 322).
[Africa]. South Africa Photograph Album, ca. 1892. (Bernath Mss 133).
[Africa]. South African War through the Stereoscope, ca. 1900. Set of 36 Underwood cards and accompanying Underwood stereoscopic viewer. (Bernath Mss 92).
[Africa]. Southern Rhodesia Photograph Album, ca. 1926-1931. (Bernath Mss 325).
[Africa]. Sudan – Sennar Dam Album, ca. 1926. Album, with 16 b/w photos showing construction of the Sennar Dam, on the Blue Nile, more than 200 miles south of Khartoum, Sudan. The project began after WWI and was completed in 1926. The first leaf of the album contains an invitation from the Governor-General of the Sudan, to a Mr. Jackson, to attend the official opening of the dam on January 21, 1926. (Bernath Mss 62).
[Africa]. “Sunny Memories” Photograph Album, ca. 1903. 102 b/w photographs of various sizes, all accompanied by captions. Apparently an album assembled by Albert R. Lennon, depicting a voyage from London to Australia and New Zealand, and return, although not all images appear to be in order. Includes images of Cape Town, Suez Canal and Port Said. (SC 839).
[Africa]. Swakopmund Eisenbahn-Baukompagnie No. 2 Denkschrift, 1907. Report on railroad construction in the Swakopmund district of German Southwest Africa (now Namibia). (SC 861).
[Africa]. Tele-Dinda Mining Expedition [Belgian Congo], Photograph Album, ca. 1911-1912. 105 b/w photos, with captions in English, of scenes in the Belgian Congo, taken by a member of the Tele-Dinda Mining Expedition which apparently was prospecting for gold and diamonds. Contains images of mining operations, views of forests and forest clearing, construction of camps, and many of nearby villages and inhabitants including Gabata, Banalya, Kanwa, Edibe (some of pygmies), Kiambi, and Pweto. Also scenes along the Congo, Aruwimi, Tele, Lindi, and Zambezi Rivers, Lake Moero, Stanley and Victoria Falls, Stanleyville, Kungalunga Plateau, and the Cape to Cairo Railroad. (Bernath Mss 100).
[Africa]. Tredwell (Roger Culver) Photograph Album, ca. 1922-1925. 63 brown tone photographs by Roger Tredwell (1885-1961), taken while he was U.S. Consul General at Large for Central Asia and Africa. Includes scenes and people of Morocco, Egypt, Kenya (Mombasa), Madagascar (Tananarive and elsewhere), Mauritius, Mozambique, South Africa (Orange Free State, Capetown, Cape of Good Hope, and elsewhere), Angola (Luanda), São Tomé, Canary Islands, Sierra Leone, the Gambia, Liberia (Monrovia), Senegal (Dakar), Cape Verde Islands (Mindello, (St. Vincent), Azores, Algeria (Oran, Algiers), Tunisia (Tunis, Carthage),and Malta. (Bernath Mss 360).
[Africa]. University of California Africa Expedition Photograph Collection, 1947-1948. (Bernath Mss 153).
[Africa]. Whaling Ship Manifests, 1864. 16 masters’ and shippers’ manifests (14 with revenue stamps) for outbound vessels from New Bedford, Massachusetts, destined for the Atlantic and Pacific oceans. Also, related manifests listing provisions for ships bound for destinations such as Brazil and Africa. (Wyles SC 1026).
[Africa]. World Tour Photograph Album, 1907-1908. 458 b/w snapshots of a world tour by an unknown American woman, including images from Egypt. (Bernath Mss 79).
[Africa]. World War II North Africa Photograph Album, 1941-1945. Mainly images of the western desert (Libya), and some of Egypt and Jerusalem, apparently taken by a British soldier who was associated with a theatre troupe. (Bernath Mss 155).
[Africa] “[Zwölf] 12 Ansichten aus Kamerun und Togo,” 1909. Portfolio of German Kamerun (Cameroon) and Togo color prints. (SC 860).
Africa Glass Slide Collection, ca. 1910s. 16 glass slides (positives), no captions, of local inhabitants (several of women and children) engaged in daily activities and missionaries (one as Father Christmas), villages, buildings, compounds, location unknown. (Bernath Mss 327).
Africa Photograph Album, ca. 1930s-1952. (Bernath Mss 248).
Africa Tour Photograph Collection, ca. late 1940s-1950s. (SC 1018).
African American Musicians Photographs, ca. 1940s. Three black/white 8”x10” glossies of Steve Gibson and the Red Caps, the Haitian Voodoo Dances, and Sister Rosetta Tharpe. (Wyles SC 1038).
African American Photograph Album, ca. latter 1800s. 41 cartes de visite, albumens, tintypes, watercolors and drawings, most unidentified portraits of African American men and women, one with inscription Mrs. [Sara?] Long. The cdvs are from various locations, including Wilmington, North Carolina, Richmond, Virginia, Columbus, Ohio, and Liverpool. (Wyles Mss 130).
African American Photograph Collection, ca. late 1800s-1950s. Includes several photos from E. Suffolk and Norfolk, Virginia. (Wyles Mss 149).
African American Sheet Music, ca. 1880-1971. 60+ pieces of sheet music, featuring artists and composers such as Cab Calloway, Duke Ellington, Stephen C. Foster, W. C. Handy, Isaac Hayes, Lena Horne, Ink Spots, Mahalia Jackson, Mills Brothers, and Jelly Roll Morton. Also caricature pieces, including blackface, ‘coon’, and minstrel songs; ballads and spirituals. (Wyles Mss 146).
African American Sheet Music Collection, 1833-1874. Six printed items, some written in dialect, with titles such as “Shew Fly!” and “Song of the Negro Boatmen.” (Wyles SC 1037).
African American Stereoviews, ca. 1890s. 24 steroviews, various companies. Includes scenes such as “Cotton is King, Plantation Scene, Georgia” and “Down in Dixie,” along with many other stereotypical, racist views and captions. (Wyles Mss 144).
African American Stereoviews, ca. 1900. 20 b/w stereoview images, possibly Louisiana, mounted on one large sheet, no captions. These appear to be staged scenes, with several images of children (sitting on steps, at play), men playing cards, eating sugar cane. Possibly intended for a foreign audience, with “FOREIGN TITLES” notations below some images. (Wyles SC 989).
African American Tintypes, ca. 1860-1890. Five photographic portraits, unidentified man, woman, and children. (Wyles SC 1010).
[African Americans]. Age of Segregation Oral History Project, 1989. A joint UCSB / Jackson State project, part of a campus wide exchange program between the two institutions, with the aim to collect oral histories in Mississippi relating to race relations, and completed for a symposium to commemorate the 30th Anniversary of CDGM (Child Development Group of Mississippi), the first Head Start Program in the state. The interviews were conducted in Mississippi and in Oakland, California. (OH 49).
[African Americans]. American Colonization Society. One printed circular, re solicitiation of funds and invitation to form auxiliary societies. Washington, 25 Mar. 1843. (Wyles SC 708).
[African Americans]. "Anti-Fugitive Slave Law Meeting." Printed text of Resolutions and Address at the meeting. Syracuse, New York, January 9, 1851. (Wyles SC 799).
[African Americans]. Baraka, Imamu Amiri [Leroi Jones]. One typescript signed poem, "Biography," 1983. (SC 603).
[African Americans]. Barnes (Grover) Papers, 1920-2009 [bulk dates 1985-2006]. (CEMA 115).
[African Americans]. Bartlett (Thomas S.) Letter, 1847. Possible freeman of color asking for work in Wilson County, Tennessee. (Wyles SC 1019).
[African Americans]. Bay Area Black Panther Party Collection, 1963-2 . The collection was gathered by Richard Aoki, a founding member of the Bay Area chapter and the only Asian American to hold a formal leadership position as Field Marshal. Notable items include several first issues of the Black Panther party newspaper, flyers from the Huey Newton Defense Fund (Committee), documents and handbills from Eldridge Cleaver’s U.S. Presidential bid with the Peace and Freedom Party, and the political manifesto from the Lowndes County Freedom Organization (Alabama), the logo for which became the Black Panther’s national symbol. (CEMA 56).
[African Americans]. Black Civil War Era Covers. (Wyles SC 1007).
[African Americans]. Blacks in Film and Television Collection . Small collection of news articles about African Americans in popular films and television programs covering four decades. Coverage includes winners of Oscar, Emmy, and NAACP Image awards. (CEMA 100).
[African Americans]. Black-Jewish Information Center Press Releases, 1979-1983. (ARC Mss 38).
[African Americans]. Boston Music Hall. Grand Jubilee Concert program, in honor of the emancipation Proclamation, Jan. 1, 1863. (Wyles SC 749).
[African Americans]. Bowman, S[amuel] M[illard] Col., Pennsylvania Infantry, 84th Regiment (Vol)]. One Civil War letter (ALS) to Major C. Foster, re missing muster and descriptive rolls for new Negro soldiers who were joining the regiments near Alexandria. Baltimore, 3 Aug. 1864. (Wyles SC 405).
[African Americans]. Buffalo Soldiers Muster Roll, 1874. One oversize sheet, with names of officers and troops, for the U.S. 24th Infantry, Company K., April 30, 1874. (Wyles SC 1031).
[African Americans]. Burleigh (H. T.) Sheet Music Collection, 1914-1921. 12 printed items, the work of H. T. Burleigh, an African American composer, singer, and pupil of Anton Dvořák. Burleigh introduced Dvořák to spirituals and Dvořák used some in works such as the “New World Symphony.” (Wyles SC 1036).
[African Americans]. Butler, Benjamin Franklin [Civil War Union General, lawyer, and Governor of Massachusetts]. Three letters (ALS), 1861, 1868, 1889 about various Civil War-related issues, including a hanging for treason. Also, a copy of a transcript of an interview conducted 2 June 1862 between Butler and Capt. Homer B. Sprague re Sprague’s refusal to deliver an escaped slave, Caroline, employed as a laundress for the army, back to slave hunters. After reviewing a recent Act of Congress, Butler decided in favor of Caroline being retained as a laundress. (Wyles SC 46).
[African Americans]. Camp William Penn. One printed group photograph of the commander and headquarters staff of Camp William Penn, used for organization of U.S. Colored Troops, 1863-1865. (Wyles SC 902).
[African Americans]. CEMA. Numerous collections in the California Ethnic and Multicultural Archives (CEMA). See: List of Guides.
[African Americans]. Civil War Documents, 1864. Eight documents (ADS): Final Statements of colored volunteers. (Wyles SC 436).
[African Americans]. Civil War Documents, ca. 1860-1865. Five items, including one special order re equipment apparently pertaining to the 30th U.S. Colored Troops. (Wyles SC 98)
[African Americans]. Clark (Claude) Oral History, 1995. Interviews with the Oakland, California African American artist. (OH 29).
[African Americans]. Colored Troops – Civil War Inquiry, 1888. One letter (ALS) from the Adjutant General’s Office, War Department, in response to a question from George May Powell, reporting that on or about Apr. 1, 1862 there were 2,300 colored troops from Delaware, 26,000 from Kentucky, 9,500 from Maryland, 38,000 from Missouri, and 4,500 from Tennessee. (Wyles SC 1008).
[African Americans]. Dorchester Academy Photograph Album, ca. 1890s. Album, with 60+ b/w photos, taken by a missionary schoolteacher at the Dorchester Academy in the African American community at McIntosh, Liberty, County, Georgia, ca. 1890s. (Wyles Mss 104).
[African Americans]. 1st South Carolina / 33rd US Colored Troops Records, ca 1847-1923, 1983 [bulk dates 1850s-1860s]. Materials relating for the most part to the history and organization of the 1st. SC Volunteer Infantry, later designated the 33rd U. S. Colored Troops. A significant portion of the material is related to Thomas Wentworth Higginson who served as the unit’s commander between 1862 and 1864. There are both original primary source materials in the form of documents, correspondence (including items from William Lloyd Garrison and Horace Greeley) and secondary source materials, mostly photocopies, including such things as regimental histories. (Wyles Mss 30).
[African Americans]. Freedmen Department, 1864. One document re renting rooms for colored schools, District of West Tennessee. (Wyles SC 995).
[African Americans]. Gant (Eleanor) New Jersey High School Scrapbook, ca. 1925-1930. Includes KKK related photos and membership cards. Also photos of African American classmates. Graduated in 1929 but a few 1930 items included. (Wyles Mss 153).
[African Americans]. Goode, Kenneth G. Collection of copies of black and white photographs, provenance of most unknown, used in Goode’s California’s Black Pioneers: A Brief Historical Survey, ca. 1974. (SC 712).
[African Americans]. Hampton Normal and Agricultural Institute. Printed program, ca. 1873, "Slave Songs of the South, by the Hampton Colored Students," including note that Hampton [located in Hampton, Virginia] is “Devoted to the preparation of Colored Teachers for the Colored Race and to Industrial Education” and that nearly all of its students were born as slaves. Hampton’s most famous graduate was Booker T. Washington. (Wyles SC 742).
[African Americans]. Iowa and Western Photograph Album, ca. 1890s-1900s. Description: 198 albumen photographs, no captions, beginning with images of Iowa (signs indicating Keosauqua and Eldon – street scenes, family, houses, bicycle riders, African Americans, parade with tractors, soldiers, Native Americans, and women on bikes); later images of unidentified areas of the West, possibly California (mountains, scenic boulders, hilly terrain, railway – family, perhaps on a trip). (Wyles Mss 165).
[African Americans]. Irby (Charles C.) Papers, 1938-1987. African American cultural anthropologist and ethnic studies pioneer. (CEMA 10).
[African Americans]. Jackson, Alfred T. [Private, Kansas Mounted Infantry, 1st Regiment, Co. D; First Lieutenant, U.S. Colored Infantry, 79th Regiment]. 16 Civil War documents, including appointments, discharges, special orders, and muster roll, 1864-1865. (Wyles SC 422).
[African Americans]. Joe Davis Entertainment and Minstrel Folio, ca. 1930. Printed song and jokebook issued by Joe Davis Inc., Music Publishers, 1658 Broadway, New York City. (Wyles SC 1092).
[African Americans]. Louisiana Slave Document. One document (ADS), bill of sale, Madison Parish, 24 July 1852. (Wyles SC 670).
[African Americans]. Mackey (Anita J.) Oral History, [ca. 1994]. Recollections of an African American graduate of the University of Chicago (1936) and her career as a medical social worker for the Veterans Administration in Chicago, Los Angeles and, finally, in Santa Barbara. (OH 14).
[African Americans]. Mackey (Anita J.) Papers, 1929-1996. Personal papers of Anita Johnson Mackey, a Santa Barbara community leader and nationally recognized social service worker. (CEMA 57).
[African Americans]. Marysville, California Photograph Album, ca. 1910. 30 black and white snapshots of Marysville, California and surrounding area. Includes images of integrated baseball team, railroad station, tracks, tunnel digging, and locomotive 2580, telegraph and cable office, family and friends, names unknown. (SC 974).
[African Americans]. McRee (Rev. James F.) Oral History, 1989. Life history, providing a glimpse into the internal workings of the Civil Rights Movement and the forces that led McRee to organize the first Head Start program in Mississippi. Part of the Age of Segregation Oral History Project. (OH 63).
[African Americans]. Neilson (Hugo) World War II Scrapbook, 1944-1945 [bulk date 1944]. 157 black and white snapshots (captions in English), documents, clippings, and two 1944 issues of the Seabees Coverall newspaper, on scrapbook pages and loose, compiled by Hugo Neilson, Seaman First Class, with the 51st NCB (Naval Construction Battalion). Includes images of Ulithi (Caroline Islands) – fellow seamen, base, chapel, living quarters, 51st shop crew, local terrain and huts (describes construction), building airstrip in 12 days; on board ship (showing cramped quarters); Saipan – Japanese women and children, prisoners (men), Suicide Point (where hundreds of Japanese civilians leapt to their deaths), Japanese fortifications, train, sugar mill, caves, African American Marines, shop crew and shop, building airstrip; and honorable discharge, Oct. 1945. (Bernath Mss 346).
[African Americans]. Newton (Captain E. H.) Collection, 1864-1865. 16 Civil War documents, most from the Office of Chief Engineer, Military Division of West Mississippi, New Orleans, pertaining mainly to work on Fort Barrancas (overlooking the entrance to Pensacola Bay). Includes reference to use of “persons of African descent,” particularly the 97th U.S. Colored Infantry. (Wyles SC 595).
[African Americans]. Perham, Sidney [Rep. from Maine]. “Reconstruction – The President and Congress.” Printed speech delivered by Perham in the U. S. House of Representatives, Apr. 21, 1866. (Wyles SC 474).
[African Americans]. Phelps, A. C. [U.S. Infantry Colored, 93rd Regiment (Vol), Company I]. Two Civil War letters (ALS), 1864. (Wyles SC 434).
[African Americans]. Randolph, D. C. One letter (ALS) to S. D. [Cabanip?] of Huntsville, re the sale of a slave named Dolly, who he reports to be in good health. Also discusses her ‘nominal husband.’ Richmond, 5 Mar. 1859. (Wyles SC 127).
[African Americans]. Reppert, B. B. B. [U.S. Infantry Colored, 83rd Regiment, Company D]. One Civil War letter (ALS) to his cousin. Huntersville, Arkansas, 10 July 1865. (Wyles SC 433).
[African Americans]. Republic of Texas, Austin County. One document (ADS): Jury summons for slave trial, with list of 36 names. 13 Apr. 1843. (Wyles SC 130).
[African Americans]. Santa Barbara African American Local History Collection, 1994-1997. Documents, photographs, and interviews collected as part of a Black Santa Barbara Historical Calendar, a collaborative research project in the Black Studies Department at UCSB. The aim of the calendar was to call attention to local personages and events important in Santa Barbara’s African American community. (CEMA 99).
[African Americans]. Santa Barbara African American Oral History Project Collection. (CEMA 42).
[African Americans]. Shelton Watters & Co. One document (ADS), agreeing to pay $160 for "hire of two negroes Anderson and Walker…" [Virginia], 1849. (Wyles SC 129).
[African Americans]. Shepard (Isaac F.) Collection, ca. 1830s-1880s. Commander of the 52nd U.S. Infantry, Colored, from 1863 onwards, making him ranking regimental officer (initially as Colonel, later as Brigadier General) of all colored troops in the Union. Includes an 1863 diary, Court of Inquiry Papers, and related correspondence, which document a seminal incident in which Shepard defended his troops against hostile treatment by white Union troops, was arrested, but subsequently had all charges dismissed by Gen. Grant and was restored to his command. (Wyles Mss 74).
[African Americans]. Slave Child Cartes de Visité, ca. 1863. Two cdvs [photographs] of Fannie Virginia Casseopia Lawrence, described as a redeemed slave child, 5 years old, from Virginia. Baptized in Brooklyn, at Plymouth Church, by Henry Ward Beecher, May 1863. (Wyles SC 1016).
[African Americans]. Slave Documents, 1813-1865. Printed and manuscript documents, including purchase and shipping of slaves, tax forms, slave hires, estate appraisal, slave burials. (Wyles SC 1002).
[African Americans]. Slavery Era Insurance Documents, ca. 1846-1960, 2001-2002. Photocopies of documents collected by the State of California Insurance Department in pursuance of California Code Regulations, Title 10, Sections 2293-2398, which required insurance companies to provide documentation about insurance polices from the slavery era which coverage for slaveholders for damage to or death of their slaves. (Wyles Mss 97).
[African Americans]. Steward (Lowell) Papers, 1995-2002 . Correspondence, published articles (newspaper and Internet), and other items relating to Steward’s involvement with the Tuskegee Airmen. (CEMA 58).
[African Americans]. Trade and Advertising Card Collection, ca. 1870s-1910s. 126 trade and advertising cards, many color lithographs, from Connecticut, Massachusetts, New Jersey, New York, Ohio, Pennsylvania, and elsewhere, for products such as bicycles and bicycling; boots and shoes; building materials; food, drink and restaurants; horse and equine equipment; machinery and equipment; organs and pianos; printing (including lithography) and photography; railroad locomotives and cars; soap; theater and performance; wringers and washers; also depictions of African Americans, ‘Uncle Sam’, and Bufford Company (Boston, MA lithographers) advertisement and trade cards. (Mss 264).
[African Americans]. [Song Sheets]. 24 printed song sheets, mostly nineteenth century British parodies of American Negro dialect. (Wyles SC 872).
[African Americans]. UCSB, Center for Black Studies Collection, ca. 1975-2002. Includes Center for Black Studies reference publications for research assistance and a historical review of the center, as well as flyers for events sponsored by the center. (UArch 45).
[African Americans]. UCSB, Department of Black Studies Records, ca. 1968-2003. Contains general administrative subject files, files on the department’s role in the creation of the Center for Black Studies, and files on the department and center’s roles in shaping campus affirmative action policy. (UArch 14).
[African Americans]. UCSB, Student Organizations Collection, ca. 1935-2001 [bulk dates 1960s-1980s]. The collection contains mainly flyers and posters for events, issues of interest, meetings, etc. for student organizations, clubs, and groups. Includes files on ethnic, GLBT, women’s, political & protest, religious & spiritual groups. Some files on Isla Vista, including student services, events, and groups not directly affiliated with the university but formed by students, are included, as well as files on student protests, including the bank burning and Vietnam War. (UArch 101).
[African Americans]. U.S. Colored Infantry, 69th Regiment. One Civil War document (ADS): Special Orders from General Superintendent of Freedmen re change of command. Memphis, 6 Feb. 1864. (Wyles SC 421).
[African Americans]. U.S. Colored Troops Documents, 1865. Three immediate post-Civil War documents re accusation against Sgt. Alexander Shepard and 15 members of Company L, 4th U.S.C. Hvy. Artillery, for stealing $6,000 in gold from a Tennessee resident. (Wyles SC 1025).
[African Americans]. U. S. Colored Troops, Massachusetts 54th Regiment. One stereoview of the Civil War survivors of the Massachusetts 54th, marching in parade, Washington Street, 17th July 1875. Photographer: g. J. Raymond & Co., Boston. (Wyles SC 1030).
[African Americans]. U.S. Colored Troops, 30th Regiment, Company D. One Civil War document: "Inventory and Inspection Report of Unserviceable Stores…" Includes items such as bayonet scabbards, cartridge boxes, rifles, and belts. (Wyles SC 15).
[African Americans]. Vigilance Committee. One printed circular, re the Fugitive Slave Law. Boston, 3 Mar. 1851. (Wyles SC 707).
[African Americans]. [Virginia]. One printed document, signed by Governor Walker of Virginia, re ratification by the General Assembly of the State of Virginia, of the 14th and 15th amendments to the Constitution of the United States. (Wyles SC 880).
[African Americans]. Washington, Booker T. (1856-1915). One letter (TLS) from Booker T. Washington, American educator, orator, author and leader of the African-American community, on Tuskegee Normal and Industrial Institute stationery, to Charlotte Bowditch, noting he is to speak in Santa Barbara the following Tuesday. Los Angeles, March 20, 1914. (SC 326).
[African Americans]. Whitney (Daniel S.) Papers, 1864-1977. Includes Civil War correspondence and diary of the Reverend Daniel Saunders Whitney, Massachusetts abolitionist. Several of the letters are written from the Colored Hospital, City Point, VA, then the Base Hospital Army of the James Point of Rocks, VA, where the U.S. Sanitary Commission had stationed Whitney, and where he attended to the spiritual, as well as dietary, needs of the patients. The diary also contains numerous entries describing medical conditions, patients, and surgeons in the hospital wards. (Wyles SC 298).
[African Americans]. Works Progress Administration of West Virginia Photograph Collection, 1936. 41 black and white photographs in album and 15 loose, relating to a WPA children’s program. Includes a few of African-American children from [Wheeling?]. (Mss 262).
[African Americans in Eighteenth-Century America]. One letter (ALS) from A. [Vanderhorst ?], re the Council “drawing an ordinance for the better government and regulation of the Negroes in the city…” (said city unidentified – possibly New York?), 21 Nov. 1785. (Wyles SC 4).
Age of Segregation Oral History Project, 1989. A joint UCSB / Jackson State project, part of a campus wide exchange program between the two institutions, with the aim to collect oral histories in Mississippi relating to race relations, and completed for a symposium to commemorate the 30th Anniversary of CDGM (Child Development Group of Mississippi), the first Head Start Program in the state. The interviews were conducted in Mississippi and in Oakland, California. (OH 49).
[Agriculture and Ranching]. Argentina [Tucuman] Sugar Plantations Photographic Journal, 1905. Typescript narrative journal written under the pseudonym Raul of the Andes, recounting the travels and observations of three young men, members of the Catholic social movement La Federación de Cículos Católicos De Obreros, which had been founded in Argentina by Padre Federico Grote in 1892. The group traveled in the northern Argentinean province of Tucuman to observe the social and labor situation of the sugar cane workers in that area. The journal documents daily activities and working conditions for laborers and their families in 14 sugar operations (incl. Lastenia, Trinidad, Esperanza, San Miguel, Manantial, Santa Barbara, Florida, Concepcion, Nueva Baviera, La Corona, San Juan, and El Paraiso). The interleaved 72 black and white photographs show groups of workers, cutting of cane, transport of cane, workers’ quarters, managers fancier houses, groups of children, and workers’ wives buying firewood and other daily activities. (SC 906).
[Agriculture and Ranching]. Barn and Outbuildings [Unidentified]. Oil Painting. (Wyles SC 778).
[Agriculture and Ranching]. Brazil Photograph Album, ca. 1910-1916. 130 black/white photographs, along with a few postcards, some with captions in English, from a British family, depicting their life on a banana and dairy plantation called Bemfica in Macuco, in the state of Rio de Janeiro, Brazil. Includes images of the journey out, several of Guanabara Bay and Rio from a liner, but most depicting day-to-day life on the plantation, many of workers, their families, and social events like large-scale picnics. Also includes images of family back in England, service in World War I with the King’s Own (Royal Lancaster Regiment), and a trip to Africa, including Bulawayo (Southern Rhodesia, now Zimbabwe). (Bernath Mss 317).
[Agriculture and Ranching]. Calamba Sugar Estate – Philippines Collection, 1928-1943. Mainly business records of an American operated sugar and coconut plantation, destroyed during World War II. (Wyles Mss 137).
[Agriculture and Ranching]. California Photograph Album, ca. 1930s. 84 black and white snapshots glued in an album with wood covers, likely California, but very few captions. Many images of children, most in rural areas with flat terrain, some doing chores like carrying eggs, and with chickens, goats, and cattle. Also, images of men and women, individually and in groups, with automobiles, rural outbuildings, hay wagon, tractor with treads, trips hunting, camping, and visiting places with redwoods and more mountainous terrain, some of houses with Spanish architecture in town. (Mss 277).
[Agriculture and Ranching]. California [Siskiyou County] Ranching Photograph Album, ca. 1910-1915. (Wyles Mss 148).
[Agriculture and Ranching]. Calkins (James A.) Collection. Family and local history collection of b/w photos and clippings relating to the Calkins family and Santa Barbara area, including Zaca Lake Ranch. (SBHC Mss 24).
[Agriculture and Ranching]. Easton (Robert E.) Collection, ca. 1882-1968. Mainly papers and ledgers re Easton’s business dealings, especially the Sisquoc Ranch Co., central coast of California. (SBHC Mss 55).
[Agriculture and Ranching]. Easton (Robert O.) Oral History. Recollections of Easton (son of Robert E. Easton) re his youth on the Sisquoc Ranch and the real life experiences he used in writing his novels. Also, his Harvard University days during the Depression, where he edited The Harvard Lampoon, his military service in World War II, and the relationship he had with his literary mentor and father-in-law, western author Max Brand. (OH 9).
[Agriculture and Ranching]. Easton (Robert O.) Papers, ca. 1911-1990s [bulk dates 1940-1990s]. Correspondence, research and subject files (including Chumash, natural resources, wilderness, and women’s issues), drafts of writings, and related materials of the Santa Barbara author of Black Tide (on the 1969 Santa Barbara Oil Spill), Love and War: Pearl Harbor through V-J Day,and the acclaimed multi-volume Saga of California series. Also includes materials on Sisquoc Ranch and Zaca Lake. (SBHC Mss 6).
[Agriculture and Ranching]. Farmworker Movement Collection. (CEMA 096).
[Agriculture and Ranching]. Glass Lantern Slides, ca. 1900-1910. 231 glass lantern slides, a few color, firms including Chicago Projecting Co.; Detroit Photographic Co.; Levy & Ses Fils; McCormick (NY); Selig Polyscope Co.; T. H. McAllister (NY and Grt. Britain); Williams, Brown & Earle. Subjects include adobes, biblical reenactments and scenes, carriages and wagons, cattle, cowboys, horses, Martinique (Mt. Pelee eruption, 1902), Mt. Saint Helens and Ranier, Native Americans, ranches, St. Louis Exposition (1904?), Northwest scenes (Columbia River, Mt. Hood, Portland), Western scenes and inhabitants, Yellowstone, Yosemite; also scenes from abroad, including Great Britain (coronation of Edward VII, 1902), Ireland, Norway, Scotland, Turkey, Venice. (Mss 270).
[Agriculture and Ranching]. Hartwell (William H.) Papers, ca. 1860s-1913. Family history, correspondence, photographs, documents, and mss articles of Hartwell, a Civil War Union soldier, New Hampshire Infantry, 9th Regiment (Vol.), Company I. Also, manuscript of "Two years of ranch life on the Santa Fe Road." (Wyles Mss 37).
[Agriculture and Ranching]. Hoyt (Dibblee) Collection, ca. 1930s-1940s. Horse racing records, photos, and clippings from Rancho San Julian, near Lompoc. (SBHC Mss 70).
[Agriculture and Ranching]. Huffman, L. A. Four black/white copy prints of a Montana roundup, taken by Western photographer Laton Alton Huffman, of Miles City, Montana, ca. 1905, 1913. (Wyles SC 656).
[Agriculture and Ranching]. Indochina Rubber Plantations Photograph Albums, ca. 1925-1930. 99 black photographs in two albums. Album 1 contains views of French rubber plantations at Quan Loi and Xacam (Vietnam), showing various facets of rubber production, including factory interiors, workers, and local villages. Album 2, entitled “Compagnie du Cambodge,”contains views of plantations at Tonlebett, Chup, Pean Cheang, and Thmar Pitt (Cambodia), with images of the Mekong River, roads, forests, felled trees, replanting, lumber mill, local villages, rubber tapping and processing. (Bernath Mss 216).
[Agriculture and Ranching]. Indonesia Photograph Album, ca. 1949. 169 b/w photographs, captions in Dutch, of destroyed and rebuilt sugar, rubber, and coffee factories and plantations during the early period of Indonesian independence. Includes images of Krian, Djatibarang, Pangka, Karang Soewoeng (sugar); Agrabinta, Tendjo Resnu, Pasir Badak, Tjikareo, Sankyang Damar (rubber); Panadjaran, Petaeup Omboh, Soembir Agoeng, Kali Bakar, Soember Gesing, Lebak (coffee, rubber, and other). (Bernath Mss 278).
[Agriculture and Ranching]. Jendarata Rubber Company Ltd Photograph Album, ca. 1914. 52 b/w photos, with captions in Danish, showing the Jendarata rubber plantation and factory in Lower Perak, then part of the Federated Malay States (now Malaysia), which was established by Danish engineer Aage Westenholz, uncle of Karen Blixen (Out of Africa), whose farm in Kenya he also helped fund. Also includes images of Danish managers and local population (described as Javanese), countryside, musicians and instruments, religious festivals, Malacca, and Bornam River. (Bernath Mss 274).
[Agriculture and Ranching]. Jenkins (Sheridan) Guatemala Coffee Plantation Correspondence, 1912-1922. (Wyles SC 1056).
[Agriculture and Ranching]. Kiewit (John S.) Photography Collection, ca. 1968-2000. More than 10,000 color and black/white prints, color slides, and black/white negatives. Color slides constitute the bulk of the collection. The images reflect what Kiewit saw on his travels throughout California and the West, as well as trips to other parts of the U.S. and the world. Prominent places and themes include Baja, barns and farms, Big Sur, buildings and building elements (doors and windows), Carmel [CA], Central Coast [CA], Channel Islands, Death Valley, fences, ghost towns, Hawaii, Hollister Ranch [CA], landscapes, Malibu [CA], Marin County [CA], New England, New Mexico, ocean views, Oregon, Oxnard [CA], rock formations, signs, surfing, trees, Utah, wildflowers, Wyoming, and Yosemite. Other countries represented in the collection include Cook Island, Costa Rica, El Salvador, England, France, Guatemala, Marques and Tahiti Islands, Mexico, Micronesia, and New Zealand. Most of the images were taken from the 1970s to the 1990s. (Mss 228).
[Agriculture and Ranching]. Mexico Photograph Album, 1898. 132 sepia albumen prints in an album of Isabel Nesmith, who left San Francisco on the Pacific Mail boat SS San Blas and traveled to Mazatlan, Manzanilla, Acapulco, Tehauntepec, Amate, Minatitlan, Vera Cruz, Orizaba, and Mexico City, as well as visiting friends, the Macfarlands, and their neighbors at a rubber plantation on the Coatzacoalcos River. (Bernath Mss 191).
[Agriculture and Ranching]. Miller Plantation Company Photograph Album, 1902-1904. 83 b/w prints of the Miller Plantation Company of Cuatotolapam, Veracruz, Mexico, depicting sugar cane production and refining, and related ranch activities. Includes “field and interior factory views of production machinery, indigenous plantation workers and cowboys, and horse-mounted field supervisors. Diverse views of the company’s vast sugar fields, railroad spurs, refining factory (large-scale vats, kilns, and other machinery), factory village with housing, group shots of indigenous factory workers. (Bernath Mss 173).
[Agriculture and Ranching]. Mitchell (John J.) Collection, ca. 1828-1945. Early 19th century documents registering cattle brands in California, as well as 1945 correspondence, and a 1939 guestbook relating to Zaca Lake Ranch, California. The collection also contains a number of books pertaining to California and the American West, which have been cataloged separately. (Mss 83).
[Agriculture and Ranching]. Mitchell (Ruth Comfort) Collection, ca. 1879-1961 [bulk dates 1930s-1940s]. Correspondence, typescripts of articles, newspaper clippings, photographs and ephemera of author Ruth Comfort Mitchell, mainly pertaining to her research and writing on the migrant question of the late 1930s, after the publication of The Grapes of Wrath, from the perspective of the area farmers. The collection also contains a number of books, including some by Ruth Comfort Mitchell, which have been cataloged separately. (Mss 84).
[Agriculture and Ranching]. Montgomery (William Pinckney) / Locust Plantation Collection, ca. 1822-1883 [bulk dates 1830s-1860s]. Bills, receipts, indentures, yearly cotton sales records of Montgomery, a planter and plantation owner in Washington County, Mississippi, who declared bankruptcy during the Reconstruction period of 1869. (Wyles Mss 9).
[Agriculture and Ranching]. Old Town Goleta Oral History Project, 2000. Interviews with: Fermina Murray – Architectural Review; Cathy Jo -The Pagliotti Family: An Italian American Story; Raphael Trancoso: Ranch Foreman and Pioneer Merchant; Al Jaramillo: Life on the Bishop Ranch; Gil Garcia: Life in Old Town Goleta; Joe Kunze: Pioneer German Merchant; Ernestine Ygnacio De Soto. (OH 73).
[Agriculture and Ranching]. Packing Labels, 1920s. Five printed color packing labels for lemons packed by the Limoneira Co. of Santa Paula, California. (SC 686).
[Agriculture and Ranching]. Photograph Album – Australia, New Zealand, New Guinea, England, ca. late 19th century. Approximately 150 b/w photographs with handwritten captions, of areas such as Melbourne, Sydney, Tasmania, Wandiligong, Fernshaw, Dandenong, Yorkminster Cathedral, Malmsbury, Kolo Kemp (N.G.), Little River. Includes several images of camps, farms, ranches, and indigenous populations. (Mss 181).
[Agriculture and Ranching]. Rancho Life in California. 20 black and white photographs, with captions, of various activities including cattle herding, plowing, and hide tanning. Apparently historical recreations, ca. 1950s-1970s, which were photographed and distributed to institutions such as the Ventura Schools Visual Aids Department, which is where this set came from. (SC 729).
[Agriculture and Ranching]. Roach (Charles A.) Photograph Albums, 1938, 1948. Two albums, b/w photographs, of the travels of the Rev. Roach: 1938 (bicycling to Bucharest, with images of Cracow (and other parts of Poland), Czechoslovakia, Dobšina ice caves, Budapest, Jewish population at Puspokladany, Huedin, gypsies in Romania, Orlat, farms, Brasov, Ploesh, Bucharest, the Danube, Venice, and England) and 1948 (Norwegian holiday, with images of Stockholm, Oslo, Lillehammer, Gjendesheim, hiking and mountain climbing, Sulheim manor, traditional dress, Naevodalen, Voss, farming, Osterbo, and Steinberdalen). (Bernath Mss 290).
[Agriculture and Ranching]. Rojas (Arnold R.) Papers, ca. 1964. Corrected typescript, galley and page proofs for Rojas’ The Vaquero, published by McNally and Loftin, Charlotte and Santa Barbara, 1964. Rojas also wrote several other works on the California vaqueros. (SC 715).
[Agriculture and Ranching]. Romaine (Lawrence B.) Trade Catalog Collection, ca. 1850-1968. 27 boxes on agriculture (incl. bee culture, chocolate industry, citrus industry, swine diseases, strawberries, fertilizers, barns, dairy farm equipment, haying equipment, poultry housing, gas and steam engines, agricultural exhibitions, fertilizer and chemicals, implements, insecticides, herbicides, mills and milling machinery, tractors, plows, cultivators, and other agricultural machinery, silos, and greenhouses). (Mss 107).
[Agriculture and Ranching]. Sisquoc Ranch Photograph Album, ca. 1899-1900. Approximately 76 b/w images and handwritten captions, mainly of Sisquoc Ranch [Rancho Sisquoc], Santa Barbara County, California, including the land, buildings, work such as branding cattle, and the Lucius E. Greene and Vicente Castro families. (Wyles SC 588).
[Agriculture and Ranching]. Skofield (Hobart) Oral History, 1982. Recollections of Skofield, re his years as an apprentice with the Printing House of William Edwin Rudge, experiences with the Rancheros Vistadores, development of what is now the Skofield Printers Collection. (OH 6).
[Agriculture and Ranching]. El Teatro Campesino Archives, 1964-1988 . Scripts, photographs, posters, printed materials, audio and videotapes, and other materials, constituting the largest archival collection on Chicano theater. Includes biographical/historical information pertaining to playwright and director Luis Valdez, theater company players, and interactions with many important cultural, political, literary, and artistic individuals since its founding in 1965. Documents the development of Teatro, from the early farm workers’ strike years in 1965 through 1967, establishment of the San Juan Bautista center, and commercial theater and film productions from 1977 to 1988. (CEMA 5).
[Agriculture and Ranching]. Touton (Rush D.) Tobacco Collection, ca. 1924-1981 [bulk dates 1930-1960]. Includes material on tobacco industry in Puerto Rico and Sumatra; many photographs, mainly b/w and in U.S. (Bernath Mss 112).
[Agriculture and Ranching]. Trade and Advertising Card Collection, ca. 1870s-1910s. 126 trade and advertising cards, many color lithographs, from Connecticut, Massachusetts, New Jersey, New York, Ohio, Pennsylvania, and elsewhere, for products such as bicycles and bicycling; boots and shoes; building materials; food, drink and restaurants; horse and equine equipment; machinery and equipment; organs and pianos; printing (including lithography) and photography; railroad locomotives and cars; soap; theater and performance; wringers and washers; also depictions of African Americans, ‘Uncle Sam’, and Bufford Company (Boston, MA lithographers) advertisement and trade cards. (Mss 264).
Aguacate Mines Photograph Album, ca. 1900. 60 b/w photos, most with captions, of the Aguacate gold mines in Costa Rica and environs, buildings such as the saw mill, commissary, cabins, farms, superintendent and staff, workers, and families, as well as a few images of San José, including the National Theatre. (Bernath Mss 137).
[Alabama]. Drummond, Richard [21st Alabama Vol., Company K]. One Confederate Civil War document (ADS), discharge papers. Richmond, Virginia, 14 Sept. 1863. (Wyles SC 55).
[Alabama]. 1st Alabama Vol., Company E. One Confederate Civil War document (ADS), Court Martial charges against Private William Price. Meridian, Mississippi, 10 Dec. 1863. (Wyles SC 47).
[Alabama]. 9th Alabama. One document (ADS), report on deserters, 19 Nov. 1864. In: Confederate Collection (Wyles Mss 52).
Alabama Vol., 2nd Brigade. One Confederate Civil War document (ADS): Special Orders No.1. Fort Morgan, 7 May 1862. In: Confederate Collection (Wyles Mss 52).
Aladdin Stereographs: Japan and Russia, 1901-1905. Boxed set of 42 Aladdin stereographs of Japan (including Japanese in Manchuria) and Russia, with printed captions in English. (Bernath Mss 86).
Alarcon (Norma) Papers. (CEMA 110).
[Alaska]. Arctic Scenes Photograph Album, ca. 1899-1903. 64 black/white photographs, mainly of the Eskimo population and environs of Alaska. (Wyles Mss 136).
[Alaska]. Bittmann (Miss M. C.) Photograph Album, ca. 1905-1906. 96 black and white snapshots, captions in English, with images of Italy (Florence, Venice, Milan), England (London), New York City, Panama Canal, Nicaragua (Corinto), Mexico (Mazatlan), California (Nordhoff – Ojai Valley many on horseback, Santa Barbara), and Alaska (Inland Passage, Kenai Peninsula, Seward, Fort Gibbon). (SC 1048).
[Alaska]. Ewald, Henry L. One letter (TLS) from S. Halvorsen and accompanying b/w photographs of whales and Akutan Whaling Station, Alaska, 7 Sept. 1937. (SC 103).
[Alaska]. Money (Anton K.) Collection, 1923-1989. Two photograph albums and an article in UCSB Library’s Soundings, primarily relating to mining engineer Anton K. Money’s life in western Canada and Alaska from 1923-1964. Includes some related clippings, correspondence, and ephemera. (Wyles Mss 162).
[Alaska]. Rust (Frederick) Papers, ca. 1897, 1935-1946 [bulk dates 1941-1945]. Mainly WWII era correspondence between Frederick Rust, his wife Celia Adams Rust, and his mother Mariette Rust, as well as histories (many by Rust) of units in the 18th Engineers, detailing their efforts to construct the Alaskan Highway, through the Yukon, under very difficult wartime and physical conditions, 1942-1943; also general files which contain various Army and court documents, poems and short stories written by Rust, and a handful of black/white photographs, mostly of fellow soldiers. (Mss 108).
[Alaska]. Smith (Ben) Alaska Yukon Gold Rush Collection, ca. 1882-1915 [bulk dates 1898-1901]. Papers of Ben Smith, from Redwood City, California, who went to the Alaska Yukon goldfields ca. 1899-1900, and then apparently returned to California. Includes correspondence, diaries/journals, documents, financial records, maps, and other ephemera, much of it relating to Smith’s stay in Alaska. (Wyles Mss 1).
[Alaska]. Swineford (Alfred P.) Papers, 1885-1889. Biographical sketch of Alfred P. Swineford, copies of correspondence from him, to his daughter, Nelly Flower Stafford (Mrs. E. O. Stafford), a manuscript entitled “A Cruise of Ten Thousand Miles in Alaskan Waters,” and a description of Ketchikan. The often lengthy letters describe in detail Swineford’s impressions of Alaska and its inhabitants in the era immediately preceding the Gold Rush there. (Wyles Mss 14).
[Alaska]. Western Photograph Collection, ca. latter 1800s. Photograph album with 77 b/w prints, some captions, of California scenes (Mount Shasta, Shasta Springs, Trinity River, Mission Hills of Trinity County, hydraulic mining, stagecoach, woman and child on wooden aquaduct), along with a few of Colorado (Colorado Springs, Grant’s Pass), Alaska (Junea, Ketchikan), and Canada (Banff, Lake Louise, and Kicking Horse). Also includes 15 loose cyanotypes, most of a construction project, apparently to dam up a river, possibly northern California. (Wyles SC 955).
Alaska and Canada Photograph Album, ca. 1910s-1920s. 22 black and white snapshots, with pencilled captions in English. Includes images of Skagway (town and environs, Princess Ena at dock), Port Alice (Princess Louise barge, view from dock), Prince Rupert (wireless station VAJ), dock area at Barkley Sound, loading Grayling launch on the Princess Ena at San Francisco, S.S. Nanking, Oakland ferry, Victoria harbor, S.S. Knight Templar, other unidentified vessels. (Wyles SC 1053).
Alaska and Canada Photograph Collection, ca. early-mid 1900s. (Wyles Mss 147).
Alaska / Klondike Magic Lantern Slides, 1898-1912. 52 slides, including images of indigenous population, as well as miners and seal-fur company employees, reindeer wrangling, steamers in ice, and eruption of Mt. Katmai in 1912. Locations include Nome, St. Michaels, Fort Wrangle, Kodiak, and Port Clarence (Wyles Mss 143).
[Alaska – Nome]. One letter (TL), from Hudson (?) to family, re trip from Seattle and impressions of Nome. Hammon Consolidated Gold Fields, Nome, Alaska, 23 June 1929. (Wyles SC 6).
Alaska Photograph Album, ca. 1890s-1900s. 63 b/w photographs from a disbound album, most snapshots, no captions, many of the coast of Alaska, including images of settlements including Sitka, St. Michael Cathedral (Russian Orthodox church in Sitka), other churches, school for Indian girls and boys, Indian women selling crafts, cabins, fishing industry, harbors, boats, totem poles, railroad lines, men, women, and children on outings, Davidson and other glaciers, and scenic views of rivers, waterfalls, mountains, and forests. Also an image of the Mount Shasta [California?] Mineral Spring Company. (Wyles Mss 161).
Alaska Photograph Collection, ca. 1880s-1950s [bulk dates 1887-1920]. About 800 photographs, loose and in three albums, captions in English, including photographers Eric A. Hegg, P. S. Hunt, H. G. Kaiser, P. Edward Larss and J. E. N. Duclos, Lomen Brothers, and Miles Brothers. Subjects include: boats, children, churches, coastline, countryside, dogsleds, Eskimos (Tlingit / Haidu – portraits, daily activities, dances, hunting, schools, villages, and other), glaciers, gold mining and milling, harbors, houses, icebergs, Klondikers, mountains, parades, railroads, reindeer, rivers and river steamers, settlers and homesteads, ships and shipwrecks (incl. Thetis), school classes, skiing, totem poles, towns and villages (Anchorage, Circle City, Cordova, Dawson, Eagle City, Fairbanks, Fort Wrangell, Howkan, Juneau, Kennicott, Ketchikan, Metlakahtla, Nome, Port Simpson, St. Michael, Seward, Sitka, Treadwell, Valdez, White Horse), and winter scenes. (Wyles Mss 150).
"Alaska Scenery." Six b/w 4 1/2" x 6" ambrotype prints, tied together in a booklet, of Sitka harbor, Muir and Davidson glaciers, and other scenes, taken by McAlpin and Lamb Photo, ca. 1890s. (Wyles SC 629).
Alaska Scenes Photograph Collection, ca. 1900-1920. Approx. 50 b/w loose photos, many of Eskimos, sleds and dogs, settlements and scenes around Nome. (Wyles Mss 155).
Alaska [St. Michael] Photo Postcard Collection, ca. early 1900s. 59 black and white photo postcards, mainly of local Eskimo men, women, and children, including portraits, group photos, settlements, hunting, fishing, day to day activities. Several with stamp of E. Mathews, Plattsburg, N.Y. (Wyles SC 1091).
"Alaska Trails." Nine-page handwritten account of an Alaska Trail sheriff during 1898. (Wyles SC 5).
[Albania]. de Chetelat (Enzo) Papers, ca. 1901-1980s [bulk dates 1920s-1960s]. Autobiography, correspondence, documents, maps, reports, black/white photographs and photograph albums, several thousand color slides, and artifacts of a Swiss-born mining geologist who visited or worked in many countries from the 1920s to the 1970s, including Albania, Algeria, Bali, Belgian Congo, Brazil, British Honduras, Cambodia, Cameroon, Canada, Ceylon, Czechoslovakia, Dahomey, France, French Guinea, French Guyana, French Polynesia, Ghana, Hong Kong, India, Indonesia, Iran, Iraq, Ivory Coast, Japan, Jordan, Korea, Laos, Lebanon, Liberia, Libya, Macau, Madagascar, Malaysia, Mali, Martinique, Mauritania, Mauritius, Mexico, Morocco, Nepal, New Caledonia, New Zealand, Niger, Nigeria, Paracel Islands, Peru, Samoa, Senegal, Singapore, Somalia, Sumatra, Syria, Thailand, Togo, Tunisia, Turkey, Uganda, Upper Volta, Vietnam, and Yugoslavia. (Bernath Mss 316).
Alcott, Louisa May (1832-1888). American novelist. Holdings include Hospital Sketches (1863) [Wyles E621.A4 1863], Little Women (1871) [Spec PS1017.L5 1871], Little Men (1871) [Spec PS1017.L6 1871], Aunt Jo’s Scrap Bag (1872) [Spec PS1017.A8 1872], Louisa May Alcott, Her Life, Letters, and Journals (1889) [Spec PS1018.A4 1889], Eight Cousins (1890) [Spec PS1017.E5 1870], Comic Tragedies (1893) [Spec PS1017.C6 1893], Jack and Jill: A Village Story (1896) [Spec PS1017.J33 1896], Rose in Bloom (1896) [Spec 1017.R6], Jo’s Boys, and How They Turned Out (1926) [Spec PS1017.J6 1926], A Sprig of Andromeda (1962) [Spec PS1018.A4 1962], and On Picket Duty (1969) [Wyles PZ3.A355 O5]. Fine press edition of Little Women (1967) by the Heritage Press [Spec PS1017.L5 1967a].
[Aldrich, Daniel]. UCSB, Office of the Chancellor, Chancellor’s Records, ca. 1904-2003 [bulk dates 1962-1977]. Files of UCSB chancellors and their predecessors, including Clarence L. Phelps, Clark Kuebler, Samuel Gould, Vernon Cheadle, Robert Huttenback, Daniel Aldrich, Barbara Uehling, and Henry Yang. Includes correspondence, memos, reports, speeches, subject files, and related materials. (UArch 17).
Aldrich, Thomas Bailey. One manuscript poem, “Palabras Carinosas,” copied from Cloth of Gold and Other Poems (Boston, 1874). (SC 4).
Aldus Manutius (1450-1515) [Latin form of Aldo Manuzio]. Italian scholar, editor, and printer; founder of the Aldine Press. Holdings include works he edited by Valerius Maximus (1503) [Spec PA6791.V6 1503], Pliny the Younger (1508) [Printers Z239.6.M3 P4 1508], Quintilian (1514) [Printers Z239.6.M3 Q8 1514], and Bessarion (1516) [Spec B394.B4]. Fine press editions of Aldus Pius Manutius (1924) by the Grabhorn Press [Printers Z232.M3 D4 1924 vault], The First Editor: Aldus Pius Manutius (1983) by the Grenfell Press [Printers Z232.M3 D42 1983 vault], Aldus Manutius and the Development of Greek Script & Type in the Fifteenth Century (1985) by the Meriden-Stinehour Press [Printers Z232.M3 B37 1985 vault]; also the catalogue for In Praise of Aldus Manutius: A Quincentenary Exhibition (1995) [Printers Z232.M3 F55 1995].
Alejo Petrowitz Czarewitz …and Don Carlos de Austria, ca. early 1700s. Two manuscripts, same handwriting, bound together; the first about Alexis Petrovich, son of Peter the Great of Russia, who died in prison in 1718; the second about Don Carlos, son of Philip II of Spain and Maria of Portugal, who was mentally unstabled, imprisoned by his father in 1568, and died shortly thereafter. (Mss 191).
Alexander (Alec P.) Papers, 1959-1994. Mainly copies of letters and memos pertaining to the career of UCSB Economics professor and administrator Alec P. Alexander, who served as Chair of the Department of Economics (1965-1970), Dean of the College of Letters and Science (1971-1973), Vice Chancellor of Academic Affairs (1973-1978), and Acting Chancellor (July-Dec. 1977). (UArch FacP 1).
Alexander, E. Porter. One letter (ALS) to Col. C. C. Jones, 6 May 1875. In: Confederate Collection (Wyles Mss 52).
Alexander (John) Collection. Collection of Dame Judith Anderson memorabilia, including her unpublished autobiography dictated to Robert Wallsten, letters, photographs, clippings and scripts. (PA 2001-006).
Alexander [Ship]. One document (AD): Account of provisions expended by the ship Alexander of Boston, on one of the Crozet Islands (located in the Indian Ocean, midway between Madagascar and the coast of Antarctica), 1805. (Wyles SC 477).
Alger, Horatio (1832-1899). American novelist. Holdings include Ragged Dick, or, Street Life in New York with the Boot-Blacks (1868) [Spec PS1029.A3 R33 1868], Paul the Peddler (1871) [Spec PS1029.A3 P38 1871], Slow and Sure (1872) [Spec PS1029.A3 S56 1872], Strive and Succeed (1872) [Spec PS1029.A3 S77 1872], From Canal Boy to President, or, The Boyhood and Manhood of James A. Garfield (1881) [Wyles PZ5.A38 F7], Abraham Lincoln, the Backwoods Boy (1883) [Wyles E457.905.A38 A2], The Train Boy (1883) [Spec PS1029.A3 T72], Joe’s Luck, or, A Boy’s Adventures in California (1887) [Spec PS1029.A3 J63 1887], The Young Musician (1906) [Spec PS1029.A3 Y68], and The Telegraph Boy (1910) [Spec PS1029.A3 T45 1910]. Fine press edition of The Young Miner, or, Tom Nelson in California (1965) by the Book Club of California [Spec PS1029.A3 Y6 1965]. See also Holy Horatio! The Strange Life and Paradoxical Works of the Legendary Mr. Alger; And an Afterword Chronicling an American Success Story (1966) by Ray Russell [Spec PS1029.A3 Z8 1976 and Printers Z478.86.C36 R88].
[Algeria]. Bennet (Robert) Mediterranean Photograph Album, ca. early 1930s. About 200 b/w photographs, many commercial, captions in English compiled by United States Merchant Mariner Robert Bennet. Includes images of Egypt (Cairo, Pyramids, Alexandria), Lebanon (Beyrouth/Beirut), Palestine (Haifa, Tel Aviv, Jerusalem), Syria, Italy (Naples), Gibraltar, Marseille, Morocco (Casablanca), Algiers, and a bull fight in Seville. (Bernath Mss 276).
[Algeria]. de Chetelat (Enzo) Papers, ca. 1901-1980s [bulk dates 1920s-1960s]. Autobiography, correspondence, documents, maps, reports, black/white photographs and photograph albums, several thousand color slides, and artifacts of a Swiss-born mining geologist who visited or worked in many countries from the 1920s to the 1970s, including Albania, Algeria, Bali, Belgian Congo, Brazil, British Honduras, Cambodia, Cameroon, Canada, Ceylon, Czechoslovakia, Dahomey, France, French Guinea, French Guyana, French Polynesia, Ghana, Hong Kong, India, Indonesia, Iran, Iraq, Ivory Coast, Japan, Jordan, Korea, Laos, Lebanon, Liberia, Libya, Macau, Madagascar, Malaysia, Mali, Martinique, Mauritania, Mauritius, Mexico, Morocco, Nepal, New Caledonia, New Zealand, Niger, Nigeria, Paracel Islands, Peru, Samoa, Senegal, Singapore, Somalia, Sumatra, Syria, Thailand, Togo, Tunisia, Turkey, Uganda, Upper Volta, Vietnam, and Yugoslavia. (Bernath Mss 316).
[Algeria]. Compagnie Transatlantique North Africa Tour Photograph Album, ca. 1920s. 99 b/w images, captions in English, of local inhabitants, desert, oases, wells, irrigation, early all-terrain vehicles, camels, caravans, tents, street scenes, markets, mosques, city gates, and ruins of southern Tunisia and Algeria, beginning with Tozeur, then el Oeud, Ferjane, Touggourt, Ouargla, Ghardaïa, Laghouat, Figuig, Tlemcen, and Mausoura. (Bernath Mss 292).
[Algeria]. Eagleton (George D.) Stereoview Collection, ca. 1860s-2004. The collection contains ca. 6708 stereoviews, 179 other photographic images (most photo postcards), one videotape about stereoviews, 11 stereoviewers, and related books and issues of Stereo World, assembled by George D. Eagleton. The stereoviews, some exceedingly rare, include images from many parts of the U.S, and other countries. They cover subjects such as children, the Civil War, farming, Indians [Native Americans], logging, mining, planes, presidents, Russo-Japanese War, ships, Spanish American War, Trains, and World War I. Most of the stereoviews in the collection were produced in the latter nineteenth and early twentieth centuries by the Keystone View Company and Underwood and Underwood (which sold the work of a number of photographers). Numerous other companies also are represented. The cards were intended to be viewed through equipment such as stereopticans, which produced a three-dimensional effect. (Mss 255).
[Algeria]. France and Algeria Photograph Albums, ca. 1916. Two photograph albums, more than 200 black/white photos, no captions except for one dated March 1916. Includes images of France and Algeria during World War I era, with images of local Arab population, street scenes, and soldiers in Algeria, as well as French countryside, unidentified family, and soldiers. (Bernath Mss 369).
[Algeria]. Islamic Manuscripts Collection, ca. 1122-latter 1800s. Single and double leaves from previously disbound Islamic texts, written in many parts of the Islamic world, including what is now Algeria. There are four chronologically arranged series: History, Koran, Poetry, and Prayers. (Mss 207).
[Algeria]. North Africa Photograph Album, ca. early 1900s. 96 b/w images, minimal captions in English, of local inhabitants, city views, street scenes, ports, boats, Roman ruins, in Algeria (Timgad, Lambise, Constantine, Tebessa), Tunisia (Dougga), and Morocco (Fez). (Bernath Mss 293).
[Algeria]. North Africa Photograph Album, 1924. 38 b/w snapshots, captions in English, of local inhabitants, desert, oases, village, market, and street scenes from Morocco (Amizmiz, Fez, Marrakesh, Taza), Algeria (El Oued, Khabylie, Tlemsen, Touggourt), and Tunisia (Kairwan, Tunis). (SC 960).
Algeria Photograph Album, ca. 1900-1902. 92 b/w photographs, captions in French, with views of local men, women, and children, residences, street scenes, government and other buildings, hospital, markets, mosque, gardens, military encampments, fortifications, French Foreign Legion, camel and horse transport, other French and Moroccan troops returning from border patrol. Places include Salsa-Maghria (El Maghria), Ain-Sefra (a few miles east of the Moroccan border; founded in the 1880s as a French garrison town), Tlemcen (northwest Algeria), Djenan-ed-Dar, Beni Ounif, and Oase de Figuig (oasis near the Algeria/Morocco border). (Bernath Mss 281).
Algeria Photograph Album, ca. 1910s. (SC 938).
Algeria Photograph Album, ca. 1920s. 48 b/w images, captions in English, of local inhabitants, street scenes, snow, markets, oases, and countryside, starting in Marseilles and travelling to Algiers, Cape Carbon, Bougie, Chabet el Akra, el Kantara, Biskra, and Sidi Okba. (Bernath Mss 291).
Algeria Photograph Album, 1923-1924. 82 black/white images, with captions in English, of a British family’s trip to Algeria. Includes views of Algiers, Tipasa (Tipaza), Belle Fontaine, Forêt de Bainem, Bouzorea, Valley of the Oued Messous, Aïn Toya, Guyotville, Timgad, El Kantara, and Saharan areas of Biskra, Menâa, and Beni Ferah. (SC 848).
Algeria Photograph Album, 1924. 61 b/w prints, captions in French, with some images of Europeans, but mainly local inhabitants and street scenes from Algiers, Biskra, Sidi Akba, Theniet el Had, Constantine, Sidi Said, as well as ruins of Timgad. (SC 946).
Algeria Photograph Album, 1928. 141 b/w photographs, captions in Dutch, and accompanying map with itinerary of unknown traveler. Includes images of people, street scenes, markets, gardens, festivals, Koranic schools, desert, oases, cavalry, and camel corps. Places include Constantine, Tizi Ouzou, El Kantara Timgad (Roman ruins), Chetma (oasis), M’Choumech, Biskra, Touggourt, Temacine, Ghardaya (some of Tuareg), Bou Saada, and Algiers. (Bernath Mss 280).
Algeria Photograph Collection, 1913-1914. Eight black and white snapshots, including Oran street scene with children, countryside, Route de St. Antoine, local inhabitants, laborers loading ship, horse transport, and Oued (river) Sal Sal. (SC 972).
Algeria Photograph Collection, 1933. 55 b/w snapshots, with captions, of a 1933 tour in Algeria, containing images of Sidi Akba, Timgad (Roman settlement ruins), Biskra, and Bou Saada. Includes street and desert scenes, markets, local inhabitants, residences, camel and horse riders, horse races, and dancers, as well as several of the tour members. (SC 841).
Alicia (Juana) Collected Works Digitized Art Collection, 1983-2006. The collection presently consists of one series, Series I Artwork, made up of digitized images of 137 works of art spanning the years from 1983 through 2006. (CEMA 106).
Alishouskas (John Joseph) World War II Fiji Photograph Album, 1942-1944. (Bernath Mss 277).
Allen (Alden L.) Japan Notebook, 1945-1946. Manuscript narrative of an American sailor’s experiences in the Pacific, including Japan’s surrender in Tokyo Harbor, visit to Nagasaki and other Japanese ports, and thoughts about dropping of the atom bomb. (SC 851).
Allen Family Papers, ca. 1822-1894. Mainly correspondence of the Allen Family of Providence, Rhode Island, including scientist Zachariah Allen, his wife Harriet Arnold Allen, their son Judge Henry Wilder Allen, and other family members. Correspondents include John R. Bartlett, Hiram Fuller, Chandos Fulton, Oliver Wolcott Gibbs, John M. Johnson, William Barton Rogers, and Charles S. Sargent. Also includes legal document re courtmartial proceedings against William Allen, 1863. (Wyles SC 885).
Allen, Mary Jane. One letter (ALS) from Allen to Newell [?] re invitation to spend Thanksgiving together. Abington, [MA?], Nov. [17?], 1850. (SC 923).
Allen, S. H. One Civil War era letter [ALS] to brother James P. Allen, May 9, 1865. (Wyles SC 1033).
[Almanacs]. American Almanac Collection, 1820-1829. 149 printed almanacs from eastern parts of the United States, including some duplicates and variant issues. (Mss 224).
[Almanacs]. English Almanacs, 1767. 14 printed English almanacs, bound together in one volume. Includes titles such as: The Gentleman’s Diary, or the Mathematical Repository; The Ladies’ Diary: or, Woman’s Almanack; Parker’s Ephemeris, Poor Robin; The English Apollo, or, Useful Companion; and Speculum Anni: or, Season on the Seasons. (Mss 234).
[Almanacs]. English Almanacs, 1772. Twelve printed English almanacs, bound together in one volume. Includes Remarkable News from the Stars: Or, an Ephemeris for 1772 (by William Andrews); The Gentleman’s Diary; The Ladies Diary: Or Woman’s Almanack; Vox Stellarum: Or A Loyal Almanack; Merlinus Liberatus (by John Partridge); Parker’s Ephemeris; The Celestial Diary (by Salem Pearse); Poor Robin; The English Apollo (by Richard Saunders); Speculum Anni (by Henry Season); … an Almanack … (by Tycho Wing); and The Celestial Atlas (by Robert White). (Mss 261).
Almanacs, 1853, 1856. Two almanacs, with daily entries by an unknown author, from the area around Concord, Massachusetts. Talks about chopping wood, plowing, planting, and other agricultural activities, and making occasional trips to Concord. (SC 5).
Almanacs and Works about Time. Primarily early American items such as the The Ladies Diary, or, Woman’s Almanack for …1753; The Gentleman’s Diary, or, The Mathematical Repository: An Almanack for … 1753; An Astronomical Diary, or, Almanack (1780); The North-American Calendar: or, The Rhode-Island Almanack …for 1787; Hutchin’s Improved, Being an Almanack and Ephemeris (1808); The New England Farmer’s Almanack and Repository (1815); The Temperance Almanac for the Year of Our Lord, 1834, 1836; New England Anti-Slavery Almanac (1841), Affleck’s Southern Rural Almanac, and Plantation and Garden Calendar, for 1851; and The Soldier’s and Sailor’s Almanac for 1864. Also, the Almanach de Gotha, a genealogical, diplomatic, and statistical gazetteer for all countries of the world (1800-1944). An associated manuscript collection, the Donald C. Davidson Collection, focuses on concepts and writings about time. The Davidson endowment has funded acquisition of many of these works.
Almaraz (Carlos) and Los Four Ephemera Collection. (CEMA 111).
Alternative Press Collection. ca. 1966-1977. Mainly U.S. newspapers, with an emphasis on California, but also some foreign titles. In most cases there are only single or scattered issues, not long runs. Included are newspapers devoted to African American, anti-war, Chicano/Latino, environmental, feminist, gay/lesbian, literary/poetry, radical/conservative, and religious themes and issues. (Mss 169).
Alurista [Alberto Urista] Papers, 1954-2010. Scripts, correspondence, photographs, autographed books and ephemera of the Chicano artist and poet, one of the leading literary figures of the Chicano Movement era, who helped to establish The Centro Cultural de la Raza in San Diego. (CEMA 21).
Ambler (E. C.) Civil War Diary, 1862. Handwritten diary, in ink, approximately 129 pages, Sept. 5-Nov. 23, 1862, by E. C. Ambler, Chaplain with the [New York?] 69th Regiment. Writing from Annapolis, talks about parole camp, widespread illness, visits to the hospital, camp news and rumors, doubts about his usefulness, handing out tracts and paper so soldiers can write home. (Wyles SC 1027).
Ambrose (c. 339-397). Roman clergyman, became Bishop of Milan, a doctor of the Church, and finally a saint. Holdings include De Officiis Libri Tres: Ex Editione Romana Postrema Seorsim Editi (1609) [Spec BR65.A3 O3 1609] and Sancti Ambrosii Mediolanensis Episcopi Opera (1614) [Spec BR65.A3 1614].
American Almanac Collection, 1820-1829. 149 printed almanacs from eastern parts of the United States, including some duplicates and variant issues. (Mss 224).
American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions. Two receipts for contributions to the Missionary Packet, Morning Star. Boston, Missionary House, 1866. (SC 504).
American Colonization Society. One printed circular, re solicitiation of funds and invitation to form auxiliary societies. Washington, 25 Mar. 1843. (Wyles SC 708).
American Exchange Bank, Oswego County, New York. One Civil War era document, war loan bond, 1 Apr. 1863. (Wyles SC 254).
American Expeditionary Force Hospital No. 65 World War I Photograph Album, ca. 1918. (Bernath Mss 287).
American Flag Collection, ca. 1859-1910s. Nine U.S. flags, ranging from 33 to 48 stars, plus one Confederate Artillery flag. (Wyles Mss 152).
American Folk Music Photograph Collection, 1930s. 54 WPA related b/w photographs of musicians, singers, their homes and environs, from California and parts of the South, including Arkansas and North Carolina. Some are stamped “California Folk Music Recorded by the Music Dept. of the Unive. of California, in Cooperation with the Archives of American Folk Song of the Library of Congress under Works Progress Administration.” Identified photographers include James L. Hall, Sidney Roberts and Dick Weston. (Mss 229).
[American Indians on Horseback]. Photograph, otherewise unidentified. (Wyles SC 783).
American Institute of Graphic Arts Collection, ca. 1923-1977 [bulk dates 1971-1977]. Correspondence, flyers, invitations, memoranda, notices, and ot
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Insurrection Authentic and Impartial Narrative of the Tragical Scene Which Was Witnessed in Southampton County (Virginia) on Monday the 22nd of August Last The slavery debate was a response to the bloodiest slave rebellion in U.S. history. On August 21, 1831, an named Nat Turner and about sixty other men killed fifty-eight white men, women, and children in . Read more about: Virginia Slavery Debate of 1831–1832, The
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Encyclopedia Virginia
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https://encyclopediavirginia.org/entries/virginia-slavery-debate-of-1831-1832-the/
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Insurrection
The slavery debate was a response to the bloodiest slave rebellion in U.S. history. On August 21, 1831, an enslaved preacher named Nat Turner and about sixty other men killed fifty-eight white men, women, and children in Southampton County. They threw some bodies into bonfires and left others for the wolves. They ransacked houses and stole or destroyed possessions, but they did not engage in rape or sexual violence. Governor John Floyd mobilized the state militia, which, joined by units from North Carolina, halted the rebellion and executed about 120 African Americans without trial. Turner was captured on October 30 and hanged on November 11.
The insurrection sent shockwaves of fear throughout Virginia. It brought to many minds images of the bloody slave revolt in Haiti (1791–1804) and Gabriel’s foiled plans to burn Richmond (1800). By the end of September and into early October, discussions of slavery began to appear in newspapers such as the Richmond Enquirer and the Richmond Constitutional Whig. Letter writers raised concerns about the safety of Virginians with so many African Americans, both enslaved and free, in their midst. Others wanted to censure Black preachers and white ones, too, especially if, as one person wrote to the Whig, they discoursed “with a ranting cant about equality.”
Legislative Petitions
By October, citizens began circulating petitions related to slavery. About forty in all, signed by approximately 2,000 Virginians, mostly men, were submitted to the House of Delegates. Several called for the gradual emancipation of enslaved people, some for colonization. Many were concerned about the state’s free Blacks and their negative influence on the contentment of the enslaved and on general law and order.
A number of petitions proposed emancipation. The Virginia Yearly Meeting of the Society of Friends (Quakers) in Charles City County, in a petition dated December 14, 1831, asked the House of Delegates to consider slavery “an evil in our Country[,] an evil which has been of long continuance, and is now of increasing magnitude.” Not only should slavery be abolished, the petitioners declared, but there should be a “restoration of the African race to the inalienable rights of man.” A petition from Buckingham County, dated December 16, also suggested emancipation, but not out of fealty to the principles underlying the Declaration of Independence; rather, the signers worried that the state’s Black population was growing too fast and its white population not at all. This would leave the state unstable and at the mercy of slavery’s “menace.”
A petition from Loudoun County, dated December 30, went a step further and, after advocating gradual emancipation, called for “the removal of the entire colored population,” including those who had been free, from Virginia. Another petition, from a group of Augusta County women, dated January 19, 1832, decried “the bloody monster, which threatens us,” and urged the assembly to “remove it, ye protectors of our persons, ye guardians of our peace!”
About a third of the petitions specifically called for the removal of all free Blacks. Petitioners from Northampton County noted their “anomalous” position in society—free Blacks were neither enslaved nor fully free, and therefore of questionable loyalty. Suspecting them of engaging in “dangerous intrigues with our slaves,” the Northampton men proposed that free Blacks be exiled to Liberia. A petition from Washington County, dated December 17, conceded that free Blacks “may not be more prone to engage in insurrectionary movements than slaves:—but they are generally a great nuisance to our society.” A brief petition from Fauquier County asked that the assembly “appropriate money to transport free persons of Color to the coast of Africa, and also, the power to purchase slaves and transport them likewise.”
Petitioners from Culpeper County, meanwhile, claimed that enslaved people were monopolizing the trades and recommended that no enslaved or free Black man be “placed as an apprentice in any manner whatsoever to learn a trade or art under severe and onerous penalty.”
Female petitioners from Fluvanna County spoke for many when they declared that “a blight now hangs over our national prospects, and a cloud dims the sunshine of domestic peace throughout our State. Our ears have heard the wailings of distress, and a mysterious dread mingled with fearful suspicion, disturbs the sacred quiet of our homes. … We cannot conceal from ourselves that an evil is among us, which threatens to outgrow the growth and eclipse the brightness of our national blessings.”
Prelude to the Debate
Eyes turned to the General Assembly’s new session, set to begin on December 5. On November 17, shortly after the hanging of Nat Turner, the Constitutional Whig urged legislators to have the courage to act: “Every man feels the force of Mr. Jefferson’s metaphor, that we have the wolf by the ears, and its increasing truth. There is a general acknowledgement that something ought to be, and must be done.”
The public debate reminded Virginians of longstanding differences between those living in the eastern and in the western parts of the state. Voters east of the Blue Ridge Mountains owned a majority of the state’s enslaved population and vigorously defended their rights as enslavers. Those west of the Blue Ridge generally favored emancipation. They depended less on enslaved labor and believed that eastern enslavers enjoyed unfair privileges, among them counting their enslaved population toward representation in Congress. The Richmond Enquirer suggested that the separation of East and West was not out of the question. “We can find no substantial reasons for continuing the connection between countries geographically divided by nature, inhabited by people of different origin, habits and principles, having no intercourse, and whose legislative history from its commencement, displays incessant disagreement and collision,” the paper wrote on December 2.
Four days later, Governor Floyd issued a message to the General Assembly outlining his own preferences and priorities for the upcoming session. He thanked all those involved in putting down Turner’s insurrection and warned lawmakers that “negro preachers” have been chief among those “stirring up the spirit of revolt.” After railing against “inflammatory pamphlets” distributed by abolitionists and meddling northerners, the governor recommended that Virginia’s slave laws be revised in order “to preserve in due subordination the slave population of our state.” Finally, he echoed others’ concerns about the dangers posed by free Blacks and declared it to be “indispensably necessary for them to withdraw from this community.”
Floyd, a native of western Virginia, made no mention of emancipation, but privately he was working toward that end. In his diary he wrote, “before I leave this Government I will have contrived to have a law passed gradually abolishing slavery in this State, or at all events to begin the work by prohibiting slavery on the West side of the Blue Ridge Mountains.”
In the Committee
The House of Delegates established a thirteen-man select committee to consider the governor’s suggestions and to respond to citizen petitions referred from the full House. On December 12, the House also assigned the committee to investigate the possibility of colonizing free Blacks.
Two days later, committee member William H. Roane, a delegate from Hanover County and the grandson of Patrick Henry, presented to the House two petitions and moved they be read aloud: the Quaker petition calling for the emancipation of enslaved African Americans and one from Hanover calling for voluntary emancipation and colonization. William Goode of Mecklenburg County and his conservative allies quickly requested a suspension of the reading and moved that the House not refer the petitions to the select committee. (Goode was not a member of the committee.) Laying the groundwork for the debate to come, he then revised his motion to argue that both memorials be rejected because emancipation was “irrelevant” to the select committee’s charge to consider the governor’s message and the colonization of free Blacks.
The select committee’s chairman, William H. Brodnax of Dinwiddie County was a brigadier general of the state militia and had commanded the forces that quelled Turner’s rebellion. He responded by defending a debate on the petitions. Other states had rid themselves of slavery, he said; “they mainly removed, and, in some cases, entirely eradicated it, by the same or nearly the same plan that was recommended by Mr. Jefferson. They did not object to touch the subject; but met it boldly, and are reaping the benefits of their measures. Does any man doubt that Slavery is an evil?” Brodnax went on to point out the deleterious economic effects of slavery, asserting that it was responsible for the “decay of our prosperity, and the retrograde movement of this once flourishing Commonwealth.”
While his specific arguments may not have won wide approval, Brodnax’s desire for open debate did. The House of Delegates voted 93 to 27 to refer the Quaker petition to the select committee.
On December 17, Thomas Miller of Powhatan County requested the correspondence of Thomas Jefferson and James Monroe from 1802 be sent to the committee. After the discovery of conspiracies led by the enslaved Gabriel in 1800 and the enslaved Sancho in 1802, then-president Jefferson and then-governor Monroe discussed the possibility of cooperation in a plan to colonize the state’s Black population. On January 2, Charles J. Faulkner of Berkeley County resolved that the committee recommend to the House a scheme for gradual emancipation, while also guaranteeing to enslavers either the right to keep their current enslaved laborers or to receive “adequate compensation for their loss.”
The Richmond Enquirer, in perhaps the most influential editorial of the session, published on January 7, 1832, worried that the assembly was avoiding the real problem. “It is probable from what we hear,” the paper’s editor, Thomas Ritchie, wrote, “that the Committee on the colored population will report some plan for getting rid of free people of color—But is this all that can be done? Are we forever to suffer the greatest evil, which can scourge our land, not only to remain, but to increase in its dimensions?”
Ritchie went on to propose gradual emancipation as a means to reduce “the mass of evil.” The Whig echoed Ritchie, asserting that it would “fight by his side in this holy cause.”
Debate Begins
Until now, the debate over slavery had been informal—held in the delegates’ back rooms and parlors—or limited largely to questions framed by the governor: Should Black preachers be banned? Should slave laws be rewritten? Should free Blacks be removed from the state? Referral of the Quaker petition had been a victory for emancipationists, but it had not yet sparked a full-fledged debate. And then William Goode, perhaps unwittingly, helped to do just that.
On January 10, he asked after the committee’s progress, and Chairman Brodnax replied that it was considering two modes of action: one, the removal of free Blacks, and two, the “gradual extinction of slavery.” This second point prompted Goode to press the matter. The next day he proposed to the House that the select committee should “be discharged from the consideration of all petitions, memorials and resolutions, which have for their object, the manumission of persons held in servitude under the existing laws of this commonwealth, and that it is not expedient to legislate on the subject.” He warned that the “tranquility” of the community was in jeopardy and went on to criticize “the Public Press at Richmond” for encouraging abolition.
Goode’s resolution presented the assembly’s pro-emancipation members with the opportunity they were seeking. Thomas Jefferson Randolph of Albemarle County moved that Goode’s resolution be amended so that it instead called for legislation that would submit to a public vote a gradual emancipation and colonization plan, inspired by his grandfather Thomas Jefferson and by Randolph’s friend Edward Coles.
Debate over these two resolutions would at last constitute a focused consideration of emancipation itself, an ironic outcome for Goode, as Governor Floyd wryly noted: “the slave party … have produced the very debate they wished to avoid, and too, have entered upon it with open doors.”
By “open doors,” Floyd alluded to the House’s decision to open its galleries for these debates, allowing the public to hear the various arguments and newspapermen to transcribe and print the speeches. The Enquirer, in a January 12 editorial, celebrated that the “silence” was “broken,” and that issues of “Conscience, whose ‘small, still voice’ we must hear,” would finally be aired. The Whig also thrilled at the open debate, writing nine days later that “multitudes throng to the Capitol, and have been compensated by eloquence which would have illustrated Rome or Athens.”
Arguments on Emancipation
On January 11, Samuel McDowell Moore of Rockbridge County rose to speak on behalf of abolition. He pointed out the “evil consequences of slavery” on enslavers, who, for fear of their enslaved population, could never know “happiness, peace, and freedom from apprehension.” Slavery, he argued, had a tendency “to undermine and destroy everything like virtue and morality in the community,” promoting ignorance, primarily in the enslaved themselves. Because of the taint that accompanied Black men working the soil, free men scoffed at such labor and were instead “gradually wasting away their small patrimonial estates and raising their families in habits of idleness and extravagance.” As a result, he claimed, Virginia trailed behind other states economically. Moore also suggested that a large enslaved population might interfere with Virginia’s ability to fend off foreign aggression and that it might interfere with the growth of the white population.
The next day, James H. Gholson of Brunswick County responded with an appeal to the rights of property owners as delineated in the U.S. Constitution. Citing the Fifth Amendment, which prohibits the government from taking private property for public use without just compensation, he wondered, “if private property be not now secure in the hands of its owner, I know of no vigilance or circumspection, which could shield it from rapacity or usurpation.” He also worried that if free men were so willing to sacrifice their property, they might soon sacrifice other rights, too.
Suggesting that slavery was neither his peers’ invention nor their fault, Gholson noted that their only responsibility was to “make it subservient to the best purposes of society.” And toward that end, he observed “that the slaves of Va. are as happy a laboring class as exists upon the habitable globe … they are content today, and have no care or anxiety for tomorrow.” Gholson and others, in effect, argued that slavery was a positive good, protecting Black men and women from their own ignorance and from conditions that were worse, even for free men, in Europe. (John C. Calhoun more famously made the same argument in a speech before the U.S. Senate in 1837.)
Governor Floyd’s nephew, William B. Preston of Montgomery County, took up the question of property rights, arguing that enslaved people “are property under statute, and they must remain property until that statute is repealed.” Enslaved men and women, he said, were born with the rights of human beings, and those rights could be restored by the state. Others argued that a state in jeopardy—such as that occasioned by slavery—had an obligation to seize such property for the purposes of its own defense. Still other delegates wondered whether unborn enslaved people should be considered property and, if so, whether any emancipation scheme, no matter how ingenious, was possible.
On January 16, the select committee submitted its report to the House, declaring it “inexpedient for the present to make any legislative enactments for the abolition of slavery.” Preston offered an amendment replacing “inexpedient” with “expedient.” This led to a shift in the debate from Goode’s amendment to Preston’s, but the arguments still focused on the morality of slavery, the workability of emancipation, the limits of property rights, and the nature of liberty.
Debate Ends
On January 25, the House rejected Preston’s amendment and to the committee’s report added a preamble, proposed by Archibald Bryce Jr. of Goochland County: Profoundly sensible of the great evils arising from the condition of the coloured population of this commonwealth: induced by humanity, as well as policy, to an immediate effort for the removal in the first place, as well of those who are now free, as of such as may hereafter become free: believing that this effort, while it is in just accordance with the sentiment of the community on the subject, will absorb all our present means; and that a further action for the removal of the slaves should await a more definite development of public opinion. The preamble’s vague wording was crafted to mollify both sides, although it seemed to please the pro-emancipation delegates more. An analysis of its narrow approval, according to the historian Eva Sheppard Wolf, demonstrates that there was “significant interest in antislavery policies and a broad consensus that the free black population ought to be reduced, but the debate ended in victory for the conservatives who opposed emancipation, since the legislature decided not to consider any abolition scheme and never broached the subject again.”
A bill calling for the involuntary removal of free Blacks from Virginia was amended to require the consent of those leaving. It failed in the Senate, however, making for a “ludicrous finale,” in the words of the Constitutional Whig. A “police bill” did manage to pass both houses. It forbade both free and enslaved African Americans from preaching and prohibited enslaved people from attending nighttime religious meetings unless accompanied by their enslavers. It also barred free Blacks from participating in trades and handicrafts if they refused the opportunity to be removed to Liberia.
Writing in 1941, the historian Joseph Clarke Robert described the 1832 debate in Virginia as the “final and most brilliant of the Southern attempts to abolish slavery.” That it ended in what was largely the status quo did not seem to overly concern pro-emancipationists such as Thomas Jefferson Randolph. He told the House that the “friends of abolition have gained all they asked.” William D. Sims of Halifax County worried that the mere discussion of such matters would “lead public opinion” in the wrong direction. In fact, public opinion, at least in the Piedmont and Tidewater regions, turned more firmly against abolition, equating it with northern agitation. More than anything, however, the debates demonstrate just how divided Virginia was over slavery.
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Guide to the George Petrie Papers, RG 192
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Box 17 ff 423 1) Hard - Roosevelt and the Japanese-American Crisis, 8-16-41
2) Williams - Roosevelt and The Trusts
3) Williams - Economic Relations of Canada and the U.S., 1845-1941 ff 424 Author ? Unamuno, The Spanish Carlyle ff 425 Allen , "History of Andrew College" ff 426 1) Caldwell"Plans and Specifications for Hughes Ferry Road, Elmore County, Alabama,"
2) Corgill and Mixoce "Franchise in the Reconstruction Constitutions of the Southern States 1867 and 1868,"
3) Bowen and Samford "The Alabama State Constitutional Convention of 1865" ff 427 1) Holdman "The Southern Boundary Line of Alabama,
2) Alvis "Arthur Lee,"
3) McLane "The Commercial Interests of Jews in Pensacola" ff 428 1) David "How the U.S. Obtained Oregon,
2) Hollifield "The Oxford Reformers, Colet, Erasmus, and the Mob" Box 18 ff 430 1) Pruitt "The Colonial Precedents for Certain Striking Features in the Constitution of the U.S.,"
2) Flowers "Roosevelt, The Kaiser, and Venezuela,"
3) Smith "Early Baptists of Alabama,"
4) Smith, General Survey of Metals ff 431 1) McGhee "Coosa Canal",
3) Williams "Dixon H. Lewis" ff 432 1) Grimmets, Leigh, Hare, Edmond, and Rodgers "History of Tuskegee,"
2) Perry "Woodrow Wilson's Policies and Methods in Legislation,"
3) Cotton and Zard "The Black Codes" ff 433 1) Schomburg and Floyd "A Short History of Railroads of America,"
2) Denson "Slavery Laws in Alabama ff 434 1) Thach, Grady, and Brewer "Kansas-Nebraska Act,"
2) Tanton, Wood "Alabama's Attitude Toward Nullification in South Carolina ff 435 1) Rutland "Leisler's Rebellion,"
2) Ross and Ross "History of the Southern Industrial Institute at Camp Hill, AL,"
3) "Auburn Baptist Church,"
4) "Proposed Addition to the Water Supply of Auburn, AL ff 436 1) Beasley "New England Immigrants and Society,
2) McWhorter "Forsyta--Samford Discussion,"
3) Tisdale "The Cotton Industry in Alabama Before the War" ff 437 1) no date or author ff 438 1) Halsey "The Versatile Talent of Helen Keller,"
2) Thom "History of the Child Labor Laws in Alabama" ff 439 1) Child's "Effects of the John Brown Raid on the South,"
2) Sullivan "Andrew Jackson in Alabama" ff 440 1) Hodnette "Slavery at Loachapoka,"
2) Orr, "The Early History of Wetumpka" ff 441 1) Nixon "Ante Bellum Political Orators in Alabama,"
2) Meador and Waits "The Increased Cost of Living in Auburn in the last 25 Years,"
3) Wilk's "Hampton Roads Conference" ff 442 1) Brittain and Zeiglar "Manufacturing in Alabama Before The War,"
2) Stephens "History of Camp Meetings in Alabama" ff 443 1) McCranie and Smith "The Influence of the Louisville and Nashville Railroad on the Upbuilding of Pensacola, FL ff 444 1) Campbell "Industrial and Economic History of the City of Birmingham,"
2) Lawton, Tucker, and Turner "Land Tenure Around Auburn,"
3) Cooper "Free Negroes in Alabama before 1863" ff 445 1) Dowdell "Cotton and Hosiery Mills in Alabama,"
2) Hodges "County Development in Alabama,"
3) Moore and Hodges "6th District Agriculture School" ff 446 1) Killebrew "The Russian Peasant,"
2) Hollifield "The Life of Southern Women in Revolutionary Times" ff 447 1) "A Description of the Institution of Negro Slavery as it Existed in and Near Collinsville from 1850-1860,"
2) Wright and Harlan "The Visit of LaFayette to Alabama in April 1825" ff 448 1) Bland "Slavery Conditions and Large Slave Owners in Dallas County,"
2) Mathews "A History of Cleburne County" ff 449 1) Sherard "The Relation of Cotton Production to Low and High-Grade Fertilizers and to Soil Compositions,"
2) Fortier "The Mexican Peon,"
3) Fortier "Article on Siberia" ff 450 1) Tompkins "Colonel William Byrd of Westover,"
2) Martin and Steagall "History of the South East Alabama Agricultural School" ff 451 1) Blasingame "The Panama Progress,"
2) Salter "A History of Kilby Prison" ff 452 1) Ridgely "The Design of a Fifty Foot Reinforced Concrete Arch Highway Bridge,"
2) Nixon "Alexander Beaufort Meek" Box 19 ff 453 1) Sequeire "Intercostal Canal,"
2) Elgin "Woodrow Wilson and The Columbian Treaty,"
3) Moon and Snuggs "History of the Development of the Graphite Industry in Alabama" ff 454 1) Lisenby "A Brief Resume of Reconstruction in Alabama and Its Overthrow,"
2) Bett's "Early History of Huntsville" ff 455 1) Brooks, "Geographical Influences in the Early Settling of Alabama,"
2) Davis "A History of Helpers Impending Crisis and A Discussion of its Economic and Sociological Doctrine" ff 456 1) Shaffer and Meriwhether "Washington's and Jefferson's Contribution to the Monroe Doctrine,"
2) Whitaker "Growth of Historic Towns of Alabama ff 457 1) Lovelass, Rabb, and Taylor "Negro Recollections of Slavery,"
2) Beasley and Crymes "Public Sentiment Toward State Railroads During the Administration of Gov. Collier" ff 458 1) Williams "First Constitutional Conventions of Alabama,"
2) Dowdell and Newman "Fort Mitchell" ff 459 1) Hodnette "The Peace Convention of 1861,"
2) Walker "The African Slave Trade in Alabama,"
3) Cotton and Timmerman "History of Elmore County,"
4) Stoves "The Influence of Mobile on the Formation and the Development of the Public School System of Alabama" ff 460 1) Noble "Design of Reinforced Concrete Beam Bridge,"
2) Thos. "Report on the Location of a Bridge Over Tallapoosa or Alabama River Between Elmore and Montgomery Counties for the Committee on the Selection of Bridge Site"
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William Goode (politician)
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/William_Goode_(politician)
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American politician and lawyer
William Osborne Goode (September 16, 1798 – July 3, 1859) was an American politician, slave owner, and lawyer from Virginia.
Early life and education
[edit]
Goode was born to plantation owner and horse racing enthusiast John Chesterfield Goode (d. 1837) and his wife Lucy Claiborne Goode at their plantation "Inglewood" near the Roanoke River in Mecklenburg County, Virginia. He would later establish a plantation of his own, "Wheatland", about five miles northeast of Boydton. He had another relative John Goode, locally known as "Race Horse John," who predeceased this man's father John C. Goode, who had inherited 13 slaves which were in his estate inventory.[1] William Goode graduated from the College of William and Mary in 1819.
Early legal and planter careers
[edit]
Admitted to the Virginia bar in 1821, William Goode set up a legal practice in Boydton, the Mecklenburg county seat.
Goode farmed at Wheatland using enslaved labor. In the 1830 federal census, his household included ten enslaved Blacks.[2] Two decades later, in the first federal census with detailed slave schedules and the last before his death, Goode owned 41 enslaved people in Mecklenburg county, ranging from 70 and 50 year old Black women, to 15 children 10 years old or younger.[3]
Political career
[edit]
Mecklenburg County voters elected Goode as one of their representatives in the Virginia House of Delegates for the 1822 to 1823 term. He was re-elected in 1824 and afterward, expecting to serve through the term ending 1833. Goode gave up his seat to make an unsuccessful 1832 run for the United States House of Representatives. During that time, he was also a member of the Virginia Constitutional Convention of 1829. That convention debated increasing representation for western Virginians, as well as codified slavery in the state constitution. As a legislator, Goode had opposed making manumission of slaves easier, as advocated by Thomas Jefferson Randolph.[4]
Goode was re-elected to the House of Delegates (1839–41). He was elected as a Democrat to the United States House of Representatives in 1840, and served from 1841 to 1843. He was elected again to the Virginia House from 1845 to 1847 and was elected as Speaker. He served as delegate to the second Virginia Constitutional Convention in 1850.
Elected again to the US House of Representatives in 1852, Goode served three terms, from 1853 until his death in 1859. He became chairman of the Committee on the District of Columbia from 1857 to 1858.
Personal life
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He married twice. In 1820, while in law school, Goode married Sarah Bolling Tazewell of Williamsburg, Virginia. She died on July 9, 1825, aged 22, after her second childbirth, although that son, Tazewell Goode, would die as an infant, as had his brother William O. Goode Jr. In 1829, William Goode married the widow Sarah Maria Waller Massie (1812-1844), who had already born children and bore several more children who lived to adulthood during this marriage, although she also died shortly after childbirth, and that daughter Sarah Massie Goode (1844-1847) died as a child. Three of their sons became Confederate States Army officers after their father's death and Virginia's secession, of whom William Osborne Goode Jr. (1830-1865) died in battle. John Thomas Goode (1835-1916) (who had attended the Virginia Military Institute but resigned before graduation to accept a lieutenant's commission in the U.S. Army, which he relinquished) rose to the rank of Major in the Confederate States Army. Their son Edward Branch Goode (1839-1920) would also become a Confederate officer (in the 34th Virginia Infantry) and survive the war. J. Thomas Goode would marry four times, and his son (this man's grandson), Morton G. Goode would follow the family's traditional careers in law and politics to become president pro tem of the Virginia senate.
Death and legacy
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Goode died in Boydton on July 3, 1859. He was buried at his nearby plantation of "Wheatland", which did not survive into the 20th century, although his birthplace "Inglewood" did, and now is the name of an unincorporated community.
Electoral history
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1841; Goode was elected to the U.S. House of Representatives with 75% of the vote, defeating Independents Richard H. Baptist and a man identified only as Marshall.
1853; Goode was re-elected to the U.S. House of Representatives with 65.34% of the vote, defeating Whig Wyatt Cardwell and Independents William C. Flournoy and William S. Scott.
1855; Goode was re-elected with 61.27% of the vote, defeating American Littleton Tazewell.
1857; Goode was re-elected with 75.97% of the vote, defeating an American identified only as Collier.
1859; Goode was re-elected with 63.79% of the vote, defeating Independent Democrat Flournoy.
Legacy and honors
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A cenotaph was erected in his memory at Congressional Cemetery in Washington, D.C.
See also
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List of United States Congress members who died in office (1790–1899)
Notes
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References
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United States Congress. "William Goode (id: G000281)". Biographical Directory of the United States Congress.
Jamerson, Bruce F., Clerk of the House of Delegates, supervising (2007). Speakers and Clerks of the Virginia House of Delegates, 1776-2007. Richmond, Virginia: Virginia House of Delegates.
Virginia Elections and State Elected Officials Database Biography
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[Senate Hearing 113-515, Part 9] [From the U.S. Government Publishing Office] S. Hrg. 113-515, Pt. 9 CONFIRMATION HEARINGS ON FEDERAL APPOINTMENTS ======================================================================= HEARINGS BEFORE THE COMMITTEE ON THE JUDICIARY UNITED STATES SENATE ONE HUNDRED THIRTEENTH CONGRESS SECOND SESSION ---------- JUNE 4, JUNE 24, JULY 24, and JULY 29, 2014 ---------- Serial No. J-113-1 ---------- Part 9 ---------- Printed for the use of the Committee on the Judiciary [GRAPHIC NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT] __________ U.S. GOVERNMENT PUBLISHING OFFICE 24-286 PDF WASHINGTON : 2017 ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Publishing Office, http://bookstore.gpo.gov. For more information, contact the GPO Customer Contact Center, U.S. Government Publishing Office. Phone 202-512-1800, or 866-512-1800 (toll-free). E-mail, [email protected]. COMMITTEE ON THE JUDICIARY PATRICK J. LEAHY, Vermont, Chairman DIANNE FEINSTEIN, California CHUCK GRASSLEY, Iowa, Ranking CHUCK SCHUMER, New York Member DICK DURBIN, Illinois ORRIN G. HATCH, Utah SHELDON WHITEHOUSE, Rhode Island JEFF SESSIONS, Alabama AMY KLOBUCHAR, Minnesota LINDSEY GRAHAM, South Carolina AL FRANKEN, Minnesota JOHN CORNYN, Texas CHRISTOPHER A. COONS, Delaware MICHAEL S. LEE, Utah RICHARD BLUMENTHAL, Connecticut TED CRUZ, Texas MAZIE HIRONO, Hawaii JEFF FLAKE, Arizona Kristine Lucius, Chief Counsel and Staff Director Kolan Davis, Republican Chief Counsel and Staff Director C O N T E N T S ---------- JUNE 4, 2014, 10:02 A.M. STATEMENTS OF COMMITTEE MEMBERS Page Grassley, Hon. Chuck, a U.S. Senator from the State of Iowa...... 2 Leahy, Hon. Patrick J. Leahy, a U.S. Senator from the State of Vermont........................................................ 1 prepared statement........................................... 185 STATEMENTS OF THE NOMINEES Witness List..................................................... 13 Crawford, Hon. Geoffrey W., Nominee to be U.S. District Judge for the District of Vermont............................................ 3 biographical information..................................... 14 Firestone, Hon. Nancy B., Nominee to be Judge of the U.S. Court of Federal Claims.............................................. 4 biographical information..................................... 64 Griggsby, Lydia Kay, Nominee to be Judge of the U.S. Court of Federal Claims................................................. 4 biographical information..................................... 121 Halkowski, Thomas L., Nominee to be Judge of the U.S. Court of Federal Claims................................................. 4 biographical information..................................... 154 QUESTIONS Questions submitted to Hon. Geoffrey W. Crawford by Senator Grassley....................................................... 186 Questions submitted to Hon. Nancy B. Firestone by Senator Grassley....................................................... 190 Questions submitted to Lydia Kay Griggsby by Senator Grassley.... 191 Questions submitted to Thomas L. Halkowski by Senator Grassley... 192 ANSWERS Responses of Hon. Geoffrey W. Crawford to questions submitted by Senator Grassley............................................... 193 Responses of Hon. Nancy B. Firestone to questions submitted by Senator Grassley............................................... 200 Responses of Lydia Kay Griggsby to questions submitted by Senator Grassley....................................................... 202 Responses of Thomas L. Halkowski to questions submitted by Senator Grassley............................................... 204 LETTER RECEIVED WITH REGARD TO HON. GEOFFREY W. CRAWFORD American Bar Association, May 21, 2014, letter................... 207 C O N T E N T S ---------- JUNE 24, 2014, 10:18 A.M. STATEMENTS OF COMMITTEE MEMBERS Grassley, Hon. Chuck, a U.S. Senator from the State of Iowa, prepared statement........................................... 500 Schumer, Hon. Chuck, a U.S. Senator from the State of New York presenting Brenda K. Sannes, Nominee to be District Judge for the Northern District of New York.............................. 215 PRESENTERS Baldwin, Hon. Tammy, a U.S. Senator from the State of Wisconsin presenting Hon. Pamela Pepper, Nominee to be District Judge for the Eastern District of Wisconsin.............................. 214 Cardin, Hon. Benjamin L., a U.S. Senator from the State of Maryland presenting Pamela Harris, Nominee to be U.S. Circuit Judge for the Fourth Circuit............................................. 211 Johnson, Hon. Ron, a U.S. Senator from the State of Wisconsin presenting Hon. Pamela Pepper, Nominee to be District Judge for the Eastern District of Wisconsin.............................. 213 Mikulski, Hon. Barbara A., a U.S. Senator from the State of Maryland presenting Pamela Harris, Nominee to be U.S. Circuit Judge for the Fourth Circuit............................................. 209 STATEMENTS OF THE NOMINEES Witness List..................................................... 233 Harris, Pamela, Nominee to be U.S. Circuit Judge for the Fourth Circuit........................................................ 218 biographical information..................................... 234 McCarthy, Patricia M., Nominee to be Judge of the U.S. Court of Federal Claims................................................. 228 biographical information..................................... 420 Pepper, Hon. Pamela, Nominee to be U.S. District Judge for the Eastern District of Wisconsin.................................. 226 biographical information..................................... 302 Sannes, Brenda K., Nominee to be U.S. District Judge for the Northern District of New York.................................. 227 biographical information..................................... 385 Somers, Hon. Jeri Kaylene, Nominee to be Judge of the U.S. Court of Federal Claims.............................................. 229 biographical information..................................... 455 QUESTIONS Questions submitted to Pamela Harris, Hon. Pamela Pepper, and Brenda K. Sannes by Senator Cruz............................... 530 Questions submitted to Pamela Harris by: Senator Grassley............................................. 503 Follow-up questions submitted by Senator Grassley............ 528 Questions submitted to Patricia M. McCarthy by Senator Grassley.. 526 Questions submitted to Hon. Pamela Pepper by Senator Grassley.... 518 Questions submitted to Brenda K. Sannes by Senator Grassley...... 522 Questions submitted to Hon. Jeri Kaylene Somers by Senator Grassley....................................................... 527 ANSWERS Responses of Pamela Harris to questions submitted by: Senator Cruz................................................. 556 Senator Grassley............................................. 531 Follow-up questions submitted by Senator Grassley............ 559 Responses of Patricia M. McCarthy to questions submitted by Senator Grassley............................................... 581 Responses of Hon. Pamela Pepper to questions submitted by: Senator Cruz................................................. 569 Senator Grassley............................................. 562 Responses of Brenda K. Sannes to questions submitted by: Senator Cruz................................................. 579 Senator Grassley............................................. 571 Responses of Hon. Jeri Kaylene Somers to questions submitted by Senator Grassley............................................... 585 LETTERS RECEIVED WITH REGARD TO PAMELA HARRIS Adler, Amy, et al., June 20, 2014, letter........................ 590 American Bar Association, May 9, 2014, letter.................... 588 Culvahouse, Arthur B., Jr., et al., June 23, 2014, letter........ 603 Garre, Gregory G., et al., June 20, 2014, letter................. 599 Leadership Conference on Civil and Human Rights, The, June 23, 2014, letter................................................... 597 National Women's Law Center (NWLC), June 23, 2014, letter........ 607 Rolfe, Harold E., June 27, 2014, letter.......................... 605 LETTER RECEIVED WITH REGARD TO HON. PAMELA PEPPER American Bar Association, May 2, 2014, letter.................... 609 LETTER RECEIVED WITH REGARD TO BRENDA K. SANNES American Bar Association, May 9, 2014, letter.................... 611 C O N T E N T S ---------- JULY 24, 2014, 10:15 A.M. STATEMENT OF COMMITTEE MEMBER Grassley, Hon. Chuck, a U.S. Senator from the State of Iowa...... 621 PRESENTERS Casey, Hon. Robert P., Jr., a U.S. Senator from the State of Pennsylvania presenting Wendy Beetlestone, Nominee to be District Judge for the Eastern District of Pennsylvania; Mark A. Kearney, Nominee to be District Judge for the Eastern District of Pennsylvania; Joseph F. Leeson, Jr., Nominee to be District Judge for the Eastern District of Pennsylvania; and Gerald J. Pappert, Nominee to be District Judge for the Eastern District of Pennsylvania....................................... 617 McCaskill, Hon. Claire, a U.S. Senator from the State of Missouri presenting Stephen R. Bough, Nominee to be District Judge for the Western District of Missouri............................... 614 Toomey, Hon. Patrick J., a U.S. Senator from the State of Pennsylvania presenting Wendy Beetlestone, Nominee to be District Judge for the Eastern District of Pennsylvania; Mark A. Kearney, Nominee to be District Judge for the Eastern District of Pennsylvania; Joseph F. Leeson, Jr., Nominee to be District Judge for the Eastern District of Pennsylvania; and Gerald J. Pappert, Nominee to be District Judge for the Eastern District of Pennsylvania....................................... 615 STATEMENTS OF THE NOMINEES Witness List..................................................... 633 Beetlestone, Wendy, Nominee to be U.S. District Judge for the Eastern District of Pennsylvania....................................... 623 biographical information..................................... 725 Bonilla, Armando Omar, Nominee to be Judge of the U.S. Court of Federal Claims................................................. 623 biographical information..................................... 687 Bough, Stephen R., Nominee to be U.S. District Judge for the Western District of Missouri........................................... 622 biographical information..................................... 634 Kearney, Mark A., Nominee to be U.S. District Judge for the Eastern District of Pennsylvania............................... 624 biographical information..................................... 807 Leeson, Joseph F., Jr., Nominee to be U.S. District Judge for the Eastern District of Pennsylvania............................... 625 biographical information..................................... 856 Pappert, Gerald J., Nominee to be U.S. District Judge for the Eastern District of Pennsylvania............................... 626 biographical information..................................... 909 QUESTIONS Questions submitted to Wendy Beetlestone, Stephen R. Bough, Mark A. Kearney, Joseph F. Leeson, Jr., and Gerald J. Pappert by Senator Cruz................................................... 1006 Questions submitted to Wendy Beetlestone by Senator Grassley..... 987 Questions submitted to Armando Omar Bonilla by Senator Grassley.. 986 Questions submitted to Stephen R. Bough by: Senator Grassley............................................. 980 Follow-up questions submitted by Senator Grassley............ 1003 Follow-up questions II submitted by Senator Grassley......... 1005 Questions submitted to Mark A. Kearney by Senator Grassley....... 991 Questions submitted to Joseph F. Leeson, Jr., by: Senator Feinstein............................................ 1009 Senator Franken.............................................. 1007 Senator Grassley............................................. 995 Questions submitted to Gerald J. Pappert by Senator Grassley..... 999 ANSWERS Responses of Wendy Beetlestone to questions submitted by: Senator Cruz................................................. 1155 Senator Grassley............................................. 1148 Responses of Armando Omar Bonilla to questions submitted by Senator Grassley............................................... 1144 Responses of Stephen R. Bough to questions submitted by: Senator Cruz................................................. 1030 Senator Grassley............................................. 1011 Responses to follow-up questions submitted by Senator Grassley................................................... 1022 Responses to follow-up questions II submitted by Senator Grassley................................................... 1028 attachment................................................... 1033 Responses of Mark A. Kearney to questions submitted by: Senator Cruz................................................. 1165 Senator Grassley............................................. 1157 Responses of Joseph F. Leeson, Jr., to questions submitted by: Senator Cruz................................................. 1179 Senator Feinstein............................................ 1182 Senator Franken.............................................. 1168 Senator Grassley............................................. 1172 Responses of Gerald J. Pappert to questions submitted by: Senator Cruz................................................. 1193 Senator Grassley............................................. 1185 LETTER RECEIVED WITH REGARD TO WENDY BEETLESTONE American Bar Association, June 16, 2014, letter.................. 1218 LETTERS RECEIVED WITH REGARD TO STEPHEN R. BOUGH Adams, Robert T., October 21, 2014, letters...................... 1206 American Bar Association, January 17, 2014, letter............... 1196 Bartle, Matthew V., October 16, 2014, letter..................... 1212 Bradshaw, Jean Paul, II, October 16, 2014, letter................ 1213 Kilroy, John M., Jr., October 20, 2014, letters.................. 1198 Mullen, John L., October 17, 2014, letter........................ 1216 Sanders, William H., Jr., October 16, 2014, letter............... 1214 Watson, Maurice A., November 12, 2014, letter.................... 1210 LETTER RECEIVED WITH REGARD TO MARK A. KEARNEY American Bar Association, June 16, 2014, letter.................. 1220 LETTER RECEIVED WITH REGARD TO JOSEPH F. LEESON, JR. American Bar Association, June 16, 2014, letter.................. 1222 LETTERS RECEIVED WITH REGARD TO GERALD J. PAPPERT American Bar Association, June 16, 2014, letter.................. 1224 Coyne, Gerald J., July 22, 2014, letter.......................... 1227 Sorrell, William H., June 19, 2014, letter....................... 1226 C O N T E N T S ---------- JULY 29, 2014, 9:41 A.M. PRESENTERS Menendez, Hon. Robert, a U.S. Senator from the State of New Jersey presenting Madeline Cox Arleo, Nominee to be District Judge for the District of New Jersey......................................... 1232 Murphy, Hon. Christopher, a U.S. Senator from the State of Connecticut presenting Victor Allen Bolden, Nominee to be District Judge for the District of Connecticut........................................ 1230 Paul, Hon. Rand, a U.S. Senator from the State of Kentucky presenting David J. Hale, Nominee to be District Judge for the Western District of Kentucky, and Gregory N. Stivers, Nominee to be District Judge for the Western District of Kentucky...... 1229 STATEMENTS OF THE NOMINEES Witness List..................................................... 1245 Arleo, Madeline Cox, Nominee to be U.S. District Judge for the District of New Jersey......................................... 1234 biographical information..................................... 1246 Bolden, Victor Allen, Nominee to be U.S. District Judge for the District of Connecticut........................................ 1235 biographical information..................................... 1300 Hale, David J., Nominee to be U.S. District Judge for the Western District of Kentucky........................................... 1236 biographical information..................................... 1390 Stivers, Gregory N., Nominee to be U.S. District Judge for the Western District of Kentucky................................... 1236 biographical information..................................... 1444 QUESTIONS Questions submitted to all of the Nominees by Senator Cruz....... 1499 Questions submitted to Madeline Cox Arleo by: Senator Grassley............................................. 1481 Senator Lee.................................................. 1500 Questions submitted to Victor Allen Bolden by: Senator Grassley............................................. 1485 Senator Lee.................................................. 1501 Questions submitted to David J. Hale by: Senator Grassley............................................. 1491 Senator Lee.................................................. 1503 Questions submitted to Gregory N. Stivers by: Senator Grassley............................................. 1495 Senator Lee.................................................. 1504 ANSWERS Responses of Madeline Cox Arleo to questions submitted by: Senator Cruz................................................. 1512 Senator Grassley............................................. 1505 Senator Lee.................................................. 1514 Responses of Victor Allen Bolden to questions submitted by: Senator Cruz................................................. 1525 Senator Grassley............................................. 1515 Senator Lee.................................................. 1528 Responses of David J. Hale to questions submitted by: Senator Cruz................................................. 1539 Senator Grassley............................................. 1533 Senator Lee.................................................. 1542 Responses of Gregory N. Stivers to questions submitted by: Senator Cruz................................................. 1550 Senator Grassley............................................. 1544 Senator Lee.................................................. 1552 LETTER RECEIVED WITH REGARD TO MADELINE COX ARLEO American Bar Association, June 27, 2014, letter.................. 1553 LETTERS RECEIVED WITH REGARD TO VICTOR ALLEN BOLDEN American Bar Association, June 16, 2014, letter.................. 1555 Barnett, John W., June 18, 2014, letter.......................... 1557 Dubois, Mark A., July 25, 2014, letter........................... 1558 Esserman, Dean M., July 29, 2014, letter......................... 1562 Fisher, Timothy S., July 25, 2014, letter........................ 1568 Hibson, Emmet P., Jr., Esq., July 28, 2014, letter............... 1560 Hinton, Robert C., July 28, 2014, letter......................... 1566 Malech, Steven B., July 28, 2014, letter......................... 1567 Pepe, Louis R., July 28, 2014, letter............................ 1559 Prout, William H., Jr., July 25, 2014, letter.................... 1573 Ribeiro, G. Evelise, July 28, 2014, letter....................... 1561 Ricci, Frank, Lieutenant, July 25, 2014, letters................. 1564 Saxton, Brad, July 28, 2014, letter.............................. 1569 Schratz, Lorraine M., M.D., July 29, 2014, letter................ 1563 Vitale, Wayne A., M.B.A./S.D.B.L., July 26, 2014, letter......... 1571 LETTER RECEIVED WITH REGARD TO DAVID J. HALE American Bar Association, June 20, 2014, letter.................. 1575 LETTER RECEIVED WITH REGARD TO GREGORY N. STIVERS American Bar Association, June 20, 2014, letter.................. 1577 MISCELLANEOUS SUBMISSIONS FOR THE RECORD McConnell, Hon. Mitch, a U.S. Senator from the State of Kentucky, prepared statement with regard to David J. Hale, Nominee to be District Judge for the Western District of Kentucky, and Gregory N. Stivers, Nominee to be District Judge for the Western District of Kentucky............................... 1579 Rockefeller, Hon. John D., IV, a U.S. Senator from the State of Kentucky, prepared statement with regard to David J. Hale, Nominee to be District Judge for the Western District of Kentucky..... 1582 ALPHABETICAL LIST OF NOMINEES Arleo, Madeline Cox, Nominee to be U.S. District Judge for the District of New Jersey......................................... 1234 Beetlestone, Wendy, Nominee to be U.S. District Judge for the Eastern District of Pennsylvania....................................... 623 Bolden, Victor Allen, Nominee to be U.S. District Judge for the District of Connecticut........................................ 1235 Bonilla, Armando Omar, Nominee to be Judge of the U.S. Court of Federal Claims................................................. 623 Bough, Stephen R., Nominee to be U.S. District Judge for the Western District of Missouri........................................... 622 Crawford, Hon. Geoffrey W., Nominee to be U.S. District Judge for the District of Vermont............................................ 3 Firestone, Hon. Nancy B., Nominee to be Judge of the U.S. Court of Federal Claims.............................................. 4 Griggsby, Lydia Kay, Nominee to be Judge of the U.S. Court of Federal Claims................................................. 4 Hale, David J., Nominee to be U.S. District Judge for the Western District of Kentucky........................................... 1236 Halkowski, Thomas L., Nominee to be Judge of the U.S. Court of Federal Claims................................................. 4 Harris, Pamela, Nominee to be U.S. Circuit Judge for the Fourth Circuit........................................................ 218 Kearney, Mark A., Nominee to be U.S. District Judge for the Eastern District of Pennsylvania............................... 624 Leeson, Joseph F., Jr., Nominee to be U.S. District Judge for the Eastern District of Pennsylvania............................... 625 McCarthy, Patricia M., Nominee to be Judge of the U.S. Court of Federal Claims................................................. 228 Pappert, Gerald J., Nominee to be U.S. District Judge for the Eastern District of Pennsylvania............................... 626 Pepper, Hon. Pamela, Nominee to be U.S. District Judge for the Eastern District of Wisconsin.................................. 226 Sannes, Brenda K., Nominee to be U.S. District Judge for the Northern District of New York.................................. 227 Somers, Hon. Jeri Kaylene, Nominee to be Judge of the U.S. Court of Federal Claims.............................................. 229 Stivers, Gregory N., Nominee to be U.S. District Judge for the Western District of Kentucky................................... 1236 NOMINATIONS OF HON. GEOFFREY W. CRAWFORD, NOMINEE TO BE DISTRICT JUDGE FOR THE DISTRICT OF VERMONT; HON. NANCY B. FIRESTONE, NOMINEE TO BE JUDGE OF THE COURT OF FEDERAL CLAIMS; LYDIA KAY GRIGGSBY, NOMINEE TO BE JUDGE OF THE COURT OF FEDERAL CLAIMS; AND THOMAS L. HALKOWSKI, NOMINEE TO BE JUDGE OF THE COURT OF FEDERAL CLAIMS ---------- WEDNESDAY, JUNE 4, 2014 United States Senate, Committee on the Judiciary, Washington, DC. The Committee met, pursuant to notice, at 10:02 a.m., in Room SD-226, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Patrick J. Leahy, Chairman of the Committee, presiding. Present: Senators Leahy and Grassley. OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. PATRICK J. LEAHY, A U.S. SENATOR FROM THE STATE OF VERMONT Chairman Leahy. Well, good morning. Today we are going to hear from four very well qualified judicial nominees--one to the district court in the State of Vermont, without being overly parochial, and three to the U.S. Court of Federal Claims. I am happy to welcome Vermont Supreme Court Justice Geoffrey Crawford. Justice Crawford has significant criminal and civil experience. He was a Vermont trial court judge for 11 years; he recently became an Associate Justice of the Vermont Supreme Court. In fact, the Governor's comment to me when I recommended Justice Crawford to the President was, ``Hey, you are taking one of our best Supreme Court Justices.'' He formerly was a partner in a Burlington law firm. And I am glad to see Jerry O'Neill here in the audience. Justice Crawford earned his B.A., cum laude, from Yale and his J.D., cum laude, from Harvard Law School. I recommended Justice Crawford to President Obama after he was vetted and recommended to me by Vermont's nonpartisan Judicial Nominating Commission. I did not know him before this process, but I read the report of those who did the work of the Nominating Commission, and then I met for an extended time, Kristine Lucius, Chief Counsel, and myself, and John Tracy, the head of the Vermont office, with Justice Crawford, and I was struck by his brilliance, his compassion, his humility, and his devotion to his family. He has earned a stellar reputation in Vermont's legal community and from those who appeared before him as a careful jurist who understands the effects that legal rulings have on people's lives. I have no doubt that once confirmed he will bring the same understanding and impartiality to the Federal judiciary in Vermont. We are just one district, but he will be sitting in Rutland, Vermont. Then we have three nominees to serve on the Court of Federal Claims: Judge Nancy Firestone, who is well known to the most important member of this Committee, Kristine Lucius; Thomas Halkowski; and Lydia Griggsby, who has served on my Judiciary Committee staff since 2006 and currently serves as my Chief Counsel for Privacy and Information Policy. I recommended Lydia to the President for the position because I know her intellect and good judgment will make her a fine judge. And that is what I told the President. Before Lydia came to work with me on the Committee, she served in the Justice Department. She tried several matters before the Court of Federal Claims. I did tell her father this morning that the one reason I might vote against her is to keep her here on the Committee. But I will proudly vote for her. Judge Nancy Firestone has served with distinction on the U.S. Court of Federal Claims since 1998, and I am sure she will continue that with another 15-year term. And Mr. Halkowski is a principal at Fish and Richardson; that is a law firm specializing in intellectual property law in Wilmington, Delaware. He started off clerking on the Court to which he is nominated for Judge Roger Andewelt. He also clerked for then-Chief Judge Helen Nies on the Federal Circuit, so once he is confirmed, his career will have gone full circle. I welcome you all, but I will turn first, of course, to my friend and colleague Senator Grassley. OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. CHUCK GRASSLEY, A U.S. SENATOR FROM THE STATE OF IOWA Senator Grassley. First, I congratulate today's nominees, and I know your families and friends that are here are proud of you. And, of course, professionally it is an important milestone in all of your careers, and so I welcome you. I will not go into the details he did, the Chairman did, but I can associate myself with those remarks and point out that I know today's hearing is of particular significance for the Chairman because I have had an opportunity to have a lot of Iowans in the same place that you are from Vermont for the Chairman. And so it is important for the Chairman as well as it is for you. Not only do we have a nominee for the District of Vermont, but we also have a nominee for the Court of Federal Claims, Ms. Griggsby, whom we all know very well. She has been a counsel on the Chairman's staff, and just like I have people leave my staff, he is going to miss you as well when you go to this very important position you have been appointed to. I know that you joined the Committee staff after being both in the Department of Justice as well as the U.S. Attorney's Office. We know Lydia well. She has worked on many important Committee matters, including the Electronic Communications Privacy Act, the Freedom of Information Act, and other privacy issues. Through that work Lydia has a well-earned reputation of being diligent, very thoughtful, and professional. Ms. Griggsby, you are now in a seat that several of your colleagues have occupied before you, fielding questions from all of us. So once again, even though I only spoke about two of the four, congratulations to all of you. Chairman Leahy. Thank you very much. Please, all four of you, stand and raise your right hand. Do you solemnly swear that the testimony you are about to give in this matter will be the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, so help you God? Justice Crawford. I do. Judge Firestone. I do. Ms. Griggsby. I do. Mr. Halkowski. I do. Chairman Leahy. Let the record show that all responded in the affirmative. We will begin with you, Justice Crawford. If you have any statement you would like to make, please go ahead, and you may introduce your family. STATEMENT OF HON. GEOFFREY W. CRAWFORD, NOMINEE TO BE DISTRICT JUDGE FOR THE DISTRICT OF VERMONT Justice Crawford. Yes, Senator, I would like to thank the Members of the Committee for their time and attention. I would like to thank you in particular for the trust that you have placed in me. And I would like to introduce my family, if I might. My wife, Leslie, is here, and my children: my daughter, Jocelyn, and her son, Matthew; and her husband and older daughter, Evelyn, who is 3, are home in Wisconsin. My son Tobias and my son Elliott; and my daughter-in-law, Christine, and her son, James; and my son, Nicholas. And with me also is my dear friend and former law partner, Jerry O'Neill. Chairman Leahy. Who I might add has been a friend of mine for decades, also. [The biographical information of Justice Crawford appears as a submission for the record.] Chairman Leahy. I would note to the--and I am not trying to get rid of anybody from here, but please feel free with young children, if you need to take a break, you can go right straight through that door, and there is a table there. But I was delighted to meet all of them before. That was not a hint. [Laughter.] Chairman Leahy. My wife and I just had a chance to spend a week with two of our five grandchildren, and I enjoyed every single second of it, even though at times the decibel level was such that the satellites went out of orbit. [Laughter.] Chairman Leahy. Judge Firestone, did you---- STATEMENT OF HON. NANCY B. FIRESTONE, NOMINEE TO BE JUDGE OF THE COURT OF FEDERAL CLAIMS Judge Firestone. Thank you. I want to thank the Committee and the President for this honor, and I would like to just quickly introduce the staff that makes my work possible as a judge: my judicial assistant, Diana Perez-Kidwell; Richard Hagerman and Steven Reilly, who are my two law clerks. It is my pleasure to have them here with me today. [The biographical information of Judge Firestone appears as a submission for the record.] Chairman Leahy. Thank you. Ms. Griggsby, did you wish to say something and introduce family members? STATEMENT OF LYDIA KAY GRIGGSBY, NOMINEE TO BE JUDGE OF THE COURT OF FEDERAL CLAIMS Ms. Griggsby. I would. Thank you very much, Chairman Leahy, and thank you for your very gracious and kind introduction. Thank you, Ranking Member Grassley, as well for your kind introduction and words. I am very honored and blessed to have my father with me today, Professor William L. Griggsby, from Pikesville, Maryland, seated behind me. My mother, the late Mary Kate Rainier Griggsby, passed away in 2011. She is with us in spirit today, and I want to honor her as well. I am also joined by many mentors and friends and colleagues. I would like to acknowledge Dr. Wyneva Johnson-- please stand--seated behind me, a long-time mentor and attorney with the Department of Justice. I also have several friends farther back in the audience, Delta Sigma Theta sorority sisters, club sisters, and many other mentors. I thank them all for their love and support. And many other family members who are watching via the Webcast today across the country. [The biographical information of Ms. Griggsby appears as a submission for the record.] Chairman Leahy. I remember the sadness of everybody when your mother passed. I remember that time. And I have a feeling she is watching. Mr. Halkowski. STATEMENT OF THOMAS L. HALKOWSKI, NOMINEE TO BE JUDGE OF THE COURT OF FEDERAL CLAIMS Mr. Halkowski. Thank you, and thank you to the President for this truly humbling honor of being nominated to serve on the U.S. Court of Federal Claims. And thank you, Chairman Leahy and Ranking Member Grassley, for convening this hearing and the opportunity to be heard. I have here just a few folks: my oldest son, Mick, who is just recently graduated, he is headed down to Texas to work as a chemical engineer at Dow. And my mother and father, Eleanor and Phil Halkowski, traveled here from my home town in St. Francis, Wisconsin. I could go on about their sacrifice and hard work, but I will simply say that I am indebted to them for everything. Also here are my mother- and father-in-law, Michael and Kathy Philps, who traveled here from California to lend their support, as well as my brother- and sister-in-law, D'Arcy and Cecilia Philps, along with their children, Miranda and Spencer. Unfortunately, my wife, Dana, could not be here, which is ironic because without her love and support I myself would not be here. But she is attending the high school graduation of our youngest son, Benjamin, back in Unionville, Pennsylvania, which is going on at this very moment. I am assured, though, from my son, Ben, that I am not missing anything. He is going to be doing the exact same thing in 4 years at the University of Pittsburgh. And thanks to this hearing, that promise is now on the record. [Laughter.] Chairman Leahy. And we will make sure he gets a copy of this record. Mr. Halkowski. My daughter, Scout, also, unfortunately, cannot be here due to commitments back at her college in Pennsylvania. I have many relatives, two brothers, three sisters, back in Wisconsin, as well as many others whose support I appreciate. One person I do need to mention, my Grandma Nuffky back in Wisconsin. She will be 99 years old on June 14th. She assures everyone, however, to hold off on the celebration until next year, because she wants to do her 100th birthday big time. [Laughter.] Mr. Halkowski. Finally, there are just two people I need to acknowledge who are no longer with us today: Judge Roger Andewelt as well as Chief Helen Nies. Judge Andewelt served on the U.S. Court of Federal Claims, gave me my first job out of law school, and was the best mentor I could have ever hoped for. And Judge Nies similarly provided--generously provided her time and wisdom. And I miss them both, but I carry with me the lessons that they taught me over the years. And with that, I thank you again for convening this hearing, and I look forward to the opportunity to address your questions. [The biographical information of Mr. Halkowski appears as a submission for the record.] Chairman Leahy. Well, thank you. Justice Crawford, I had occasion to talk with the President shortly after I had met with you, and I told him of your appreciation for his nomination. And I told him that this was one nomination he will not have to worry about. You served as a Vermont State court trial judge for 11 years, and you have been on the Supreme Court now since last year. What lessons do you take from a State court as you transfer over to the Federal court? Justice Crawford. I think the principal lesson is twofold: one is the real need to stay close to the facts in every case, to really try and understand what is going on; but even more important, in dealing with the litigants, to try and keep it fresh, to try and bring something new to each case, not to become routine or jaded, to try and really engage with each case anew. And the State trial court judges do a fine job, I think, in both those regards. Chairman Leahy. I enjoyed my years as a trial lawyer and as a prosecutor. But I left that time with an abiding feeling that courts' judges should think not just of the people who are in there all the time--the prosecutors are, a well-known litigant like Mr. O'Neill is, others--but the people who are there, this is their one and only time they may be before the court. Can you give us assurance that everybody who comes in your court, no matter what their political party or their economic status or whether they are plaintiff or defendant, government or defendant, that they will be treated the same? Justice Crawford. Senator, I can make that commitment. That has been my effort over the course of the last 12 years, and I intend to continue as I started out. For many people we are in the courts the face of government that they deal with very directly, and it is crucial that they feel that they have been heard and that they have been treated fairly and listened to with care. Chairman Leahy. One of my predecessors as Chairman of this Committee was Senator Strom Thurmond. We had different philosophies on a number of things, but one thing I always agreed with. He always said to somebody coming on to the Federal bench that, you know, it is a lifetime appointment, you can do anything you want, but do not forget you are there for everybody in that courtroom. I am not even going to ask you that question because I have watched enough about you to know that is the way you will be. And the last question, which is sort of the standard one, the Second Circuit opinions are binding on the district court, as are the Supreme Court's. Do you have any difficulty in applying stare decisis even though you might wonder in a particular case, ``What the heck were they thinking?'' Justice Crawford. Not at all, Senator. I work within and I have worked within a system of authority where I look to and respect the judgments of the courts above us. Chairman Leahy. Well, thank you. Judge Firestone, you have presided over, I am told by Ms. Lucius, more than 700 cases. You must have had--in some ways it must be routine, but it certainly was not when you first came there. What are some of the difficulties you had to overcome? Judge Firestone. Well, I would say that the jurisdiction of the Court of Federal Claims is quite broad. It ranges from tax to contracts to Indian claims and so forth. One of the big advantages that Court has is we have the Justice Department representing the United States in every case, and as an alum of that organization, they do an excellent job in not only advocating but I would say educating the Court. And we have had excellent practitioners on the other side. And so when you are new as a judge, you spend a lot of time educating yourself as to what is the law, and you spend a lot of time ensuring that you understand the arguments of the parties. But, interestingly enough, it is a very high quality of representation that appears on the Court, and with hard work you get to learn different things. But every case actually comes to you, I would say, pretty new. Although issues generally repeat, for the most part the reason they are in front of us is because they could not resolve it on their own and there is some twist. And so that is actually what keeps the job fresh and challenging, as it has been for the last 15 years and, if confirmed, hopefully for the next. Chairman Leahy. So you find it still interesting when you come into the courtroom. Judge Firestone. I wake up every morning challenged and enjoying the job. I would say it has been the greatest privilege of my life to serve on that court. Chairman Leahy. I know the feeling in the job I have. Judge Firestone. I share it in a different way, but, yes, I love the work. Chairman Leahy. And, Ms. Griggsby, we know you so well from your past decade in the Senate, both the Ethics and the Judiciary Committees, and a trial attorney at the Department of Justice and U.S. Attorney's Office in DC and private litigation. Sort of somewhat along with what I was saying to Justice Crawford, how do you feel about how people should be treated when they come in the courtroom? You are used to walking into this room, for example. You used to walk into courtrooms. But a lot of people coming in there, it is their first time, maybe their only time. How do you feel about that? Ms. Griggsby. Thank you, Chairman Leahy, for that question. During my decade as a Justice Department attorney and my decade here in the Senate, I have always felt that you should treat people fairly, with impartiality, and with courtesy. That has always been my practice as an attorney. It was my practice as an attorney appearing before the court, and that is the practice I would have as a judge. Every citizen should feel welcome and that they are going to be treated fairly and receive justice under the law. Chairman Leahy. And one of the questions I had for you, Mr. Halkowski, you already answered when you spoke about your mentors as judges. But even having worked for judges, clerks and whatnot, you have now been in private litigation, and all of a sudden you are not rising when the judge comes into the courtroom. Everybody is going to be rising when you come in the courtroom. That can be a heady feeling. But how do you handle that transition and do it in such a way that you saw it being a litigant and now you would be an impartial trier of facts? Mr. Halkowski. Simply, if I am so fortunate to be confirmed, keep in mind one word really, and that is, ``respect''--respect for the limited role of the courts amongst the branches of Government, and respect for the law and applying stare decisis, and so you just simply apply the law to the facts of each case. And, finally, as Ms. Griggsby alluded to, respect for each of the parties that come before you and keep an open mind and listen to them and do your best to provide justice. Chairman Leahy. Senator Grassley. Senator Grassley. Yes, I am going to start out with Justice Crawford and go across the table. I am going to ask you about some issues dealing with sentencing, because you have spoken on that. And at this point I do not find any fault, but I want to give you an opportunity to expand. In 2013, you spoke to the press about sentencing practices in your State. At that time you expressed the opinion that judges have been, as you put it, ``oversentencing'' criminal defendants. You also mentioned that many of those defendants should be placed into drug or mental health courts and that judges and prosecutors should focus on treatment and reconciliation instead of incarceration. So these would be-- expand on those statements by saying what--by my asking what do you mean when you stated that Vermont's criminal defendants have been oversentenced. And I have one more question. Justice Crawford. Of course, sir. Thank you. It is an important issue. Within the State court system, we see two kinds of criminal defendants, particularly in the area of drug addiction, drug abuse, and drug trafficking. We see the people that make it their living to harm our communities by selling drugs, and for those people I do not see an important change. I think the sentencing practices have been correct. For people who are addicted and are more customers than traffickers, we have had success in Vermont. I have worked for several years in the drug court, and we have seen real change in people's behaviors, in their ability to support their families, in their ability to return to the rest of us as honest citizens. And it is that group that I think can be directed toward treatment, directed toward drug court-type programs, which are no walk in the park--they are strict, and if you fail in your treatment, you spend the weekend in jail. It is almost a sterner model than simply putting people on probation or jailing them for short periods of time. So what has interested me is a commitment from the courts for people who are addicted to redirecting them so that we can get them back in our midst as productive people. Senator Grassley. What are your thoughts on mandatory minimums? And can you tell us a little bit about your experiences with limitations on sentencing discretion within the Vermont judicial system? Justice Crawford. Within the State system, we have only a handful of mandatory minimums. They represent the decision, the serious decision of the legislature to treat certain offenses with particular seriousness and care. And I have always respected that decision and imposed the mandatory minimum because the legislature is in charge of that decision, and I would expect to continue to do so in the event that I am confirmed here. Senator Grassley. Then that would bring me to the Supreme Court's Booker decision on Federal Sentencing Guidelines. Of course, they are no longer mandatory, so let me ask you a couple questions, and then a third one, but two at first. What is your view on the guidelines? And do you believe that the guidelines have resulted in oversentencing of criminal defendants? Justice Crawford. I cannot tell you in a numbers kind of a way what the result of the guidelines has been within the Federal system. What I can tell you is that what I like about them is it brings out into the open the concerns about sentencing, about deterrence, about rehabilitation, about punishment, which are involved in every sentencing decision. On the State court side, those things are not always discussed in an open way in court. Sentencing guidelines compel the judge and the defendant, his attorney, and the Government to talk about them in an open way and to apply them in a way which is more uniform from case to case. So I think those are important positive aspects of the Sentencing Guidelines. Senator Grassley. In the cases of nonviolent drug offenders or drug offenders with little or no criminal history, do you believe that downward departures would be warranted under the guidelines? Or do you think that such individuals would be better off in a drug court setting? Justice Crawford. What I can tell you, Senator, is that I have seen success for people that meet in the State system-- that people that meet those criteria in a drug court setting, where they are involved for 6 or 12 months, meeting weekly, speaking as you and I are, with the judge, reporting on their progress. Whether that translates easily into the Federal system it would be difficult for me to say. I have seen it work person to person in the State court system. Senator Grassley. Okay. Then my last series of questions for you. You mentioned the importance of treatment and reconciliation during your comments to the press in 2013. Would you tell us what you meant by that statement? And then let me quickly add to that. If confirmed, would you focus on treatment and reconciliation when sentencing criminal defendants in the Federal system? And if so, how would that focus affect sentencing in your courtroom? Justice Crawford. What I have tried to do, Senator, in my sentencing practices is to look at each person as best I can as an individual and to make an individual judgment about whether incarceration is required, whether a mandated treatment program is going to be sufficient, whether a mixture of those two is appropriate. And it would be my intention to continue to-- within the framework of the Sentencing Guidelines, to continue to try and make that judgment, separate out the business people who are harming our communities from the people who have fallen into drug addiction and treat those two as different types of problems. Senator Grassley. Now, the rest of you are going to feel like you are not very important if I do not ask you as many questions. [Laughter.] Senator Grassley. But I am not going to, so do not take it personally. For you, Lydia, the Court of Federal Claims adjudicates cases across a broad range of subject matters. Since 2006 you have served the Committee by providing advice relating to the Freedom of Information Act, the Privacy Act, the Electronic Communications Privacy Act. Could you please share how this experience might help prepare you for the Federal Claims Court if confirmed? Ms. Griggsby. Yes, thank you, Senator, for that question. During my time on the Committee, I have worked on a number of complex legal issues, including, as you mentioned, ECPA reform and FOIA reform. In the context of that work, I have had to work very closely with co-counsel and opposing counsel, various offices on the Committee, as well as stakeholders with a variety of different perspectives and competing interests. I think I have always done that in a very fair and open-minded way, and I think that those skills have equipped me well to be a fair and open-minded judge, if confirmed to the Court of Federal Claims. Senator Grassley. Okay. And, Ms. Firestone, you have now served at least one term. Aside from the knowledge of how the Court works, what have you learned during your first term that would assist you in a second term, if confirmed? And that does not mean things have to be any different, but I just wondered if they would be. And let me follow that up with how, if at all, would you change your approach in cases from what you have learned during your first time. Judge Firestone. Well, Senator, I hope after 15 years I have become a bit more efficient, and so I will say that there is--I do not intend to change the way I judge cases in any way. The oath is the same, and I will abide by that and look at each case individually and decide each one on its merits based on the facts and the law. What it has allowed me to do after 15 years is to become more of an educator with regard to the Court, and so I have the opportunity now to do things with regard to the Judicial Conferences of our Court, with regard to our Advisory Committee, that allows me to take some of the experience that I have had and share that with new judges, and to work with judges and members of the bar to improve the administration of justice, which I think helps, having had enough experience that I can judge whether or not I think those recommendations will be valid. And I hope to continue to do that work as well in the next 15 years. Senator Grassley. Okay. In your view, Ms. Firestone, are there particular challenges facing the Court of Claims? Do you see any areas where improvement is needed? And this could be from two standpoints. One, is there any suggestions you have for Congress to make any changes? Or, number two, any changes that you would see that the Court itself could make? Judge Firestone. Well, Senator Grassley, I appreciate the question. I think that the Court is always looking to find ways to improve its administration internally, and I do not have any--we are constantly, by virtue of now the whole new change in electronic filings and things like that, the efficiency of the court system has actually improved markedly. I would say that with regard to things for Congress I leave that to people different than myself to make those suggestions, and, indeed, that is why we have advisory committees and so forth who involve outside attorneys as well as Justice Department attorneys to make those types of suggestions to the Congress. Senator Grassley. My first question is--I am from Iowa, and you evidently have Midwest roots. Where is St. Francis, Wisconsin? [Laughter.] Mr. Halkowski. Thank you, Senator. Senator Grassley. And how big is it? Mr. Halkowski. Thank you, Senator, and I can handle that question. It is just south of Milwaukee. It is actually a suburb of Milwaukee. It is right along Lake Michigan, and its population--well, now it is a little bit smaller, but probably around 10,000. Chairman Leahy. You did a heck of a lot better on that answer than I ever could. [Laughter.] Senator Grassley. Well, I was about ready to tell you, even though I am close to Wisconsin, about all I think about is Madison and Milwaukee. Mr. Halkowski. There you go. Senator Grassley. And do not tell the Green Bay Packers. Mr. Halkowski. We all suffer with having to root for Green Bay. Senator Grassley. Now, to be a little more serious, the Federal Claims Court adjudicates cases across a broad range of subject matters. What experience do you have in tax refund suits, takings cases, Government contract cases, contract claims, or other claims that come before the Court? And if you do not have any experience, I am not asking that in a negative way. I just want to know how you feel you are prepared for it. Mr. Halkowski. Sure. Thank you again, Senator. I was fortunate to clerk at the Court starting out my legal career, so I actually had a bit of experience in a broad range of cases, including tax cases and Government contracts. I then went to the court of appeals and had, again, some experience with cases that are appealed from the Court of Federal Claims to the Federal Circuit. Next, I went to the Justice Department where I actually litigated many, many cases in front of the U.S. Court of Federal Claims, including takings cases and some breach of trust cases involving Native American claims. So I have a broad array of experience, and then most recently I have been in private practice and focused on intellectual property and patent claims, which, again, is a type of claim that is brought before the Court. There are, of course, some areas that I have less experience in, and those I would just simply dig in and work a bit harder on. Senator Grassley. During your time at Justice, you defended the Federal Government in cases where plaintiffs sought compensation under the Fifth Amendment for alleged uncompensated taking. How would you transition from defender of the Federal Government to a neutral arbitrator? Mr. Halkowski. Again, thank you, Senator. My focus as a judge, should I be fortunate enough to be confirmed, would be strict fidelity to the law and, again, respecting the parties that come before me and listening with an open mind and then applying the law as it is set forth by the Supreme Court as well as the Federal Circuit, and rendering a decision based on that and taking into account no other factor. Senator Grassley. You do not have any problem with that transition? Mr. Halkowski. I do not, Your Honor. I will say also that-- and maybe I was unusual. I do not know. But when I worked at the Justice Department, I always saw my role as not to win the case but to come up with an outcome that would render justice, because I felt as someone who was not only representing the Government but also representing the citizens, that would be appropriate. Senator Grassley. Last, congratulations to all of you. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Chairman Leahy. Thank you. And one of the questions you asked Justice Crawford made me think, and I am now being parochial as a Vermonter. You talked about our drug courts and basically diversion programs and so on. Has it not been our experience in Vermont that doing that rather than doing a one- size-fits-all in the court system has actually saved Vermont taxpayers a huge amount of money and it has kept a more productive society? Is that correct? Justice Crawford. I think that has been the case, Senator. Chairman Leahy. And looking at the budgets--oh, Senator Grassley. I am going to keep the hearing--no, no. I am going to keep the hearing record--I just wanted you to know I will keep the hearing record open until Friday. And now that you have all had this enormously tough grilling, we will stand in adjournment. Thank you very much. Justice Crawford. Thank you. Judge Firestone. Thank you. Ms. Griggsby. Thank you. Mr. Halkowski. Thank you. [Whereupon, at 10:40 a.m., the Committee was adjourned.] [Additional material submitted for the record follows.] A P P E N D I X Additional Material Submitted for the Record [GRAPHICS NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT] NOMINATIONS OF PAMELA HARRIS, NOMINEE TO BE CIRCUIT JUDGE FOR THE FOURTH CIRCUIT; HON. PAMELA PEPPER, NOMINEE TO BE DISTRICT JUDGE FOR THE EASTERN DISTRICT OF WISCONSIN; BRENDA K. SANNES, NOMINEE TO BE DISTRICT JUDGE FOR THE NORTHERN DISTRICT OF NEW YORK; PATRICIA M. McCARTHY, NOMINEE TO BE JUDGE OF THE COURT OF FEDERAL CLAIMS; AND HON. JERI KAYLENE SOMERS, NOMINEE TO BE JUDGE OF THE COURT OF FEDERAL CLAIMS ---------- TUESDAY, JUNE 24, 2014 United States Senate, Committee on the Judiciary, Washington, DC. The Committee met, pursuant to notice, at 10:18 a.m., in Room SD-226, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Chuck Schumer, presiding. Present: Senators Schumer, Coons, Blumenthal, Grassley, and Cruz. Senator Schumer. The hearing will come to order, and to help our colleagues get on with their busy schedules, Senator Grassley will put his opening statement in the record. [The prepared statement of Ranking Member Grassley appears as a submission for the record.] Senator Schumer. We will proceed immediately to Senator Mikulski of Maryland. PRESENTATION OF PAMELA HARRIS, NOMINEE TO BE CIRCUIT JUDGE FOR THE FOURTH CIRCUIT, BY HON. BARBARA A. MIKULSKI, A U.S. SENATOR FROM THE STATE OF MARYLAND Senator Mikulski. Good morning, Senator Schumer, Senator Grassley. Senator Cardin and I want to thank Senators Leahy and Grassley for scheduling this hearing and Senator Schumer for graciously agreeing to preside. Today Senator Cardin and I are delighted and honored to bring to your attention a nominee for the Fourth Circuit, Pamela Harris. You are really going to like Pamela Harris as you get to know her, and I hope we will get to vote for her. Senator Cardin and I recommended her to President Obama with the utmost confidence because of her ability, her talent, and her competence. The ABA agrees with us. They gave her the highest rating and said she was unanimously well qualified. Today, as we bring her to your attention, know that we take our advise-and-consent responsibility very seriously. I have four criteria: absolute integrity, judicial competence and temperament, a commitment to core principles of the Constitution, and a history of civic engagement in Maryland. Pamela Harris is the embodiment of these principles. She has dedicated her practice and her career to furthering the practice of appellate lawyer activity and enhancing the role that law plays in the public interest. She is an outstanding nominee and will be absolutely an asset to the Fourth Circuit. Ms. Harris' career spans academia, private practice, and Government with a common thread of public service and public commitment. We are proud to say that Ms. Harris is a homegrown girl. Although born in Connecticut, she has called Maryland her home since she was a child, graduating from our public schools and then she went on to Yale. We forgive her for that, but we welcomed her back when she came. At Yale, she received both her bachelor's and law degrees. She then went on to complete a clerkship for the D.C. Circuit Court, and she was also a clerk for Justice Stevens on the Supreme Court. Serving at the Department of Justice's Office of Legal Counsel, she then spent 10 years appearing on a regular basis before the Supreme Court. This is a woman who has extensive appellate experience while counsel and then partner to O'Melveny and Myers, taking on very complex issues. She has a distinguished career in academia, being a professor at the University of Pennsylvania Law School, at the Harvard Appellate Practice Clinic, and later at Georgetown. She served as the executive director of the Supreme Court Institute. But at the same time, she found her way back to Maryland and stayed very close to people. Whether it was a pro bono appellate clinic at O'Melveny, to work with Maryland's public defender on an amicus curiae brief involving Montgomery County Schools, or other activity, she has worked to enhance law, to give her services pro bono, and to work with people. I believe her temperament is such that you are going to find her a keen mind and yet a humble personality, unusual among many lawyers at that level, but she then is an unusual nominee. She comes with a great personal narrative that I know she will share with you, an incredible resume, but a real commitment to our Constitution and our core principles. I think she would be a great asset in the Fourth Circuit. So I hope that the Committee reports her favorably to the full Senate and we act on this expeditiously before we adjourn in November--in October. Senator Schumer. Thank you, Senator Mikulski. I got scared when you said November. [Laughter.] Senator Schumer. Senator Cardin. PRESENTATION OF PAMELA HARRIS, NOMINEE TO BE CIRCUIT JUDGE FOR THE FOURTH CIRCUIT, BY HON. BENJAMIN L. CARDIN, A U.S. SENATOR FROM THE STATE OF MARYLAND Senator Cardin. Chairman Schumer, Senator Grassley, thank you very much for the courtesy of allowing us to introduce Pam Harris. I am very proud to be a partner with Senator Mikulski in a process on judicial nominations in which we have an interview process where we try to get the very best to serve on our courts. And as a result of Senator Mikulski's leadership, I am very proud of the nominees that have been brought forward to this Committee by President Obama with the strong support of Senator Mikulski and myself. Pam Harris is an exceptional candidate. I have interviewed several candidates for judgeships. I do not think I have ever seen a person more suited and more qualified to sit on our appellate court than Pam Harris. She has devoted her entire career basically to appellate law and to understanding our judicial system. She is well qualified. She has worked in the executive branch. She has worked in Justice. She has worked for our courts as a clerk, as Senator Mikulski has pointed out. She is exceptionally well qualified with tremendous legal experience in Government, the private sector, and academia. She is an excellent Supreme Court litigator and in my view one of the best in the country for this type of practice. Ms. Harris has an appreciation for the rights and responsibilities of each branch of Government, having clerked at the Federal appellate courts, supervised policy initiatives at the Department of Justice. She has dedicated her career and professional life to improving the administration of justice as a public servant. She has demonstrated a commitment to protect civil rights and individual liberties through her pro bono work. Her roots are in Montgomery County, Maryland. She is an active member of her community, giving back to her local schools and volunteering in the community. Let me just tell you a little bit of background about her family because I think it is telling, because this truly is the American dream. Her grandmother was a Polish Jewish immigrant to the United States who valued education and worked hard to overcome personal adversity. Her mom put herself through law school with young children after a divorce and died from cancer a few years later. Ms. Harris herself relied in part on a Pell grant to attend college at Yale, and I understand that all of Ms. Harris' siblings are now lawyers. So it is safe to say that her family story and history is truly the American dream and the American experience, and the public service and seeking to uphold the rule of law runs in the blood of her family. You have heard Senator Mikulski talk about her extraordinary background, the law firms that she has worked for, her public career. Ms. Harris co-directed Harvard Law School's Supreme Court and Appellate Practice Clinic and was a visiting professor at Georgetown University Law School. In 2009, Ms. Harris was named the executive director of the Supreme Court Institute at Georgetown, serving as executive director until 2010. Ms. Harris then joined the Justice Department Office of Legal Policy where she served as the Principal Deputy Assistant Attorney General until returning to Georgetown in 2012. She is currently a visiting professor at Georgetown University Law Center and a senior adviser to the Supreme Court Institute. As Senator Mikulski pointed out, it is not surprising that she has been given the highest qualifications by the American Bar Association's Standing Committee on the Federal Judiciary. Let me just mention one or two other points, if I might. First, there is a letter--and I will ask these letters be made part of the record. Senator Schumer. Without objection. [The letters appear as submissions for the record.] Senator Cardin. They are from a long list of distinguished lawyers who have served in Republican and Democratic administrations who praise Pam Harris' qualifications and urge the Committee to quickly confirm--recommend confirmation of her appointment. She has taken hundreds of cases before the Federal Court of Appeals and the U.S. Supreme Court, and her practice has been pretty evenly divided between civil and criminal matters, so she understands both of them exceedingly well. She has experience also at the State court level, so she has the whole package. She has the experience, criminal, civil, private, public; she has an incredible career for pro bono work. So I personally want to thank her, and I want to thank her family for being willing to serve in this capacity. We know it is going to be a challenge as far as the demands that will be on her time, and we strongly recommend her confirmation. Senator Schumer. Thank you, Senator Cardin. And that completes the introductions for Pamela Harris. We have five members of the bench--and I understand you both have busy schedules, so feel free to go on to your business if you would prefer that. Senator Mikulski. Mr. Chairman, we ask unanimous consent that two letters of support--one from the list of bipartisan legal professionals supporting Ms. Harris--be entered into the record, and then a letter from the National Women's Law Center on her---- Senator Schumer. Without objection. [The letters appear as submissions for the record.] Senator Schumer. Okay. Good. Now we have five district court nominees to speak about. They are Brenda Sannes, of the Northern District of New York; Pamela Pepper, of the Eastern District of Wisconsin; Patricia McCarthy, of the Federal Court of Claims; and Jeri Somers, of the Federal Court of Claims. We will let our two guests--I want to say a few words about Ms. Sannes from the Northern District, but I will do that after our two guests say their words about Pamela Pepper. And I know that Senator Coons, who has graciously agreed to take over for me chairing this hearing, has some words to say about Patricia McCarthy and Jeri Somers. So if that is okay with everyone, we will go Johnson, Baldwin, Schumer, Coons. Senator Ron Johnson, of Wisconsin. PRESENTATION OF HON. PAMELA PEPPER, NOMINEE TO BE DISTRICT JUDGE FOR THE EASTERN DISTRICT OF WISCONSIN, BY HON. RON JOHNSON, A U.S. SENATOR FROM THE STATE OF WISCONSIN Senator Johnson. Thank you, Chairman Schumer, Ranking Member Grassley, Members of the Committee. I am here to recommend to the Committee another Pam, the Honorable Pamela Pepper, to be the United States District Judge for the Eastern District of Wisconsin. Pam has served with distinction as the current chief judge of the United States Bankruptcy Court for the Eastern District of Wisconsin. Although not native to our State, she has set down deep roots in Wisconsin, first serving in the office of the United States Attorney for the Eastern District of Wisconsin, followed by private practice in Milwaukee, and finally serving 9 years as a bankruptcy court judge. Pam was born in the Delta of Mississippi in a town called Leland. Her parents were both teachers and instilled in her an intellectual curiosity which has been apparent throughout her career. She migrated north for college and attended Northwestern University in Chicago, where she received a degree in theater. After helping a friend get through the LSAT review course, she realized she might want to explore other careers and ended up taking the LSAT herself. She obviously had prepared herself well because she performed well on the LSAT and was accepted into Cornell University School of Law. Senator Schumer. An excellent school, I might add. [Laughter.] Senator Johnson. Apparently. After graduation, she clerked with distinction for Judge Frank Johnson on the Eleventh Circuit Court of Appeals and then moved on to become a prosecutor in the United States Attorney's Office in Chicago. Pam is widely respected within the profession, evidenced by having held offices as the president of the Milwaukee Bar Association and the chairperson of the Board of Governors of the State Bar of Wisconsin. She is an instructor of national stature and speaks frequently on trial practice and evidence. She is currently an instructor at the Federal Judicial Center. I have had the opportunity to speak to practitioners that have appeared before her bankruptcy court. They have told me of her patience with attorneys, which is a virtue of hers they all value. Pam possesses a great sense of humor, which she often uses to put litigants at ease. She displays compassion in making tough decisions by explaining the rationale for those decisions clearly so her reasoning is understood by all. She has shown great dexterity in reacting to difficult situations in court with calm reasoning. Finally, Pam has been described as a practical judge who promptly resolves disputes while faithfully adhering to the rule of law. Pam's intellectual curiosity, her demonstrated ability to learn new areas of the law, and efficiently administer her office has convinced me she would continue to excel in a new role as a Federal district court judge. Judge Pepper has my full support, and I am happy to recommend her to the Senate for swift confirmation. I would like to conclude my remarks by thanking the hard- working members of our bipartisan nomination commission for their dedication and efforts. I would also like to thank Senator Baldwin for her continued support of this successful nominating process that has once again resulted in the selection of a well-qualified jurist, Judge Pamela Pepper, who will serve the Nation and the people of Wisconsin's Eastern District well. Thank you. Senator Schumer. Thank you, and I thank both you and Senator Baldwin for your bipartisan efforts in this area. Senator Baldwin. PRESENTATION OF HON. PAMELA PEPPER, NOMINEE TO BE DISTRICT JUDGE FOR THE EASTERN DISTRICT OF WISCONSIN, BY HON. TAMMY BALDWIN, A U.S. SENATOR FROM THE STATE OF WISCONSIN Senator Baldwin. Thank you, Chairman Schumer, Ranking Member Grassley, Senator Coons, and all other Members of the Committee who may be here today. It gives me great pleasure to appear before you this morning to introduce Judge Pamela Pepper, the President's nominee for the United States District Court for the Eastern District of Wisconsin. And I am proud to speak before you for the second time this year in support of a highly qualified individual nominated to fill a judicial vacancy in my home State of Wisconsin. Ensuring that the people of Wisconsin are supported by dedicated public servants in our judicial system has been a top priority of mine since I joined the Senate last year, and I am proud of the work that my colleague Senator Johnson and I have done together to advance this important goal. Judge Pamela Pepper has had a distinguished career as a judge, a Federal prosecutor, public defender, and an attorney in private practice, and I applaud the President for nominating her. She will continue her outstanding service on the bench, and the people of Wisconsin will benefit from having this experienced and dedicated public servant as a U.S. district judge. Pamela Pepper has served as the chief bankruptcy judge for the Eastern District of Wisconsin since 2010 and has served as bankruptcy judge on that court since 2005. Judge Pepper has also contributed significantly to the field of bankruptcy as a leader in the National Conference of Bankruptcy Judges and the American Bankruptcy Institute, and as associate editor for the American Bankruptcy Law Journal. Before assuming her position as a bankruptcy judge, Pamela Pepper spent 8 years as a solo practitioner engaged in criminal defense work, including through appointments by the Wisconsin State Public Defender Service and the Federal Defender Service of Wisconsin. Judge Pepper began her legal career in public service working for 7 years as a Federal prosecutor in the U.S. Attorney's Offices in Chicago and then in Milwaukee, Wisconsin. Prior to assuming her role on the bankruptcy court, Judge Pepper also held numerous leadership positions in the legal community, including with the Board of Directors of the Federal Defender Service of Wisconsin, the State Bar of Wisconsin, and the Eastern District of Wisconsin Bar Association, and the Milwaukee Bar Association. As you heard, Judge Pepper received her J.D. from Cornell, where she was an editor in the Cornell Law Review and a winner of the Sutherland Moot Court competition. From 1989 to 1990, she was a law clerk to the Honorable Frank J. Johnson, Jr., of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Eleventh Circuit. Judge Pepper lives in Shorewood, Wisconsin, with her son, Leland, who I am delighted joins us here today. Senator Johnson and I strongly support Judge Pepper's nomination to the U.S. District Court for the Eastern District of Wisconsin, and I urge this Committee and the entire Senate to confirm her expeditiously. Senator Schumer. Thank you, Senator Baldwin, and I thank you and Senator Johnson for being here. I know you two have busy schedules, so we understand if you cannot stay to listen to the rest of the proceedings. Now I am going to read my remarks about Brenda K. Sannes of the Northern District, and then I will turn the gavel over to Senator Coons, who has graciously agreed to continue chairing this panel, and I believe he has remarks for Patricia McCarthy and Jeri Somers. Then we will, at Senator Grassley's request, first do the circuit court judge nominee, Pamela Harris, and then do the four district court nominees--Ms. Sannes, Ms. Pepper, Ms. McCarthy, and Ms. Somers. Four women, excellent. Okay, five women altogether. Yes, that is very good. PRESENTATION OF BRENDA K. SANNES, NOMINEE TO BE DISTRICT JUDGE FOR THE NORTHERN DISTRICT OF NEW YORK, BY HON. CHUCK SCHUMER, A U.S. SENATOR FROM THE STATE OF NEW YORK Senator Schumer. Good morning, and I want to thank Ranking Member Grassley for being here, and I want to thank Senator Coons, who I said a moment ago has graciously agreed to chair the hearing--he has many good qualities, and graciousness is indeed one of them--and for all our witnesses. Now, I could not be more pleased to come before the Committee today to introduce my 20th nominee to the Federal district court bench in New York, Brenda K. Sannes. Ms. Sannes is the very model of a Federal judge in both qualification and temperament. Ms. Sannes passes my three-part test for becoming a Federal judge within an A-plus, a grade that she appears to have received at every juncture in her career. Indeed, my first criteria is excellence, to be legally excellent, not a political hack or anything like that. Ms. Sannes earned her B.A. magna cum laude from Carleton College and her law degree, also magna cum laude--it is too bad our two witnesses are gone--from the University of Wisconsin Law School, where she was articles editor of the Law Review. After graduating, Ms. Sannes clerked for the renowned Judge Jerome Farris of the United States Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit. She settled first in Los Angeles, where she worked as a litigation associate with the law firm of Wyman, Bautzer, Christensen, Kuchel and Silvert, and then moved to the U.S. Attorney's Office for the Central District of California. But, fortunately for central New York and for upstate New York, Ms. Sannes next moved to Syracuse where, since 1988, she has dedicated her talents to our Nation's service as Assistant U.S. Attorney for the Northern District of New York. Most recently, her work as head of the appellate division there has earned her the respect and accolades of judges all over the Second Circuit. Along the way, Ms. Sannes has received awards that are literally too numerous to mention here. By way of example, she has been lauded by the FBI, the L.A. Police Department, the U.S. Postal Inspection Service, and the Organized Crime Drug Enforcement Task Force. Ms. Sannes' experience in public service has helped her to meet my second important qualification for becoming a judge: moderation. I do not like ideologues on the bench, far left or far right, because they tend to--they often impose their views rather than interpret the law. Talk to anyone who has practiced law with her or judges before whom she has appeared or even counsel who have been on opposing sides of cases from her. They will tell you she is unerringly fair, listens intently, makes reasonable decisions, and presents only the most solid argument in her cases. And not only has she dedicated herself and her entire career to public service, she has found time to mentor young lawyers and teach and lecture aspiring lawyers on a host of criminal justice issues. Finally, all other things being equal, I look for diversity in candidates on the bench. I think it is important that the communities served by our Federal judges see judges who are like them and whose values and experiences are likely to reflect their own. Ms. Sannes will be only the second female judge in the history of the Northern District of New York, one whose arrival will be welcome not just by women, of course, but by everyone who values the quality and fairness of the Federal judiciary. I was proud to nominate the first woman nominee to the bench in the Northern District, and now I am equally proud to nominate the second. In fact, Ms. Sannes' entire family reflects the great community that they come from. Here today with her is her husband, Steve Clymer, and he has earned very high marks for his service in the U.S. Attorney's Office in the Northern District of New York. She is also accompanied by her sons Matthew, 19, a physics major at Cornell--as I mentioned, a great institution--Samuel, who is 16; and Benjamin, who is 10. I am told that Ben will be missing his second to last day of school, which is Movie Day, to be here with his mother. I hope they are showing a good legal movie, you know, like ``The Last Angry Man,'' or I do not know, some legal movies or other. Anyway, I am not going to pretend that this is going to be better than a movie, but I do think that, Ben, you will remember it a lot longer. I know you are all very proud of your wife and your mother, and I am pleased to have you all here today. With that, I am going to call on the gracious Senator Coons to chair the hearing and to make two introductions. Senator Coons [presiding]. Thank you very much, Senator Schumer, Senator Grassley. Let me, if I might, just conclude the introductions for our panel today. It is to me impressive that we have five such exceptional nominees with a wealth of experience, and I applaud my colleagues for making progress in continuing to fill the vacancies in our Federal judiciary. We do have 61 current vacancies, and although we have made progress in the past few months, we still have much work to do. Seven percent of the Federal bench remains vacant, and this is an important step toward filling those vacancies. Today's nomination hearing is also a key step toward making our Federal judiciary more diverse. This is the first all- female judicial nomination hearing in over a decade and the first such hearing ever with five female nominees. Let me, if I might, continue to introduce the remaining two nominees for today. Patricia McCarthy, a nominee to the United States Court of Federal Claims, and since 1994, Patricia has served in the Commercial Litigation Branch of the Civil Division of the United States Department of Justice, where she currently serves as Assistant Director. Prior to Government service, Ms. McCarthy worked as an associate at Bingham, Dana and Gould in Boston from 1989 to 1994. Born in Medford, Massachusetts, she received her B.A. cum laude from Colby College and her J.D. from Cornell Law School, about which we have already heard a great deal. [Laughter.] Senator Coons. Our last nominee today is Jeri Kaylene Somers, who is nominated to the United States Court of Federal Claims. Since 2008, Judge Somers has been Vice Chair of the United States Civilian Board of Contract Appeals where she formerly served as a board judge. She is also currently a lecturer in law at George Washington University Law School. For the first 21 years of her legal career, she also served as a judge advocate and a military judge in the United States Air Force. Born in Wichita, Kansas, Judge Somers earned her B.A. from George Mason University and earned her J.D. from the American University Washington College of Law. Now, by prior agreement, we will move now to nominee Pamela Harris for the Fourth Circuit Court of Appeals. Ms. Harris, if you will come forward and, following the tradition of this Committee, be sworn. Please stand and raise your right hand. Do you solemnly swear that the testimony you are about to give to the Committee will be the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, so help you God? Ms. Harris. I do. Senator Coons. Thank you. Let the record show the nominee has answered in the affirmative. Please be seated. I would now like to invite you, Ms. Harris, to give an opening statement and feel free to recognize loved ones and supporters who may be with you today as well. STATEMENT OF PAMELA HARRIS, NOMINEE TO BE CIRCUIT JUDGE FOR THE FOURTH CIRCUIT Ms. Harris. Thank you, Senator Coons, and thank you for chairing this hearing. I would like to thank Chairman Leahy and Ranking Member Grassley and the entire Committee for its consideration. It is a great honor for me to be here today, and I appreciate it. I also would like to thank Senator Mikulski and Senator Cardin for their exceptionally kind introductions and for their support. And, finally, I would like to thank my family and my friends who are here today, and if I may just briefly introduce my family. Senator Coons. Please. Ms. Harris. I have my cousin, Lauren Kline, with her husband, Andrew, and daughter, Becca. Lauren is just a few years older than me, but that is old enough to make her the matriarch of our family. So she is here also representing my entire extended family. I also have my brother, Geoffrey Harris, and my two sisters, Elizabeth Harris and Tiffany Harris. And as has been mentioned already, all three of them are lawyers as well because all of us followed in the footsteps of my mother, Ellen Harris, who went to school at night to become a lawyer and then did become a lawyer while she was raising the four of us as a single parent. Her dedication and her integrity as a lawyer were an inspiration, and I know that she would be very proud of us today. Finally, I have my husband, Austin Schlick, and my two children: Henry, who is 15, and Ellen, who is 13. My family is the joy of my life, and I am very happy that they are here today. And, with that, I am very happy to answer your questions. [The biographical information of Ms. Harris appears as a submission for the record.] Senator Coons. Thank you very much, Ms. Harris. We will begin with 5-minute rounds. First, would you just start by describing for us your judicial philosophy? Ms. Harris. Senator, I do not have an overarching judicial philosophy. I believe that the role of a judge is to decide cases through impartial application of law and precedent. It is a limited role. Judges do not make law. But it is an important role. What they do is they decide the concrete disputes in front of them with attention to particular facts, attention to the arguments of the parties and their briefs, and, again, by applying law and precedent to those facts. And that is the only philosophy I would take with me if I were confirmed. Senator Coons. You have had a distinguished career, as mentioned by the two Senators who introduced you, as an appellate litigator, as an academic professor and scholar at three of our Nation's leading law schools, and you have helped to found and lead prominent law and policy organizations. During your career you have been able to advocate for and publish your views on a very wide range of legal issues. If confirmed to the Fourth Circuit, how would your prior advocacy influence your judging? Ms. Harris. It would not, Senator. I understand these as being very, very different roles. I think that as an advocate, your position is essentially given to you. You start with a position that benefits your clients, and then from there you develop the best, reasonable legal arguments that can be made on your client's behalf. I think as a judge the role is entirely different. You start with neutral, careful, fair consideration of the law, and then you apply it to the facts in front of you without regard to how it affects any particular party. So I do think of them as very different roles. Senator Coons. And I would agree. Over the course of your private practice, you have helped to defend a wide range of issues in your advocacy, for example, compulsory arbitration agreements in the employment context. You have argued on behalf of Mobil Corporation, plaintiffs injured by Mobil-produced asbestos ought not to be able to pursue their claims through mass adjudication. These positions are quite in contrast to some of the other advocacy organizations you have been involved in. But I would wager that you are able to resolve that tension in some way going forward. Would you help us understand how you would distinguish between positions taken on behalf of clients and positions taken on behalf of policy organizations, and how you would view different sources as you move toward being a judge? Ms. Harris. Senator, with respect to my representations of clients when I was at O'Melveny and Myers, where I worked for 10 years as an appellate and Supreme Court litigator, I took positions based on what was best for my client, and that was true whether they were some of the corporate and business interests you have identified, whether they were indigent individuals, organizational pro bono clients. I took those positions without regard to any personal views I might have had on the matter. I think the through line there is that, of course, as a judge I would fairly and impartially apply precedent, again, without regard to any personal views I might have on any matter, and without regard to any advocacy positions I might have taken on behalf of clients. Senator Coons. Thank you. While in private practice, you did establish an admirable cooperative program between O'Melveny and Myers and the Maryland Office of the Public Defender, through which the firm provides pro bono appellate representation to indigent defendants in Maryland State court. What led you to do that? And what role do you think judges broadly should have in ensuring access to justice? Ms. Harris. Senator, access to justice has been an animating value of my entire career. I just think the appellate process works best and appellate judges depend on vigorous advocacy on both sides of the issue. The whole system depends on the idea that the best arguments will be put forward on both sides of the argument regardless of a client's ability to pay and regardless of any other issues. I was happy to help found that partnership with the Maryland Public Defender's Office, in part because Maryland is my home State and I was always looking for ways to contribute in Maryland, and in part because I believe so deeply in this value that people must be represented before the courts because that is how the courts work best. Senator Coons. A last question, if I might. You have spoken publicly and litigated cases that advanced the cause of diversity, in particular diversity in education. Speak a bit, if you would, about your views on the importance of diversity in the Federal bench as well and how you think that impacts the functioning of the judicial system and access to justice. Ms. Harris. I think as a general matter, if the courts broadly reflect the diversity of the litigants who come before them, that is good for the courts. I think it helps encourage public confidence in the courts. It helps a sense of legitimacy about the courts. I also think that having a broad range of judges can provide valuable role models for young students--I see this all the time with my own law students--for other young people considering professional careers. Senator Coons. Thank you very much, Ms. Harris, for your answer. Senator Grassley. Senator Grassley. I am well aware of the answers to your first two or three questions of Senator Coons, and I respect that answer. I think my line of questioning will be along the lines of some things you have said in the past and how they seem to be inconsistent with your view of judging. In a Washington Post article on same-sex marriage issues, you are quoted as saying, ``Justice Kennedy should be changing the same way the whole country is changing''--regarding same- sex marriage. First question: Why do you believe a Supreme Court Justice should change his or her views and, therefore, judicial interpretation based upon public sentiment if we have a judiciary that is supposed to do what you just said, apply precedent and fact to deciding the case? Ms. Harris. Senator, thank you for that question. I am happy to have an opportunity to clarify. That was a comment I made to a journalist. I am often asked as a Supreme Court litigator to sort of opine and speculate about issues before the Court. I would never suggest that a Justice of the Supreme Court or any judge should change his or her opinions based on public opinion. That is not the way I view the role of a judge. I am confident it is not the way Justice Kennedy views his role or any other judge views his or her role. When we talk as commentators about the individual views of Justices, we are usually talking about their written record as it has developed through their majority opinions, their separate writings. And what I was doing in that comment is likely I had been talking about Justice Kennedy's distinct record on issues involving classifications based on sexual orientation and predicting where those legal views might bring him in future cases. Senator Grassley. Okay. In the same interview, you also stated that you thought ``the tide of history is going one way,'' and that you did not think that--well that is the end of that part of the quote--and that you did not think that the Justices ``wanted to be on the wrong side of that.'' Do you believe it is appropriate for a judge to consider which ``side of history'' their judicial interpretation should be? Ms. Harris. Again, no, Senator, I do not. And I did not mean to suggest that. I think there is another sentence in the article that makes clear, the context makes clear that what I was talking about was a notion of judicial restraint that courts, the Supreme Court, might want to be especially cautious on social issues when the political branches and political institutions sort of deeply and rapidly engaged in those issues, that the courts might want to take small steps, not take big steps, and leave as much as possible to the democratic process. Senator Grassley. In 2013, you moderated a panel on the Supreme Court's upcoming term during which you said, ``The Constitution evolves. It has to keep pace with changes in the factual predicates. And, yes, our readings of constitutional provisions ought to change and evolve in light of circumstances on the ground like that.'' Before I ask a question, I would like to say that you have been very clear on your views of the Constitution. We know where you stand. But I would like to know how you intend to decide what changed particular societal circumstances you will consider, if confirmed. Let me say it this way: It is clear from your writings and speeches that you are talking about shifting public opinion rather than simply technological advances. For example, in the introduction of a book, ``It Is a Constitution We Are Expounding,'' you wrote, ``Justice Brennan explores the importance of the judge's obligation to speak for the community, the current community, in interpreting the Constitution.'' You have also discussed what you call ``constitutional legitimacy coming from social movements.'' The problem with this view is that it tends--or it leads to a judge's imposing personal views into cases. Justice Scalia expressed it this way well in dissent regarding the Eighth Amendment, writing, ``Of course, the risk of assessing evolving standards is that it is all too easy to believe that evolution has culminated in one's own views.'' Once you start considering shifting public opinion, you are essentially reducing constitutional interpretation to public poll. So assuming you will interpret the Constitution in a way that all of your writing suggests--and I know the answers to Senator Coons suggest otherwise--how do you intend to guard against imposing your own views as opposed to what you view as shifting public opinion? Ms. Harris. Senator, let me start by saying that as a Supreme Court litigator and appellate litigator, as someone who has specialized in preparing other advocates for their arguments before the Court, I always have been keenly aware of the boundaries of judicial decisionmaking. And as a litigator, every argument I ever advanced took as its starting point the methodologies that have been used by the Supreme Court and the lower courts and the methodologies that have been approved by those courts. That is how I have conducted my career. In terms of some of the other comments you have raised, I do not believe that it is the view of a judge ever to import his or her own personal values into judicial decisionmaking. In cases in which the Court has looked to things, to social conditions, things like that, what the Court--and, again, I would follow the Court's precedent on this. What they have looked to is objective indicia of such things. They have looked to State laws. They have looked at common law. They have looked at practices in the States. I am aware of no account of legitimate judicial decisionmaking that has judges either taking public opinion polls or using their own personal preferences to decide cases. Senator Grassley. My time is up. I would submit some more questions for answer in writing. Ms. Harris. Of course. Senator Grassley. I would appreciate a response, and sometimes if you raise questions with your answers to us, sometimes we followup. So do not expect--or, I mean, expect some questions. Ms. Harris. Of course, Senator. [The questions of Ranking Member Grassley appears as a submission for the record.] Senator Grassley. Thank you. Senator Coons. Thank you, Senator Grassley. Senator Blumenthal. Senator Blumenthal. Thanks, Mr. Chairman. Thank you for your service in the past, and your willingness to do it in the future, and thanks to your family as well for supporting you. You have an extraordinary career, a career of distinction and dedication to public service. And with anyone who has served or written or done things over the course of public life, obviously there are things that you can say could be misinterpreted, could be interpreted in different ways. And I would like to ask you about one point in particular. In your questionnaire to the Committee, you submitted letters that you sent in support of President Bush's, George Bush's judicial nominees: Judge Brett Kavanaugh for the United States Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit and Judge Neil Gorsuch for the Tenth Circuit. And in one of those letters, you stated that you are sometimes in disagreement with Judge Gorsuch on political matters, and I assume the same could be said of Judge Kavanaugh. Ms. Harris. Yes, it could. Senator Blumenthal. And given those opposing views on political issues--and some on this panel may disagree with you on some political issues--what led you to support them as nominees to the court of appeals? Ms. Harris. Senator, I supported them as nominees because I think judging has nothing to do with politics. I was very confident that both of those nominees would put to one side any political views they might have in judging the issues that came before them and that they would approach those issues with an open mind, impartially, and base their rulings on law and precedent. I do not think politics are relevant. I would do exactly the same thing if I were confirmed that I was so sure those two nominees would do. Senator Blumenthal. And that is really one of the key points here, is it not? That a nominee's past political views ought not to shape his or her service on the court and ought not determine the outcome of our decisions here, because we want to look to the qualifications and the willingness of a nominee to put those past views aside. And I believe that you would. That would certainly be your goal. Ms. Harris. Yes, Senator, that is right. As a litigator for so many years in private practice, I always had full confidence, when I came to a court, that those judges would be deciding the cases on the law, that they would approach the briefs and arguments with an open mind, fairly and impartially. It is the cornerstone of the system, and I would be honored to do the same if I were confirmed. Senator Blumenthal. And you have been a prolific writer going back to your days on the Yale Daily News. Ms. Harris. Yes. Senator Blumenthal. Some of us regret what we may have written on school newspapers in the past when it is presented to us years or decades later. But I assume that you would follow the law and attempt to conform your views to what the U.S. Supreme Court says the law is. Ms. Harris. Senator, I would conform my views to what the U.S. Supreme Court says the law is. Senator Blumenthal. Tell me, in the short time I have remaining, the Georgetown University Law Center's Supreme Court Institute, which you have headed, is a real resource for anyone who advocates before the Supreme Court. I do not think I have ever used it, but I have heard a lot of great things about it. As executive director of the institute, how did you determine who participates in the program? Ms. Harris. Senator, the institute runs on a strictly nonpartisan basis, on a first-come/first-served basis. We prepare advocates for their arguments before the Supreme Court without regard to the position being taken, without regard to the nature of the client. The commitment really is to the appellate process, to ensuring that the best legal arguments are presented on either side of the issue to the Supreme Court. Senator Blumenthal. And one reason why that is important is that the courts make better decisions when both sides are represented ably. Is that---- Ms. Harris. That is the entire value behind the Supreme Court Institute, that it is a matter of assisting the Court by ensuring that the best possible legal arguments are presented. Senator Blumenthal. And your goal, one of your goals, to the extent that you are able to do so, I hope would be to assure that both sides of an argument are represented ably before your court. Ms. Harris. Absolutely, Senator. Senator Blumenthal. Thank you. Ms. Harris. And I would give full and careful respect to both sides as they represent it. Senator Blumenthal. Thank you. I appreciate your very helpful answers to my questions. My time has expired. Ms. Harris. Thank you. Senator Blumenthal. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Senator Coons. Thank you, Senator Blumenthal. And Senator Blumenthal is going to take
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https://www.inquirer.com/philly/news/20160501_Political_consultant_William_R__Miller_IV__68__dies.html
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Political consultant William R. Miller IV, 68, dies
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2016-04-30T17:01:00-04:00
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William R. Miller IV, 68, founder of a public relations firm and longtime player in city politics who helped shape political campaigns, died Saturday of complications from a stroke.
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https://www.inquirer.com/philly/news/20160501_Political_consultant_William_R__Miller_IV__68__dies.html
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William R. Miller IV, 68, founder of a public relations firm and longtime player in city politics who helped shape political campaigns, died Saturday of complications from a stroke.
Mr. Miller, who lived in East Mount Airy, died at Abington Memorial Hospital, said his daughter, Darisha. "I am definitely going to miss him. I'm a daddy's girl."
For several decades, Mr. Miller helped guide the political aspirations of some of the biggest names in city politics and helped elect W. Wilson Goode Jr. as the first black mayor.
"He became the architect of my field operation and my campaign for mayor in 1983 and led us to a historic victory," Goode said. "He was a detailed strategist who did his homework well."
Mayor Kenney said, "Bill was a political fixture. He will be missed and my thoughts are with his friends and family."
Mr. Miller supported Sen. Anthony Hardy Williams in his failed bid for mayor against Kenney. He also worked for Marty Weinberg, the biggest spender in the Democratic primary for mayor in 1999.
"It's a tremendous loss for Philadelphia. He was a real giant when it came to the community and Philadelphia politics," said District Attorney Seth Williams. "I would not be the district attorney if it were not for him."
Mr. Miller's son was behind Seth Williams' campaign for district attorney in 2008, but the father was the "man on the mountain you had to go to talk to," Williams recalled.
"He was just a tremendous role model of what an African American role model should be," Williams said. "When Mr. Miller talked, you wanted to listen."
In 1981, Mr. Miller founded Ross Associates, a public relations and communications firm whose clients included politicians as well as corporations and government agencies, including the Philadelphia School District.
In 2001, his firm landed one of the first contracts with the newly formed School Reform Commission as a communications consultant. Education was his passion, said his daughter, who followed in his footsteps and worked as his publicist for 14 years.
Mr. Miller spent 20 years in city government under several administrations. Under Mayor William J. Green, Mr. Miller established a task force to increase minority hiring in the police department.
A senior consultant to the state Democratic Party, Mr. Miller led the state delegation to the Democratic National Convention in San Francisco in 1984.
He was a founding board member of the African American Chamber of Commerce of Philadelphia and cofounder of the Advisory Commission on African American Affairs under Gov. Robert Casey. He was a former trustee of the Free Library of Philadelphia.
Mr. Miller was a member of Kappa Alpha Psi Fraternity and Enon Tabernacle Baptist Church.
He had gone into "semiretirement" in recent years, but remained very active, his daughter said. "He cared about everybody. He always wanted a better quality of life for Philadelphia."
Born in West Philadelphia, one of five children, Mr. Miller graduated from Overbrook High. After serving in the Air Force, he earned a bachelor's degree from St. Joseph's University and a master's in government administration from the University of Pennsylvania.
Funeral arrangements were pending Saturday.
In addition to his daughter, Mr. Miller is survived by his wife of 47 years, Linda; a son, William V; a daughter-in-law; three grandchildren, and two sisters.
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https://www.nbcphiladelphia.com/news/local/before-35th-anniversary-of-move-bombing-ex-philly-mayor-has-regrets/2392117/
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en
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Ex-Philly Mayor Has Regrets 35 Years After Deadly MOVE Bombing
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2020-05-11T15:35:04-04:00
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W. Wilson Goode Sr. wrote that a formal apology from the city “would be helpful for the healing of all involved.”
|
en
|
NBC10 Philadelphia
|
https://www.nbcphiladelphia.com/news/local/before-35th-anniversary-of-move-bombing-ex-philly-mayor-has-regrets/2392117/
|
The former Philadelphia mayor who led the city 3 1/2 decades ago when police dropped a bomb on a row house and caused an inferno that killed 11 people and destroyed more than 60 homes is calling for a formal apology from the city for the tragedy.
Former mayor W. Wilson Goode Sr. said in an op-ed Sunday in the British newspaper the Guardian that “after 35 years it would be helpful for the healing of all involved, especially the victims of this terrible event."
“Many in the city still feel the pain of that day," he said. “I know I will always feel the pain."
Goode, the city’s first black mayor, led Philadelphia in 1985 when the city clashed with members of MOVE, a radical, black back-to-nature group. It culminated in the May 13 bombing of MOVE headquarters, which engulfed a city block in flames. Five children were among the 11 people who died.
“There can never be an excuse for dropping an explosive from a helicopter on to a house with men, women and children inside and then letting the fire burn,” wrote Goode, who served from 1984 to 1992.
Goode said he “was not personally involved in all the decisions that resulted in 11 deaths," but took responsibility as chief executive of the city and issued what he called his fourth public apology. He said he was “ultimately responsible" for the actions of those he appointed “even though I knew nothing about their specific plan of action."
William Richmond, fire commissioner at the time, said in 2010 that the fire which spread down the block was not extinguished immediately after the bomb because officials were worried that firefighters could face gunfire, and thought it would destroy a bunker and help get people out of the house. Goode said he ordered the fire to be put out, but Richmond said he never received such an order.
One of the survivors, Ramona Africa, alleged that police opened fire on MOVE members trying to flee the burning home.
MOVE members rejected the apology idea Sunday, characterizing it as an insincere ploy.
“No apology is going to bring back my baby or any of the children in that house or our brothers, husbands, sisters" or other victims, Sue Africa said.
In September 2018, Goode defended his legacy against shouting protesters as the city named a west Philadelphia street in his honor, saying he accepted responsibility but adding, “You will not define me by one day of my life. I am more than that.”
“Why shouldn’t he be judged on one day, especially since 11 people were murdered?” Sue Africa said Sunday.
Janine Africa, who was one of nine MOVE members sentenced to between 30 and 100 years in prison in the 1978 shooting death of Officer James Ramp, maintains her innocence but said she and other MOVE members were judged on alleged actions of one day.
“I did 41 years for one day, and they never proved I killed anyone,” she said. MOVE members have said they believe that Ramp was shot accidentally by another officer.
“They lied then, they’re lying now, and we know the apology is a lie,” she said.
Former Gov. Ed Rendell, who succeeded Goode as mayor and as district attorney prosecuted MOVE members, told The Philadelphia Inquirer that he now regrets his handling of the prosecution of some members. He said if he had to do it over again, he would have offered those who weren't leaders plea deals that included less severe sentences.
“I followed the law, but the prosecutor always has the discretion to use their judgment,” Rendell said. “For what they did compared to what some other people do in Philadelphia, they served far too much time.”
“If they had to do it over again," Janine Africa said of the events on the day of the bombing, “they would do the same thing if they thought they could get away with it."
Current mayor Jim Kenney was asked about the letter in his news conference Monday. He said the city would not be apologizing "again" for the incident.
"If you read Mayor Goode's letter, it says he apologized in 1985," Kenney said. "...That's already been done."
A cohort of City Council members issued their own apology for the incident Wednesday, the 35th anniversary, saying "there are echoes of the MOVE bombing that persist in Philadelphia's police-community relations."
Later this year, the 11 of 17 council members plan to formalize the apology with a resolution.
"The City has worked to rebuild the properties, and to provide monetary compensation to former homeowners along with the MOVE organization," the statement says. "However, that is not the same as a genuine apology that recognizes the massive failure in leadership that took place that day."
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2018-06-13T14:08:38+00:00
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The office of Mayor of Philadelphia has reflected the social makeup of municipal politics and fights over the rightful place of executive authority.
|
en
|
Encyclopedia of Greater Philadelphia
|
https://philadelphiaencyclopedia.org/essays/mayors-philadelphia/
|
Essay
The Philadelphia mayoralty, almost as old as the city itself, has changed markedly since its inception. When the post was created in the eighteenth century, citizens put up their own money in order to avoid having to serve. By the early 2000s, in contrast, candidates and supportive political action committees poured millions into mayoral elections. Tracing the office’s transformation offers insights into the social makeup of municipal politics, battles between party regulars and reformers, and long fights over the rightful place of executive authority in city government.
William Penn’s city charter of 1701 granted a measure of self-government to Philadelphia but left little room for energetic activity on the part of the mayor. Mayors served one-year terms and were elected by aldermen, who held their positions for life. The position was not particularly appealing. Although some of the province’s leading men–among them Penn’s colonial secretary James Logan (1674-1751; in office 1722-23)–occupied the mayor’s seat, finding willing volunteers sometimes proved so difficult that the corporation resorted to fining aldermen who refused to serve. In 1747, Anthony Morris even fled the city to avoid the job, and the fines levied on refuseniks boosted the city treasury. Such reluctance to take up the post is understandable. Until the mid-eighteenth century, the mayoralty was unsalaried, yet often involved great personal expense in terms of time and money. The mayor accrued some appointive, regulatory, and judicial powers, but was really first among equals with the aldermen. When the colonial city charter came to an end in 1776 and Philadelphia came under the authority of the state government, the position ceased to exist. Its passing does not seem to have been lamented.
The new city charter of 1789 opened elements of city government to citizens’ control and re-created the role of mayor. Unlike its near contemporary, the federal Constitution, the charter did not establish a clear separation of powers, as the mayor (elected indirectly from the aldermen) retained a seat in Council. In 1796, however, legislators established a clearer division between the branches of municipal government, with the popularly elected councils choosing a mayor from a Board of Aldermen appointed by the governor. The mayor’s appointive powers grew and he retained his judicial role. But councils undermined his executive authority by creating committees to run city services like water and gas.
Lawyers and Merchants
Philadelphia’s mayors in the Early Republic tended to be drawn from the upper ranks of society. Lawyers and merchants were the most frequent occupants of the post, and if few came from the city’s so-called “first families,” they were occasionally of high rank. One example is George Mifflin Dallas (1792-1864; in office 1828-9), who was the son of a secretary of the treasury, and later became vice president of the United States. But Dallas’s subsequent political success marks an exception among mayors of the period. While many citizens who held the office had served on city councils or on one of the municipal trusts, few were career politicians. The relatively weak powers of the mayor provided little of the patronage needed to cultivate political alliances.
Mayors nevertheless played their part in the party conflict of the era. Federalists and American Republicans vied for mayorships in the Early National era; by the mid-1830s Democrats and Whigs fought over the position. Like many offices in Jacksonian America, the mayoralty was opened to direct election, but the 1839 reform did not change the social background of incumbents, who continued to hail from the upper ranks of society. Take for example Richard Vaux (1816-95; in office 1856-8), the son of an eminent Quaker philanthropist, and a man who danced with Queen Victoria at her coronation. But if mayors rarely sprang from the “common men” themselves, they often played their part in the era’s popular politics. John Swift (1790-1873; in office 1832-38, 1839-41, 1845-49), a Whig whose twelve terms straddled the introduction of direct elections, led a mob that dumped abolitionist literature in the Delaware in 1835. Even as late as the Civil War, Mayor Alexander Henry (1823-83; in office 1858-66) appeared in person to calm the crowd.
The Consolidation Act of 1854, which made the boundaries of city and county contiguous, extended the territorial reach of the mayor’s powers but added little to the office’s executive responsibilities. Consolidation swallowed up the independent boroughs and districts that had their own municipal arrangements. Northern Liberties was unusual in having a mayor; most, like Kensington, elected a president from a board of commissioners. Advocates of the new charter had imagined the measure, by annexing fast-growing suburbs, would give Philadelphia’s mayor the stature of a state governor. Yet beyond granting a veto over legislation and extending the term of office to two years, it did little to augment the mayor’s power. To the frustration of several incumbents of the office, the post-consolidation councils reasserted executive control over city departments and left only the police force under the mayor’s direct command.
The Police Force as Political Tool
That police force, however, proved a considerable weapon in the hands of wily mayors. A handful of day constables and night watch had come under the mayor’s control in the Early Republic, but an epidemic of rioting in the 1830s and 1840s spurred the creation of a metropolitan-wide police force in 1850, which by 1854 amounted to several hundred officers. Here was a patronage pot—and a source of election-day muscle—that mayors could exploit. Robert T. Conrad (1810-58; in office 1854-56), the first post-consolidation mayor, appointed his nativist backers to the police, while his successor, the wealthy Democrat Vaux, rewarded his Irish-American supporters likewise. Vaux, who enjoyed joining the force on nightly patrols, set the standard for an activist mayor committed to enforcing the law. But mayors could be selective about the laws they chose to enforce. In 1870, for example, federal troops needed to be called in to protect Black voting rights under the newly ratified Fifteenth Amendment when it became clear the Democratic mayor Daniel M. Fox (1809-90; in office 1869-72) was likely to use his police to block African Americans’ access to the polls.
Aside from the police force, though, the power of post-1854 mayors tended to come less from their stipulated responsibilities under the city charter, and more from Harrisburg-created commissions. The postwar mayor William S. Stokely (1823-1902; in office 1872-81), for instance, used his position as head of the body delegated to erect a new city hall to build a political ring. His ascent indicated that party loyalty now mattered more than social respectability in the race for office. Genteel members of the Republican Union League turned down Stokely—a journeyman confectioner in his youth—for membership.
Stokely’s rise signaled the beginning of eight decades of Republican domination of city hall. Prior to consolidation, the two-square-mile city proper tended to return Whig mayors, while the outlying districts leaned Democratic. Early elections after 1854 proved competitive, but the Civil War and the growing importance of manufacturing to the metropolitan economy meant that by the mid-1870s voters tended to prefer a pro-tariff Republican in the mayor’s seat. The mayor, however, found it hard to translate the prestige of the office into a metropolitan-wide political organization. Executive control in the city was too fragmented, with councils, county officers, and state Republicans each protecting their own patronage pots. With the exception of a figure like Stokely, who had access to the enormous budget of the Public Buildings Commission, mayors tended to be the front men for Republican bosses rather than masters of the machine themselves.
The Bullitt Bill—an 1885 revision to the city charter named after its architect, lawyer John C. Bullitt (1824-1902)—marked an attempt to consolidate executive power in the mayor. It gave the mayor the power to appoint not just a chief of police but also a head of a department of public works. Good government advocates celebrated the reform, which initially appeared to be having the desired effect. The first two officers to wield “chief executive” power after the charter revision were Edwin Fitler (1825-1896; in office 1887-91) and Edwin Stuart (1853-1937; in office 1891-95), men who impressed their contemporaries with honest stewardship. But both had to leave office under the Bullitt Bill after a single four-year term. In a city openly disparaged as “corrupt and contented,” their legacy proved short-lived.
Influence of Reformers
By the early years of the twentieth century Philadelphia politics had settled into a pattern. “Organization” Republican mayors were rarely troubled by a moribund Democratic Party (the leaders of whom were on the Republican payroll), but they did face occasional challenges from bolting reformers, who called for sweeping the Augean stables of city government. Thomas B. Smith (1869-1949; in office 1916-20), who entered politics after making his money in bail bonds and allied with Republican kingmakers the Vare brothers, is representative of the former. He was indicted while in office for his role in the election-day murder of a policemen. Rudolph Blankenberg (1843-1918; in office 1911-1916), a veteran of Gilded Age reform movements, represents the latter; his ardent progressivism sought to supplant patronage with merit as the basis for city appointments, and he expanded city services while cutting costs. But in practice, the stark line between “organization” and reform mayors can be overdrawn. Some, like John Weaver (1861-1928; in office 1903-07) flitted between the two camps for political advantage, and even the ardent reformer Blankenberg had to convince voters that he was a good Republican in principle. No reform party managed to capture the mayoralty for long, and except when the regular Republican Party was divided, reformers tended to be trounced at the polls.
The Republicans’ long dominance of City Hall came to an end after World War II. During the 1930s, the Republican Party had remained ascendant locally even as the New Deal domestic programs of President Franklin D. Roosevelt (1882-1945) swung Philadelphia into the Democratic camp in national elections and Mayor Joseph Hampton Moore (1864-1950; in office 1920-24, 1932-36) blamed the unemployed for their plight during the Great Depression. But under the leadership of two zealous young New Dealers—Joseph Clark (1901-90) and Richardson Dilworth (1898-1974)—the reinvigorated Democrats won control of the mayoralty in 1952. Both Clark and Dilworth served as reforming mayors (the former in office 1952-56; the latter 1956-62), though their more important legacy for Philadelphia may have been the “Home Rule” charter of 1951, which strengthened the mayor’s executive powers, weakened the city councils, and bolstered an independent civil service. Both Clark and Dilworth came from patrician backgrounds, and their tenure hinted at a return to the tradition of upper-class service that had come to an end after the Civil War, but the age of reform they inaugurated did not last. A Democratic machine—based on alliances with organized labor rather than the ward bosses of the old Republican organization—gained control of city hall in the 1960s.
Ethnic politics also began to shape the mayoralty. Dilworth’s successor, the loyal Democrat James Tate (1910-83; in office 1962-72), was the first Irish Catholic to occupy city hall. Tate in turn was succeeded by Police Commissioner Frank Rizzo (1921-91; in office 1972-80), a “big man” Dilworth had initially promoted to court favor with Italian Americans. Rizzo’s popularity among white ethnics extended well beyond South Philadelphia, and amid rising fears of violent crime, he portrayed himself (much like early post-consolidation mayors) as a defender of law and order. To African Americans and white liberals, though, his disregard for civil rights and reputation for sanctioning police brutality made him a hated figure. Rizzo’s attempt to change the Home Rule charter to enable him to run for a third term failed, though he had two more tilts at the office in 1987 and 1991, when he suffered a fatal heart attack at his campaign office.
Since the middle decades of the nineteenth-century white ethnics had helped to determine Philadelphia’s mayoral elections, but in the years that followed Rizzo’s turbulent reign, the path to city hall passed through the African American community, which had grown in political importance due to migration from the South and white flight to the suburbs. With the Republicans now as irrelevant as the Democrats had been in the early twentieth century, Democratic primaries became the real electoral battleground. Wilson Goode (born 1938; in office 1984-92) became the first African American mayor of the city. His administration was marred by the challenge of running a shrinking city with an unsympathetic administration in Washington, and by the catastrophic decision to bomb the West Philadelphia house of the MOVE sect. Divisions among African American political leaders paved the way for the pro-business Democrat Ed Rendell (b. 1944; in office 1992-2000) to succeed Goode, though he was followed by two African Americans, the “organization” Democrat John Street (b. 1943; in office 2000-08), who in contrast to Rendell focused on outlying neighborhoods rather than Center City, and the reformist Michael Nutter (b. 1957; in office 2008-2016). In 2016, the Irish American councilman Jim Kenney (b. 1958) took over from Nutter, and in 2023 voters elected Cherelle Parker (b. 1972) as the first Black woman to become mayor. These twenty-first-century incumbents played a part in a “strong mayor” system that bore little resemblance to the mayoralty of the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries.
Andrew Heath is a Lecturer in American History at the University of Sheffield, United Kingdom, and is the author of In Union There Is Strength: Philadelphia in the Age of Urban Consolidation (University of Pennsylvania Press, 2019). (Author information current at time of publication.)
Copyright 2018, Rutgers University
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2018-06-13T14:08:38+00:00
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The office of Mayor of Philadelphia has reflected the social makeup of municipal politics and fights over the rightful place of executive authority.
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en
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Encyclopedia of Greater Philadelphia
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https://philadelphiaencyclopedia.org/essays/mayors-philadelphia/
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Essay
The Philadelphia mayoralty, almost as old as the city itself, has changed markedly since its inception. When the post was created in the eighteenth century, citizens put up their own money in order to avoid having to serve. By the early 2000s, in contrast, candidates and supportive political action committees poured millions into mayoral elections. Tracing the office’s transformation offers insights into the social makeup of municipal politics, battles between party regulars and reformers, and long fights over the rightful place of executive authority in city government.
William Penn’s city charter of 1701 granted a measure of self-government to Philadelphia but left little room for energetic activity on the part of the mayor. Mayors served one-year terms and were elected by aldermen, who held their positions for life. The position was not particularly appealing. Although some of the province’s leading men–among them Penn’s colonial secretary James Logan (1674-1751; in office 1722-23)–occupied the mayor’s seat, finding willing volunteers sometimes proved so difficult that the corporation resorted to fining aldermen who refused to serve. In 1747, Anthony Morris even fled the city to avoid the job, and the fines levied on refuseniks boosted the city treasury. Such reluctance to take up the post is understandable. Until the mid-eighteenth century, the mayoralty was unsalaried, yet often involved great personal expense in terms of time and money. The mayor accrued some appointive, regulatory, and judicial powers, but was really first among equals with the aldermen. When the colonial city charter came to an end in 1776 and Philadelphia came under the authority of the state government, the position ceased to exist. Its passing does not seem to have been lamented.
The new city charter of 1789 opened elements of city government to citizens’ control and re-created the role of mayor. Unlike its near contemporary, the federal Constitution, the charter did not establish a clear separation of powers, as the mayor (elected indirectly from the aldermen) retained a seat in Council. In 1796, however, legislators established a clearer division between the branches of municipal government, with the popularly elected councils choosing a mayor from a Board of Aldermen appointed by the governor. The mayor’s appointive powers grew and he retained his judicial role. But councils undermined his executive authority by creating committees to run city services like water and gas.
Lawyers and Merchants
Philadelphia’s mayors in the Early Republic tended to be drawn from the upper ranks of society. Lawyers and merchants were the most frequent occupants of the post, and if few came from the city’s so-called “first families,” they were occasionally of high rank. One example is George Mifflin Dallas (1792-1864; in office 1828-9), who was the son of a secretary of the treasury, and later became vice president of the United States. But Dallas’s subsequent political success marks an exception among mayors of the period. While many citizens who held the office had served on city councils or on one of the municipal trusts, few were career politicians. The relatively weak powers of the mayor provided little of the patronage needed to cultivate political alliances.
Mayors nevertheless played their part in the party conflict of the era. Federalists and American Republicans vied for mayorships in the Early National era; by the mid-1830s Democrats and Whigs fought over the position. Like many offices in Jacksonian America, the mayoralty was opened to direct election, but the 1839 reform did not change the social background of incumbents, who continued to hail from the upper ranks of society. Take for example Richard Vaux (1816-95; in office 1856-8), the son of an eminent Quaker philanthropist, and a man who danced with Queen Victoria at her coronation. But if mayors rarely sprang from the “common men” themselves, they often played their part in the era’s popular politics. John Swift (1790-1873; in office 1832-38, 1839-41, 1845-49), a Whig whose twelve terms straddled the introduction of direct elections, led a mob that dumped abolitionist literature in the Delaware in 1835. Even as late as the Civil War, Mayor Alexander Henry (1823-83; in office 1858-66) appeared in person to calm the crowd.
The Consolidation Act of 1854, which made the boundaries of city and county contiguous, extended the territorial reach of the mayor’s powers but added little to the office’s executive responsibilities. Consolidation swallowed up the independent boroughs and districts that had their own municipal arrangements. Northern Liberties was unusual in having a mayor; most, like Kensington, elected a president from a board of commissioners. Advocates of the new charter had imagined the measure, by annexing fast-growing suburbs, would give Philadelphia’s mayor the stature of a state governor. Yet beyond granting a veto over legislation and extending the term of office to two years, it did little to augment the mayor’s power. To the frustration of several incumbents of the office, the post-consolidation councils reasserted executive control over city departments and left only the police force under the mayor’s direct command.
The Police Force as Political Tool
That police force, however, proved a considerable weapon in the hands of wily mayors. A handful of day constables and night watch had come under the mayor’s control in the Early Republic, but an epidemic of rioting in the 1830s and 1840s spurred the creation of a metropolitan-wide police force in 1850, which by 1854 amounted to several hundred officers. Here was a patronage pot—and a source of election-day muscle—that mayors could exploit. Robert T. Conrad (1810-58; in office 1854-56), the first post-consolidation mayor, appointed his nativist backers to the police, while his successor, the wealthy Democrat Vaux, rewarded his Irish-American supporters likewise. Vaux, who enjoyed joining the force on nightly patrols, set the standard for an activist mayor committed to enforcing the law. But mayors could be selective about the laws they chose to enforce. In 1870, for example, federal troops needed to be called in to protect Black voting rights under the newly ratified Fifteenth Amendment when it became clear the Democratic mayor Daniel M. Fox (1809-90; in office 1869-72) was likely to use his police to block African Americans’ access to the polls.
Aside from the police force, though, the power of post-1854 mayors tended to come less from their stipulated responsibilities under the city charter, and more from Harrisburg-created commissions. The postwar mayor William S. Stokely (1823-1902; in office 1872-81), for instance, used his position as head of the body delegated to erect a new city hall to build a political ring. His ascent indicated that party loyalty now mattered more than social respectability in the race for office. Genteel members of the Republican Union League turned down Stokely—a journeyman confectioner in his youth—for membership.
Stokely’s rise signaled the beginning of eight decades of Republican domination of city hall. Prior to consolidation, the two-square-mile city proper tended to return Whig mayors, while the outlying districts leaned Democratic. Early elections after 1854 proved competitive, but the Civil War and the growing importance of manufacturing to the metropolitan economy meant that by the mid-1870s voters tended to prefer a pro-tariff Republican in the mayor’s seat. The mayor, however, found it hard to translate the prestige of the office into a metropolitan-wide political organization. Executive control in the city was too fragmented, with councils, county officers, and state Republicans each protecting their own patronage pots. With the exception of a figure like Stokely, who had access to the enormous budget of the Public Buildings Commission, mayors tended to be the front men for Republican bosses rather than masters of the machine themselves.
The Bullitt Bill—an 1885 revision to the city charter named after its architect, lawyer John C. Bullitt (1824-1902)—marked an attempt to consolidate executive power in the mayor. It gave the mayor the power to appoint not just a chief of police but also a head of a department of public works. Good government advocates celebrated the reform, which initially appeared to be having the desired effect. The first two officers to wield “chief executive” power after the charter revision were Edwin Fitler (1825-1896; in office 1887-91) and Edwin Stuart (1853-1937; in office 1891-95), men who impressed their contemporaries with honest stewardship. But both had to leave office under the Bullitt Bill after a single four-year term. In a city openly disparaged as “corrupt and contented,” their legacy proved short-lived.
Influence of Reformers
By the early years of the twentieth century Philadelphia politics had settled into a pattern. “Organization” Republican mayors were rarely troubled by a moribund Democratic Party (the leaders of whom were on the Republican payroll), but they did face occasional challenges from bolting reformers, who called for sweeping the Augean stables of city government. Thomas B. Smith (1869-1949; in office 1916-20), who entered politics after making his money in bail bonds and allied with Republican kingmakers the Vare brothers, is representative of the former. He was indicted while in office for his role in the election-day murder of a policemen. Rudolph Blankenberg (1843-1918; in office 1911-1916), a veteran of Gilded Age reform movements, represents the latter; his ardent progressivism sought to supplant patronage with merit as the basis for city appointments, and he expanded city services while cutting costs. But in practice, the stark line between “organization” and reform mayors can be overdrawn. Some, like John Weaver (1861-1928; in office 1903-07) flitted between the two camps for political advantage, and even the ardent reformer Blankenberg had to convince voters that he was a good Republican in principle. No reform party managed to capture the mayoralty for long, and except when the regular Republican Party was divided, reformers tended to be trounced at the polls.
The Republicans’ long dominance of City Hall came to an end after World War II. During the 1930s, the Republican Party had remained ascendant locally even as the New Deal domestic programs of President Franklin D. Roosevelt (1882-1945) swung Philadelphia into the Democratic camp in national elections and Mayor Joseph Hampton Moore (1864-1950; in office 1920-24, 1932-36) blamed the unemployed for their plight during the Great Depression. But under the leadership of two zealous young New Dealers—Joseph Clark (1901-90) and Richardson Dilworth (1898-1974)—the reinvigorated Democrats won control of the mayoralty in 1952. Both Clark and Dilworth served as reforming mayors (the former in office 1952-56; the latter 1956-62), though their more important legacy for Philadelphia may have been the “Home Rule” charter of 1951, which strengthened the mayor’s executive powers, weakened the city councils, and bolstered an independent civil service. Both Clark and Dilworth came from patrician backgrounds, and their tenure hinted at a return to the tradition of upper-class service that had come to an end after the Civil War, but the age of reform they inaugurated did not last. A Democratic machine—based on alliances with organized labor rather than the ward bosses of the old Republican organization—gained control of city hall in the 1960s.
Ethnic politics also began to shape the mayoralty. Dilworth’s successor, the loyal Democrat James Tate (1910-83; in office 1962-72), was the first Irish Catholic to occupy city hall. Tate in turn was succeeded by Police Commissioner Frank Rizzo (1921-91; in office 1972-80), a “big man” Dilworth had initially promoted to court favor with Italian Americans. Rizzo’s popularity among white ethnics extended well beyond South Philadelphia, and amid rising fears of violent crime, he portrayed himself (much like early post-consolidation mayors) as a defender of law and order. To African Americans and white liberals, though, his disregard for civil rights and reputation for sanctioning police brutality made him a hated figure. Rizzo’s attempt to change the Home Rule charter to enable him to run for a third term failed, though he had two more tilts at the office in 1987 and 1991, when he suffered a fatal heart attack at his campaign office.
Since the middle decades of the nineteenth-century white ethnics had helped to determine Philadelphia’s mayoral elections, but in the years that followed Rizzo’s turbulent reign, the path to city hall passed through the African American community, which had grown in political importance due to migration from the South and white flight to the suburbs. With the Republicans now as irrelevant as the Democrats had been in the early twentieth century, Democratic primaries became the real electoral battleground. Wilson Goode (born 1938; in office 1984-92) became the first African American mayor of the city. His administration was marred by the challenge of running a shrinking city with an unsympathetic administration in Washington, and by the catastrophic decision to bomb the West Philadelphia house of the MOVE sect. Divisions among African American political leaders paved the way for the pro-business Democrat Ed Rendell (b. 1944; in office 1992-2000) to succeed Goode, though he was followed by two African Americans, the “organization” Democrat John Street (b. 1943; in office 2000-08), who in contrast to Rendell focused on outlying neighborhoods rather than Center City, and the reformist Michael Nutter (b. 1957; in office 2008-2016). In 2016, the Irish American councilman Jim Kenney (b. 1958) took over from Nutter, and in 2023 voters elected Cherelle Parker (b. 1972) as the first Black woman to become mayor. These twenty-first-century incumbents played a part in a “strong mayor” system that bore little resemblance to the mayoralty of the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries.
Andrew Heath is a Lecturer in American History at the University of Sheffield, United Kingdom, and is the author of In Union There Is Strength: Philadelphia in the Age of Urban Consolidation (University of Pennsylvania Press, 2019). (Author information current at time of publication.)
Copyright 2018, Rutgers University
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https://www.vox.com/polyarchy/2016/9/16/12934792/more-than-two-parties-good
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Why America should have more than 2 political parties
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] |
[] |
[] |
[
""
] | null |
[
"Mark Schmitt"
] |
2016-09-16T00:00:00
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Real parties that reflected the full range of views across the country might open up Congress and politics for the better.
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en
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/static-assets/icons/favicon.ico
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Vox
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https://www.vox.com/polyarchy/2016/9/16/12934792/more-than-two-parties-good
|
Perhaps the most surprising result in presidential polls since the conventions is that more than one in 10 voters say they would support candidates not named Donald Trump or Hillary Clinton: Libertarian Gary Johnson and Jill Stein of the Green Party. In the New York Times/CBS poll released September 15, those candidates’ combined 12 percent share was boosted by support for Johnson from more than a quarter of voters ages 18 to 29.
In real elections, neither of those two parties has ever come close to the level of support these polls indicate: Libertarians peaked at about 1 percent in 1980 (with David Koch on the ticket) and again in Johnson’s previous run in 2012. Running as a Green, Ralph Nader — one of the country’s “most admired” people for decades — captured 2.74 percent in 2000, just enough to swing that election to George W. Bush.
Reminded of this history, many voters who now say they favor Johnson or Stein will ultimately conclude that voting for either one risks the election of the candidate they like least, whether that’s Trump or Clinton. (Others might change their minds when they recognize that Johnson and Stein are almost as ill-prepared to be president as Donald Trump.)
As Clay Shirky recently wrote at Medium, “There’s no such thing as a protest vote.” Elections are not a way to “send a message,” Shirky pointed out, because the political system isn’t set up to hear those individual self-expressions. Elections offer one binary digit, not a whole alphabet to describe your feelings. There are other opportunities, outside of elections, to express or advocate for your more specific views, as people like Shirky and I will maturely explain.
But why should voters who actually think Stein or Johnson would be the best president have to forgo the opportunity to vote for them? Is it a given, in the American political system, that we can’t vote for a candidate or party that better reflects our views, or the candidate we like most, without risking the worst outcome?
The answer is that while all electoral systems with single winners naturally tend toward two parties (a rule of thumb known as Duverger’s law, although it is far from a law) there are particular features of the US system, which are not written in stone or in the Constitution, that reinforce this dynamic. And those features could be changed.
Having more than just two viable parties would do more than provide an outlet for frustrated libertarians, socialists, or anti-Trump conservatives. Even if you don’t agree with any of the parties that are likely to emerge in a multi-party system, having more of them could improve our politics in subtle ways that go well beyond our choices in a presidential election.
The basic failure of American politics is its rigidity — we’re locked into two distinct camps, divided not just by ideology but by region, race, cultural identity, and to some extent, gender. For the most part, each conflict of policy and identity breaks along exactly the same lines. Each camp is armed with more than enough money and unshakable strongholds in certain states and branches of government. There’s no room for compromise, as we’ve seen most sharply in Congress, but, even worse, there’s little room for creativity or new solutions that build new coalitions.
The problem is not partisanship. Parties aren’t just random sides in an artificial fight. There’s no democratic politics without parties. Parties define clear choices and help organize people’s participation in democracy. Because parties intend to stick around for the long term, we expect them to be more interested in winning over average voters, and cementing their loyalty over time, than in scoring one big win, taking the presidency, Congress, and the Supreme Court and playing each one for maximum advantage.
That’s the theory, anyway. But it may be that when there are just two parties, aligned precisely along lines of race, class, level of urbanization, and education, they don’t have the same incentives. When there aren’t many voters floating in between, available to be won over, the best strategy might be to just go for the biggest win possible and lock in the gains, in the way that Republicans in Wisconsin and North Carolina have tried to do. That’s also a strategy that’s more likely to be adopted by a party whose demographic share of the electorate is on the decline.
In 1963, the historian and political scientist James MacGregor Burns identified “four parties” in American democracy — liberal and conservative factions in both the Democratic and Republican parties — whose members and voters combined and formed alliances along many different lines, sometimes furthering progress and sometimes impeding it.
These quasi-parties were even semi-officially recognized at the time: Congressional Quarterly’s records of House and Senate votes were labeled not just by party but by whether members were part of the “Conservative Coalition” of Southern Democrats and conservative Republicans, a coalition now fully coterminous with the GOP. Even in the 1990s, you could see the outlines of the four parties and surprising alliances among them. But that was long ago.
Today there are alternative coalitions that one could imagine, in theory, but that never come together. There could be a left-right cross-party coalition forming around, say, economic development in areas hit hard by the decline of the coal industry or one advocating stronger supports for Social Security.
But the structures of the electoral system, and a Republican Party that seems to be in search of a final showdown, make those alliances impossible to achieve in real life. Additional parties — even parties that you or I might not favor — could open up Congress and create new opportunities for bargaining and coalition building on unusual lines.
Critics of the two-party “duopoly” tend to make three mistakes from the start. One is to imagine that a party would emerge first at the presidential, or national, level. One reason the Libertarians and Greens have the modest presence they have is that over decades, they at least built a fragment of the structure of parties at the state and very local level.
Neither party has won statewide elections (Johnson and his running mate, William Weld, both won governorships as Republicans), but each boasts more than 100 elected officials in municipal and regional office. When new parties have emerged in the US, such as the Populists and Progressives of the late 19th century, or even the Republican Party in the 1850s, it is from the bottom up, not the top down. New parties could have more influence in Congress or legislatures than simply as losing names on the presidential ballot.
A second mistake is to reject parties and partisanship altogether, imagining that a single candidate, such as Michael Bloomberg, might emerge who will rescue the country from fixed ideological combat and “get things done.”
Usually this imaginary candidate will be a socially liberal, economically conservative centrist, with experience outside of politics. This was the dream of Americans Elect, the lavishly funded 2012 effort that Thomas Friedman promised would “do what Amazon.com did to books ... remove the barriers to real competition, flatten the incumbents and let the people in.” Americans Elect spent $35 million in 2012 but couldn’t even identify a candidate.
The third and most consistent mistake is to ignore the structural conditions that make it so difficult for a party to take hold. In most states, for example, a party can’t endorse candidates from another party — it has to run all its own candidates or none. In the eight states that allow fusion voting, parties can pick some of their own candidates and some from another party.
The Libertarian Party, for example, could embrace some Republicans and not others, and libertarians could send a message by voting on their party’s line. In New York, voters who want to nudge the Democratic Party to the left can vote for Clinton on the line of the Working Families Party, a group that endorsed Bernie Sanders in the primaries. Such parties can often serve as a safety valve if one party or its elected officials grow too complacent, corrupt, or out of touch ideologically.
Innovations such as instant runoff voting or ranked-choice voting would give new parties an even stronger role. Voters could cast a first-choice vote, but also indicate which party or candidate they prefer if their first choice doesn’t get enough votes.
Candidates would then have incentives to seek the second- or third-choice votes from supporters of other candidates. Instead of writing off Jill Stein supporters, for example, Clinton would want to ensure that she got their second-choice support. Several municipalities, including Minneapolis, have adopted ranked-choice voting for mayoral and council elections, with the additional benefit of lowering the barrier to entry for candidates who start without much money or establishment support. The process can be complicated — many voters omit their second choices — but these local experiments will show whether voters can get used to the system.
Additional parties created through fusion or ranked-choice voting would not only give citizens a chance to express their views in the voting booth but would also open up the system and create new alliances and bargains, breaking down the sense of two well-fortified, unmoving camps.
Gary Johnson and Jill Stein might triple their parties’ previous levels of support but will nonetheless be quickly relegated to political trivia quizzes after the election is over. It is possible to build a true multi-party democracy in the US, and it could have some real benefits — but it will require profound patience and strategy, not a single-election breakthrough.
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Linda Goode Bryant in “Friends & Strangers”
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Standing amid brick buildings and concrete roads, artist Linda Goode Bryant works the land, supplying underserved communities with plant-based food through Project EATS, which she founded.
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https://art21.org/watch/art-in-the-twenty-first-century/s11/linda-goode-bryant-in-friends-strangers/
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Descriptive audio version available here.
Visit our Awards page for this film’s honors and recognition.
Standing amid brick buildings and concrete roads, artist Linda Goode Bryant works the land, supplying underserved communities with plant-based food through Project EATS, which she founded. Her work in institution-building began long before Project EATS. In 1972, the artist moved to New York City and began working at the Studio Museum in Harlem, where she spoke to Black artists who continually expressed feeling shut out of the art world. In response, Goode Bryant said, “Let’s just do it ourselves,” and the Just Above Midtown (JAM) gallery emerged from that decision. Committed to showing the work of Black artists and other artists of color alongside white artists, the gallery aimed not to replicate the discrimination of other institutions at the time. Choreographing the community that gathered at JAM was a part of Goode Bryant’s artistic practice, bringing artists from across the city and the country to participate in the project, like New York City–based artists Janet Olivia Henry and Randy Williams and West Coast artists Senga Nengudi, Houston Conwill, and David Hammons. Goode Bryant made a space for experimentation in Black and contemporary art and became home to vital conversations, like the explosive opening of David Hammons’s Greasy Bags and Barbeque Bones at JAM.
Artist Maren Hassinger recollects that money was not the objective at JAM, but instead, the goal was that artists would make new and extraordinary work. The community gathered at JAM catalyzed artists to develop new and better art, as observed by artist and choreographer Ishmael Houston-Jones. Currently, Goode Bryant leads Project EATS, a New York City–based urban farming nonprofit with six farms growing plant-based food for communities without access to locally grown foods. At Project EATS, communities gain access to produce and learn how to farm themselves. Forty years after JAM first opened, Just Above Midtown: Changing Spaces opened at the Museum of Modern Art. The exhibition charts the sixteen years JAM was open, bringing together a suite of groundbreaking works exhibited at JAM and working to bring its radical spirit into the institution. “I could really, really, really look up and see the elders sitting in the rafters and say, ‘Y’all did it. We’re here. We’re in the infrastructure of this mofo now.’ And I like that.” says Goode Bryant. “Because we should be. We should’ve been. And we are.”
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Family Change in Global Perspective: How and Why Family Systems Change
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2019-07-29T00:00:00
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Changes in family systems that have occurred over the past half century throughout the Western world are now spreading across the globe to nations that are experiencing economic development, technological change, and shifts in cultural beliefs. Traditional ...
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https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC8298013/
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Fam Relat. Author manuscript; available in PMC 2021 Jul 22.
Published in final edited form as:
PMCID: PMC8298013
NIHMSID: NIHMS1717337
PMID: 34305222
Family Change in Global Perspective: How and Why Family Systems Change
University of Pennsylvania
Author Note
Frank F. Furstenberg, Department of Sociology, University of Pennsylvania.
Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Frank F. Furstenberg, Department of Sociology, 277 McNeil Building, University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, PA 19104. Telephone: 215-8988-6718. ude.nnepu.css@fff.
Abstract
Changes in family systems that have occurred over the past half century throughout the Western world are now spreading across the globe to nations that are experiencing economic development, technological change, and shifts in cultural beliefs. Traditional family systems are adapting in different ways to a series of conditions that forced shifts in all Western nations. In this paper, I examine the causes and consequences of global family change, introducing a recently funded project using the Demographic and Health Surveys (DHS) and U.S. Census Bureau data to chart the pace and pattern of changes in marriage and family systems in low- and middle-income nations.
Keywords: family change, marriage and cohabitation, class differences in family structure, transition to adulthood
Global Family Changes
I still vividly recall from my graduate student days at Columbia University more than a half century ago noted sociologist William J. Goode strutting around the lecture hall complaining that we do not have a good general theory about why and how family systems are changing globally. Of course, he didn’t use the term “globally” explicitly because the word was not yet in fashion. In the mid-1960s, Goode made the theoretical argument that there would be a transformation in family systems around the world, from longstanding traditional forms to the “conjugal household.” With this term he was suggesting that family systems around the world would eventually converge with the Western model of the nuclear family—comprised of a married couple and their children in a single household, rather than multigenerational or complex households. Goode contended that the conjugal family was most compatible with the growth of market capitalism and a job-based economy. Consequently, he speculated that the Western system would eventually spread across the globe. Evidence of rapid economic growth and the development of a modern economy that have come to be called “globalism” had already moved beyond the West in the early post-War era to parts of Asia, just as Goode was completing his book World Revolution and Family Patterns (1963), which contained data from 50 countries and analyzed the impact of family on societies.
In what became a classic analysis of change in family systems, Goode (1963) assembled a large array of extant data describing recent patterns in a number of the world’s regional family systems. He convincingly demonstrated that over time, traditional agricultural-based economies and the family systems to which they had given rise were being undermined by the growth of job-based economies and the spread of Western ideas. At the same time, family patterns that had been in place around the globe were yielding to more Western-style practices such as the growing expectation of strong marital bonds, lower fertility, and fewer intergenerational households.
Goode (1963) argued that the Western family system had changed to fit (adapt to) an economy that increasingly required more education and geographical mobility. These changes in turn would erode the authority of family elders and reduce their formal control over their children, he asserted. Modern family systems in the West, he predicted, would initiate free mate choice based on compatibility and sentiment rather than on family interests or parental control. Finally, he showed that these modern features of Western family systems were being adopted in many regions of the world in the aftermath of the World War II.
Had Goode (1963) been able to imagine the revolution in gender roles that was also just on the horizon, he might have pointed to it as another major change in family systems. However, he was largely unable to foresee the events of the next several decades whereby the gender-based division of labor still observed in the West in the 1960s would give way to a growing demand for gender equality, although he hinted at this possibility (see Cherlin, 2012; Furstenberg, 2013). More recently, some theorists have examined the weakening of gender stratification as an independent source of family adaptation to economic growth (Esping-Andersen, 2009; Esping-Andersen & Billari, 2015; Goldscheider, Bernhardt, & Lappegard, 2015; McDonald, 2000).
Nonetheless, Goode’s masterwork (1963) influenced the writing of the next generation of sociologists and demographers who studied global and regional patterns of change in family systems. Although his theoretical perspective included the possibility that ideational change (i.e., a shift in cultural values) might precede or follow structural changes in family systems, a number of theorists, in response, emphasized and even prioritized the importance of value change through social diffusion (e.g., see Coale & Watkins, 1986; Hendi, 2017; Johnson-Hanks et al., 2011; Watkins, 1990) Just as Max Weber (1905) argued in The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism more than a century earlier, these theorists have argued that culture is an independent influence on changing preferences for individual choice, a value set that is often seen as an export from the West. However, researchers—Caldwell, 1976; Inglehart, 1990; Lesthaeghe and Surkyn, 1988; Thornton, 2001; Van de Kaa, 1987; among others—have challenged the underlying assumption of economic determinism that they saw in Goode’s theory.
In a book on changing family systems titled Between Sex and Power: Family in the World—in some sense a sequel to Goode’s (1963) book from 40 years earlier—Therborn (2004) argued for the separate influence of law and public policy as an independent institutional driver of change both in the developed and developing worlds. Others have pointed to the potentially causal influence of changing demographic pressures owing to declines in mortality and fertility that prompted changes in the timing of life events such as marriage and childbearing ages (Bianchi, 2014; Bongaarts, 2015; Bongaarts, Mensch, & Blanc, 2017; Hertrich, 2017). Along the same line, reproductive technology has brought about new possibilities in the timing and organization of the life course, indicating that technology can also have an independent influence on change in family patterns (Golombok et al. 1995; Inhorn, Birenbaum, & Carneli, 2008).
These broad theories of why and how family systems change have stimulated a sizeable body of national and regional studies on patterns of family change throughout the world (Allendorf & Pandian, 2016; Amador, 2016; Cuesta, Rios-Salas, & Meyer, 2017; Kumagai, 2010; Kuo & Raley, 2016; Seltzer, 2004; Seltzer et al., 2005; Thornton et al., 2014; etc.). Yet, it is still fair to say that since the publication of Goode’s (1993) book more than a half century ago, there has been no systematic attempt to test in the broadest sense his theory of how change in family systems occurs or the competing explanations that have been advanced in response to his bold predictions using demographic data on a global scale.
Nonetheless, the idea of a growing convergence in fertility patterns has become a major topic of inquiry among demographers and economists (Casterline & National Research Council, 2001; Coleman, 2002; Crenshaw, Christenson, & Oakey, 2000; Dorius, 2008; Hendi, 2017; Rindfuss, Choe, & Brauner-Otto, 2016; Wilson, 2001, 2011). Even taking account of this distinct line of research, a broader investigation of how and why family systems change over time, much less the systematic testing of Goode’s broad theory and the responses to it, has been stymied by the absence of comparable data on global family systems. The availability of such data would permit the empirical examination of competing explanations of the transformation of family systems in response to economic, cultural, social, demographic, and political change.
This paper examines some of the issues that must be addressed before family scholars can develop and test theoretical explanations for why and how family systems change. I begin by enumerating the major changes that have occurred in families across the globe, before introducing a conceptual framework for investigating why change is coming about more rapidly in some regions of the world than in others. After describing why systems are changing, I turn to a particular feature of the change: growing patterns of inequality that are being generated by diverging family patterns across social class strata. Finally, I conclude by describing an ongoing project through which colleagues and I are assembling extensive and reliable data to study these issues.
Worldwide Changing Family Practices
Broadly speaking, it is easy to argue that some degree of convergence in family patterns worldwide, as presented below, has already occurred, particularly if the terrain is restricted to marriage and fertility, although researchers have noted continuing evidence of heterogeneity as well (Holland, 2017; Pesando & the GFC team, in press).
The age at first marriage has been rising in most nations of the world (Jones & Yeung, 2014). This pattern was evident in Western Europe and English-speaking countries during the latter third of the last century and has continued into the present (Stevenson & Wolfers, 2007). It is now evident that similar changes have occurred more recently in virtually all countries in Eastern Europe, large areas of East Asia (with some important exceptions. such as much of India, China, Indonesia, and Vietnam), and part of Africa and Latin America (Bongaarts, Mensch, & Blanc, 2017; García & de Oliveira, 2011; Harwood-Lejeune, 2001; Raymo et al., 2015). Although not uniform, the pattern is sufficiently widespread to lead most researchers to conclude that the institution of marriage is undergoing profound changes in most parts of the world in response to economic and social change (Cherlin, 2012).
The rise in the age at first marriage is just one reason for the general decline in fertility that has occurred worldwide except in rural Africa and parts of the Middle East (Bongaarts, 1978; Casterline, 2017; Madsen, Moslehi, & Wang, 2018). As I have already noted, marriage at a later age typically implies less family influence on the choice of partner and perhaps a growth in heterogamous unions, at least initially, as individuals have more options to form families of their own choosing, including remaining single. This pattern has increased in most nations, especially where females have entered the labor force in greater numbers (Esteve, Garcia-Roman, & Permanyer, 2012; Harknett & Kuperberg, 2012). In some family systems, particularly in the economically advanced nations of East Asia, a growing fraction of women seem to be exercising their option to delay marriage indefinitely (Furstenberg, 2013; Jones, 2005; Raymo et al., 2015). As in the West, marriage is apparently becoming more discretionary in Eastern Europe and parts of Asia (Jones, Hull, & Mohamad, 2011; Thornton & Philipov, 2009).
As marriage has become more optional, the practice of cohabitation (before, after, or in lieu of a formal union) has grown throughout the Western world and in Eastern Europe (Heuveline & Timberlake, 2004; Holland, 2017; Lundberg, Pollak, & Stearns, 2016; Thornton & Philipov, 2009). In many nations in Latin America and the Caribbean, where cohabitation has long been a preferred form among certain ethnic and racial minorities, it has become more widely practiced among more economically advantaged individuals who previously confined their unions to formal marriage (Covre-Sussai et al., 2015; Esteve & Lesthaeghe, 2016; Esteve, Lesthaeghe, & Lopez-Gay, 2012; Lesthaeghe, 2014).
Divorce after marriage has become more common in most nations, especially those with previously low rates of marital dissolution (Surkyn & Lesthaeghe, 2004). While marital stability has increased in some countries among the most educated, it has declined at the same time for the less educated and skilled portion of the population (Schwartz & Han, 2014). As marriage has moved to a more companionate form, divorce is increasingly viewed as an acceptable option for couples in unsatisfactory relationships (Goode, 1963; Thornton & Young-DeMarco, 2004).
A concomitant trend is the growth of childlessness in families in most wealthy nations, which is associated with declining fertility (Kreyenfeld & Konietzka, 2017; Rowland, 2007). In a growing number of nations in Europe, the English-speaking nations, and the advanced economies of Asia such as Japan, Korea, and Taiwan, substantial proportions of women are electing not to have children (and often not to marry (Jones, 2007). Living alone has become more common in many countries of the world as growing numbers of females have entered the labor force and opted not to marry (Jones, 2005). Childlessness appears to be on the rise in East Asia and other rapidly developing parts of the globe.
The rapid growth of women’s participation in the labor force in most developing and almost all developed nations has been accompanied by a change in men and women’s domestic roles (Goldscheider, Bernhardt, & Lappegard, 2015; McDonald, 2000). In many nations, the ideology of gender equality may have grown faster than its actual practice. Nonetheless, throughout the developing and developed world, a push for women’s rights has meant that females now have far more access to education and labor market participation in the 21st Century (Duflo, 2012; Goldin, 2006). And, this trend is only likely to increase as women’s rights are enforced by changes in legal statutes and public policies. Moreover, spousal beating and sexual coercion have been identified as serious problems in countries that at one time legitimized these practices (Yount, 2009).
The weakening of the institution of marriage has been accompanied by a growing tolerance for premarital sexual behavior and out-of-wedlock childbearing (Thornton & Young-DeMarco, 2004). Although much of the non-marital childbearing is occurring within informal unions, the stability of non-marital unions with children is lower than marital unions with children (Manning, Smock, & Majumdar, 2004). This particular trend may be contributing to the growing stratification in family systems between the advantaged and disadvantaged. The privileged are more likely to marry and have children after marriage, whereas those less well-off are having them before or outside of marriage, contributing to a perpetual economic and social disadvantage (Kalil, 2015; Lundberg, Pollak, & Stearns, 2016; McLanahan, 2004). It is worth noting that in parts of the developing world, the pattern of consensual marriages has long existed, particularly in Latin America and the West Indies (Esteve & Lesthaeghe, 2016).
The stratification of family systems is both a cause and consequence of rising levels of inequality in most nations with advanced economies, and introduces profound differences in children’s opportunities. Among the educated, children are more often the products of intense investment; less educated parents often lack both the resources and the skills to prepare their children for a more demanding educational system in order to acquire the knowledge and skills needed today (Dronkens, Kalmijn & Wagner, 2006; Schneider, Hastings, & LaBriola, 2018). In all likelihood this pattern is appearing in developing nations (Kalil, 2015; Pesando & the GFC team, in press).
Although preferences for intergenerational arrangements continue to prevail in some parts of the world, individuals forming families are increasingly less likely to reside in conjoint and complex households (Ruggles & Heggeness, 2008). The decline of intergenerational households in some nations may also reflect the declining influence of the older generation; in at least some of these nations, there is concern that the elderly may lack traditional family support in later life (Grundy, 2006; Taylor et al., 2018).
These trends in marriage and family do not generally occur singly as family systems change from agricultural-based to industrial- and post-industrial based economies. They typically evolve as interrelated changes that co-occur over time, although not necessarily in a predictable or orderly sequence of adaptations to exogenous changes in the economy, polity, technological advances, and alterations in the culture of a society. Demographers have referred to these related features as the second demographic transition (Lesthaeghe, 2010, 2014; McLanahan, 2004). By this they mean that family systems have become more governed by members’ individual preferences than by elders (especially males) who once assumed considerable authority to impose their will on the family as a collective system. As Therborn (2004) argued, the decline of patriarchy appears to be at the core of family system change, although it cannot be considered a cause of it in the strictest sense of the word. More accurately, as I assert in the next section, the changes are brought about by a host of factors that work in tandem to undermine the existing order that is often based on patriarchal expectations.
Why Change Occurs in Family Systems
The transformation of family systems in many regions of the world and in particular nations has been amply documented by demographers, sociologists, and economists cited earlier according to some of the trends just described, but this transformation has not been explained in a strict sense. It is clear that the development of a job-based economy is one of the central sources of change, much as Goode (1963) claimed a half century ago. However, economic development does not take place in isolation from broader societal changes, that is, institutional changes in education, health, law, and the spread of technology alter existing institutions and longstanding cultural assumptions (Meyer et al., 1975).
To illustrate, I have borrowed a conceptual scheme that depicts some of the sources of social change from an ongoing research project funded by the National Science Foundation (NSF) that is designed to examine this process in family systems across the globe and is being carried out by a team of scholars at the University of Pennsylvania, including Hans-Peter Kohler (Project Head), Luca Maria Pesando, Andres Castro, and collaborators in several European nations (see http://web.sas.upenn.edu/gfc; Pesando & the GFC team, in press). Using data from the worldwide Demographic and Health Surveys (DHS), the Global Family Change (GFC) Project has extracted indicators of family change to identify patterns of change in low- and middle-income countries and test the processes by which family system change occurs (see ).
In this research project, my colleagues and I make a fundamental assumption that alterations in family patterns can arise from societal adaptations to a number of different exogenous sources introduced into a society through parallel and often complementary processes. Change in family systems often comes about when transformations in macro-level conditions occur; the most important of these being the transition from a predominately traditional subsistence economy to a production-oriented economy transformed by its capacity to provide exports to agro-business, manufacturing, and industry. This transformation, much as Goode (1963) argued, creates or expands a job-based economy that favors younger and more geographically mobile individuals, including young and typically unmarried women. Economic development is typically centered in urban areas, implying a shift from a rural to an urban population, bringing about a loss of family control, especially when young people in cities often continue to support their kin financially in the countryside.
Such economic developments do not invariably go hand in hand with shifts in cultural expectations and practices, but it is not uncommon to see, especially among the young, a reorientation to more individually-determined lifestyles and a decline in social control by elders, and especially in men’s control of women (Cherlin, 2012). Quite independently, economic development introduces new technologies (Greenwood, 2019). The rapid spread of the use of computers and smart phones has stimulated a growth in the use of social media in developing nations, a powerful influence on younger persons who have quickly adopted these new forms of communication (Pew Research Center, 2018). So, exposure to social influences begins to extend well beyond the family, village institutions, or even national political sources of opinion. Inevitably, peer-mediated contexts begin to hold more weight on public opinion, and the extended family system loses influence accordingly (Allendorf, 2016; Bongaarts & Watkins, 1996; Cherlin, 2012).
Accompanying and preceding economic development also come alterations in existing political, social, and even religious institutions. The educational system becomes both a channel of mobility and in many nations a new way that families can maintain or achieve advantage if they choose to invest in their children’s long-term futures through schooling. The importance of schooling grows as it extends from primary to secondary institutions, and ultimately to tertiary education for the affluent and the talented. Education itself often presents a powerful counterweight to traditional practices both inside and outside the home, upsetting longstanding cultural understandings. For women, whose presence in secondary and tertiary education has grown to a majority in many countries, the impact of additional schooling can be transformative, eroding traditional gender norms and giving economic advantages to more educated women (Esteve, Garcia-Roman, & Permanyer, 2012; Schwartz & Han, 2014).
In the polity and the public sphere, shifts in the opinions of economic and political elites often must take account of the changed economic status of women that comes with education and greater involvement in the labor market. Relatively little is known about the timing of broad institutional changes that bring about women’s greater involvement in the polity. And, lacking systematic data, little is known about how gender involvement in education and work plays out inside the family. Alternatively, changes within family systems may occur in response to cultural ideas about equality that travel through different routes such as mass and social media or come about because of legal or policy changes. Political leaders advocate and adopt new policies that often are imported from rich nations or more economically developed neighbors in the region (Meyer, 1975; Watkins, 2001). New ideas and practices may be imported, but they are typically modified to suit the institutional structures in place and mediated by national traditions and culture that tailor and shape them to conform to existing cultural forms. New policy dilemmas arise in the process of economic development, with the dissemination of new forms of technology, and the spread of cultural ideas and information. Invariably, certain countries must support or ban new reproductive technologies, the content of Western movies and social media, and laws regulating same-sex marriage. Thus, disagreements over public policies related to these practices and issues can happen rapidly, and we suspect independently, of the level and pace of economic development.
It is wrong to assume that the process of economic and social development works invariably from the top down, with those having more education or resources always adopting new family patterns sooner than the rest of the population, but this flow from the well off to the less privileged often occurs (Pesando & the GFC team, in press). Changes can simultaneously occur at the macro, mezzo, and micro levels; values can and do change as individuals move from the countryside to the city, or leave their home countries to find work elsewhere (Hu, 2016). Increases in migration to and from other nations are undoubtedly a source of new information, values, and daily practices. Ideas are promulgated through channels of mass and social media that promote educational advancement, individual fulfillment, or gender equality, undermining traditional family patterns sometimes even in nations that are lagging in economic advancement.
At the individual level, change occurs as people confront new and unfamiliar situations as they occur or, at least, are imaginable (such as going to a university, engaging in sex before marriage, or migrating to another country for employment). As Mills (1959) observed decades ago in The Sociological Imagination, cultural contradictions emerge in all societies experiencing change, that compel individuals to adopt new ways of thinking and new forms of behavior. Nowhere is this more evident than in the change that occurs within family systems as older practices no longer seem to have the same cultural grip that they once had. One only has to think about how many people have begun to eschew formal marriage today in the West, adopting social practices such as cohabitation or single parenthood or gay marriage, that were socially unacceptable, even unthinkable, a half century ago (Biblarz & Savci, 2010; Moore & Stambolis-Ruhstorfer, 2013).
In sum, social change is an organic and systemic process that permeates a society and its existing institutions. And at the micro-level of individuals and families, it is received or resisted by the powerful and powerless alike. It will not take precisely the same form in all nations because it is mediated by a nation’s historical experience, its cultural priorities, and existing institutional arrangements (Cook & Furstenberg, 2002). Thus, the process of change will vary, producing both similar and dissimilar responses, depending on existing political/historical experience, cultural, and social arrangements. This is why Billari and Liefbroer (2010) asserted that there can be a convergence to divergence when describing patterns of family change.
Where and When Changes in Family Systems Occur
It should be evident from my previous descriptions of the complex and variegated nature of how changes in family systems occur that new patterns and practices are adopted unevenly both across and within various nations. A major reason why the pattern of change is not uniform is that exposure to both economic and cultural changes differs depending on the specific social contexts in which individuals and their families are embedded. Think, for example, of the vast differences in exposure to these changes that living in a capital city of a developing nation versus in a remote area might mean. This is aptly illustrated by the changes in attitude about marriage now occurring in Vietnam where attitudes about marriage timing, cohabitation, and premarital sex differ widely from countryside to urban environments (Minh & Hong, 2015).
A second source of variability in family system changes is that receptivity to new ideas or practices will vary depending on such factors as age, gender, education, ethnic and religious affiliations, and a host of other conditions. For example, adoption of new methods of contraception, say by young unmarried women, can be a sensitive indicator of what might be called a predisposition to modernity when the logic of having large numbers of children becomes questionable for some in a society but not for others. As I have already noted, there are powerful differences in the stakes of adopting new practices that threaten to undermine the way things have long been done in any developing nation. Any adequate theory purporting to explain family system change must account not only for the total change but also for the variable levels of change within a nation.
Historians of family change in the West have made this point repeatedly in noting that change is uneven in any given nation. Such was the case with Protestants in England during the 16th century who were more open to changing childrearing practices to emphasize a child’s relationship to God than were Catholics (Stone, 1977). The upper classes also adopted new and different ideas concerning childrearing, owing to religious ideology and education than did the rest of the population. Several centuries ago in Western Europe and the United States, urban residents and young people in general were more receptive to growing preferences for individualism and the rise of sentiment in family relationships than were their rural and older counterparts (Shorter, 1977). Similarly, in the developing world today, some groups will be more welcoming of certain new practices than others, depending on the degree to which they are embedded in certain institutional contexts that reinforce a commitment to existing family patterns. Any adequate theory of family change must account for both where it takes hold and how its spreads within nations. The analysis of big data generated by patterns of media use, for example, is potentially an attractive source of information for investigating how change runs through established and new social networks in the developing world.
In early stages of economic and social development, increasing variability in family behaviors within a developing nation is to be expected as new family patterns such as premarital sexual behavior and marriage delay are adopted unevenly, let’s say between rural and urban areas, the more and less educated, or, for example, among some ethnic groups and not others. Over time, this variability may decline as practices become more widely accepted and diffused. But note how differences in family patterns may also persist for long periods of time. One only has to think about how enduring differences have been observed in Europe between the Northern and Southern nations (Perelli-Harris, 2014), or the continuing variation between family patterns such as cohabitation, family size, or the prevalence of intergenerational households in Northern and Southern Italy (Gabrielli & Hoem, 2010).
Economic Inequality and Family Systems
Adaptation to macro-level changes in the economy or mezzo-level changes that occur within institutions creates new winners and losers in the developing world, as has happened in the past in nations with advanced economies (see www.welfare.org). I have argued elsewhere that an interaction is occurring between changing family systems and growing economic inequality, which has been a trend in virtually all post-industrial economies and many rapidly developing nations (Furstenberg, 2011, 2013). It is not difficult to imagine why and how family change is amplified by economic divergence and vice versa. For example, educational attainment can be assumed to weigh more heavily on outcomes in economies that utilize advanced skills and knowledge; access to education, especially higher education, may in turn affect the process of family change (Esping-Anderson, 2016).
In the United States and many nations in Europe, destinies among the well off and the not so well off began to diverge in the latter decades of the 20th century as the nuclear family became increasingly important as both an agency of socialization and parental management of children (McLanahan, 2004). Family forms, such as whether parents marry or even reside together at the time of birth, birthing procedures, maternal health, breastfeeding, styles of parenting, and different abilities of families to manage and place their children in contexts that promote (or diminish) opportunity have new and perhaps more lasting effects than they might have had in the past. Parents’ influence on school performance appears to be growing in societies where educational attainment has become a more important criterion for success in later life. In rich nations, poorer families and middle-income families have begun to fall behind their wealthier counterparts in promoting their children’s level of schooling (Lareau, 2011). Children receiving less intense socialization and particularly preparation for schooling may have fewer potential paths in life than their more educated counterparts to make it into the middle class.
Nations substantially differ in their commitments to reducing the disparities created in advanced economies through the redistribution of public resources and development of policies that attempt to reduce and offset the powerful early influences on children’s development that are associated with lower social class position. Limited efforts by some nations, such as the United States, to mitigate the potent effects of family patterns of socialization have created substantial gaps in children’s life chances (Smeeding, 2006), which is an evitable result of the great differences in resources and the capabilities of parents in many contemporary societies to place their children in settings that will provide them with the skills and training to enter and succeed in school.
The evidence that social class disparities in family systems are growing globally has not been established despite the fact that inequality, as measured by the Gini coefficient, has grown in all but a few nations over the past several decades (Bowles, Gintis, & Groves, 2008). And there are indications of shifts in family practices, such as marriage and non-marital childbearing, that may be diverging at the top and bottom of the socioeconomic ladder in some Western nations, most notably the United States (Cherlin, 2010; Lundberg, Pollak, & Stearns, 2016; McLanahan, 2004). However, this divergence in family patterns is also evident in some European nations and may be appearing in certain rapidly developing countries in East Asia (Bernardi & Boertien, 2017; Harkonen, 2017).
Although certainly occurring elsewhere, evidence for a widening of social class in family behaviors is most apparent in the United States, where over the past 30 years or more, Americans have lost ground in creating conditions that ensure equality of opportunity—an ideal that Americans have long believed is essential to maintaining a just society (Chetty et al., 2014; Corak, 2013). Class differences in family patterns have widened on a variety of fronts even as family variations among racial and ethnic groups have shrunk (Reardon, 2011). In fact, I would contend that Americans now have a two-tiered family system—a system where family patterns among rich and poor have begun to diverge even more sharply than they did a half century ago when sociologists first documented considerable variation (Furstenberg, 2013).
At the bottom and increasingly in the middle of U.S. income distribution, marriage is occurring less often before the transition to parenthood (Lundberg, Pollak, & Stearns, 2016). Many births are less likely to be planned and often occur in ephemeral partnerships; a growing number of lower-income couples are having children from more than one union, a pattern that has come to be known as multi-partnered childbearing (Fomby & Osborne, 2017; Guzzo, 2014). This emerging trend of couples having children in two or more unions means that parents, fathers in particular, are dividing their investments of time, money, and emotion among their children in multiple households, and many are growing up in households where fathers (and less often mothers) come and go (Thomson, 2014).
Of course, certain benefits could be gained when children can rely on several parent figures, but they are only likely to occur when the parents are deeply invested (spend time, money, and emotion) in the lives of both their biological and non-biological offspring (Akashi-Ronquest, 2009; Henretta, Van Voorhis, & Soldo, 2014). Evidence suggests that fathers in these circumstances often lack the resources to meet their parental obligations even if they have the desire to do so (Berger, Cancian, & Meyer, 2012). Presently, little is known about the enduring commitments of parents who do not reside with their biological children and the behaviors of surrogate parents who replace them in the household (Carlson & Furstenberg, 2006; Hans & Coleman, 2009). However, most of what is known about the importance of stability, stimulation, and emotional bonds in early life suggests that children’s development may be compromised in conditions where there is a high family flux arising from the absence or replacement of biological parents (Fomby & Cherlin, 2007).
Beyond the form of the family and parenting processes in early life, parents’ ability to channel resources to their children matters both early and later in life. Support by extended family members can sometimes help to mitigate the absence of parental resources. However, research on the flow of intergenerational resources suggests that children from privileged families provide far more assistance to their children and grandchildren than occurs in poor families where resources are in short supply. Indeed, the gap between rich and poor children grows in part because wealthier grandparents are better positioned to help out by providing housing assistance and child support when needed (Albertini, Kohli & Vojel, 2007).
A host of advantages for children are strongly associated with adequate income and education. Just to mention a few, children in privileged families (those whose parents have a college education) live in more desirable neighborhoods with better schools, libraries, and recreation facilities, and in these preferred contexts, they are more likely to have supervised peer relationships with children of other privileged families in preschool and afterschool programs or during the summer (Lareau, 2011; Minh et al., 2017; Schneider, Hastings, & LaBriola, 2018). Lower-income parents cannot afford these amenities unless the programs are publically funded or subsidized, which for the most part does not happen in most low-income communities in the United States (Esping-Andersen, 2016).
Thus, it is not surprising to discover that substantial differences exist between the better off and less well off in preparation for schooling, and that these initial differences only widen over time because many children enter school systems that are ill-equipped to compensate for the disadvantages of growing up poor (Alexander et al., 2014). A large body of research has documented how stratification in family practices is creating trajectories of disadvantage in middle and later childhood, during adolescence, and, more recently in early adulthood (Furstenberg, 2011).
The reverse image of this cycle of disadvantage occurs when children are born into well-off families in American society. Even before birth, the situations of advantaged families have sharp, positive differences at birth. Childbearing is highly likely to occur within a marital union, where the relationship has often been time-tested (Upchurch, Lillard, & Panis, 2002). Not infrequently, the partners have been cohabitating and enter marriage because they are ready to have children (Sassler & Miller, 2011). Women in higher income groups receive prenatal care more often (Osterman & Martin, 2018); they are less likely to smoke, drink to excess, and more often adhere to healthy diets (Furstenberg, 2010; Pampel, Denney, & Krueger, 2011). Thus, children born into privileged families enter life in better health and with parents who are well prepared to keep them healthy and thriving. Their homes and neighborhoods are safer so that children in affluent and educated families are less at risk of having accidents or suffering stressful experiences. Moreover, they have better chances of receiving therapeutic interventions when negative events do occur (Duncan et al., 1998).
Parental socialization practices differ sharply by socioeconomic status in ways that also favor the better off. A long tradition of research by developmental psychologists and family sociologists has shown that better educated and wealthier parents have the resources to instruct their children in ways that prepare them to succeed in school (Yamamoto & Sonnenschein, 2016); moreover, these parents are more confident and skilled in communicating with teachers and school personnel when their child is not doing well (Ankrum, 2016). And, they possess the social capital to help place their offspring in advantageous educational and cultural settings when they are young and when they reach adolescence and early adulthood (Conley, 2001; Lareau, 2011).
Research both in the United States and abroad, following the important work of Lareau (2011), has identified the “concerted cultivation” provided to children by parents with more resources and education. Increasingly, the family has become a “hothouse for development” where parents have become ever more alert to strategies to assist their children from the cradle to career opportunities. These parents probably deploy more psychological, cultural, and social capital than in earlier eras when there was a more laissez-faire or informal approach to childcare and childrearing (Bianchi, 2011).
The United States is something of an outlier in the West when it comes to public services and support for children and families, especially lower-income families. Consequently, the class gradient in these families’ behaviors, such as non-marital and single parenthood, unintended pregnancies, prenatal care, neonatal services, preschool, and afterschool, may be more pronounced than in other English-speaking nations, Europe, and the wealthy nations of Asia. Forms of the family and family practices and processes have not yet been well studied in a cross-national context, much less a global one. However, countries have different tolerances for income inequality and different levels of commitment for public services to address social issues, particularly their impacts on children. Thus, it remains to be seen how much variation in these behaviors by social class exists in different wealthy nations.
A New Research Frontier
Despite widespread acknowledgement that family systems are changing rapidly in many parts of the world, research to understand the process (how and why change occurs) and the direction (adoption of patterns that have become common features of Western systems) of change is still in its infancy. There is growing availability of harmonized data sets that include many Western and some non-Western nations. Researchers have begun to analyze data from studies such as the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) Family Database, Survey of Health, Ageing and Retirement in Europe (SHARE), Generations and Gender Surveys (GGS), national birth cohort studies, Panel Study of Income Dynamics (PSID) and its counterparts, Harmonised European Time Use Survey (HETUS), and the International Social Survey Programme (ISSP), among others. However, there are formidable problems to examining many of the issues that I have mentioned in this paper.
Sample sizes are sometimes too small to permit informative analyses, representativeness remains an issue in many data sets, the number of countries is rarely large enough to support multilevel comparisons, and contextual information on cultural values or public policies is absent. The research community has not yet fixed its sights on understanding how change in family systems occurs, where change takes place, and what features of culture and social structure mediate the direction of change. Most of all, there is a lack information on how public policies mitigate some of the consequences of family system change for individuals and households.
The Penn–Oxford Project on Global Family Change (GFC), which is designed to examine change on a global scale, is well underway. It utilizes data from more than 100 nations by converting national censuses and Demographic and Health Surveys that have been conducted over several decades (see www.dhsprogram.com). The aim of the GFC team is to convert the sources of information that are cross-sectional into life-course indicators (e.g., whether individuals are in school or not at different ages, whether they have married or have had children by different ages, and so on) that in turn will permit the GFC team to examine the tempo and sequence of family change over time. The GFC team is planning to create macro-level measures that can be appended to the various countries for which data exist to develop life-course indicators of change (Pesando & the GFC team, in press). This will allow examination of the influence, sequence, and order of family changes and the variating macro-level conditions that initiate these changes.
The attention of the GFC team will be on indicators of changing family patterns in the early part of the life course: change in the age of school leaving, home leaving, entrance to full-time employment, cohabitation, marriage, and first birth. But the team may also examine these indicators in combination to understand the sequence of family change such as childbearing outside of marriage, years of sexual activity outside of marriage, and the like. The intention is to identify associations between macro-level change (i.e., changes in the economy, cultural values, and technology) and the emergence of new family forms and changes in the process of family formation to examine how, why, and where change is taking place. The team will also be able to investigate whether evidence of emerging class differences in family patterns is occurring with the growth of inequality. By building a data set that contains macro-level data, evidence on changes in public policies, and measures of family change, we will be able to more systematically and rigorously test the web of associations suggesting potential chains of causal influence in processes that occur in family systems with the rise of new economies, technologies, and shifts in cultural priorities and practices.
Conclusion
In this paper, I have explored some of the challenges of examining how and why family systems are changing around the globe. I have discussed longstanding disagreements over the sources of change and why both convergence and divergence in family systems that are moving from agricultural-based to industrial-based economies should be expected. My account builds on the theory of the world’s family systems that William J. Goode (1963) proposed over a half century ago and that has yet to be subject to vigorous empirical examination. However, plans are underway to construct a global database at the University of Pennsylvania containing information that will permit researchers around the globe to map the pace and process of changes in family systems, focusing especially on the transition to adult status.
Throughout the world, the passage to adulthood is generally becoming more protracted and more discretionary. As a consequence, elders, especially men in traditional families, will lose influence over the direction of their children’s lives and the choices they make. The young and females in particular in much of the developing world are increasingly looking to education and employment as the means to personal advancement. This process will generally undermine family authority, although in its early stages, families are likely to continue to exert influence over mate selection in many nations where parental influence on marriage choice has been strong.
These changes are taking place in the context of growing economic inequality that is creating considerable divergences in family practices at the top and bottom of the socioeconomic distribution. Family systems in many nations with advanced economies are witnessing greater stability among the privileged while instability is growing in these same systems among the under-privileged. If not counteracted by public policies aimed at mitigating the impact of these divergent family practices within societies, a hardening of the stratification system that creates ever stronger barriers to social mobility can be expected in the developing world.
Acknowledgments
I gratefully acknowledge support for this paper through the Global Family Change (GFC) Project (http://web.sas.upenn.edu/gfc), which is a collaboration between the University of Pennsylvania, University of Oxford (Nuffield College), Bocconi University and the Centro de Estudios Demograficos (CED) at the Universitat Autonoma de Barcelona. Funding for the GFC Project is provided through NSF Grant 1729185 (PIs Kohler & Furstenberg), ERC Grant 694262 (PI Billari), ERC Grant 681546 (PI Monden), the Population Studies Center and the University Foundation at the University of Pennsylvania, and the John Fell Fund and Nuffield College at the University of Oxford.” I am indebted to Shannon Crane and Luca Maria Pesando for their helpful comments on the paper.
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AUTISM'S UNKNOWN
I applaud the cover article for shedding light on a topic that has deeply impacted my life ("Breaking Through," January/February). As the father of twin 4-year-old boys diagnosed with autism, I need to underscore how little is known about this condition. Our sons are intelligent, affectionate little boys with distinct personalities and senses of humor. Yet, virtually everywhere we go, we are misunderstood. When we appear at the playground, other parents suddenly come up with reasons why it's time for their children to go home. When we go to the doctor's office, we receive dirty looks for the commotion made by our children. Even nurses become haughty when we try to explain that our children cannot tolerate being weighed or having their vitals taken. Worst of all, autism professionals treat us as delusional when we report that far from being mentally retarded, our sons are exceptionally intelligent.
I also believe the article at times oversteps the bounds of what is truly known. A callout section headline tersely concludes that vaccines are not the cause. Yet, the article itself acknowledges that the etiology of autism is unknown. There is no definitive marker, only a collection of behaviors grouped together as a condition. If there may be "many autisms," one can only conclude that evidence has not been found to substantiate a connection with vaccines. We may still behave as if there is no connection, but we overstep the analytics if we arrogantly conclude there in fact is none.
Why the distinction? I asked my children's physician about the autism risks before vaccines were administered to my sons at a very early age. The response I received was emphatically that there was no connection, that any suggestion otherwise was propaganda. I don't know what led to my sons' autism, but I can tell you that that particular physician will not have to live with it.
Policy makers and medical professionals ought to be more motivated by a true desire to know more, rather than ideology. Mainstream medicine offers very few biomedical interventions for people with autism other than antidepressants and antipsychotics. The ailments associated with autism span a wide gamut of biological issues including gastric problems, severe allergies, sleep disorders and chronic pain. As a consequence, many parents turn to "alternative" physicians for interventions that have yet to gain acceptance. Unfortunately, institutions such as the NIH refuse to even research heavy metal chelation, an alternative therapy that, while sounding suspect, has been reported by parents to have made the most difference in their children. Similarly, measures to enable research on the possible connection to vaccines is blocked by members of Congress who view the adoption of universal vaccination to be their legacy accomplishment. As a parent, I don't care about ideology; I just need research to help me choose between therapies that work and those that don't.
I end with one plea to Stanford parents. Before coming to conclusions when you come across a disruptive child babbling aimlessly, keep in mind that you may know very little about this child. My children are the ones who cause the annoying interruptions, and who parents fear will damage their child in some mystical way. Yet, they are also two boys who are not only loved and loving. At age 4, they can read and know world history from Babylon to the present. They deeply comprehend multivariable calculus, differential equations, abstract algebra, real analysis and quantum mechanics. No, I am not crazy. I know the difference between substantiated conclusions and delusions.
Steve Su, PhD '99
Washington, D.C.
ON-SCREEN AND OFF
(What) were you thinking?
I just settled down for a quiet hour to read "Separation Anxiety," about people who are constantly attached to their computers and other screens, to the detriment of their real-life interactions (January/February).
At the end of the article I turned the page, only to see a full-page ad: "Introducing the digital version of Stanford magazine for iPads, smartphones and computers."
Jo-Ann Scott, '61
Washington, D.C.
Since moving from Palo Alto to the hills above Ithaca, N.Y., 26 years ago, I have had to re-educate myself to the joy of outdoor work in all weather—something I learned on my family's farm before I arrived at Stanford in 1969.
In the face of the new plugged-in, "always-on" culture, one thing parents can do for themselves and their children is to foster the natural love for the out-of-doors that lives within each of us. This, of course, can be done in little steps or big gulps; if it is worked at, however, it does counter the hours spent with electronic devices.
My wife operates Earth Arts of Ithaca, an outdoor earth education and appreciation program. Children in her programs are, of course, not strangers to the now all-encompassing world of devices. But on the days when they come to Earth Arts, every class, winter and summer, is outside. Recently, I recall lessons in animal tracking; bird spotting and identification; fire building without matches; firing their clay pottery pieces in an outdoor fire pit; making, through use of a very hot fire, hunting knifes cut from steel strips; learning Native American songs and the Native American thanksgiving prayer; setting up and taking down a 25-foot teepee, and choosing and sitting once every session in each one's own "sit spot" (under a tree or on a knoll somewhere) for the "quiet thoughtfulness" that Stephanie Brown of the Addictions Institute says might be missing in a plugged-in culture.
"No child left inside," my wife and others like her insist. Surely, this could help counter the negative aspects of plugging in.
Joseph Eller, MA '73
Spencer, New York
The article on virtual life raised serious issues. A few years back I attended the World Technology Network and had a vigorous debate with a designer of virtual games who insisted that riding a virtual bicycle down a hill at 35mph was the exact same experience as riding a real bike. I pointed out that there is no reset button when you crash your real bike.
I live in Manhattan and am becoming increasingly concerned with people's disconnect from the real world in both subtle and real ways that are reshaping societal norms and behavior, and not always for the good. The article reinforced the concern.
As for me, I will take a real bike ride over a video game anytime.
Lou Rubin
New York, New York
I had to wait 24 hours to write this and thank you for the article by Joan O' C. Hamilton about our overconnected online culture. After reading it, I decided to take an Internet "sabbath" and covered up the monitor for all of Saturday. What surprised me was that my two kids, 9 and 12, seemed unfazed, and it was I who kept instinctively walking towards it, with a Pandora or Facebook impulse. But I have to say it was a very peaceful 24 hours; thanks for prompting it. It may become a habit.
Jordan R. Winer
Berkeley, California
JUST THE FACTS, MA'AM
Your article on Gretchen Carlson was very interesting ("Up and At 'Em," Planet Cardinal, January/February). Quite a gal!
However, your author, Corinne Purtill, '02, should know the difference between Iraq and Afghanistan. It would be nice if we had had a positive "turning point" in Afghanistan. The only Bush surge was in Iraq, and it was a turning point for which Gibbs should have [credited Bush].
William R. Lang, '57
Holladay, Utah
The punchline of the story is [an indirect] quote from Carlson that "news will never go back to its just-the-facts approach, nor should it." Whoa there. This glossy profile in a magazine representing an education institution I worked hard to get through is a little embarrassing to me.
Several Pew studies have shown political opinions of large groups are correlated with their news sources.
"Don't confuse me with the facts, my mind is made up."
Greg Lovato, '93
Reno, Nevada
FOOD FOR THOUGHT
The article on the recent campus Food Summit neglected to mention that the study of global food issues has a long and distinguished history at Stanford ("Scholars Join Forces Over Food Issues," Farm Report, January/February). Established in 1921, with Herbert Hoover among its founders, the Food Research Institute focused its research and teaching on the "production, distribution, and consumption of food" throughout the world. Last housed in Encina Hall, the Institute contributed an enviable list of publications and counted over 150 PhDs among its graduates. Many considered its closing in 1996 ill-timed—just as considerations of climate and rising demand in such countries as China and India were coming to the fore.
If the collaborative effort among faculty mentioned in the article moves forward, why not resurrect the title or better still the entity?
Thomas T. Poleman, MA '57, PhD '60
Hendersonville, North Carolina
ANOTHER MARKET QUESTION
In her excellent, temperate, thoughtful exploration of the consequences of having a free market for the sale of kidneys to potential recipients ("Brother, Can You Spare a Kidney?" Farm Report, January/February), Professor Debra Satz asks: "Do we want the organs of the poor to be resources they will need to use to purchase other opportunities?"
She doesn't ask why what she wants should exercise force over what I can do with my organs. If, however, she wants us to be concerned about markets and the poor, wouldn't it be good to ask: "When someone can use a resource they own to purchase an otherwise unavailable opportunity, who are we to prohibit that transaction?"
David Altschul, MA '76
Berkeley, California
WHAT WE DIDN'T KNOW
The era of Flicks begins earlier than the '60s ("What You Don't Know About," Farm Report, January/February). We had them in the '50s. One memorable Sunday evening, The Man Who Never Was, featuring Clifton Webb, was shown. The subject was the cadaver the Allies dumped off the coast of Spain with a satchel of fake invasion plans to divert the Germans from the Normandy landing site. Webb was dressing the cadaver (never in view) and was pulling on his underwear shorts. At the appropriate moment, some fellow yelled out from the balcony in Mem Aud, "Now, cough!" Every guy in the place exploded in laughter, and all the gals looked around trying to figure out what was so funny.
Jay W. Rea, '57
Cheney, Washington
Editor's note: We haven't been able to find out exactly when Flicks began. If anyone knows, please tell us.
DIVIDING THE PIE
President John Hennessy's January/February column, "To Save Innovation, Tame Entitlements," was the height of unseemliness. His argument is that America's poor, disabled and elderly should sacrifice so that the richest university in America can receive more tax dollars for research. What he derisively refers to as "entitlement programs" are in fact the bare minimum that a just and decent society owes to its members. They also constitute the basic human rights enumerated in the International Declaration of Human Rights: food, clothing, housing, medical care, unemployment insurance and social security in old age.
The inspiration for these programs goes back to the great American patriot and revolutionary Thomas Paine, who first proposed them in the 1790s in Rights of Man and Agrarian Justice. To repeal or reduce them now would be the beginning of the end of our prosperity and our freedom.
It is not as if America does not have the wealth. In the last few decades our riches and productivity have expanded more dramatically than at any time in history. The problem is that our system of distributing that wealth is now fundamentally broken. In fact, the only part that still works is precisely the Medicare and Social Security programs that our corporate apologists in their wisdom now want to dismantle.
If this article is any indication, it appears that what Stanford really needs is not more research, but more classes in basic humanity, ethics and religion.
Sandy Perry, '71
San Jose, California
As we enter the second decade of the 21st century, we are rapidly approaching a collision between the dependence of our and other nations' economies on sustained economic growth and the inexorable decline of availability of nonrenewable resources and the needs of an increasing population for renewable ones on our finite planet.
The large majority of people are supplied their essential resources (energy, water, food et al.) by corporations over which they have minimal control. Thus they are highly vulnerable to restricted supply and increased cost. Most supplies are transported long distances from their sources by vehicles powered by fossil fuels whose production is reported to have peaked globally. Agricultural land is being consumed by development, and ocean sources have been highly depleted by unsustainable rates of harvesting. Climate changes threaten production from both sources. The current situation is simply unsustainable.
Localizing economies and conducting them in renewable ways are keys to the survival of future generations and to more satisfying lives. There is hope because that was the mode of existence of humans before the advent of urbanization. Moreover, research has shown tribal persons generally to be happy, have considerable leisure time and a rewarding sense of community.
Continuing our growth-based existence will mean the demise of most, if not all of us, irrespective of any scientific advance or innovation. I believe fervently that the world must find a way to live renewably in this century.
Stanford's research budget is best put to bringing that about.
John Otter, '59, MS '61
Santa Fe, New Mexico
To assert that there is some perspective from which government spending on entitlement programs and spending on research and development have a meaningful (and a "win-lose") relationship with one another, independent from all the other programs that the government spends money on (war, prisons, education, infrastructure, transfers of wealth through tax policy), is an entirely fallacious argument, one for which absolutely no support is present in the column. Both social entitlement programs and spending to support research and development are in competition with every other area of government spending. In what sense is there a link between the two that is special? I assert that there is none, and that the entire premise of this column has no basis in reality.
Ronald Long, '74
Woodinville, Washington
UP WITH CONTROVERSY
I disagree with critics who urge the editor not to print controversial letters, as do Sloane Citron and others ("Contrary Opinions," January/February). Stanford has not shied away from controversial personalities or opinions in the past, and consideration of controversy is good not only for students to practice their analytical skills but also for alums to see if they still have them.
Citron comments on a previous correspondent's comparison between the Holocaust and climate change. I doubt there's serious disagreement about the Holocaust, but about climate change there may be. As a species, we are running an experiment whose outcome some consider uncertain. Citron cites a variety of such "bright people—scientists, educators, climatologists—who absolutely believe that climate change is nonsense."
But talk is cheap. Let's test commitment to controversial opinion. To those bright people, or perhaps to Citron, I offer a wager that will allow them to put their money where their mouths are and perhaps to profit from a climate change believer, me. I propose a $1,000 bet, with the money to be held by a mutually agreeable, trusted person. If next year isn't one of the 10 warmest years on record, as assessed by NOAA, those bright people win; if it is, then I win.
John Schaefer, PhD '74
Arcata, California
As usual I enjoyed reading the letters to the editor in the latest edition. Several writers criticized you for the letters you publish, particularly about climate change and health care.
I, for one, approve of your choices. Letters with which I agree would get boring fast. Please keep printing letters that make me angry.
Warren Redlich, MA '92
Albany, New York
I have seen a significant number of comments in the Letters to the Editor column to the effect that certain articles in Stanford should not be included because of their content. It should be noted that the magazine does not restrict its coverage and articles to matters that everyone finds socially acceptable on an intellectual basis. To do otherwise would obviously affect its obligation to present a variety of philosophies and attitudes. All the best.
Draper B. Gregory, MS '75
Chico, California
NEVER FORGET NEVERS
As your well-written article implied, Jim Plunkett was and is a football standout and an admirable guy ("Heart of a Legend," November/December). But he was not—in your words—"The most celebrated figure in Stanford football history."
That honor, of course, goes to Ernie Nevers, named by Sports Illustrated in 1962 as the best college player of all time. Pop Warner, who coached them both, picked Nevers over Jim Thorpe, because the former went all out on every play. Stanford was 21-5-1 during the era of the all-America fullback, who capped his career by outgaining Notre Dame's Four Horsemen while playing on two badly injured legs in the 1925 Rose Bowl.
Nevers also was the key figure in the young National Football League's battle to survive a challenge from a rival Red Grange-led league. Nevers joined the Duluth Eskimos, who played all their games on the road. Nevers, also an all-time linebacker, played all but a few minutes for the entire season before large, enthusiastic crowds, and the NFL was off and running. He was a Chicago Cardinal in 1929 when he scored all 40 of his team's points in one game.
Nevers was our best. It may take a lot of Luck if we ever hope to see a Stanford player of such ability again.
Mike Hudson, '53, MA '57
San Francisco, California
TRUE NORTH STRIKES BACK
The "Golden State" image under 1000 Words (November/December) "produced by blending multiple exposures to capture a wider range of intensities seen by the eye" is pretty, but the admonitory comment to "Take that, Vermont!" is laughable. Anyone who's seen the fall foliage in northern New England or Quebec knows that one can get a far more impressive image than yours by simply snapping the shutter once.
Karl Raab, Gr. '62
Vancouver, British Columbia
The following letters did not appear in the print edition of Stanford.
RESEARCH APPRECIATED
I have just finished reading "Breaking Through" by Kristine Sainani (January/February). I have a 5-year-old granddaughter with an autism diagnosis. She is gifted in art and music but definitely has social limitations. This is the first time I have heard of Timothy syndrome. Thank you for your continuing research.
Sue Laing
Norman, Oklahoma
EMBARRASSED
I really cannot believe you wrote a story on Gretchen Carlson ("Up and At ’Em," Planet Cardinal, January/February). She’s promoted fear and bigotry while reinforcing the notion of simple-minded women. I recall being so embarrassed and dismayed when I discovered she was a Stanford grad. Rachel Maddow, ’94, presents a thoughtful and enlightening program that should make all Stanford grads proud. She leads with her intelligence rather than playing dumb.
Chrichelle McCloud, ’97
Cupertino, California
OTHER WAYS TO CUT
During my 50 years as a member of the Stanford Alumni Association, I have observed that Stanford University presidents traditionally take a politically neutral stance in their public pronouncements. Until now. I was shocked and dismayed to read the column by John Hennessy in the January/February issue ("To Save Innovation, Tame Entitlements").
In making his case that entitlements need to be cut, Hennessy cites an assumption that tax revenue will be "the same fraction of GDP it is today." He allows no other assumption. Then he touts a book by right-wing Hoover Institution luminaries for proposals on how to cut entitlements and save the budgets for defense, research and education. He does not acknowledge progressive proposals to solve our national problems.
In 2009, federal, state and local income taxes consumed 9.2 percent of all personal income, the lowest level since 1950. The OECD Center for Tax Policy and Administration studied the ratio of all taxes to national GDP. In 2007, the United States was 27th in the ranking of the 30 OECD member countries. Due to the Great Recession and the Obama tax cuts of 2009, the United States fell to 28th, with only Turkey and Mexico having lower ratios of taxes to GDP. Do we really want to be like Turkey or Mexico? If our tax ratio were at the same level as Germany, in the middle of the OECD ranking, we would not have such a difficult problem balancing the federal budget. And note that Germany now has a lower unemployment rate than the United States.
President Obama as well as congressmen on both sides of the aisle agree that the U.S. government has a budget deficit that is unsustainable in the long term. The question is how to bring the budget into balance in a manner consistent with the long-term interests of all our citizens. A plea to protect the federal research and education budgets is certainly appropriate for a university president. However, the way it was stated, with the inference that we are Taxed Enough Already, is a political statement that does not belong on the editorial page [sic] of the alumni magazine.
Burwell Goode, ’60, MS ’66, PhD ’71
Weston, Connecticut
The plea of President Hennessy for safeguarding the funding of research is something we can all agree with, but I was puzzled that research grants were pitted against entitlements as a zero-sum game. What about the military expense of a war of choice? What about the cost of a blameworthy recession? What about insufficient taxes, especially for the rich?
Robert Price, ’49, MD ’53
Pelham, Massachusetts
President Hennessy managed to write a whole page about the threat to research dollars without mentioning the Department of Defense as a candidate for spending cuts. Instead, he points the finger at social spending. Programs that directly benefit people should be cut so that we can do research that will benefit people, but let’s not mention programs that spend trillions of dollars to kill people. In fact, he says that unless we cut social spending we won’t have any money for the military at all. Horse, meet cart.
Schultz and Shoven avoid saying "Cut Social Security" with the clever phrase "the removal of disincentives for long careers." I wonder how many focus groups it took to come up with that. Why is Social Security on the spot? Because it’s an easy target, the whipping boy du jour, the bête noire of decent mouth-breathing Americans? You’re talking about robbing a program that is paid for (even without changes, Social Security is financially secure for the next 30 years) in order to avoid cutting a program that is not (military spending). All that boilerplate about better efficiency and slowing the growth of spending would be a whole lot more persuasive if you included $10,000 hammers and billion-dollar jets on the hit list along with Medicare, Medicaid, Social Security, mental health spending, unemployment benefits and so on.
In short, I find the opinions in this article ethically challenged and economically risible, and I am very deeply disappointed to see them under the president’s name.
Charles Bragg Jr., ’67
Pacific Palisades, California
BIAS, PUBLIC AND PRIVATE
Professor Rhode’s description of "the beauty bias" as "the last bastion of socially and legally acceptable bigotry," implying, as it does, that society is making steady progress toward a kinder, more civilized world, is a lovely idea, but the legal part is questionable ("Fair Enough?" September/October). We have made a little progress toward recognizing the human rights described in the Declaration of Independence, and government itself may not discriminate, because it’s a denial of equal protection; but the Bill of Rights "rights" are merely limitations on what government can do to control the people. In theory, they can’t make people not discriminate—which is not to say that people have a right to be mean to others. If "rights" are supposed to have been given by a Creator presumed to be just, where would a right to be evil come from?
However, our notion of noninterference in private choices has evolved—because of an extreme situation, the aftermath of slavery—to an understanding that institutionalized private discrimination can have the same effect on the community as government action and also explode into criminal violence. The force of discriminatory custom can dictate whom you sell your house to, whom you serve in your restaurant, who may work for you. With this understanding, the bishops of South Africa labeled apartheid not as a sin, but as "heresy," a challenge to the entire belief system. Discrimination also stunted commerce, as we can now see by comparing the cities of the South today with their life 50 years ago. Consistent abuse of some of the members affected the entire society in the same way as it affects members of a dysfunctional family, but the overt manifestation—denial of full participation in the commercial life of the society—all by itself hindered prosperity. All those sit-ins at the lunch counters? The chief beneficiaries were the lunch counters.
Private discrimination has its reasons. Surely a woman may choose a mate who is willing and able to support her children; preferably one she finds attractive. And those women with the shoes stumbling across London? They got the jobs that put them there by their willingness to demonstrate through their suffering that they believed in a society where money and social standing were paramount. I don’t believe that, so I won’t wear the shoes; ergo, I won’t get those jobs. That’s not a problem; that’s free choice. Public discrimination is a horse of another color.
I suggest that wise governments eschew control of private behavior unless there is a compelling public purpose involved, and that assessment of what is "compelling" give first priority to public discrimination and the creation and maintenance of the level playing field—withholding public resources from those who discriminate.
How can you even think about shoe discrimination when we have "Don’t ask; don’t tell"?
Stephanie Muñoz
Los Altos Hills, California
MORE REBUTTALS
I feel compelled to write in response to your publication of Bill Wright’s weak rebuttal ("Contrary Opinions," January/February) to the letters of Rogers and Keeling ("More Is Less," November/December) concerning global climate change. To cite a single author and fly that in opposition to the entirety of the climate science community as reason to discount the origins for observed changes in global climate trends is simply childish. Climate change has been politicized in this country, and as a result the so-called debate is now confined to only political discussions. Outside of one political party in one country (this one), the worldwide debate on the origins of climate change is over. By choosing to publish poorly defended drivel written by politically motivated crackpots you are only perpetuating the myth that debate still exists. The First Amendment covers speech; it says nothing about having to print garbage.
Michael C. Matelich, PhD ’91
San Diego, California
In response to Bill Wright’s letter, my purpose in writing about overpopulation was to state some facts related to the subject that I think everyone should be aware of. I hope when solutions to some of the world’s major problems are confronted, these facts will be taken into consideration. As for a solution to overpopulation, I have none. However, I am not turning myself in as a population reduction of one.
Phil Rogers, MS ’58
University Place, Washington
As someone who lost many relatives in the Holocaust, I was particularly offended by the accusation [by Drew Keeling] that my carefully researched position on human-caused global warming/climate change is similar to that of a Holocaust denier. But I am always encouraged when an adversary in an argument, rather than citing the facts or the data, resorts instead to ad hominem slurs: It can only mean that I am winning the argument.
The theory that human emission of CO2 and other "greenhouse gases" is causing global warming/climate change is one of the greatest frauds in the history of science. That Stanford through some of its faculty, and that the U.S. government through its EPA, are major parties to that fraud is tragic beyond belief. The so-called "greenhouse effect" on which the fearmongering is based is a fraudulent concoction that is devoid of physical reality. The Earth’s infrared emission absorbed by atmospheric gases is re-radiated to free space as soon as it is absorbed. The notion that the colder atmosphere above can re-radiate that energy to heat the warmer Earth below violates the 2nd Law of Thermodynamics. For a comprehensive analysis, see the recently published book Slaying the Sky Dragon—Death of the Greenhouse Gas Theory, co-authored by myself and six other scientists. An electronic version is available on Amazon.com, and a print version will be published shortly.
In order to convince the public of the threat of global warming, a cabal of scientists whose nefarious activities were exposed in the "climategate" e-mails had to fabricate two "hockey sticks": one for temperature and another for atmospheric CO2. Both had the shapes of hockey sticks, flat for previous centuries with a sharp rise during the last few decades. Both were deliberate frauds. For details, go to my most recent lecture at www.youtube.com and enter "climategate" and "hertzberg" in the search column.
Knowledgeable scientists know that changes in atmospheric CO2 do not correlate with human emission of the gas; that human emission is a trivial fraction of natural sources and sinks of CO2; that the oceans contain 50 times more CO2 than the atmosphere; that the gas is continuously recycled from the Tropical oceans where it is emitted to the Arctic oceans where it is absorbed. As oceans warm, they emit the gas and as oceans cool they absorb it.
I can only urge [correspondents] Phil Rogers and Drew Keeling to look at the totality of the data available rather than be swayed by the anecdotal fearmongering of environmental lobbyists, journalists who have failed to exercise due diligence, and power-hungry politicians. The real data for recent decades is available at www.climate4you.com and are updated monthly. The data show nothing extraordinary—just the normal variability in average temperatures, rates of sea-level rise, ice area coverage and snow coverage.
Martin Hertzberg, PhD ’59
Copper Mountain, Colorado
Editor’s note: We are now closing this discussion both in print and online.
Address letters to:
Letters to the Editor
Stanford magazine
Arrillaga Alumni Center
326 Galvez Street
Stanford, CA 94305-6105
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The current House Committee on Education and the Workforce was established on January 9, 2023. The Committee’s basic jurisdiction is over education and labor matters, generally. This includes oversight over matters related to higher and early education, workforce development and protections, and health, employment, labor, and pensions.
The first Committee of jurisdiction, the Committee on Education and Labor, was established on March 21, 1867, in the aftermath of the Civil War and during the growth of American industry. On December 19, 1883, the Committee was divided into two standing committees: the Committee on Education and the Committee on Labor. On January 2, 1947, the Legislative Reorganization Act of 1946, again, combined the Committees and renamed it the Committee on Education and Labor. On January 4, 1995, the Committee was renamed the Committee on Economic and Educational Opportunities. On January 7, 1997, the Committee was renamed the Committee on Education and the Workforce. On January 4, 2007, the Committee adopted its original name: the Committee on Education and Labor. On January 5, 2011, the Committee was renamed the Committee on Education and the Workforce. On January 3, 2019, the Committee was renamed as the Committee on Education and Labor. On January 9, 2023, the Committee was renamed the Committee on Education and the Workforce.
Committee Membership
Past Chairmen and Ranking Minority Members
The Committee on Education and Labor was created on March 21, 1867.
Committee on Education and Labor (1867-1883)
Committee on Education (1883-1947)
Committee on Labor (1883-1947)
Committee on Education and Labor (1947-1995)
Committee on Economic and Educational Opportunities (1995-1997)
Committee on Education and the Workforce (1997-2006 )
Committee on Education and Labor (2007-2011)
Committee on Education and the Workforce (2011-2019)
Committee on Education and Labor (2019-2022)
Committee on Education and the Workforce (2023-)
Archived Websites from Previous Congresses
Archived Website from the 116th Congress: Democrats »
Archived Website from the 116th Congress: Republicans »
Archived Website from the 115th Congress: Democrats »
Archived Website from the 115th Congress: Republicans »
Archived Website from the 114th Congress: Democrats »
Archived Website from the 114th Congress: Republicans »
Archived Website from the 113th Congress: Democrats »
Archived Website from the 113th Congress: Republicans »
Archived Website from the 112th Congress: Democrats »
Archived Website from the 112th Congress: Republicans »
Archived Website from the 111th Congress: Democrats »
Archived Website from the 111th Congress: Republicans »
Archived Website from the 110th Congress: Democrats »
Archived Website from the 110th Congress: Republicans »
Archived Website from the 109th Congress: Democrats »
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(1908–1998), from Appomattox County, 1948–1973, Democrat. (1792–1883), from Mecklenburg County, 1819–1833. (1952– ), from Albemarle County, 1991–1993, Republican. (1797–1871), from Harrison County (now West Virginia), 1833–1835, Whig. (1794–1859), from Shenandoah County, 1827–1833, Democratic-Republican. James Lindsay Almond Jr. (1898–1986), from Roanoke, 1946–1948, Democrat. William Segar Archer (1789–1855), from Amelia County, 1820–1825, Democratic-Republican; Read more about: Members of the United States House of Representatives from Virginia
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Encyclopedia Virginia
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SUMMARY
Members of the United States House of Representatives are listed here in alphabetical order. Each entry includes life dates if known, a member’s area of residence when first elected, period of service, and party affiliation when known. Before 1795 and again from the 1810s into the 1830s there were no well-organized political parties or parties were in flux, and for those time periods no affiliation is listed. Between 1795 and the 1810s most members are identified as Federalists or as Democratic-Republicans. The eight men who were elected to the House of Representatives in 1865 but not seated are also included in this list. John Mercer Langston, elected in 1890, was the first African American elected to Congress from Virginia. Leslie Larkin Byrne, elected in 1992, was the first woman elected to Congress from Virginia.
Watkins Moorman Abbitt (1908–1998), from Appomattox County, 1948–1973, Democrat.
Mark Alexander (1792–1883), from Mecklenburg County, 1819–1833.
George Felix Allen (1952– ), from Albemarle County, 1991–1993, Republican.
John James Allen (1797–1871), from Harrison County (now West Virginia), 1833–1835, Whig.
Robert Allen (1794–1859), from Shenandoah County, 1827–1833, Democratic-Republican.
James Lindsay Almond Jr. (1898–1986), from Roanoke, 1946–1948, Democrat.
William Segar Archer (1789–1855), from Amelia County, 1820–1825, Democratic-Republican; 1825–1835, Whig.
William Armstrong (1782–1865), from Hampshire County (now West Virginia), 1825–1833.
Archibald Atkinson (1792–1872), from Isle of Wight County, 1843–1849, Democrat.
Archibald Austin (1772–1837), from Buckingham County, 1817–1819, Democratic-Republican.
Thomas Hamlet Averett (1800–1855), from Halifax County, 1849–1853, Democrat.
Richard Small Ayer (1829–1896), from Richmond County, 1870–1871, Republican.
John Baker (1769–1823), from Jefferson County (now West Virginia), 1811–1813, Federalist.
William Lee Ball (1781–1824), from Lancaster County, 1817–1824, Democratic-Republican.
Linn Banks (1784–1842), from Culpeper County, 1838–1841, Democrat.
Benjamin Johnson Barbour (1821–1894), from Orange County, elected in 1865 but not seated.
John Strode Barbour (1790–1855), from Culpeper County, 1823–1833.
John Strode Barbour Jr. (1820–1892), from Alexandria, 1881–1887, Democrat.
Philip Pendleton Barbour (1783–1841), from Orange County, 1814–1825, 1827–1830 (Speaker, Seventeenth Congress, 1821–1822).
Richard Walker Barton (1799–1860), from Winchester, 1841–1843, Democrat.
Burwell Bassett (1764–1841), from Williamsburg, 1805–1813, 1815–1819, 1821–1829, Democratic-Republican.
Herbert Harvell Bateman (1928–2000), from Newport News, 1983–2000, Republican.
Thomas Henry Bayly (1809–1856), from Accomack County, 1844–1856, Democrat.
Thomas Monteagle Bayly (1775–1834), from Accomack County, 1813–1815, Federalist.
James Madison Hite Beale (1786–1866), from Shenandoah County, 1833–1837, 1849–1853, Democrat.
Richard Lee Turberville Beale (1819–1893), from Westmoreland County, 1847–1849, 1879–1881, Democrat.
Henry Bedinger (1812–1858), from Jefferson County (now West Virginia), 1845–1849, Democrat.
Andrew Beirne (1771–1845), from Monroe County (now West Virginia), 1837–1841, Democrat.
Jacob Beeson Blair (1821–1901), from Wood County (now West Virginia), 1861–1863, Unionist.
Schuyler Otis Bland (1872–1950), from Newport News, 1918–1950, Democrat.
Theodorick Bland (1742–1790), from Prince George County, 1789–1790.
Thomas Jerome Bliley Jr. (1932– ), from Richmond, 1981–2001, Republican.
Thomas Salem Bocock (1815–1891), from Appomattox County, 1847–1861, Democrat.
George William Booker (1821–1884), from Martinsville, 1870–1871, Conservative.
Alexander Robinson Boteler (1815–1892), from Jefferson County (now West Virginia), 1859–1861, Opposition.
John Minor Botts (1802–1869), from [not a city in 1839, became one in 1842] Richmond, 1839–1843, 1847–1849, Whig.
Frederick Carlyle Boucher (1946– ), from Washington County, 1983–2010, Democrat.
James Wood Bouldin (1792–1854), from Charlotte County, 1834–1839, Democrat.
Thomas Tyler Bouldin (d. 1834), from Charlotte County, 1829–1833, 1833–1834.
George Edwin Bowden (1852–1908), from Norfolk, 1887–1891, Republican.
Henry Bowen (1841–1915), from Tazewell County, 1883–1885, Readjuster; 1887–1889, Republican.
Rees Tate Bowen (1809–1879), from Tazewell County, 1873–1875, Democrat.
James Dennis Brady (1843–1900), from Petersburg, 1885–1887, Republican.
David Alan Bratt (1964– ), from Hanover County, 2014–2019, Republican.
Elliott Muse Braxton (1823–1891), from Fredericksburg, 1871–1873, Democrat.
James Breckinridge (1763–1833), from Botetourt County, 1809–1817, Federalist.
Richard Brent (d. 1814), from Prince William County, 1795–1799, 1801–1803, Democratic-Republican.
John Brown (1757–1837), from Frankfurt, Mercer County (now Kentucky), 1789–1792.
John Robert Brown (1842–1927), from Henry County, 1887–1889, Republican.
William G. Brown (1800–1884), from Preston County (now West Virginia), 1845–1849, Democrat; 1861–1863, Unionist.
Thomas Henry Bayly Browne (1844–1892), from Accomack County, 1887–1891, Republican.
Joel Thomas Broyhill (1919–2006), from Arlington County, 1953–1974, Republican.
John Alexander Buchanan (1843–1921), from Washington County, 1889–1893, Democrat.
Thomas Granville Burch (1869–1951), from Martinsville, 1931–1946, Democrat.
Clarence Godber Burton (1886–1982), from Lynchburg, 1948–1953, Democrat.
William Armistead Burwell (1780–1821), from Franklin County, 1806–1821, Democratic-Republican.
Manley Caldwell Butler (1925– ), from Roanoke, 1972–1983, Republican.
Leslie Larkin Byrne (1946– ), from Falls Church, 1993–1995, Democrat.
George Craighead Cabell (1836–1906), from Danville, 1875–1887, Democrat.
Samuel Jordan Cabell (1756–1818), from Amherst County, 1795–1803, Democratic-Republican.
Eric Ivan Cantor (1963– ), from Henrico County, 2001–2014, Republican.
Hugh Caperton (1781–1847), from Monroe County (now West Virginia), 1813–1815, Federalist.
John Snyder Carlile (1817–1878), from Harrison County (now West Virginia), 1855–1857, American; 1861, Unionist.
Charles Creighton Carlin (1866–1938), from Alexandria, 1907–1919, Democrat.
George Booth Cary (ca. 1802–1850), from Southampton County, 1841–1843, Democrat.
John Samuel Caskie (1821–1869), from Richmond, 1851–1859, Democrat.
Lucius Henry Chandler (1812–1876), from Norfolk, elected in 1865 but not seated.
Augustus A. Chapman (1805–1876), from Monroe County (now West Virginia), 1843–1847, Democrat.
Samuel Chilton (1805–1867), from Fauquier County, 1843–1845, Whig.
Joseph William Chinn (1798–1840), from Lancaster County, 1831–1835.
John Claiborne (1778–1808), from Brunswick County, 1805–1808, Democratic-Republican.
Nathaniel Herbert Claiborne (1775–1859), from Franklin County, 1825–1837.
Thomas Claiborne (1747–1811), from Brunswick County, 1793–1799, 1801–1805, Democratic-Republican.
Christopher Henderson Clark (1768–1828), from Bedford County, 1804–1806, Democratic-Republican.
Matthew Clay (1754–1815), from Halifax County, 1797–1813, 1815, Democratic-Republican.
Sherrard Clemens (1820–1880), from Ohio County (now West Virginia), 1852–1853, 1857–1861, Democrat.
Benjamin Lee Cline (1972– ), from Lexington, 2019-, Republican.
John Clopton (1756–1816), from New Kent County, 1795–1799, 1801–1816, Democratic-Republican.
Richard Coke Jr. (1790–1851), from Williamsburg, 1829–1833.
Isaac Coles (1747–1813), from Pittsylvania County, 1789–1791; 1793–1797, Democratic-Republican.
Walter Coles (1790–1857), from Halifax County, 1835–1845, Democrat.
Edward Colston (1786–1851), from Berkeley County (now West Virginia), 1817–1819, Federalist.
Barbara Jean Burns Comstock (1959– ), from Fairfax County, 2015–2019, Republican.
Gerald Edward Connolly (1950– ), from Fairfax County, 2009– , Democrat.
Robert Young Conrad (1805–1875), from Frederick County, elected in 1865 but not seated.
Robert Craig (1792–1852), from Montgomery County, 1829–1833, 1835–1841, Democrat.
John Critcher (1820–1901), from Westmoreland County, 1871–1873, Conservative Democrat.
Thomas Croxton (1822–1903), from Essex County, 1885–1887, Democrat.
George William Crump (1786–1848), from Cumberland County, 1826–1827.
William Henry Bagwell Custis (1814–1889), from Accomack County, elected in 1865 but not seated.
John Warwick Daniel (1842–1910), from Lynchburg, 1885–1887, Democrat.
Robert Williams Daniel Jr. (1936– ), from Prince George County, 1973–1983, Republican.
Wilbur Clarence Daniel (1914–1988), from Danville, 1969–1988, Democrat.
Colgate Whitehead Darden Jr. (1897–1981), from Norfolk, 1933–1937, 1939–1941, Democrat.
Ralph Hunter Daughton (1885–1958), from Norfolk, 1944–1947, Democrat.
Thomas Davenport (d. 1838), from Halifax County, 1825–1835.
Alexander M. Davis (1833–1889), from Grayson County, 1873–1874, Democrat.
Beverly Arnold Davis (1820–1894), from Patrick County, elected in 1865 but not seated.
Billie Jo Ann Sides Davis (1950–2007), from Gloucester County, 2001–2007, Republican.
Thomas Milburn Davis III (1949– ), from Fairfax County, 1995– 2009, Republican.
John Dawson (1762–1814), from Spotsylvania County, 1797–1814, Democratic-Republican.
Joseph Thomas Deal (1860–1942), from Norfolk, 1921–1929, Democrat.
Daniel Coleman Dejarnette (1822–1881), from Caroline County, 1859–1861, Independent Democrat.
John Frederick Dezendorf (1834–1894), from Norfolk, 1881–1883, Republican.
Philip Doddridge (1773–1832), from Brooke County (now West Virginia), 1829–1832.
Beverley Browne Douglas (1822–1878), from King William County, 1875–1878, Democrat.
Thomas Nelms Downing (1919–2001), from Newport News, 1959–1977, Democrat.
Thelma Day Drake (1949– ), from Norfolk, 2005–2009, Republican.
Joseph Draper (1794–1834), from Wythe County, 1830–1831, 1832–1833.
Patrick Henry Drewry (1875–1947), from Petersburg, 1920–1947, Democrat.
George Coke Dromgoole (1797–1847), from Brunswick County, 1835–1841, 1843–1847, Democrat.
Richard Thomas Walker Duke (1822–1898), from Charlottesville, 1870–1873, Conservative.
Paul Carrington Edmunds (1836–1899), from Halifax County, 1889–1895, Democrat.
Henry Alonzo Edmundson (1814–1890), from Salem, 1849–1861, Democrat.
Joseph Eggleston (1754–1811), from Amelia County, 1798–1801, Democratic-Republican.
Tazewell Ellett (1856–1914), from Richmond, 1895–1897, Democrat.
James Fletcher Epes (1842–1910), from Nottoway County, 1891–1895, Democrat.
Sydney Parham Epes (1865–1900), from Nottoway County, 1897–1898, 1899–1900, Democrat.
John Wayles Eppes (1773–1823), from Chesterfield County, 1803–1811, Democratic-Republican; from Buckingham County, 1813–1815, Democratic-Republican.
Benjamin Estill (1780–1853), from Washington County, 1825–1827.
Thomas Evans (ca. 1755–1815), from Accomack County, 1797–1801, Federalist.
Charles James Faulkner (1806–1884), from Berkeley County (now West Virginia), 1851–1855, Whig; 1855–1859, Democrat.
John Wood Fishburne (1888–1937), from Charlottesville, 1931–1933, Democrat.
Joseph Lyman Fisher (1914–1992), from Arlington County, 1975–1981, Democrat.
John William Flannagan Jr. (1885–1955), from Bristol, 1931–1949, Democrat.
Henry DeLaWarr Flood (1865–1921), from Appomattox County, 1901–1921, Democrat.
Joel West Flood (1894–1964), from Appomattox County, 1932–1933, Democrat.
Thomas Stanhope Flournoy (1811–1883), from Halifax County, 1847–1849, Whig.
John Floyd (1783–1837), from Montgomery County, 1817–1829.
James Randy Forbes (1952– ), from Chesapeake, 2001–2017, Republican.
Thomas Bacon Fugate (1899–1980), from Lee County, 1949–1953, Democrat.
Abram Fulkerson (1834–1902), from Bristol, 1881–1883, Readjuster.
Andrew Steele Fulton (1800–1884), from Wythe County, 1847–1849, Whig.
John Hall Fulton (d. 1836), from Washington County, 1833–1835.
William Embre Gaines (1844–1912), from Nottoway County, 1887–1889, Republican.
Jacob Aaron Garber (1879–1953), from Rockingham County, 1929–1931, Republican.
David Shepherd Garland (1769–1841), from Amherst County, 1810–1811, Democratic-Republican.
James Garland (1791–1885), from Nelson County, 1835–1841, Democrat.
James Mercer Garnett (1770–1843), from Essex County, 1805–1809, Democratic-Republican.
Muscoe Russell Hunter Garnett (1821–1864), from Essex County, 1856–1861, Democrat.
Robert Selden Garnett (1789–1840), from Essex County, 1817–1827.
Thomas Alexander Garrett Jr. (1972– ), from Buckingham County, 2017–2019, Republican.
George Tankard Garrison (1835–1889), from Accomack County, 1881–1883, 1884–1885, Democrat.
Julian Vaughan Gary (1892–1973), from Richmond, 1945–1965, Democrat.
James Herbert Gholson (1798–1848), from Brunswick County, 1833–1835.
Thomas Gholson Jr. (d. 1816), from Brunswick County, 1808–1816, Democratic-Republican.
James King Gibson (1812–1879), from Washington County, 1870–1871, Conservative.
William Branch Giles (1762–1830), from Amelia County, 1790–1798, 1801–1803, Democratic-Republican.
Thomas Walker Gilmer (1802–1844), from Charlottesville, 1841–1843, Whig; 1843–1844, Democrat.
Carter Glass (1858–1946), from Lynchburg, 1902–1918, Democrat.
William Leftwich Goggin (1807–1870), from Bedford County, 1839–1843, 1844–1845, 1847–1849, Whig.
Robert George Good (1965– ), from Campbell County, 2021– , Republican.
John Goode Jr. (1829–1909), from Norfolk, 1875–1881, Democrat.
Samuel Goode (1756–1822), from Mecklenburg County, 1799–1801, Democratic-Republican.
Virgil Hamlin Goode Jr. (1946– ), from Franklin County, 1997–2000, Democrat; 2000–2002, Independent; 2002–2009, Republican.
William Osborne Goode (1798–1859), from Mecklenburg County, 1841–1843, 1853–1859, Democrat.
Robert William Goodlatte (1952– ), from Roanoke, 1993–2019, Republican.
Peterson Goodwyn (1745–1818), from Petersburg, 1803–1818, Democratic-Republican.
William Fitzhugh Gordon (1787–1858), from Albemarle County, 1830–1835.
Edwin Gray (ca. 1769–by 1826), from Southampton County, 1799–1813, Federalist.
John Cowper Gray (1783–1823), from Southampton County, 1820–1821, Democratic-Republican.
Samuel Griffin (1746–1810), from James City County, 1789–1795.
Thomas Griffin (1773–1837), from Yorktown, 1803–1805, Federalist.
Howard Morgan Griffith (1958– ), from Salem, 2011– , Republican.
Norman Rond Hamilton (1877–1964), from Portsmouth, 1937–1939, Democrat.
George Hancock (1754–1820), from Botetourt County, 1793–1797.
Porter Hardy Jr. (1903–1995), from Norfolk County, 1947–1969, Democrat.
Herbert Eugene Harris II (1926– ), from Fairfax County, 1975–1981, Democrat.
John Thomas Harris (1823–1899), from Harrisonburg, 1859–1861, 1871–1881, Democrat.
William Alexander Harris (1805–1864), from Page County, 1841–1843, Democrat.
Winder Russell Harris (1888–1973), from Norfolk, 1941–1944, Democrat.
Burr Powell Harrison (1904–1973), from Winchester, 1946–1963, Democrat.
Carter Bassett Harrison (ca. 1756–1808), from Prince George County, 1793–1799, Democratic-Republican.
Thomas Walter Harrison (1856–1935), from Winchester, 1916–1922, 1923–1929, Democrat.
Aylett Hawes (1768–1833), from Culpeper County, 1811–1817, Democratic-Republican.
James Hay (1856–1931), from Madison County, 1897–1916, Democrat.
Thomas Sherwood Haymond (1794–1869), from Marion County (now West Virginia), 1849–1851, Whig.
Samuel Lewis Hays (1794–1871), from Lewis County (now West Virginia), 1841–1843, Democrat.
John Heath (1758–1810), from Northumberland County, 1793–1797, Democratic-Republican.
John Hill (1800–1880), from Buckingham County, 1839–1841, Whig.
Daniel Howe Hoge (1811–1867), from Montgomery County, elected in 1865 but not seated.
Alexander Richmond Holladay (1811–1877), from Spotsylvania County, 1849–1853, Democrat.
Edward Everett Holland (1861–1941), from Suffolk, 1911–1921, Democrat.
Joel Holleman (1799–1844), from Isle of Wight County, 1839–1840, Democrat.
David Holmes (1769–1832), from Harrisonburg, 1797–1809, Democratic-Republican.
James Murray Hooker (1873–1940), from Patrick County, 1921–1925, Democrat.
Benjamin Stephen Hooper (1835–1898), from Prince Edward County, 1883–1885, Readjuster.
George Washington Hopkins (1804–1861), from Washington County, 1835–1847, 1857–1859, Democrat.
Samuel Isaac Hopkins (1843–1914), from Lynchburg, 1887–1889, Labor.
Edmund Wilcox Hubard (1806–1878), from Buckingham County, 1841–1847, Democrat.
John Pratt Hungerford (1761–1833), from Westmoreland County, 1811, 1813–1817, Democratic-Republican.
Robert Mercer Taliaferro Hunter (1809–1887), from Essex County, 1837–1843, 1845–1847 (Speaker, Twenty-sixth Congress, 1839–1840), Whig.
Eppa Hunton (1822–1908), from Fauquier County, 1873–1881, Democrat.
Robert Hurt (1969– ), from Chatham, 2011–2017, Republican.
Edward Brake Jackson (1793–1826), from Harrison County (now West Virginia), 1820–1823, Democratic-Republican.
George Jackson (1757–1831), from Harrison County (now West Virginia), 1795–1797, 1799–1803, Democratic-Republican.
John George Jackson (1777–1825), from Harrison County (now West Virginia), 1803–1810, 1813–1817, Democratic-Republican.
Rorer Abraham James (1859–1921), from Danville, 1920–1921, Democrat.
Albert Gallatin Jenkins (1830–1864), from Cabell County (now West Virginia), 1857–1861, Democrat.
William Pat Jennings (1919–1994), from Smyth County, 1955–1967, Democrat.
James Johnson (d. 1825), from Isle of Wight County, 1813–1820, Democratic-Republican.
Joseph Johnson (1785–1877), from Harrison County (now West Virginia), 1823–1827, 1833, 1835–1841, 1845–1847, Democrat.
Charles Clement Johnston (1795–1832), from Washington County, 1831–1832.
Joseph Eggleston Johnston (1807–1891), from Richmond, 1879–1881, Democrat.
James Jones (1772–1848), from Nottoway County, 1819–1823, Democratic-Republican.
John Winston Jones (1791–1848), from Chesterfield County, 1835–1845 (Speaker, Twenty-eighth Congress, 1843–1844), Democrat.
Walter Jones (1745–1815), from Northumberland County, 1797–1799, 1803–1811, Democratic-Republican.
William Atkinson Jones (1849–1918), from Richmond County, 1891–1918, Democrat.
Joseph Jorgensen (1844–1888), from Petersburg, 1877–1883, Republican.
John Kerr (1782–1842), from Halifax County, 1813–1815, 1815–1817, Democratic-Republican.
Zedekiah Kidwell (1814–1872), from Marion County (now West Virginia), 1853–1857, Democrat.
Jennifer Ann Moore Kiggans (1971– ), from Virginia Beach, 2023– , Republican.
John Lamb (1840–1924), from Richmond, 1897–1913, Democrat.
John Mercer Langston (1829–1897), from Petersburg, 1890–1891, Republican.
Menalcus Lankford (1883–1937), from Norfolk, 1929–1933, Republican.
Francis Rives Lassiter (1866–1909), from Petersburg, 1900–1903, 1907–1909, Democrat.
John William Lawson (1837–1905), from Isle of Wight County, 1891–1893, Democrat.
Shelton Farrar Leake (1812–1884), from Charlottesville, 1845–1847, 1859–1861, Democrat.
Henry Lee (1756–1818), from Westmoreland County, 1799–1801, Federalist.
Richard Bland Lee (1761–1827), from Prince William County, 1789–1795.
William Henry Fitzhugh Lee (1837–1891), from Fairfax County, 1887–1891, Democrat.
Isaac Leffler (1788–1866), from Ohio County (now West Virginia), 1827–1829.
Jabez Leftwich (1766–1855), from Bedford County, 1821–1825.
Posey Green Lester (1850–1929), from Floyd County, 1889–1893, Democrat.
John Letcher (1813–1884), from Lexington, 1851–1859, Democrat.
Charles Swearinger Lewis (1821–1878), from Harrison County (now West Virginia), 1854–1855, Democrat.
Joseph Lewis Jr. (1772–1834), from Loudoun County, 1803–1817, Federalist.
Thomas Lewis (life dates unknown), from Kanawha County (now West Virginia), 1803–1804, Federalist.
William J. Lewis (1766–1828), from Lynchburg, 1817–1819, Democratic-Republican.
Harry Libbey (1843–1913), from Hampton, 1883–1885, Readjuster; 1885–1887, Republican.
John Love (d. 1822), from Alexandria, 1807–1811, Democratic-Republican.
George Loyall (1789–1868), from [not a city until 1845] Norfolk, 1830–1831, 1833–1837, Democrat.
Edward Lucas (1790–1858), from Jefferson County (now West Virginia), 1833–1837, Democrat.
William Lucas (1800–1877), from Jefferson County (now West Virginia), 1839–1841, 1843–1845, Democrat.
Elaine Goodman Luria (1975– ), from Norfolk, 2019–2023, Democrat.
James Machir (d. 1827), from Hardy County (now West Virginia), 1797–1799, Federalist.
James Madison (1751–1836), from Orange County, 1789–1797, Democratic-Republican.
Francis Mallory (1807–1860), from Hampton, 1837–1839, 1840–1843, Whig.
John Otho Marsh Jr. (1926– ), from Shenandoah County, 1963–1971, Democrat.
James William Marshall (1843–1911), from Craig County, 1893–1895, Democrat.
John Marshall (1755–1835), from Richmond, 1799–1800, Federalist.
Elbert Sevier Martin (ca. 1829–1876), from Lee County, 1859–1861, Democrat.
James Murray Mason (1798–1871), from Winchester, 1837–1839, Democrat.
John Young Mason (1799–1859), from Greensville County, 1831–1837, Democrat.
Lewis Maxwell (1790–1862), from Lewis County (now West Virginia), 1827–1833.
Harry Lee Maynard (1861–1922), from Portsmouth, 1901–1911, Democrat.
Robert Murphy Mayo (1836–1896), from Westmoreland County, 1883–1884, Readjuster.
William Mason McCarty (ca. 1789–1863), from Fairfax County, 1840–1841, Whig.
Jennifer Leigh McClellan (1972– ), from Richmond, 2023– , Democrat.
William McComas (1795–1865), from Cabell County (now West Virginia), 1833–1837, Whig.
William McCoy (d. 1864), from Pendleton County (now West Virginia), 1811–1833.
James McDowell (1795–1851), from Rockbridge County, 1846–1851, Democrat.
Aston Donald McEachin (1961–2022), from Henrico County, 2017–2022, Democrat.
William Robertson McKenney (1851–1916), from Petersburg, 1895–1896, Democrat.
Lewis McKenzie (1810–1895), from Alexandria, 1863, Unionist; 1870–1871, Conservative.
William McKinley (life dates unknown), from Ohio County (now West Virginia), 1810–1811, Democratic-Republican.
Fayette McMullen (1805–1880), from Scott County, 1849–1857, Democrat.
Richard Kidder Meade (1803–1862), from Petersburg, 1847–1853, Democrat.
Charles Fenton Mercer (1778–1858), from Loudoun County, 1817–1839.
Elisha Edward Meredith (1848–1900), from Prince William County, 1891–1897, Democrat.
John Singleton Millson (1808–1874), from Norfolk, 1849–1861, Democrat.
William Milnes Jr. (1827–1889), from Page County, 1870–1871, Conservative Republican.
Andrew Jackson Montague (1862–1937), from Richmond, 1913–1937, Democrat.
Andrew Moore (1752–1821), from Rockbridge County, 1789–1797, 1804, Democratic-Republican.
Robert Walton Moore (1859–1941), from Fairfax County, 1919–1931, Democrat.
Samuel McDowell Moore (1796–1875), from Rockbridge County, 1833–1835.
Thomas Love Moore (d. 1862), from Fauquier County, 1820–1823, Democratic-Republican.
James Patrick Moran (1945– ), from Alexandria, 1991–2015, Democrat.
Daniel Morgan (1736–1802), from Frederick County, 1797–1799, Federalist.
William Stephen Morgan (1801–1878), from Monongalia County (now West Virginia), 1835–1839, Democrat.
John Morrow (life dates unknown), from Jefferson County (now West Virginia), 1805–1809, Democratic-Republican.
Jeremiah Morton (1799–1878), from Culpeper County, 1849–1851, Whig.
Hugh Nelson (1768–1836), from Albemarle County, 1811–1823, Democratic-Republican.
Thomas Maduit Nelson (1782–1853), from Mecklenburg County, 1816–1819, Democratic-Republican.
Joseph Neville (1730–1819), from Hampshire County (now West Virginia), 1793–1795.
Anthony New (1747–1833), from Caroline County, 1793–1805, Democratic-Republican.
Alexander Newman (1804–1849), from Ohio County (now West Virginia), 1849, Democrat.
Thomas Newton (1768–1847), from Norfolk, 1801–1830, 1831–1833.
Willoughby Newton (1802–1874), from Westmoreland County, 1843–1845, Whig.
John Nicholas (ca. 1757–1820), from Stafford County, 1793–1801, Democratic-Republican.
Wilson Cary Nicholas (1761–1820), from Albemarle County, 1807–1809, Democratic-Republican.
Glenn Carlyle Nye III (1974– ), from Norfolk, 2009– 2010, Democrat.
Charles Triplett O’Ferrall (1840–1905), from Harrisonburg, 1884–1893, Democrat.
James Randolph Olin (1920–2006), from Roanoke, 1983–1993, Democrat.
Peter Johnston Otey (1840–1902), from Lynchburg, 1895–1902, Democrat.
John Page (1744–1808), from Gloucester County, 1789–1797, Democratic-Republican.
Robert Page (1765–1840), from Frederick County, 1799–1801, Federalist.
Josiah Parker (1751–1810), from Isle of Wight County, 1789–1801, Federalist.
Richard Parker (1810–1893), from Clarke County, 1849–1851, Democrat.
Severn Eyre Parker (1787–1836), from Northampton County, 1819–1821, Democratic-Republican.
Stanford Elmer Parris (1929–2010), from Fairfax County, 1973–1975, 1981–1991, Republican.
John Mercer Patton (1797–1858), from Fredericksburg, 1830–1838, Democrat.
John Paul (1839–1901), from Harrisonburg, 1881–1883, Readjuster.
John Paul (1883–1964), from Harrisonburg, 1922–1923, Republican.
Lewis Franklin Payne Jr. (1945– ), from Nelson County, 1988–1997, Democrat.
George Campbell Peery (1873–1952), from Tazewell County, 1923–1929, Democrat.
John Pegram (1773–1831), from Dinwiddie County, 1818–1819, Democratic-Republican.
John Strother Pendleton (1802–1868), from Culpeper County, 1845–1849, Whig.
Isaac Samuels Pennybacker (1805–1847), from Harrisonburg, 1837–1839, Democrat.
Thomas Stuart Price Perriello (1974– ), from Charlottesville, 2009– 2010.
Owen Bradford Pickett (1930–2010), from Virginia Beach, 1987–2001, Democrat.
James Pindall (ca. 1783–1825), from Harrison County (now West Virginia), 1817–1820, Federalist.
James Henry Platt Jr. (1837–1894), from Petersburg, 1870–1875, Republican.
James Pleasants (1769–1836), from Goochland County, 1811–1819, Democratic-Republican.
Richard Harding Poff (1923–2011), from Radford, 1953–1972, Republican.
Charles Howell Porter (1833–1897), from Richmond, 1870–1873, Republican.
Alfred Harrison Powell (1781–1831), from Winchester, 1825–1827.
Cuthbert Powell (1775–1849), from Loudoun County, 1841–1843, Whig.
Levin Powell (1737–1810), from Loudoun County, 1799–1801, Federalist.
Paulus Powell (1809–1874), from Amherst County, 1849–1859, Democrat.
Francis Preston (1765–1836), from Montgomery County, 1793–1797, Democratic-Republican.
William Ballard Preston (1805–1862), from Montgomery County, 1847–1849, Whig.
Auburn Lorenzo Pridemore (1837–1900), from Lee County, 1877–1879, Democrat.
Roger Atkinson Pryor (1828–1919), from Petersburg, 1859–1861, Democrat.
Julian Minor Quarles (1848–1929), from Staunton, 1899–1901, Democrat.
John Randolph (1773–1833), from Charlotte County, 1799–1813, 1815–1817, 1819–1825, 1827–1829, 1833.
Thomas Mann Randolph (1768–1828), from Albemarle County, 1803–1807, Democratic-Republican.
William Francis Rhea (1858–1931), from Bristol, 1899–1903, Democrat.
James Buchanan Richmond (1842–1910), from Scott County, 1879–1881, Democrat.
Robert Ridgway (1828–1870), from Amherst County, elected in 1865 but not seated; 1870, Conservative.
Edward Scott Rigell (1960– ), from Virginia Beach, 2011–2017, Republican.
Denver Lee Riggleman (1970– ), from Nelson County, 2019–2021, Republican.
Francis Everod Rives (1792–1861), from Sussex County, 1837–1841, Democrat.
William Cabell Rives (1793–1868), from Albemarle County, 1823–1829.
John Franklin Rixey (1854–1907), from Culpeper County, 1897–1907, Democrat.
John Roane (1766–1838), from King William County, 1809–1815, 1827–1831, 1835–1837.
John Jones Roane (1794–1869), from King William County, 1831–1833.
William Henry Roane (1787–1845), from King and Queen County, 1815–1817, Democratic-Republican.
Absalom Willis Robertson (1887–1971), from Lexington, 1933–1946, Democrat.
John Robertson (1787–1873), from Richmond, 1834–1839, Whig.
Edward John Robeson Jr. (1890–1966), from Newport News, 1950–1959, Democrat.
James Kenneth Robinson (1916–1990), from Winchester, 1971–1985, Republican.
Robert Rutherford (1728–1803), from Jefferson County (now West Virginia), 1793–1797, Democratic-Republican.
Green Berry Samuels (1806–1859), from Shenandoah County, 1839–1841, Democrat.
David Edward Satterfield Jr. (1894–1946), from Richmond, 1937–1945, Democrat.
David Edward Satterfield III (1920–1988), from Richmond, 1965–1981, Democrat.
Edward Watts Saunders (1860–1921), from Franklin County, 1906–1920, Democrat.
Edward Lee Schrock (1941– ), from Virginia Beach, 2001–2005, Republican.
Robert Cortez Scott (1947– ), from Newport News, 1993– , Democrat.
William Lloyd Scott (1915–1997), from Fairfax, 1967–1973, Republican.
James Alexander Seddon (1815–1880), from Richmond, 1845–1847, 1849–1851, Democrat.
Joseph Eggleston Segar (1804–1880), from Hampton, 1862–1863, Unionist.
James Beverley Sener (1837–1903), from Fredericksburg, 1873–1875, Republican.
Joseph Crockett Shaffer (1880–1958), from Wythe County, 1929–1931, Republican.
Daniel Sheffey (1770–1830), from Wythe County, 1809–1817, Federalist.
Norman Sisisky (1927–2001), from Petersburg, 1983–2001, Democrat.
Daniel French Slaughter Jr. (1925–1998), from Culpeper County, 1985–1991, Republican.
Campbell Slemp (1839–1907), from Wise County, 1903–1907, Republican.
Campbell Bascom Slemp (1870–1943), from Wise County, 1907–1923, Republican.
Arthur Smith (1785–1853), from Isle of Wight County, 1821–1825.
Ballard Smith (ca. 1782–after October 1870), from Greenbrier County (now West Virginia), 1815–1821, Democratic-Republican.
Howard Worth Smith (1883–1976), from Alexandria, 1931–1967, Democrat.
John Smith (1750–1836), from Frederick County, 1801–1815, Democratic-Republican.
John Ambler Smith (1847–1892), from New Kent County, 1873–1875, Republican.
William Smith (b. ca. 1790), from Greenbrier County (now West Virginia), 1821–1827.
William Smith (1797–1887), from Culpeper County, 1841–1843, 1853–1861, Democrat.
Alexander Smyth (1765–1830), from Wythe County, 1817–1825, 1827–1830.
John Fryall Snodgrass (1804–1854), from Wood County (now West Virginia), 1853–1854, Democrat.
Robert Goode Southall (1852–1924), from Amelia County, 1903–1907, Democrat.
Abigail Davis Spanberger (1979– ), from Henrico County, 2019– , Democrat.
Thomas Bahnson Stanley (1890–1970), from Henry County, 1946–1953, Democrat.
Lewis Steenrod (1810–1862), from Ohio County (now West Virginia), 1839–1845, Democrat.
James Stephenson (1764–1833), from Berkeley County (now West Virginia), 1803–1805, 1809–1811, 1822–1825.
Andrew Stevenson (1784–1857), from Richmond, 1821–1834 (Speaker, Twentieth through Twenty-third Congresses, 1827–1834).
William Henry Harrison Stowell (1840–1922), from Halifax County, 1871–1877, Republican.
John Stratton (1769–1804), from Northampton County, 1801–1803, Federalist.
George French Strother (1783–1840), from Culpeper County, 1817–1820, Democratic-Republican.
James French Strother (1811–1860), from Rappahannock County, 1851–1853, Whig.
Alexander Hugh Holmes Stuart (1807–1891), from Staunton, 1841–1843, Whig; elected in 1865 but not seated.
Archibald Stuart (1795–1855), from Patrick County, 1837–1839, Democrat.
George William Summers (1804–1868), from Kanawha County (now West Virginia), 1841–1845, Whig.
Claude Augustus Swanson (1862–1939), from Pittsylvania County, 1893–1906, Democrat.
Jacob Swoope (ca. 1766–1832), from Augusta County, 1809–1811, Federalist.
John Taliaferro (1768–1852), from King George County, 1801–1803, 1811–1813, 1824–1831, 1835–1843.
Magnus Tate (1760–1823), from Berkeley County (now West Virginia), 1815–1817, Federalist.
Robert Taylor (1763–1845), from Orange County, 1825–1827.
Scott W. Taylor (1979– ), from Virginia Beach, 2017–2019, Republican
William Taylor (1788–1846), from Lexington, 1843–1846, Democrat.
William Penn Taylor (1791–after January 1863), from Caroline County, 1833–1835.
Littleton Waller Tazewell (1774–1860), from Williamsburg, 1800–1801, Democratic-Republican.
William Terry (1824–1888), from Wythe County, 1871–1873, 1875–1877, Democrat.
Christopher Yancy Thomas (1818–1879), from Martinsville, 1874–1875, Republican.
George Western Thompson (1806–1888), from Ohio County (now West Virginia), 1851–1852, Democrat.
Philip Rootes Thompson (1766–1837), from Culpeper County, 1801–1807, Democratic-Republican.
Robert Augustine Thompson (1805–1876), from Kanawha County (now West Virginia), 1847–1849, Democrat.
Robert Taylor Thorp (1850–1938), from Mecklenburg County, 1896–1897, 1898–1899, Republican.
William Marshall Tredway (1807–1891), from Danville, 1845–1847, Democrat.
James Trezvant (d. 1841), from Southampton County, 1825–1831.
Paul Seward Trible Jr. (1946– ), from Essex County, 1977–1983, Republican.
Abram Trigg (1750–1826), from Montgomery County, 1797–1809, Democratic-Republican.
Connally Findlay Trigg (1847–1907), from Washington County, 1885–1887, Democrat.
John Johns Trigg (1748–1804), from Bedford County, 1797–1804, Democratic-Republican.
William Munford Tuck (1896–1983), from South Boston, 1953–1969, Democrat.
George Tucker (1775–1861), from Lynchburg, 1819–1825.
Henry St. George Tucker (1780–1848), from Winchester, 1815–1819, Democratic-Republican.
Henry St. George Tucker (1853–1932), from Staunton, 1889–1897, Democrat; from Lexington, 1922–1932, Democrat.
John Randolph Tucker (1823–1897), from Lexington, 1875–1887, Democrat.
Robert Turnbull (1850–1920), from Brunswick County, 1910–1913, Democrat.
Smith Spangler Turner (1842–1898), from Warren County, 1894–1897, Democrat.
David Gardiner Tyler (1846–1927), from Charles City County, 1893–1897, Democrat.
John Tyler (1790–1862), from Charles City County, 1817–1821, Democratic-Republican.
Charles Horace Upton (1812–1877), from Fairfax County, 1861–1862, Unionist.
Thomas Van Swearingen (1784–1822), from Jefferson County (now West Virginia), 1819–1822.
Abraham Bedford Venable (1758–1811), from Prince Edward County, 1791–1799, Democratic-Republican.
Edward Carrington Venable (1853–1908), from Petersburg, 1889–1890, Democrat.
Edmund Waddill Jr. (1855–1931), from Henrico County, 1890–1891, Republican.
Francis Walker (1764–1806), from Albemarle County, 1793–1795.
Gilbert Carlton Walker (1833–1885), from Norfolk, 1875–1879, Democrat.
James Alexander Walker (1832–1901), from Wythe County, 1895–1899, Republican.
William Creed Wampler (1926– ), from Bristol, 1953–1955, 1967–1983, Republican.
Walter Allen Watson (1867–1919), from Nottoway County, 1913–1919, Democrat.
Jennifer Lynn Tosini Wexton (1968– ), from Loudoun County, 2019– , Democrat.
Kellian Van Rensalear Whaley (1821–1876), from Wayne County (now West Virginia), 1861–1863, Unionist.
Alexander White (ca. 1738–1804), from Frederick County, 1789–1793.
Francis White (d. 1826), from Hampshire County (now West Virginia), 1813–1815, Federalist.
Joseph Whitehead (1867–1938), from Pittsylvania County, 1925–1931, Democrat.
Thomas Whitehead (1825–1901), from Amherst County, 1873–1875, Democrat.
George William Whitehurst (1925– ), from Norfolk, 1969–1987, Republican.
Jared Williams (1766–1831), from Frederick County, 1819–1825.
Alexander Wilson (life dates unknown), from Botetourt County, 1804–1809, Democratic-Republican.
Edgar Campbell Wilson (1800–1860), from Monongalia County (now West Virginia), 1833–1835.
Thomas Wilson (1765–1826), from Monongalia County (now West Virginia), 1811–1813, Federalist.
George Douglas Wise (1831–1898), from Richmond, 1881–1890, 1891–1895, Democrat.
Henry Alexander Wise (1806–1876), from Accomack County, 1833–1837; 1837–1843, Whig; 1843–1844, Democrat.
John Sergeant Wise (1846–1913), from Richmond, 1883–1885, Readjuster.
Richard Alsop Wise (1843–1900), from Williamsburg, 1898–1899, 1900, Republican.
Robert Joseph Wittman (1959– ), from Westmoreland County, 2007– , Republican.
Frank Rudolph Wolf (1939– ), from Fairfax County, 1981–2015, Republican.
Clifton Alexander Woodrum (1887–1950), from Roanoke, 1923–1945, Democrat.
James Pleasant Woods (1868–1948), from Roanoke, 1919–1923, Democrat.
Jacob Yost (1853–1933), from Staunton, 1887–1889, 1897–1899, Republican.
William Albin Young (1860–1928), from Norfolk, 1897–1898, 1899–1900, Democrat.
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Thomas Goode Jones (1844-1914) was one of the most notable Alabama politicians of the post-Civil War era. A Civil War hero, Jones would go on to serve in the legislature, as governor, and as a federal judge. An important supporter of the conservative or "Bourbon" wing of the Democratic Party, Jones was known for independent-minded […]
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Thomas Goode Jones Thomas Goode Jones (1844-1914) was one of the most notable Alabama politicians of the post-Civil War era. A Civil War hero, Jones would go on to serve in the legislature, as governor, and as a federal judge. An important supporter of the conservative or "Bourbon" wing of the Democratic Party, Jones was known for independent-minded thought and actions. An aggressive lawyer whose clients included the Louisville and Nashville Railroad (L&N), he was author of Alabama's pioneering 1887 code of legal ethics.
Thomas Goode Jones was born November 26, 1844, in Macon, Georgia. He was the eldest child of Samuel Goode and Martha Ward Goode Jones, both descendants of old Virginia families. Samuel Jones graduated from Williams College, came south in 1839, and embarked on a successful career as a railroad builder in Georgia. In 1850, he moved his family to Montgomery, Alabama, serving as a captain of the home guard during the Civil War.
John B. Gordon Thomas learned ambition and alliance to the South from his father. But this devotion was tempered by support of national industrial development, including railroad construction. Jones attended preparatory schools in Virginia and entered the Virginia Military Institute in the fall of 1860. Like his father, Jones supported the Confederacy, drilling volunteers in Richmond, serving with Stonewall Jackson in the Valley Campaign, aiding Georgia's John B. Gordon, and finally marching with Lee's Army of Northern Virginia. He was wounded several times, earned promotion to major, and survived to carry a flag of truce through the lines at Appomattox.
Jones's wartime service with Gordon became an important influence in his later life. As a fellow supporter of industrial development in the South, Gordon, a future governor of Georgia, reaffirmed the values Jones's father had instilled in him. Gordon and Jones each chose careers in law and politics, worked for the L&N, and maintained a close friendship.
Thomas Goode Jones in Uniform After the war, Jones returned to Montgomery and began farming cotton on land provided by his father. In 1866, he married Georgena Caroline Bird of Montgomery, with whom he had 13 children. Jones soon decided to leave agriculture and pursue a legal career. He studied under Chief Justice Abram J. Walker and was admitted to the Alabama State Bar in 1868. He also briefly edited The Daily Picayune, a journal for laboring men, in which he criticized post-war Reconstruction efforts by the federal government, but he refrained from attacking the Republicans who directed those efforts. This turned out to be a wise course. Jones ran unsuccessfully for a Democratic alderman seat in Montgomery in 1869 and was hired by the Republican-dominated Alabama Supreme Court the following year as its official reporter, a post that gave him steady work for a decade.
The appointment could not have come at a better time, for by 1870 the unstable cotton market had buried Jones under heavy debt, and he lost his land. And in addition to his work for the Supreme Court, he also spent the 1870s and early 1880s building his law practice and became a trusted advocate for the L&N and other important clients. At the same time, he was gaining a reputation as a moderate politician who was loyal to the Democrats but willing to work with Republicans. In general, he associated with Bourbon Democrats, advocates of limited government and low taxes whose base was primarily in the state's Black Belt counties—and who, in a loose coalition with businessmen and industrial developers, dominated the Democratic Party for many years.
In 1875, Jones again ran for the alderman position in Montgomery and was successful in his campaign, serving until 1884. Once in office, he focused on issues of public health and prevention of yellow fever outbreaks. In 1874, Jones fully supported Democratic gubernatorial candidate George S. Houston, who promised that he would "redeem" the state from Republican rule and achieve the much-discussed Democratic goal of restoring white supremacy." Jones also was involved in the organization of state militia units and by 1880 had risen to command of the Second Infantry regiment of state troops.
In 1884, Jones ran successfully for a seat in the Alabama House of Representatives. During this time, he was developing a personal philosophy built from diverse elements: the nationalistic and opportunistic aims of a railroad backer, the respect for legal rights of a lawyer, and the self-conscious paternalism of a former owner of enslaved people toward black citizens. In his role as a member of the legal profession, too, Jones showed concern for the lower classes. A leading member of the Alabama State Bar Association, in 1887 he authored a code of legal ethics (the first state-wide code to be adopted) that made it a lawyer's duty to protect the poor and powerless and to expose "corrupt or dishonest behavior" in the profession.
Thomas G. Jones and Montgomery Greys Officers, ca. 1890 As a legislator, Jones was likewise committed to the rule of law. He risked the wrath of white landowners by opposing bills that would have subjected defaulting sharecroppers to forced servitude or imprisonment. He also opposed the operations of the "fee" system, under which sheriffs and other officers leased convicts to industrialists for a fee. These same officials also winked at the brutal practices of local magnates or gave way to lynch mobs. Jones's response to such events was to work for laws to insure order and due process for all citizens. He also was a willing commander of state troops on several occasions when they were called out to suppress mobs.
In 1886, Jones was elected speaker of the house—perhaps for his parliamentary and constitutional expertise—and thereafter his political rise was rapid. The times were tense for the state's Democrats. Small farmers in Alabama and throughout the South were facing falling cotton prices and high interest rates. Jones knew what it was to be a frustrated farmer, but as a long-time servant of authority he was incapable of challenging the conventional order with regard either to politics or economics. Thus, in the late 1880s, he and many other Democrats were caught by surprise when thousands of small farmers and laborers, both black and white, joined together in such national organizations as the Farmer's Alliance or the Knights of Labor. The alliance in particular showed farmers how to market cotton without the intervention of bankers, merchants, or large landowners; these and other groups fervently advocated an inflation of the nation's currency. Jones and many of his fellow legislators saw these "agrarian" groups as foes of the corporations that he had represented in court—corporations that, in his view, had brought prosperity to post-war Alabama.
Reuben F. Kolb In 1890, when the Farmer's Alliance rallied behind Democratic gubernatorial candidate Reuben F. Kolb, the state's agriculture commissioner, Jones was one of four conservatives or anti-agrarians who ran in an attempt to stop him and the movement he represented. At the state convention in May, Kolb was close to victory when the anti-Kolb managers decided to pool their votes to defeat him. Jones was the least well-known of the challengers, but his delegates were judged the most likely to switch to Kolb. For this reason and perhaps for his youthful vigor, after three days and 33 ballots Jones was given the nomination. He easily defeated his Republican opponent and took office.
As governor, Jones was often at loggerheads with the legislative branch over his positions on several issues. For instance, few legislators shared his desire to make sheriffs more accountable for lynchings, nor did they appreciate his opposition to their efforts to limit funds to black schools. To his mind, such actions clearly violated the spirit and intent of the Fourteenth Amendment. The governor and the legislature did agree on a bill, passed in 1891, requiring separate but equal accommodations in railroad passenger cars.
Jones's reform-mindedness was not common among his fellow mainline Democrats. In his second term, he was a relentless opponent of the convict-lease system and enjoyed the support of labor unions, the Women's Christian Temperance Union, former rival Reuben F. Kolb, and a considerable segment of the general public. In response to his efforts, in 1893 the legislature passed a measure by which the state convict authority began to acquire farmland with a view to making state prisons self-supporting. The plan involved transfer of all prisoners from work in Birmingham's mines by January 1, 1895. Sadly, the lingering fiscal crisis that followed the Panic of 1893 led to the repeal of the legislation under Jones's successor, William C. Oates. Indeed, Alabama did not end its convict-lease system until the 1920s, the last U.S. state to do so.
Thomas Goode Jones, ca. 1895 Reform efforts had little to do with Jones's main task as a party leader—namely, to keep Kolb and the Alliancemen out of power. Kolb had been a good loser in the 1890 election, but two years later he was determined either to win the Democratic gubernatorial nomination or to break the party apart. In spring 1892, fierce battles for delegates raged, and Jones, mindful of and resorting to the Democrats' long-time racial strategy, spoke out in support of white supremacy. In June, rather than face a second convention defeat, Kolb's supporters proclaimed him the nominee of the Jeffersonian Democrats. Supported by the newly formed People's Party (which included the most radical members of the Farmers Alliance and the Knights of Labor) and backed tacitly by Republicans, Kolb and the Jeffersonians challenged Bourbon control of the Black Belt by promising to protect the political rights of blacks.
Predictably, Democratic journalists and stump-speakers responded with a campaign for white supremacy. Given his efforts to uphold the principles of the Fourteenth Amendment, it is ironic that Jones should have been the standard bearer in such a racist campaign. It likewise was ironic that Kolb, whose party was reaching out to blacks, criticized Jones' zealous opposition (or over-zealous opposition, from the point of view of white racists) to lynch mobs. The saddest aspect of the election may have been that Jones won it as he did. It was generally agreed that Kolb was defeated by Democratic election officials who stole the votes of black men. Jones reacted to mounting evidence of fraud with anger and denial, filing libel charges against one of his harshest critics, Populist Party editor Frank Baltzell. Shamed and suffering from poor health and financial problems, Jones considered returning to work for the L&N. But his anger against Kolb and the agrarians convinced him to stay in office—and confirmed his belief that the Democratic Party was the rightful, if flawed, guardian of an idealized southern way of life. Despite his support of funding for black schools and desire to end the convict-lease system, Jones bought into his party's belief in "white supremacy." In 1893, Jones supported passage of the Sayre Act, which provided for the governor to appoint county registrars and poll officials, insuring they would all be Democrats. Under the act, these officials would maintain voting rolls and "assist" in marking the ballots of illiterate voters. Passage of the Sayre law all but decided the 1894 election in advance—in favor of the Democrats.
During the summer of 1894, his last year as governor, Jones repeatedly sent troops to the Birmingham area to oppose violent strikes by miners and railroad workers whose political loyalties were decidedly Jeffersonian. State convicts and black strikebreakers kept the mines operating. The strike was broken by Jones's actions, but the link between farm and labor forces was strengthened.
William Calvin Oates In 1894, Jones endorsed William C. Oates's gubernatorial candidacy, upholding the Bourbon faction of his party. After leaving office, Jones continued to mix power politics with paternalism. As governor, he had opposed calling a constitutional convention; but after the 1892 and 1894 elections he changed his mind and began campaigning for a new document. As a delegate to the 1901 convention, he supported the concept of suffrage restrictions, yet in an eloquent speech he opposed the "grandfather clause." This was an electoral device by which men whose grandfathers had served in the military were allowed to escape requirements that otherwise would have prevented them from registering. Since the measure applied, in practical terms, only to white men, Jones denounced it as an openly discriminatory and therefore unconstitutional tool of disfranchisement.
Booker T. Washington, ca. 1885 Over the years, Jones had developed a warm relationship with Booker T. Washington, president of Tuskegee Institute and renowned spokesman for African Americans. The two men were both intelligent conservatives, willing to work within the social and economic realities of their times. Although both were politically influential, each man considered himself above the worst aspects of political life. As a result of his Tuskegee connection, Jones was appointed in 1901 by Pres. Theodore Roosevelt as a federal judge for Alabama's northern and middle districts. Beginning in 1903, Jones presided over a series of trials brought by the U.S. government against local officials, landlords, and employers whose corrupt arrangements held many black laborers and poor whites in peonage, or debt slavery. Although Jones found the actions of the defendants outrageous (as he made clear both in his published opinions and statements from the bench), he meted out mild punishments, convinced that the threat of exposure and future prosecution would serve as a deterrent.
He may have had second thoughts, however, for between 1908 and 1911, he helped Washington and Alabama Circuit Judge William H. Thomas prepare a successful challenge to the state's contract labor law of 1903. This law was designed to criminalize simple breaches of contract by tenant farmers, thus giving large landowners more power and control. Jones and his allies carried the fight all the way to the U.S. Supreme Court, where with the Alonzo Bailey decision of 1911 they succeeded in overturning the act.
L&N Railroad in Baldwin County Jones's last act of public service embroiled him in a ratemaking controversy between the railroads and the state of Alabama. Railroads in Alabama, especially Jones's former client the L&N, had long exercised a tremendous influence over state legislators. Railroad lobbyists had used this power to prevent the state from regulating freight rates—a situation resented for decades by farm organizations and more recently by a coalition of business and manufacturing interests led by textile manufacturer Braxton Bragg Comer. Elected governor in 1906 on a platform of railroad regulation (and backed by a rarely seen reformist majority of legislators), Comer went right to work. In turn, the railroads sued the state, claiming that the new rates were discriminatory. The cases ended up in Jones's courtroom, pitting his loyalties to the state against his loyalties to his former employer.
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Agnes Knight Goode (1872-1947), social and political activist, was born on 31 January 1872 at Strathalbyn, South Australia, daughter of James Fleming, storekeeper and customs official, and his wife Charlotte, née Knight. Agnes taught school before marrying, on 11 July 1896, William Edward Goode, a sheep-farmer from Port Lincoln; they had a daughter and two sons. In 1915 she moved the family to Adelaide, perhaps partly because her husband was an unreliable manager.
In World War I Agnes Goode was founding vice-president of the Women's State Recruiting Committee; she was a forceful speaker and organized a rousing march by women through Adelaide streets. She was secretary from 1916 and president in 1921-22 of the Liberal Women's Educational Association. In 1916 she became a justice of the peace and member of the State Children's Council; from 1919 she presided over the State Children's Court, showing little leniency. She made a 12-year-old boy, convicted of stealing six bicycle chains, a state ward for six years; when his father protested, Goode responded that 'the theft would be the stigma; not the sentence'. From 1917 she had been a censor of cinematograph films.
In 1918-24 she edited the women's page of the Liberal Leader which she headed with the Shakespearian couplet:
Do you know I am a woman?
When I think I must speak.
She covered such topics as: women police; the need for the guardianship of children to be vested equally in their mothers; representation by women on government boards and juries; careers and equal pay for women; prices regulation; probation; and the National Council of Women (to which she belonged). She believed that the different, feminine virtues were needed in the councils of the state.
Goode opposed the controversial A. A. Edwards and stood against him, as a Liberal, twice unsuccessfully in 1924 in the State and Adelaide City Council elections. She was president of the Adelaide women's branch of the Liberal Federation and next year won a seat on the St Peters Corporation which she held until she stood unsuccessfully for mayor in 1935. In 1926 she criticized Edwards' performance as a visiting justice, but a royal commission exonerated him. He then publicly attacked the State Children's Council and Goode's refusal to increase the children's weekly wage. She declared to the 1926 royal commission on law reform that she 'had never yet known a child brought up in an institution who was not exceedingly wasteful'. Despite an active campaign by women, the council was replaced by a new board of which Goode was not a member. She announced that she was leaving party politics but stood, again unsuccessfully, as a representative of the Women's Non-Party Association at a by-election for Adelaide in September. Next year she again failed to win the same seat for the Liberal Federation; she complained that her character had 'been torn to bits' by Edwards.
Her husband died of cancer on 14 November 1929, but Goode remained indefatigable. She had been an official visitor to Parkside Mental Hospital and to the Adelaide Gaol and its Convicted Inebriates Institution and was busy in innumerable groups advancing the interests of poetry, theatre, Aboriginals, housewives, unemployed women, travellers, local industries and kindergartens. A pre-school named for her was opened at Stepney in 1949.
Although this rotund, ample-bosomed public figure was a devoted family woman, her life illustrated her conviction that woman's voice should be heard throughout the community. She died of coronary occlusion on 20 February 1947 at Toorak Gardens and was privately cremated.
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Why Did Ed Rendell Fizzle Out?
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Ralph, who works in a restaurant near South Philadelphia's Italian market, and Virgil, an African-American bus driver, both agree that Rendell is a great mayor.
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Ralph, who works in a restaurant near South Philadelphia's Italian market, and Virgil, an African-American bus driver, both agree that Ed Rendell is a great mayor. "He brought pride back to the city," says Ralph. "He's out there every day in the streets getting the job done," says Virgil, with an approving smile. Polls echo their enthusiasm, giving Rendell, who's term-limited out of office come January 2000, an extraordinary 77 percent approval rating. When asked how, if Rendell has been so successful, Philadelphia has lost almost 150,000 people since 1990âmore than any other cityâRalph is incredulous. "It can't be!" he exclaims. That's the same answer Mayor Rendell gave to the Census Bureau when he heard the bad news.
At the end of the Rendell era, Philadelphia is a city that has solved its age-old image problem but has hardly begun to address its reality problem. Its national reputation stands high. Center City looks great, with its futuristic office towers and classy new hotels and restaurants. The upgraded airport sparkles, and new jobs are starting to sprout after a slow start following the last recession. The city finally seems free of the self-denigrating spirit that produced one adman's tourist slogan in the late 1970s: "Philadelphia isn't as bad as Philadelphians say it is." But while Center City and citizen self-esteem are flourishing, Philadelphia remains a crime- and tax-ridden city of collapsing schools and continued middle-class flight, still suffering from economic decline. Much of the last decade's new urban thinking that has put the bloom back on cities from coast to coast has yet to reach the City of Brotherly Love. One lesson of the Rendell era is that to revive a city a mayor must draw on the full array of urban policy reforms; and if he's unwilling to force change on almost every front, he will at best preside over managed decline.
Rendell at first seemed a Hercules of a mayor, able to tame mighty unions and bring a dying city back to life. He was, proclaimed Vice President Gore shortly after Rendell's legendary success in municipal contract negotiations, "America's Mayor." But Rendell turned out not to be the visionary and heroic reformer he first appeared to be. Aside from his genuine commitment to budget balancing and his energetic boosterism, he has proved an old-style big-city mayor, who has fought welfare reform, despite its successes in so many other cities, and he has looked to Washington subsidies to solve local problems instead of fixing his own faltering economy. The few real reforms he has accomplished since his battle with the unions have come late, in response to outside pressures.
So why, on the eve of an election to pick his successor, does he continue to rate so high with Philadelphians like Virgil and Ralph? Part of the answer lies in the trauma of 30 years of miserable mayors and long-standing municipal corruption. After leaders like Frank Rizzo and Wilson Goode, people are relieved to embrace Rendell's implied message: be happy, I'm a big improvement. Beyond that, Philadelphians have a peculiarly local and provincial sense of resignation. "People here don't think you can do anything about cities," says one political insider. "It's like the seasons changing or the stars moving." So, though Philadelphians have found Rendell's showy optimism infectious, deep down they have few expectations for substantive changeâeven though other American cities have shown how it can be done.
When Ed Rendell took office in 1992, Philadelphia was on the verge of total collapse. It had lost 400,000 people and 200,000 jobs in the previous 30 years. Crime had jumped 16 percent the year before; the Center City sidewalks reeked of human waste. The City Council, distinguished for fistfights and fierce yearlong debates over such questions as whether to designate June as Gay and Lesbian Pride Month, was such a joke that Fodor's Travel Guide included it under "Entertainment." The low point came in 1985, on Wilson Goode's watch, when city agencies failed to act as garbage piled up in the street outside of the headquarters of the armed African-American cult MOVE, and a howitzer appeared on the building's roof. Dithering police officials finally overreacted by dropping a bomb on the headquarters. It seemed symbolic of this dysfunctional government that it managed accidentally to burn down two entire city blocks and kill 11 people in the process.
Once the home of hundreds of small factoriesâas well as the headquarters of the Pennsylvania Railroad, the nation's then-largest corporation, and Stetson, the country's largest hatmaker in an era when everyone wore hatsâthe city had ceased growing in the 1920s. Before World War II, Philadelphia's neighborhoods, urban villages organized around their local factories, had been what one historian has ambivalently called "ghettos of opportunity." But as factories moved out during the postwar era, these varied ethnic neighborhoods lost their economic centers and their identity. Fanned by decline, ethnic and racial resentments grew, and the row-house populace became fodder for the populist politics of mayors like James Tate and his successor Frank Rizzo, who ran the city from the mid-1960s to the late 1970s.
Though reforming Democratic mayors Joseph Clark and Richard Dilworth had briefly attempted to move Philadelphia into a post-industrial economy in the 1950s, their successors, especially Rizzo, tried to ease the pain of industrial decline by expanding government to fill the vacuum. It was this public sector approach, backed by the political clout of public sector unionists, that sent the city into an economic death spiral. Mayors governed with the permission of city workersâall of them voters, by way of residency requirements. As Rendell quipped after he came into office, "There hasn't been a bad day for these guys in thirty years"âdespite the state of the local economy.
Unsurprisingly, the bloated workforce was inefficient and unaccountable. Work rules requiredâno jokeâthree workers to change lightbulbs at the city-owned airport. City custodians had to clean only shoulder highâwhen they showed up. When you added up holidays, vacation, and sick leave, the average first-year worker could take 47 days off, or one working day in five.
The city's takeover of the Philadelphia Gas Works perfectly exemplifies its recipe for governing: ever-swelling public employment and patronage, coupled with poor service. In 1972, Rizzo arranged to take over the privately managed PGW, despite the fact that for the previous 75 years the American Gas Association had held it up as a model, with some of the lowest rates in the country and almost no debt or delinquent accounts. Justified on the grounds that the city would save money by eliminating management fees, the takeover in reality offered irresistible patronage opportunities. Rizzo turned the outfit into an arm of his political operation, putting 32 ex-cops on the payroll among many other political hires. Since then, according to the Inquirer, PGW has continued to "provide . . . jobs for the well-connected, pinstripe patronage for campaign contributors, special handling for influential customers, across-the-board discounts for the elderlyâregardless of needâand costly bill-paying assistance for the poor." Debt and delinquent accounts have ballooned. Pricesâand complaintsâhave risen to the highest in the region. When economic journalist Andy Cassell recently confronted a top PGW official with the accusation of running a patronage pit, he "bristled indignantly; only a third of the gas-works employees," he protested, "were straight patronage hires."
To pay the fat and happy municipal workforce, mayors kept rejiggering the fiscal calendar and rattling the tin cup in Washington, making Philadelphia increasingly dependent on federal money. But the principal method of financing expenditures was to increase taxes. In perhaps the most egregious example, Mayor Rizzo, while campaigning for a second term in 1975, gave the city's 20,000 blue-collar workers a 12.8 percent raise, 100 percent reimbursement of health insurance costs, and union control of the health and welfare fund, only to declare a fiscal emergency two weeks after his reelection and to pass the largest tax increases in Philadelphia history.
Above all, Philadelphia expanded taxes on wages. Initiated as a temporary measure in 1940, the wage tax became increasingly popular with elected officials, because it shifted the tax burden away from property owners and onto business and commuters, no small matter in a city that had the highest percentage of homeowners in the country, a significant number of whom were current or onetime public employees. Over time the wage tax evolved into the highest in the U.S., at nearly 5 percent for residents and 4.3 percent for commuters. Combined with the nation's largest transfer tax on real estate (also almost 5 percent) and a "business privilege tax" (a tax on gross revenues, whether a company is profitable or not), it served as an open invitation for business to leave Phillyâwhich it did. The city's remaining business elite offered little resistance; its members, mostly commuters from the Main Line suburbs, withdrew even further from civic affairs as they came under increasing ethnic and racial resentment in the sixties and seventies.
Philadelphia might have continued to stumble along if it hadn't been for comptroller Jonathan Saidel, a levelheaded CPA. In 1991, toward the end of the Goode administration and shortly before Rendell took office, Saidel refused to back the annual sale of tax anticipation notes that rolled the city's debt over from one year to the next. He was deliberately provoking a crisis. "It was," he said, time "to get back to the basics of what municipal government is all about." Staggering under the weight of a $206 million deficit and a junk-bond credit rating that made it almost impossible to borrow, the city simply stopped paying its bills and couldn't fund its basic pension contributions. City and State magazine ranked its fiscal condition the lowest of the nation's 50 largest cities. To meet the crisis, the state appointed an oversight board, PICA (the Pennsylvania Intergovernmental Cooperation Authority), to borrow for the city and supervise its fiscal practices, placing Philadelphia in what amounted to limited receivership.
When Rendell assumed the mayoralty in 1992, it didn't take him long to realize the magnitude of the problem he had inherited. Philadelphia was facing a cumulative deficit of nearly $1.25 billion over the next five yearsâlarger than the entire budget of the city of Houstonâand an immediate deficit that had grown to $230 million. Rendell understood that, in a city that had raised taxes 19 times in 11 years, this approach was no longer an option. If the city did any more to drive out its middle class, he said, it would become "Detroit without automobiles." And while Frank Rizzo, his opponent in the election in a comeback campaign, had insisted that there was a "federal responsibility to come to the aid of Philadelphia," Rendell saw that the national political climate of the 1990s had blocked that route. Stop looking to Washington and Harrisburg, he announced in a speech on the looming budget disaster: "The only resources that we can rely on to solve our problem is ourselves." And he meant itâat least for the time being.
Rendell's finest hourâhis pivotal struggle over the city's fiscal futureâcame in the summer of 1992, during contract negotiations with the four primary municipal unions. His goal was almost unfathomable in past Philadelphia terms: he had to trim $110 million from their departmental budgets. In the last ten years alone, employee compensation had doubled from about $25,000 per employee to more than $50,000. The city was paying an astounding $475 per employee per month for health and welfare benefits, one of Rizzo's many onerous legacies. And to make matters worse, some of this money, which was administered by union officials, appeared to be paying for mortgages on union buildings and union patronage jobs. Equally important were noneconomic issues, such as work rules that made it almost impossible for the city to fire or transfer incompetent or extraneous employees. In sum, what the mayor needed to do was to roll back decades' worth of perks and redefine totally the way the city managed its workforce.
In the negotiations, Rendell faced not only the usual threat of strikes and a loss of significant support in the next election but racial violence as well. According to journalist Buzz Bissinger in his much-praised book, A Prayer for the City: They Said It Was a Place That Couldn't Be SavedâOne Man Decided to Save It, the mayor's most stubborn and powerful adversary was the largely African-American District Council 33 of the American Federation of State, County, and Municipal Employees. AFSCME leader Jim Sutton threatened: "If you think L.A. had a bad time, mess with District Council 33." Nor was it seen as an idle threat. With a lingering memory of the race riots of 1964, and highly conscious of their 59 percent black and 39 percent white population (as of 1996), Philadelphians had lived for over 30 years in a racially charged political atmosphere. Official appointments were carefully vetted for racial propriety; elections tended to fall along strict racial dividing lines. In the 1987 mayoral election, for instance, Wilson Goode received 98 percent of the black vote, while Rizzo (in yet another comeback effort) won 97 percent of the white vote. Rendell himself, though now popular with blacks like Virgil the bus driver, knew at the time that he owed his Democratic primary victory in 1991 to the efforts of two African-American opponents to "out-black each other," in the words of one local observer, and that one of the greatest challenges ahead of him was to earn the support of his city's black population.
Despite these pressures, Rendell, his back to the wall, did not blink at Sutton's threats. He waged a brilliant battle. His counter-threat was to privatize Sutton's political base, the sanitation department. On another front, Rendell leaked to the press doomsday scenarios of massive layoffs and lists of some of those work rules most likely to enrage the public, such as 14 paid holidays, including Flag Day. And in a bargain that would eventually come to mar his legacy, he elicited the support of the mercurial African-American City Council president John Street, boss of North Philadelphia, who like Rendell opposed further tax increases. Famous for never forgetting a slight, Street was feared as much as admired, but his cooperation was essential for Rendell's agenda.
For months, the unions thought Rendell, facing the threat of chaotic strikes and race riots, was bluffing. They tried delay; they brought in national labor leaders to hurl their standard slogans and intimidate the mayor. But with public opinion firmly behind Rendell and with the City Council quiescent under Street's command, none of it worked. The mayor triumphed in October with a four-year contract stipulating no raises in the first two years, only minimal ones in the following two, and a lowering of health benefits to $360 a month per employee. The contract reduced paid holidays from 14 to ten and gave the city greater control over worker productivity. Though no one knew it at the time, Rendell had secured union boss Sutton's quiescence by signing a secret agreement not to contract out sanitation, regardless of the $30-million-a-year savings and improved efficiency it would have brought.
Before his election, Rendell, having lost the Democratic primaries for governor in 1986 and mayor in 1987, and dogged by a reputation for frat-boy antics and a failure to pay parking tickets, had seemed a less than stellar pol. But in the battle with the unions, he showed he was much more than that, capable of outstanding skill and courage. He not only reversed out-of-control spending and entitlements but also introduced what seemed to be a new model of urban management. After contracting out 15 different city functions, including the guarding of the art museum and the cleaning of City Hall, he had saved the city $35 million a year. By the fall of 1993, without raising taxes and through a host of cost-cutting measures, including renegotiating city vendor contracts, his administration had eliminated the structural deficit it had inherited when Rendell first took office.
On top of that, Rendell as mayor radiated ethnic warmth and helluva-guy ebullienceâjust the qualities that won him the chairmanship of the Democratic National Committee in September 1999. Attending as many as a dozen events in a single day, making tearful visits to the relatives of wounded police officers, jumping into city swimming pools, on his hands and knees scraping off years of accumulated dirt from the walls of City Hall's men's room, downing hoagies, he raised Philadelphia's spirits and hopes. It began to seem as if the city might become as lively, lovable, and entertaining as Ed Rendell himself. And to raise their spirits even more, Philadelphians woke up to the morning papers to discover that they had been clever enough to elect a mayor worthy of glowing articles in the New York Times, the Wall Street Journal, and the Washington Post.
Yet there were ominous signs. The mayor himself, the city's Booster-in-Chief, was privately gloomy about his city's future. "We're dying," Bissinger recounts the mayor saying mournfully to the White House aide in charge of intergovernmental affairs. "Forget all the good things I've done; Philadelphia is dying." He had cause to worry. Black and white middle-class families with children were continuingâas they do todayâto pour out of the city. They always cited the same reasons: schools, crime, and taxes. Schools, crime, and taxes: it was a recurrent chantâbut not one to which Rendell was able to respond. Caught up in conventional assumptions, the mayor, after his budgetary triumph, was ultimately unwilling to grapple with the deeper structural problems that virtually guarantee Philly's continuing declineâshowing that even a brush with disaster isn't always enough to galvanize an administration into pursuing wholesale reform.
High taxes head those problems. A study by Penn professor Robert Inman found that the wage tax had cost the city 100,000 jobs between 1966 and 1992. The taxes needed to pay for an aging population of pensioners and current public employees, according to a study by Vertex, a publisher of business tax software, gave Philly the highest business costs of the nation's 27 largest cities, squelching employment. Despite adding 10,000 jobs in 1997 and 1998, during a red-hot national boom, Philadelphia is still down 57,000 jobs from the start of the decade. The city doesn't attract the kinds of start-up businesses flourishing elsewhere. In 1997, Philadelphia had one new business started for every 275 residents, compared with one in 97 in San Francisco and one in 66 in Houston. Meanwhile, the surrounding counties experienced such a boom that a city resident is now more likely to commute to the suburbs than a suburbanite is likely to commute into the city. Though why city residents would want to stay remains a puzzle: a family of four paid 15 percent more in local tax than it would in high-tax New York or Chicago, and twice what it would pay in L.A.
Rendell has made job creation a top goal, yet in response to what he himself calls Philadelphia's "oppressive tax structure," he has managed only a fractional reduction of both the wage and gross-receipts tax. Once he had successfully balanced the budget, he failed to seek other ways of saving the city moneyâsuch as further privatization or shrinking the city's workforceâthat might have allowed greater reductions. The result: during his entire tenure, city expenditures have risen faster than inflation, and taxes are nowhere near the level that would make Philly attractive to business.
Still, Rendell did understand that Philadelphia's economic future lies not in neighborhoods centered on local factories but in a vibrant Center City, home to what East-Coast developer Bill Rouse calls a "new, hospitality-driven economy" that takes advantage of Philadelphia's rich colonial history. The new convention center, begun before Rendell's election but opened early in his mayoralty, has helped him make the city a tourist and convention stop. In addition to an explosion of new hotelsâ15 of them in the last five yearsâRendell's hands-on promotional efforts produced the groundbreaking for a new performing-arts center, a Disney Quest entertainment center, the 2000 Republican Convention, and probably, courtesy of money from Harrisburg rather than the city treasury, two new sports stadiums. Today, Center City contains 40 percent of the city's jobs, a fact that sometimes provokes grumbling from the neighborhoods that Rendell is really only the mayor "from Pine to Vine," the two streets that mark the boundaries of downtown.
Rendell's personalized deal-making, though, has an old-fashioned, big-city-mayor quality that has blinded him to the opportunities that the new biotech and finance firms blossoming in nearby Chester and Montgomery Counties present, even though many of these firms along booming suburban Route 202 had their start at the city's universities and medical schools. Instead, the mayor has sought to reviveâexpensivelyâthe antiquated but historic Philadelphia Naval Yard. He and Governor Tom Ridge have given the Anglo-Norwegian firm Kvaerner over $400 million in subsidies, for which Kvaerner was obligated to create between 700 and 1,000 jobsâa $400,000 subsidy per job, at best. Worse still, Kvaerner, faced with low-cost competition from other countries, has now withdrawn from the shipbuilding business, as if to mock the city's superannuated approach to job creation. So that $400 millionâwhich, notes David Thornburgh of the Pennsylvania Economy League, could have begun buying down the wage tax that is chasing off more innovative businessesâbought virtually nothing.
Nowhere are the limitations of Ed Rendell's public-subsidy, deal-making approach to job creation clearer than in his agenda for impoverished North Philadelphia. Rendell had once described the area as a "tumble-down, emptied-out, garbage-strewn sprawl . . . , where seven of ten adults are unemployed and where children by age 12 develop a total lack of hope." In truth, North Philadelphia's "badlands" are probably the worst American slums of the last half century, more like the shantytowns of Santo Domingo than anything we associate with the United States. With their collapsed houses, abandoned lots, and daytime drug zombies, areas like Kensington, ten minutes north of Center City, compare unfavorably to the South Bronx of the 1970s. This is the district of City Council president John Street, a man who often casts himself in the familiar Philadelphia role of defender of the neighborhood against Center City interests. "We pay and pay," he once cried (with some hyperbole), "and all we see is fancy buildings going up in the center of town."
This sort of charge must have made Rendell wince, for he had often worn his compassion for the inner-city poor on his sleeve. More than any other big-city mayor, he continuously opposed welfare reform because of the "fiscal and human catastrophe" that he warned would ensue once thousands of former recipients looked for work in his job-hungry cityâdespite the mounting evidence that seemed to contradict him in his own streets. He displayed some of the same moral urgency when he set out to get federal money for an em-powerment zone in North Philadelphia, aimed at bringing jobs to those same welfare recipients. Author Bissinger, who makes Rendell's testimony before the Senate Finance Committee hearing on empowerment zones the emotional high point of his book, describes him as speaking of the city's plight and its economic decline "with passion that reached just a notch below outrage, . . . urgently as if his words couldn't keep up with the fervor of his belief in them." His plea for federal funds, Bissinger assures us, wasn't just another request for a handout from Washington. Instead, says Bissinger, he was "seeking a way, at minimal public expense, of bringing an obliterated portion of the American landscape back to life."
It was quite a performance, but its outcome casts doubt on its sincerity. In a series of searing articles in the Daily News, investigative reporter Paul Davies described how both Street and Rendell looked the other way as the empowerment zone degenerated into a useless patronage operation. It appears that Rendell's administration rested on an alliance that was at once a stroke of political genius and a devil's bargain. Street delivered the City Council for Rendell's agenda of relative fiscal restraint and downtown development, while Rendell gave Street a free hand in North Philly and the promise of support when the councilman ran for mayor, as he is now doing. Their cooperation has cooled racial passions, but at the cost of the continuing collapse of North Philadelphia.
Now, five years and many millions of dollars after the mayor's dramatic performance before the Senate, the empowerment zone has produced numerous jobs and contracts for John Street's allies, several large holes in the ground where the Billie Holiday Entertainment Complex was supposed to be, and hundreds of thousands of dollars in unpaid bills. And the response from Philadelphians? Davies's stories have produced a collective "What did you expect?" True, as the zone has come under federal and state investigation, Rendell has felt compelled to take action: the sign touting Rendell and Street at one of the sites has been removed.
Rendell's crime policies have been feckless and outdated, too, though this time some Philadelphians refused to be satisfied. The Philadelphia police needed reforming, for sure. The department, notes Temple professor and former New York cop James Fyfe, "has never been accused of professionalism." It had the dubious distinction of being the first police force sued for systematic brutality and the only big-city force, Fyfe says, "where even white ethnics feared the police." Still, the citizens' fear paled next to city officials' fear of the police as a political force. Thanks to a residency requirement, the Fraternal Order of Police (FOP), which includes commanding officers, patrolmen, and retirees, is a powerful voting block in Philly as well as a big campaign contributor. Judges, D.A.s, mayors, and other elected officials criticize the cops at their political peril.
Rendell played by the old political rules. Trumpeting "statistics" proving that Philadelphia was the safest big city in Americaâeven though as a former D.A. he probably knew that the numbers had been cooked, as has since come to lightâRendell not only pooh-poohed ex-New York City police chief William Bratton's innovative and successful zero-tolerance policing strategy; he also refused requests for a New York-style Mollen Commission to look into systematic, widespread police misconduct. Meanwhile, bowing to pressure from both the FOP and black ministers, who, now that they had a white mayor, were determined to have an African-American police chief, he gave the job to the ineffectual Richard Neal, a department lifer. The mayor's "crime policy," explains Inquirer columnist David Boldt, "reflects a tacit deal with black leaders," which made Neal the figurehead, while Rendell and his indispensable aide, David Cohen, ran the force on a business-as-usual basis.
Rendell, the FOP, and John Street might passively have let crime ravage North Philadelphia through the mayor's second and final term, had it not been for a North Philadelphia state legislator named Dwight Evans. Evans, who understood the lessons of successful police reform elsewhere, couldn't stomach the toll that crime was taking on North Philadelphiaâor Rendell's stubborn provincialism. He askedBill Bratton to give a Convention Center speech on how he had dramatically cut crime in New York. But in a bravura performance, Rendell continued to insist it was all a perception problem and stole the show back with a handout "proving" that crime had dropped 17 percent in Philly. A few days later, the Inquirer showed that, even using Philadelphia's phony statistics, which systematically downgraded those crimes that were allowed to be reported, the numbers had gone up 9 percent. It was only under continued pressure from the African-American Evans and the so-called Gang of Fiveâa biracial, bipartisan group of state legislators from Phillyâthat Rendell finally took action. Despite the protest of the NAACP and the black ministers, he pushed Neal aside and brought in Bratton's former top aide, John Timoney, in March 1998.
The FOP has fought Timoneyâonly the third top cop ever brought in from outside the ranksâtooth and nail. Since the Philadelphia police commissioner can appoint and dismiss only his two top deputiesâthe rest have both union and civil-service protectionâit's been a lonely battle. When Timoney tried to bring in Penn cartographers to help reproduce New York's successful Compstat crime-mapping system in Philly, the FOP filed a grievance that those had to be union jobs.
Even so, the formidable Timoney, who holds two masters degrees and likes to quote Yeats and Joyce, has mobilized popular support for his reforms through virtually nonstop meetings with community and church groups. He has brought hope to neighborhoods that city government had long abandoned. When he launched Operation Sunrise, a full-throttle assault on gun and drug dealing in the "badlands," residents stood on their porches and applauded as police cars and sanitation trucks paraded into Kensington to start the operation, the Inquirer reports. Police morale (especially for those cops who had been chafing under the old regime) and public confidence in the force have been rising as crime and complaints against the police have dropped. Murders fell from 418 in 1997 to 338 in 1998, and 1999 looks to be even better, with 166 homicides as of August 16, compared with 200 in same period last year.
Rendell seems of two minds about the policing success forced on him. Though he's been publicly supportive of Timoney, he clings to his old illusions that crime can't fall as a result of better policing but only as a result of an improvement in its supposed "root causes": poverty and racism. Even after Timoney had begun to reduce Philly's crime, Rendell told the Washington Post that a growing economy and the decline of crack use were "as responsible as anything for the decline in homicides." It's a slow learning curve.
On education, Rendell has shown more interest in reform than earlier Philadelphia mayors, but even here, because he is ultimately wedded to an obsolete orthodoxyâand because he has been unwavering in supporting a prickly superintendent who has offended everyoneâhis efforts haven't borne fruit. When he took office, the Philadelphia Districtâover 75 percent black and Hispanicâlooked like any other failed big-city system, with only a quarter of the elementary-school children reading at grade level and high-school seniors scoring more than 200 points under the national average on their SATs. For every 100 high-school kids, there were six incidents of crime during the school year, and 25 students suspended. A cumbrously bureaucratic Board of Education oversaw everything from hiring the superintendent to the toilet-paper contracts, often enough granted to board members' relatives. The mighty Philadelphia Federation of Teachers had, among other perks, one of the shortest schooldays in the nation, so short it didn't meet the state requirement for minimum hours of schooling. So bad was the situation that Philadelphia's ordinarily passive business community began to get involved.
When Rendell named David W. Hornbeck superintendent in 1994, he must have thought he was truly living up to his reputation as America's Mayor. Unlike past in-house appointees, Hornbeck had won a national reputation as a visionary reformer as Secretary of Education in Maryland and the architect of statewide reform in Kentucky. The business community, the City Council, even usually wary state officials, greeted his arrival enthusiastically. Board Chairman of the Children's Defense Fund and both a lawyer and doctor of divinity, Hornbeck is an old-fashioned civil-rights liberal, zealously dedicated to the plight of poor minority children.
In a ten-point agenda, with which even his now-numerous enemies have few quarrels, Hornbeck imposed tough standards, testing, and full-day kindergarten, and he sought increased accountability and longer workdays from teachers. But in one key respect, Hornbeck took Philadelphia back to the tired approaches that America's Mayor was supposed to have transcended: he blamed poor school performance chiefly on inadequate funding from Harrisburgâand he did so in the most pious and provocative terms. Philadelphia spends a little over $7,000 per studentâa bit more than the state averageâand about half of that money comes from the state. But as Hornbeck has pointed out, suburban Lower Merion spends about $12,000 per student. Never mind that most of that money comes from local taxes or that the state provides considerably less money per pupil to wealthy districts than to poor. For Hornbeck, the conclusion was obvious: the gap between Philadelphia and Lower Merion was a consequence of racism.
He has lectured relentlesslyâhectoringlyâabout the need for more state money. In one indignant speech, he likened Harrisburg's distribution of education funds to apartheid in South Africa. "Our children," he self-righteously intoned in another, "have been held in bondage, . . . condemned to a modern form of slavery." The climactic moment came in the spring of 1998, when Hornbeck, with Rendell at his side, announced that he was submitting a $1.5 billion budget that would require another $85 million or so from Harrisburg, though the state had not agreed to it. Should the district run out of money, he implied, he would merely close the schools.
By then, Hornbeck had managed to enrage everyone from whom he needed helpânot just Republicans like Governor Ridge but several black, Democratic legislators, his most likely allies. Appropriations Committee head Dwight Evans, for instance, took offense at Hornbeck's charges of racism. Other legislators blasted his strategy as "blackmail." Fed up, Harrisburg passed an emergency measure that would allow the state to take over the district and, for good measure, would significantly weaken the teachers' union by forbidding strikes and bringing entitlements like the assignment and transferring of teachers under state control if the schools did indeed shut down. Radicalized by Hornbeck's hectoring, some legislators got further fired up by the idea of taking over the troubled district. They began to look at school reform in innovative Cleveland, Houston, and Milwaukee. With the governor, they formulated the Academic Recovery Act, a radical attempt at reform that offers distressed districts cutting-edge possibilities, from vouchers to the power to convert existing schools to charter schools or to contract out the running of schools to for-profit companies.
And what was Ed Rendell's view of all this? Just when the state legislature seemed on the verge of passing the Academic Recovery Act, it's widely reported in Harrisburg that the ever-dealing mayor called several Philly legislators to help block it temporarilyâwhich they successfully didâarguing that they could trade their support for the measure later in exchange for more money for city schools. The truth is, though Rendell doesn't strongly disbelieve in charter schools or vouchers, he is no real education reformer; he is stuck in the increasingly outworn belief that more money, rather than systemic restructuring, is the true key to fixing the public schools. A memo from pollster Neil Oxman warned Rendell that schools were going to become the number-one issue in the next election if he didn't do something as dramatic as he had finally done with crime. Oxman went on to say that few citizens believed the argument that insufficient funds were the problem, and fewer than a third of Philadelphians thought Hornbeck should be rehired. According to the Inquirer, Rendell pronounced the memo "bizarre" and extended Hornbeck's contract into the next mayoralty. And in 1996 he accepted a teacher's contract that was a sorry decline from his heroic 1992 struggle with the unions. It managed to win another 19 minutes of teaching time from the teachersâjust barely enough to satisfy state minimumsâbut that was about it.
Rendell claims that the Philadelphia schools are improving under Hornbeck. True, test scores have risen in the lower grades, but too little, too late. Almost half of fourth-graders and two-thirds of eleventh-graders still can't read at grade level, and Hornbeck has failed to inspire confidence in the very minority families he was dedicated to helping. They want out of his system. When Ted Forstmann and John Walton's Children's Scholarship Fund offered private vouchers to poor families, Philadelphia received 41,000 applications for 5,000 positions, 33 percent of those eligibleâa proportion second only to Baltimore. Philadelphia blacks and Hispanics support vouchers by over 72 percent and 78 percent, respectively, according to a recent poll from the Annenberg Public Policy Center. And now African-American leaders like Evans and Tony Williams are calling for what Williams calls a "family-driven process, not a system-driven process."
Morale is low for everyone in the system. Only 38 percent of newly appointed teachers are still on the job after two years, while 15 per cent of the principals and assistant principals have left in the last 13 months alone, in what Michael Axelrod, president of the Commonwealth Association of School Administrators, calls a "massive brain drain." As for the students, up to a third of them do not show up regularly in some high schools, prompting Pennsylvania Secretary of Education Eugene Hickok to scoff, "Class size is not a problem in Philadelphia. No one is going to school."
Shipping executive Steve Van Dyck, until recently Governor Ridge's top appointee to PICA, the city's financial oversight board, summarizes the Rendell years accurately: "Ed did a nice job of picking the low-lying fruit. But he did not fight the big battles that need to be fought." The danger is that the big battles will continue to be put off, because, after eight years of Rendell's irrepressible boosterism, Philadelphians believe their city is in better shape than it is. Councilman John Street, the mayor's "partner" and designated heir, is running for mayor on the premise that there is no need to disturb the current era of good feeling, no need to tackle school and tax reform. In fact, Street, who seems unenthusiastic about Timoney's attempt to curb patronage in the police department, may not even want to hold on to the low-hanging fruit that Ed Rendell picked.
Street's opponent, Sam Katz, though a Republican, is the true successor to the Rendell who warned that "what's dangerous is the belief out there that we've got it licked." One of the financial advisors behind Rendell's first-term success, Katz argues that "Philadelphia must end denial and face up to reality" with "sharply lower taxes" and substantial school reform, including charter schools and vouchers. He promises to leverage the Rendell-era self-esteem into wider reforms. He can't be the favorite in a city that is three-to-one Democratic. But Street's "I'll get even" personality and Katz's ties to black, homosexual, and Jewish voters provide the possibility of a competitive race.
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National Goals Research Staff
President Nixon established the National Goals Research Staff in July 1969, under the direction of Leonard Garment. The Staff’s functions included forecasting future developments and assessing the longer-range consequences of present social trends; measuring the probable future impact of alternative courses of action, including measuring the degree to which change in one area would be likely to affect another; estimating the actual range of social choice—that is, what alternative sets of goals might be attainable, in light of the availability of resources and possible rates of progress; developing and monitoring social indicators that can reflect the present and future quality of American life and the direction and rate of its change; and summarizing, integrating, and correlating the results of related research activities being carried on within the various Federal agencies, and by State and local governments and private organizations. The Staff reported to the President in July 1970.
White House Central Files
1969-1970 | 20 ft. | Closed: Unprocessed
The materials consist of subject files, correspondence, audio tapes, White House press releases, and publications.
National Security Council Files
The National Security Council (NSC) was established by the National Security Act of July 1947 (PL 235-61 Statute 496; U.S.C. 402). President Harry S. Truman created the Council in order to advise and assist the President on national security and foreign policies and to coordinate these policies among various government agencies.
This legislation also provided for the creation of the Central Intelligence Agency, the National Security Resources Board, a National Military Establishment, and a Secretary of Defense.
The structure and function of the NSC changed with each administration. The needs and desires of the President and his relationships with his advisors and department heads all had an effect on the role of the NSC in policy and decision making. Unlike his predecessors, President Nixon relied heavily on his National Security Advisor, Henry A. Kissinger, and the NSC for guidance on foreign policy decisions throughout the administration.
Presidential Acquisitions File
1968-1974 | 530 ft., 10 in. | Partially Open | FINDING AID | National Archives ID 572248
The National Security Council Files consist of briefing material for Presidential meetings, records of negotiations with foreign governments, and correspondence. The Presidential Acquisitions File consists of those materials created during the administration as Presidential records, and is separate from the National Security Council Institutional Files described elsewhere.
Includes the following series:
Presidential Daily Briefings
1969-1974 | 26 ft., 8 in. | Partially Open | FINDING AID
These files consist of daily intelligence briefings prepared for the President by the Central Intelligence Agency, supplemented by briefings prepared by the NSC, the Department of State, and the Federal Bureau of Investigation. Most briefings are accompanied by memos for the President from Henry Kissinger noting late developments. Arranged chronologically. The available Presidential Daily Briefings include only those documents that have been released in part or in full through the Mandatory Review process. View folder list for details.
Vietnam Subject File
1969-1973 | 32 ft., 5 in. | Open
The contents of the Vietnam Subject File are primarily of a military nature. Cables, memoranda, memcons, reports, speech drafts, maps, and photographs describe deployment of forces; military operations in North and South Vietnam, Cambodia, and Laos; prisoners of war/missing in action (POW/MIA); contingency plans; NSC deliberations; budget; research and development; and the organization/command structure of the U.S. military in Vietnam. Arranged by subject matter and thereunder chronologically.
Vietnam Country Files
1969-1973 | 12 ft., 8 in. | Open
Covering the period January 1969 through September 1973, the Vietnam Country Files are primarily diplomatic correspondence between Washington and the U.S. Embassy in Saigon. It consists of State Department telegrams, memcons, and memoranda of diplomatic importance or pertaining to the activities of the executive branch of the Republic of Vietnam government. Arranged chronologically.
Paris Talks/Meetings
1968-1973 | 12 ft., 3 in. | Open
These files consist of Department of State cables, memoranda, and other materials pertaining to Vietnam Peace Talks held in Paris. The bulk of the materials consists of cables between the American Embassy in Paris and the Department of State. Also included are intelligence cables and press releases. Cables are grouped by Department of State code and designation and then arranged chronologically within these designations.
Agency Files
1970-1974 | 49 ft., 11 in. | Partially Open
Various reports, memoranda, etc., concerning an agency and its relationship with the NSC. Materials declassified under the Remote Archival Capture (RAC) program are the only records presently open.
Subject Files
1969-1974 | 45 ft., 1 in. | Open
These files deal with a wide variety of subject matters. The material consists of correspondence, reports, telegrams, articles, and press clippings. All of the files relate to the work of the NSC in general, and most to the responsibilities and activities of Henry Kissinger in particular. Arranged alphabetically by subject.
Backchannel
1969-1974 | 10 ft., 6 in. | Partially Open
The Backchannel Files consist of memoranda of conversation between the President and foreign Heads of Government/State and other foreign dignitaries including, but not limited to, foreign ministers and other Cabinet officers, ambassadors and special emissaries. Also included is sensitive incoming cable traffic associated with negotiations, plans, evaluations, and the impact of decisions taken on national security. Materials declassified under the Remote Archival Capture (RAC) program are the only records presently open.
Korea: EC-121 Shootdown
1969 | 3 ft., 6 in. | Open
This series consists of materials related to the shootdown of a U.S. Navy EC-121 electronic reconnaissance aircraft by North Korean MIG-21s over the Sea of Japan on April 14, 1969. The files are primarily directed toward two objectives—determining exactly what events transpired during the EC-121 shootdown and formulating contingency plans for possible retaliation against the North Koreans. The Special Report of the House Armed Services Committee on the Pueblo and EC-121 incidents is also included.
President's Trip Files
1969-1973 | 26 ft., 8 in. | Open
This series contains materials created by the National Security Council for the President in preparation for his official foreign visits. The files consist of general background reports, issue papers, plans, and detailed schedules for each country on the agenda. Some trip reports also include follow-up media reaction reports. The files also include a sizable subseries of memoranda of conversation and exchange of notes between Dr. Henry Kissinger and Soviet Ambassador Anatoliy Dobrynin from 1969 to 1973, covering a wide variety of topics. This subseries continues in HAK boxes 68-71. Researchers interested in the President’s travels should also consult the VIP Visits series. Some of the President’s trips abroad are reflected in material found in NSC boxes 946-950. Arranged by subject and thereunder chronologically.
Country Files – Far East (Tonga, Trust Territories, and Vietnam)
1969-1974 | 29 ft., 4 in. | Open
This series contains NSC and Department of State telegrams, memoranda, and correspondence dealing with Tonga, the Trust Territories of the Pacific Islands (TTPI), and Vietnam. The TTPI files include reports and U.S. policy papers regarding status negotiations through 1972. The Vietnam files reflect routine, non-war-related, diplomatic relations between the United States and the Republic of Vietnam. Arranged alphabetically by country and thereunder chronologically.
Indo-Pak War
1971 | 3 ft., 11 in. | Open
This series consists of cables and reports relating to the crisis in South Asia which lasted approximately from March 25, 1971 to December 17, 1971. Warfare broke out in the region as a result of West Pakistan’s crackdown on the Bengali separatist movement. Over eight million refugees fled to India, which supported the Mukti Bahini guerrillas. Along with other nations, the United States provided food and other humanitarian relief to the war-torn areas. Arranged by subject and thereunder chronologically.
Cambodian Operations
1970 | 5 ft., 3 in. | Open
These files consist of memoranda, cables, and reports relating to the U.S. “incursion” of Cambodia in 1970. Also included are background material and drafts for Presidential speeches and press conferences on the subject of Cambodia. There are also materials relating to background briefings Henry Kissinger gave to congressional leaders. Arranged by subject and thereunder chronologically.
Country Files – Middle East
1969-1974 | 33 ft., 2 in. | Open
This series contains NSC and Department of State telegrams, memoranda, and correspondence dealing with the Middle East. The majority of the material pertains to the Arab-Israeli conflict and U.S. diplomatic efforts to achieve a negotiated settlement. Folders labeled “Middle East” or “Middle East – General” deal primarily with Israel and Egypt. There is also a considerable amount of material related to the tensions in South Asia, centered on relations between India and Pakistan. This includes U.S. reaction to the 1971 Indo-Pak War. Arranged alphabetically by country and thereunder chronologically.
Country Files – Europe
1969-1974 | 29 ft., 9 in. | Open
This series contains NSC and Department of State telegrams, memoranda, and correspondence dealing with Europe. The files reflect the political changes which occurred in Europe in the early 1970s. The files are dominated by material pertaining to France during and after DeGaulle, West Germany and Ostpolitik, the United Kingdom, and U.S. relations with the U.S.S.R. under Leonid Brezhnev. Arranged alphabetically by country and thereunder chronologically.
Country Files – Africa
1969-1974 | 5 ft., 9 in. | Open
This series contains NSC and Department of State telegrams, memoranda, and correspondence dealing with Africa. During this period, the Nixon administration was dealing with many emerging nations in the region, which led to sometimes tense relations. Major issues include the overthrow of the Libyan monarchy in 1969 and the Biafran crisis during the Nigerian civil war. The files also contain information on the Organization of African Unity. Arranged alphabetically by country and thereunder chronologically.
Presidential Correspondence
1969-1974 | 8 ft., 9 in. | Open
This series contains drafts of letters, memoranda, and Department of State telegrams. The correspondence between the President and foreign Heads of Government and Heads of State concerns a wide variety of bilateral and multilateral issues. Highlights include correspondence with the Republic of Vietnam’s President Thieu regarding the ongoing hostilities in Vietnam, and with Israel’s Prime Minister Meir regarding U.S. peace-making efforts in the Middle East. There are also Presidential replies to several foreign leaders’s congratulations on the Vietnam settlement. Arranged alphabetically by country and thereunder chronologically.
Country Files – Latin America
1969-1974 | 17 ft., 1 in. | Partially Open
This series contains State, Defense, and NSC memoranda, and reports to Henry Kissinger and the President dealing with U.S. relations with Latin American countries. Most folders contain cable traffic between Washington and the U.S. Embassy in each Latin American capital. Included in this series is the material provided to and generated by the 1969 Rockefeller mission to Latin America. Materials declassified under the Remote Archival Capture (RAC) program are the only records presently open.
Name Files
1969-1974 | 14 ft., 6 in. | Open
These files consist of material to, from, or about administration officials and other public figures as they relate to the work of the NSC. There is a small amount of material related to private citizens. Prominent figures include Ambassador Ellsworth Bunker, Senator J. William Fulbright, General Andrew Goodpaster, Henry Cabot Lodge, and Walt Rostow. The subject matter of the material concerns primarily international affairs and national security matters. There is a preponderance of items dealing with the prosecution of the Vietnam War and its resolution through negotiations. Arranged alphabetically by subject.
ABM/MIRV
1969-1973 | 2 ft., 7 in. | Open
These files consist of reports, memoranda, and public statements regarding the Nixon administration’s decision to seek congressional approval of the modified Anti-Ballistic Missile (ABM) system known as “Safeguard.” In addition, there is material relating to the administration’s position on Multiple Independently targetable Reentry Vehicle (MIRV) testing and a possible ban on MIRV research and development. Included is correspondence among NSC, State, Defense, and CIA concerning U.S. intelligence estimates of Soviet strategic strength and U.S. verification methods. There are many drafts of the President’s position statement on ABM issued on March 14, 1969. There are memoranda from Henry Kissinger and other officials to the President, with some bearing the President’s handwriting. There are also a considerable amount of Kissinger notations on drafts of memoranda and reports. Arranged by subject and thereunder chronologically.
For the President's Files (Winston/Lord) – China Trip/Vietnam
1969-1973 | 11 ft., 10 in. | Open
This series contains briefing materials (originally in notebook form) maintained by Winston Lord, Henry Kissinger’s executive assistant at the NSC. The China materials were prepared in conjunction with the President’s February 1972 trip to the People’s Republic of China. This section consists primarily of extensive memoranda of conversation between U.S. and Chinese officials (notably Premier Chou En-lai and Chairman Mao Tse-tung) arranged by subject. Also included are intelligence reports and Department of State briefing books. Some documents contain annotations by the President and Dr. Kissinger. The Vietnam material, also maintained by Mr. Lord, concerns the secret negotiations conducted between Dr. Kissinger and Special Advisor Le Duc Tho of North Vietnam in Paris. Separate from the official U.S. peace talks in Paris which were begun during the Johnson administration, the secret negotiations were conducted between 1969 and 1973 and resulted in the Agreement on Ending the War and Restoring Peace in Vietnam. The 1973 Nobel Peace Prize was jointly awarded to Dr. Kissinger and Special Advisor Le for their efforts. The series also includes material relating to U.S. efforts to keep the South Vietnamese apprised of the secret talks through U.S. Ambassador Ellsworth Bunker.
SALT
1969-1974 | 8 ft., 4 in. | Open
These files consist of cables, memoranda of conversation, background material, and reports relating to the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks (SALT) between the U.S. and the Soviet Union. These talks were held in Vienna, Helsinki, and Geneva. The U.S. delegation was headed by Ambassador Gerard Smith, Director of the Arms Control and Disarmament Agency. In May 1972, SALT I culminated in the signing in Moscow of an ABM treaty and an agreement to limit strategic arms. Arranged chronologically.
Pentagon Papers
1969 | 4 ft., 10 in. | Open
This series contains the complete report titled United States-Vietnam Relations, 1945-1967, written by the OSD (Office of the Secretary of Defense) Vietnam Task Force. This report was commissioned by Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara in 1967 and was completed in January 1969. The 47 volume study traces the role of the United States in Vietnam from the 1940s, but primarily focuses on the evolution of war during the administrations of Presidents Kennedy and Johnson. Portions of the report were leaked by Daniel Ellsberg, a RAND Corporation employee, and published by the New York Times beginning June 13, 1971. These leaked documents became known as the Pentagon Papers. Arranged chronologically. The complete report is available on the National Archives website.
Presidential Press Conferences
1969-1970 | 2 ft., 2 in. | Open
These files consist of briefing papers prepared by Henry Kissinger’s staff for the President’s use as he prepared for press conferences. Included are background materials, draft statements, and questions journalists might pose as well as proposed Presidential responses. The subject matter addressed in all these materials relates solely to U.S. foreign policy and defense matters. Arranged chronologically.
Soviet Defector Case
1970 | 10 in. | Open
This series contains memoranda, reports, and other materials concerning the defection of Lithuanian seaman Simas I. Kudirka. Seaman Kudirka defected from the Soviet Mother Ship Sovetskaya Litva to the U.S. Coast Guard cutter Vigilant during a meeting between the U.S. fishing industry and the Soviet fishing fleet. The defection occurred in U.S. territorial waters off Martha’s Vineyard, Massachusetts on November 23, 1970. Arranged by subject.
VIP Visits
1969-1974 | 19 ft., 8 in. | Open
This series contains background materials created for the President’s use in preparation for visits with various foreign leaders, both in the U.S. and abroad. Notable visits include those by Prime Ministers Meir of Israel and Sato of Japan in 1969, King Hussein of Jordan in 1969, the Shah of Iran in 1969, Prime Minister Tanaka of Japan in 1972 and 1973, and General Secretary Brezhnev of the U.S.S.R. in 1973. Also included are background materials for the President regarding foreign dignitaries in the U.S. to attend the funeral of former President Eisenhower in 1969. There is similar background material for President Nixon’s attendance at French President Pompidou’s funeral in 1974. This series also includes NSC-prepared background material for trips made by officials other than the President. These officials include Vice President Spiro T. Agnew, Secretaries of the Treasury John B. Connally and George P. Shultz, and Secretary of State William P. Rogers. Arranged alphabetically by country and thereunder, chronologically.
Alexander M. Haig Chronological Files
1969-1972 | 19 ft., 8 in. | Open
This series reflects Alexander Haig’s duties as Deputy Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs. As Henry Kissinger’s principal assistant, General Haig played a key role in the day-to-day operation of the National Security Council staff. The chronological file consists of memoranda, correspondence, cables, and reports pertaining to a wide variety of topics. Also included is a series of memoranda of conversation and transcriptions of Haig telephone conversations from 1970 to 1972. Arranged chronologically.
Alexander M. Haig Special File
1969-1973 | 10 ft., 1 in. | Open
This series is a subject file of various national security issues. The files contain correspondence, memoranda, cables, notes, briefing papers, and memoranda of conversation. Most of the materials are from Alexander Haig’s tenure as Deputy Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs. Also included, however, are files from General Haig’s April 1973 trip to Southeast Asia, at which time he was Vice Chief of Staff of the Army. The bulk of the material concerns the war in Southeast Asia. Acting as the President’s representative, General Haig made several trips to Southeast Asia between 1970 and 1973. This series includes memoranda of conversation between General Haig and the leaders of Cambodia, Laos, Thailand, and the Republic of Vietnam. Arranged alphabetically, with some exceptions. Files relating to General Haig’s Southeast Asia trips are arranged in approximate chronological order.
Presidential/HAK Memcons
1969-1975 | 3 ft., 6 in. | Open
This series contains memoranda of conversation primarily between the President and foreign Heads of State. Also included are memcons between Henry A. Kissinger and foreign leaders, Cabinet members, journalists, and the general public. There are also memcons between the President and Dr. Kissinger from June 1969-August 1974. Arranged chronologically.
For the President's Files – China/Vietnam Negotiations
1969-1973 | 4 ft., 10 in. | Open
This series contains memoranda, reports, memoranda of conversation, background papers, and talking points prepared for use by the President and Henry A. Kissinger. The China materials concern the latter’s trips to the People’s Republic of China in July and October 1971. Included are exchanges through intermediaries between the U.S. and the PRC prior to HAK’s secret trip in July 1971. There is also material relating to the drafting of the Shanghai Communique, signed at the conclusion of the President’s trip in February 1972. Also included are background materials for use by General Haig, Senators Mansfield and Scott, and Representatives Boggs and Ford for their respective trips to the PRC in 1972. The Vietnam materials are primarily memoranda of conversation concerning the secret negotiations Dr. Kissinger conducted with the North Vietnamese in Paris from 1969 to 1973. Also included are memcons from HAK’s Saigon trip in 1972. Of interest are letters from President Thieu to President Nixon during the final phases of the Paris negotiations, November 1972-January 1973. Arranged by subject and thereunder chronologically.
Houdek Chron Files
1969-1971 | 1 ft., 9 in. | Open
This series contains the staff files of Robert G. Houdek. Houdek was an NSC staff member in the Office of the Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs from 1969 to 1972. The series consists of memoranda, letters, and schedules concerning a wide variety of topics. Arranged chronologically.
Lake Chron Files
1966-1970 | 1 ft., 4 in. | Open
This series contains the staff files of William Anthony K. (“Tony”) Lake. Lake was an NSC staff member in the Office of the Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs from 1970 to 1971. The series consists of memoranda, letters, and cables concerning a wide variety of topics. Arranged chronologically.
Staff Memos – Staff Memos
1969-1971 | 1 ft., 4 in. | Partially Open
This series contains staff memos pertaining to a wide variety of topics received from political and military personnel, as well as private citizens. This series is arranged alphabetically by individual. Materials declassified under the Remote Archival Capture (RAC) program are the only records presently open.
NSC Institutional Materials
1973-1974 | 8 ft., 9 in. | Partially Open
This series contains material concerning a variety of topics including proposed foreign travel of administration officials, NSC meetings, and study and decision memoranda. This series is arranged chronologically. Materials declassified under the Remote Archival Capture (RAC) program are the only records presently open.
Briefing Books – HAK: SEA/PRC Trip
1971 | 10 in. | Partially Open
Copies of memoranda, cables, background papers, and intelligence reports (originally in notebook form) relating to Henry Kissinger’s trip to Asia in July 1971. It was Kissinger’s visit to Pakistan that served as the pretext for his secret journey to China. In addition, there is background information and proposed arrangements for the President’s trip to the People’s Republic of China. This is material used by the U.S. advance team, headed by Kissinger and Dwight Chapin, which met with the Chinese in October 1971 to finalize plans for Nixon’s visit. There are documents in this series that contain original notes and revisions in Kissinger’s handwriting. Materials declassified under the Remote Archival Capture (RAC) program are the only records presently open.
Jon Howe Chronological Files
1969-1973 | 3 ft., 6 in. | Partially Open
Memoranda, reports, and other correspondence relating to routine business of the National Security Council. Lt. Cmdr. Jonathan Howe maintained these files as a member of Henry Kissinger’s inner office staff. Materials declassified under the Remote Archival Capture (RAC) program are the only records presently open.
Jon Howe – Vietnam Chronology Files
1972-1973 | 14 ft., 11 in. | Partially Open
Reports, memoranda, and cables maintained by Howe on a daily basis from April 1972-January 1973. Each folder contains military, intelligence, and political reports concerning the situation in North and South Vietnam as well as in other areas of Southeast Asia. The reports emanate from the Departments of State and Defense, the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and the CIA. Materials declassified under the Remote Archival Capture (RAC) program are the only records presently open.
Jon Howe – Vietnam Subject Files
1969-1973 | 9 ft., 2 in. | Partially Open
Memoranda, reports, maps, briefing papers and contingency plans relating to the Vietnam war. The contingency plans were drawn up in 1969 on Kissinger’s orders. Kissinger refers to this “Duck Hook” planning in his memoirs. There is additional material relating to the bombing of Hanoi and the mining of Haiphong Harbor in May 1972. There are files of regular reports made about the situation in Vietnam by the Joint Chiefs of Staff, the CIA, Defense Secretary Melvin Laird, as well as by Generals Abrams and Weyand in the field. These reports cover the period April 1972-January 1973. Of particular interest is a 1973 report written by Howe entitled “How the Peace was Won.” There is also a file maintained by John Negroponte relating to the Vietnam negotiations and the ceasefire agreement,1972-1973. Negroponte was one of the NSC’s specialists on Asia. Materials declassified under the Remote Archival Capture (RAC) program are the only records presently open.
Jon Howe Trip Files
1971-1972 | 1 ft., 4 in. | Partially Open
Memoranda, reports, and briefing papers on trips made by Kissinger to Europe, the Soviet Union and to China. There are briefing books and intelligence papers prepared for the U.S. advance parties which visited China in October 1971 and January 1972 to arrange President Nixon’s February 1972 state visit. Materials declassified under the Remote Archival Capture (RAC) program are the only records presently open.
Keyword Indices & Computer Tapes
1969-1974 | 6 ft., 7 in. | Closed: Unprocessed
This series consists of fourteen oversize computer printout books and one box containing three large computer tapes.
Harold H. Saunders Files: Middle East Negotiations
1969-1974 | 16 ft., 3 in. | Open
This series contains memoranda, correspondence, cables, and reports concerning U.S. involvement in the Middle East. A member of the National Security Council staff since 1961, Hal Saunders was the NSC Middle East expert during the Nixon administration. He kept extensive files documenting the various attempts to achieve peace in the region. This series includes the records of the Jarring Talks. Following the June 1967 war, Ambassador Gunnar Jarring of Sweden, under United Nations auspices, launched negotiations designed to achieve a comprehensive settlement in the area. These ultimately inconclusive talks continued for several years before finally being scuttled by the October 1973 war. Also included are records of the talks relating to the U.S. Peace Initiative for the Middle East, as well as Four Power and U.S.-U.S.S.R. talks. This series documents the U.S. response to the October 1973 war. The files also include background materials prepared for Henry Kissinger for use in his “shuttle diplomacy.” Between November 1973 and May 1974, Secretary of State Kissinger made several trips to the Middle East in efforts to achieve Egyptian-Israeli and Syrian-Israeli disengagement of forces. Also included is a small subseries called Vice President’s Meeting File. This consists of summaries of conversations held between Vice President Spiro Agnew and foreign leaders. Arranged by subject and thereunder chronologically.
Harold H. Saunders Chron File
1970-1971 | 9 ft., 7 in. | Partially Open
This series contains memoranda of Harold H. Saunders that deal with a wide variety of topics, most of which pertain to Middle East matters. This series is arranged chronologically. Materials declassified under the Remote Archival Capture (RAC) program are the only records presently open.
Needham, Pamela
Pamela Needham started in the White House in 1969 as a summer intern, working in the Research Office. After working as a research assistant for three years, in 1973 she became Director of the Office. Needham left the administration in 1974.
White House Central Files
1974 | 1 ft., 4 in. | Closed: Unprocessed
The materials consist of subject files on Domestic Council activities.
Nidecker, John E.
John Nidecker served as an advanceman in the 1968 campaign and performed similar work during the Inauguration. He joined the White House in May 1969 in Congressional Relations, where he remained until the administration’s end.
White House Central Files
1971-1974 | 25 ft., 9 in. | Closed: Unprocessed
The materials consist of a chronological file; files on political matters, office administration, policy, and employment; congressional hearings; Daily News Summaries; 1969 Department contracts and grants; and reference material.
Niehuss, John N.
John Niehuss served on the Council on International Economic Policy.
White House Central Files
n.d. | 1 ft., 4 in. | Closed: Unprocessed | National Archives ID 7841162
The materials consist of subject files related to fertilizer, credit export financing, ice cream, and insurance.
Nofziger, Franklyn C. (Lyn)
Lyn Nofziger served as Deputy Assistant to the President for Congressional Affairs.
White House Central Files
1970 | 6 ft., 8 in. | Closed: Unprocessed
The materials consist of subject files.
Nordahl, Richard
Richard Nordahl served on the Domestic Council.
White House Central Files
1970-1972 | 10 ft., 8 in. | Closed: Unprocessed | National Archives ID 12006307
The materials consist of subject files, mainly related to issues of drugs and antitrust activities.
Waldmann, Raymond J. (Ray)
Ray Waldmann worked on the Domestic Council staff.
White House Central Files
1969-1972 | 33 ft., 4 in. | Closed: Unprocessed | National Archives ID 12006293
The materials consist of an Issues & Answers Notebook and backup; subject files on the 1972 Presidential campaign and George McGovern, the economy, unemployment, Regional Commissions, technology, the Council on International Economic Policy, the budget, revenue sharing, and the administration’s health plan, among other topics; and a chronological file.
Waldron, Agnes M.
Agnes Waldron served as the Assistant to the Press Secretary in the Press Office from 1971-1974. In 1974 she became the Director of Research for the Research Office.
White House Central Files
1968-1974 | 213 ft., 4 in. | Closed: Unprocessed | National Archives ID 3668800
The materials consist of subject files, research materials, wire stories, numeric Press Office files, alphabetical files, and speech drafts.
Wardell, Charles W. B., III
Charles Wardell served as a Deputy Special Assistant to the President in the Chief of Staff’s Office.
White House Central Files
1973-1974 | 1 ft., 4 in. | Closed: Unprocessed
The materials consist of a chronological file and subject files.
Warren, Gerald L. (Jerry)
Gerald Warren was the Deputy Press Secretary to the President, 1969-1974.
White House Special Files
1971-1972 | 10 in. | Open | FINDING AID | National Archives ID 6851355
The materials are arranged into one series: Chronological Files, 1971-1972. The bulk of these files consists of memoranda dealing with routine matters of the Press Office, such as the transmittal of information used as guidance for press briefings and correspondence concerning applications for White House press credentials. The majority of the materials are communications from Warren to Press Secretary Ronald L. Ziegler.
White House Central Files
1973-1974 | 18 ft., 8 in. | Closed: Unprocessed
The materials consist of daily files, trip files, subject files, correspondence, and a chronological file.
Wegner, Glen E.
Glen E. was appointed the Deputy Assistant Secretary for Legislation (Health) at the Department of Health, Education, and Welfare (HEW) in 1969. His major areas of expertise involved fields relating to health and education legislation, including The National Fluoridation Proposal, funding for medical schools, health planning, health care, consumer protection, environmental health, and manpower resources. In 1971 he accepted a position in the White House as a Deputy to Counsellor Robert Finch. In this capacity, he was responsible for advising Finch on health matters, and he acted as the liaison between the White House and the Department of Health, Education, and Welfare on health issues. In addition, he was a member of the Nixon Task Force on Health.
White House Central Files
1969-1972 | 26 ft., 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID | National Archives ID 6219814
These materials are divided into three series. The Subject Files series includes topics relating to health and education. The Publications Files series contains Government publications relating to health matters. Finally, the Newspaper and Magazine Files includes mainly health and medical journals, including The Johns Hopkins Medical Journal and The New England Journal of Medicine.
Wheat, Ira David, Jr.
Ira Wheat worked in Anne Armstrong’s office.
White House Central Files
1973-1974 | 6 ft., 8 in. | Closed: Unprocessed | National Archives ID 7820707
The materials consist of a chronological file and subject files.
Whelihan, J. Bruce
Bruce Whelihan was a Staff Assistant in the White House Press Office, 1969-1974.
White House Special Files
1969-1974 | 5 ft., 3 in. | Open | FINDING AID | National Archives ID 6852586
The materials are arranged into three series: Subject Files, 1969-1974; Administrative Files, 1972-1973; and Miscellany, 1970-1974.
White House Central Files
1969-1974 | 6 ft., 8 in. | Closed: Unprocessed | National Archives ID 7820708
The materials consist of a chronological file, subject files related to the campaign and Inauguration, the President’s trip to Belgium and the U.S.S.R., alphabetical files, and meeting files.
Whitaker, John C.
John C. Whitaker, after spending most of his first year in the administration as Secretary to the Cabinet, was appointed Deputy Assistant to the President for Domestic Affairs on November 4, 1969. This appointment was part of the White House reorganization which created the Domestic Affairs staff, later called the Domestic Council. Beginning September 1, 1970, Whitaker added to his Domestic Council duties the responsibility of being the White House contact for United States policy toward Puerto Rico. Whitaker left the Domestic Council in February 1973, to take the post of Undersecretary of the Interior.
White House Central Files
1968-1974 | 69 ft. 7 in. | Open | FINDING AID | National Archives ID 6004122
1969 | 2 ft., 8 in. | Closed: Unprocessed
These materials include the following series: Chronological File, 1969-1971; Secretary to the Cabinet File, 1969-1970; Presidential Events File, 1969-1973; Subject File, 1967, 1969-1973; Richard M. Fairbanks Subject File, 1970-1973; Richard M. Fairbanks Personal File, 1968-1972; L. Edwin Coate Subject File, 1970-1972; and Printed Material, 1971-1972.
The unprocessed materials consist of files related to the Cabinet.
White House Administrative Office
The Administrative Office was responsible for the administrative affairs for the White House and White House staff.
White House Central Files
1969-1974 | 179 ft. | Closed: Unprocessed
The materials consist of logs, last name directories, social lists, contact files, directories of outgoing correspondence, and publications.
White House Advance Office
The White House Advance Office was formally established in the Nixon administration under the initial leadership of Ronald Walker. The Office worked with the Secret Service and the White House Communications Agency to plan and execute Presidential trips and local events. Following Walker’s departure to direct the National Park Service, William Henkel ran the office until the administration’s end.
White House Central Files
1969-1974 | 95 ft. | Open | FINDING AID | National Archives ID 3668059
The materials consist of subject files, a chronological file, an administrative file, a domestic events file, an international file, a campaign and Inauguration file, a Press Advance file, a First Family file, and photographs.
White House Central Files
The White House Central Files (WHCF) is a permanent organizational unit within the White House complex that maintains a central filing and retrieval system for the President and his staff. This file group consists of correspondence, memoranda, reports, telegrams, cables, press releases, speeches, lists, drafts, news clippings, briefing papers, schedules, courtesy messages, invitations, public opinion mail, and printed materials that were generated or received by the Executive Office of the President. The Central Files consist of 60 subject categories that are divided into numerous sub-categories, confidential files, name files, chronological files, oversize attachments, and bulk mail. The materials in this file group reflect the diverse activities of the official and public activities of the First Lady and the President’s family.
Alphabetical Name Files
1969-1974 | 3,882 ft., 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID | National Archives ID 580290
The Alphabetical Name Files are used for routine materials that are not classified by subject and are arranged alphabetically by the surname of the correspondent or by the name of his or her company or organization. Consult the finding aid for a list of available name files. You may request processing of unopened files and they will be available within ten business days.
Bulk Mail
1969-1974 | 4,670 ft., 8 in. | Closed: Unprocessed | National Archives ID 575213
This collection consists of bulk public opinion mail on a variety of topics and issues, including Watergate, Vietnam, the Lt. Calley verdict, Cambodia, Christmas cards, and energy, among others. Another major component of this collection is the uncategorized bulk mail received from children and adults.
Chronological File
1969-1974 | 81 ft., 4 in. | Closed: Unprocessed
Chronologically arranged carbons of letters sent over the President’s facsimile signature and, occasionally, his real signature. Almost all are form letters and messages.
Oversize Attachments
1969-1974 | 21 ft., 2 in. | Open | FINDING AID | National Archives ID 587428
1969-1974 | 1,228 ft. | Closed: Unprocessed
The Oversize Attachment (OA) files were a means of filing and organizing materials that were too bulky or odd-sized to be placed in a file folder. These materials were removed from the Central Files and assigned a unique OA number. These OAs were then cross-referenced to the original Central Files location. Some Oversize Attachments have been processed with various Staff Member and Office Files.
On-the-Shelf Oversize Attachments
1969-1974 | 5 ft. | Open
1969-1974 | 20 ft. | Closed: Unprocessed
The On-the-Shelf Oversize Attachments were a means of filing the extremely oversize items which would not fit in file boxes. Like the Oversize Attachments, the On-the-Shelf materials were removed from the Central Files and assigned a unique OA number. These materials were then cross-referenced to the original Central Files location.
Social File
This filing system was shared by the White House East Wing staff, who assisted Mrs. Nixon and the Nixon daughters, Tricia Nixon Cox and Julie Nixon Eisenhower, and their husbands, in their public activities.
Includes the following subseries:
Alphabetical Name File
1969-1974 | 322 ft., 8 in. | Closed: Unprocessed | National Archives ID 7415488
Oversize Attachments
1969-1974 | 53 ft., 4 in. | Closed: Unprocessed
On-the-Shelf Oversize Attachments
1969-1974 | 6 ft., 4 in. | Closed: Unprocessed
Subject Files
1969-1974 | 873 ft., 4 in. | Closed: Unprocessed
Subject Files
1969-1974 | 1,651 ft., 5 in. | Partially Open | National Archives ID 587690
Includes the following Subject Categories:
AG (Agriculture)
5 ft., 3 in. | Open | FINDING AID
The subject category is composed of correspondence, notes, drafts of speeches, letters and Presidential messages, scheduling memoranda, cables, petitions, referrals, cross references, and printed material concerning administration agricultural policy.
AR (Arts)
3 ft., 11 in. | Open | FINDING AID
This subject category is composed primarily of correspondence, news clippings and other printed materials, and cross references and referrals concerning administration policy toward the arts and, most importantly, public views on the arts and artistic expressions of support and affection for the President and the country.
AT (Atomic Energy)
1 ft., 9 in. | Open | FINDING AID
This subject category contains materials pertaining to the research, development, use and control of atomic and nuclear energy for non-defense and peaceful purposes such as improving the general welfare, increasing the standard of living, and strengthening free competition in private enterprise.
BE (Business-Economics)
30 ft., 7 in. | Open | FINDING AID
The subject category is composed of correspondence, messages and drafts of Presidential messages, memoranda, cross references, notes, petitions, press releases, cables, telegrams, wires, printed material, and news clippings concerning administration economic policy.
CA (Civil Aviation)
12 ft., 8 in. | Open | FINDING AID
File materials placed in the category CA (Civil Aviation) pertain to aviation policy, safety regulations, air commerce, air freight, development of aeronautics, the control and use of navigable air space, research and development of air navigation facilities, and development and operation of a common system of air traffic control and navigation for civil aircraft.
CM (Commodities)
11 ft., 10 in. | Open | FINDING AID
The subject category is composed of correspondence, messages and drafts of Presidential messages, memoranda, cross references, notes, petitions, press releases, cables, telegrams, wires, printed material, and news clippings concerning administration policy respecting manufactured products and industries.
CO (Countries)
39 ft., 1 in. | Other | FINDING AID
File materials placed in the category CO (Countries) pertain to a country, continent, geographic area, and foreign governments and their officials and ambassadors.
DI (Disasters)
8 ft., 9 in. | Open | FINDING AID
Materials filed under the subject file category DI (Disasters) pertain to natural and manmade disasters in the United States, its territories and some foreign countries. A large portion of the materials consists of requests from the public, local and state officials and congressional delegations for Federal assistance in times of disasters.
ED (Education)
7 ft. | Open | FINDING AID
The materials in this subject file pertain to education matters including educational institutions (pre-school, elementary, secondary, college and university, graduate, technical and vocational) both public and private, requirements, needs, standards, training programs, facilities, staff and students, libraries, scholarships, fellowships and grants.
FA (Federal Aid)
16 ft., 8 in. | Open | FINDING AID
The subject category is composed of correspondence, messages, memoranda, cross references, notes, petitions, resolutions, press releases, cables, wires, reports, printed material, and news clippings concerning Federal financial aid to state and local governments or institutions, direct grants-in-aid, and revenue sharing.
FE (Federal Government)
13 ft., 2 in. | Open | FINDING AID
This subject category contains material pertaining to the establishment, organization and reorganization of the Federal Government as a whole, and related subjects such as the Constitution, Declaration of Independence, Executive Orders, Proclamations, heraldry, historical matters, and records.
FG (Federal Government-Organizations)
253 ft., 11 in. | Open
The subject category for Federal Government-Organizations (FG) contains materials to, from, or about the Federal Government branches or agencies.
FG (Federal Government-Organizations)
3 ft., 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 1 (President of the United States)
10 ft., 8 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 1-1 (Delegations of Authority)
10 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 1-2 (Personal Representatives)
2 ft., 10 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 1-3 (Inaugurations)
2 ft., 8 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 2 (Former Presidents)
2 ft., 6 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 3 (Transition to Incoming Administration)
2 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 5 (Executive Branch)
8 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 6 (Executive Office of the President)
2 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 6-1 (Bureau of the Budget)
9 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 6-2 (Central Intelligence Agency)
4 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 6-2-1 (Foreign Broadcast Information Service)
1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 6-3 (Council of Economic Advisers)
1 ft., 9 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 6-4 (National Aeronautics and Space Council)
5 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 6-5 (National Council on Marine Resources)
5 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 6-6 (National Security Council)
2 ft., 7 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 6-7 (Office of Economic Opportunity)
2 ft., 2 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 6-8 (Office of Emergency Preparedness)
1 ft., 4 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 6-9 (Office of Science and Technology)
5 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 6-10 (Office of the Special Trade Representative)
1 ft. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 6-11 (White House Office)
36 ft., 9 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 6-12 (Council for Urban Affairs)
1 ft., 9 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 6-13 (National Goals Research Staff)
3 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 6-14 (Office of Telecommunications Policy)
1 ft., 4 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 6-15 (Domestic Council)
2 ft., 7 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 6-16 (Office of Management and Budget)
3 ft., 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 6-17 (Council on Environmental Quality)
10 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 6-18 (Office of Consumer Affairs)
7 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 6-19 (Special Action Office for Drug Abuse Prevention)
3 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 6-20 (Council on International Economic Policy)
2 ft., 2 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 6-21 (Office of Intergovernmental Relations)
1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 6-22 (Council on Economic Policy)
1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 6-23 (National Energy Office)
5 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 6-24 (Federal Property Council)
4 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 6-25 (Energy Policy Office)
1 ft., 4 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 6-26 (Federal Energy Office)
5 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 10 (Cabinet)
1 ft., 4 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 11 (Department of State)
6 ft., 2 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 12 (Department of Treasury)
3 ft., 11 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 13 (Department of Defense)
3 ft., 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 14 (Department of the Army)
1 ft., 4 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 15 (Department of the Navy)
1 ft., 4 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 16 (Department of the Air Force)
10 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 17 (Department of Justice)
4 ft., 10 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 18 (Post Office Department)
1 ft., 9 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 19 (Department of the Interior)
3 ft., 4 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 19-9 (Bureau of Indian Affairs)
2 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 20 (Department of Agriculture)
2 ft., 2 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 21 (Department of Commerce)
3 ft., 11 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 22 (Department of Labor)
3 ft., 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 23 (Department of Health, Education, and Welfare)
5 ft., 9 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 24 (Department of Housing and Urban Development)
3 ft., 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 25 (Department of Transportation)
3 ft., 6 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 30-FG 46 (Legislative Branch)
16 ft., 8 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 50 (Judicial Branch)
5 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 51 (Supreme Court of the United States)
2 ft., 7 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 52 (United States Court of Appeals)
10 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 53 (U.S. District Courts)
1 ft., 9 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 54 (Courts of the District of Columbia)
7 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 55 (United States Court of Claims)
1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 56 (U.S. Court of Customs and Patent Appeals)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 57 (U.S. Customs Courts)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 58 (U.S. Court of Military Appeals)
1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 59 (Administrative Office of the United States Courts)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 60 (Federal Judicial Center)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 65 (Independent Agencies, Boards and Commissions)
1 ft., 4 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 66 (Administrative Conference of the United States)
10 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 67 (Advertising Council)
3 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 68 (Advisory Board on National Parks, Historic Sites, Buildings and Monuments)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 69 (Advisory Commission on Intergovernmental Relations)
1 ft., 6 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 70 (Advisory Commission on Postal Distribution)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 71 (Advisory Commission on Historic Preservation)
5 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 72 (Advisory Panel on Personnel Interchange)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 73 (American Battle Monuments Commission)
3 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 74 (American Red Cross)
5 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 75 (American Revolution Bicentennial Commission)
1 ft., 4 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 76 (Appalachian Regional Commission)
1 ft., 9 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 77 (Atlantic–Pacific Inter-oceanic Canal Study Commission)
2 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 78 (Atomic Energy Commission)
1 ft., 7 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 79 (Automotive Agreement Adjustment Assistance Board)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 80 (Board of Actuaries)
1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 81 (Board of Examiners for the Foreign Service)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 82 (Board of Foreign Scholarships)
2 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 83 (Board of Foreign Service)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 84 (Board on Geographic Names)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 85 (Business Council)
5 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 86 (Cabinet Committee on the Balance of Payments)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 87 (Canal Zone Government)
2 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 88 (Civil Aeronautics Board)
10 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 89 (Coastal Plains Regional Commission)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 90 (Commission on Civil Rights)
5 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 91 (Commission on Executive, Legislative, and Judicial Salaries)
1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 92 (Commission on Fine Arts)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 93 (Commission on Income Maintenance Program)
7 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 94 (Commission on Marine Science, Engineering and Resources)
2 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 95 (Commission on Obscenity and Pornography)
5 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 96 (Commission on Presidential Scholars)
1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 97 (Commission to Study Mortgage Interest Rates)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 98 (Commission on Economic Development)
2 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 99 (Committee on Population and Family Planning)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 100 (Committee for the Preservation of the White House)
1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 101 (Committee for Purchase of Products and Services for the Blind and Other Severely Handicapped)
2 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 102 (Communication Satellite Corporation)
2 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 103 (Corporation for Public Broadcasting)
10 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 104 (Delaware River Basin Commission)
1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 105 (Distinguished Civilian Service Awards Board)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 106 (District of Columbia)
3 ft., 6 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 107 (District of Columbia Redevelopment Land Agency)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 108 (Eleanor Roosevelt Memorial Foundation)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 109 (Equal Employment Opportunity Commission)
5 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 110 (Export Administration Review Board)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 111 (Export Expansion Advisory Committee)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 112 (Export-Import Bank of the United States)
8 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 113 (Farm Credit Administration)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 114 (Father [Jacques] Marquette Tercentenary Commission)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 115 (Federal Advisory Council on Regional Economic Development)
6 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 116 (Federal Coal Mine Safety Board of Review)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 117 (Federal Committee on Pest Control)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 118 (Federal Commissions Commission)
7 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 119 (Federal Council for Science and Technology)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 120 (Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation)
1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 121 (Federal Election Campaign Fund Advisory Board)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 122 (Federal Executive Boards)
7 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 123 (Federal Fire Council)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 124 (Federal Home Loan Bank Board)
3 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 125 (Federal Interagency Committee on Education)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 126 (Federal Maritime Commission)
7 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 127 (Federal Mediation and Conciliation Service)
8 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 128 (Federal Mortgage Association)
2 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 129 (Federal Power Commission)
7 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 130 (Federal Radiation Council)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 131 (Federal Reserve System)
10 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 132 (Federal Safety Council)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 133 (Federal Trade Commission)
8 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 134 (Foreign Claims Settlement Commission of the United States)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 135 (Foreign Trade Zones Board)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 136 (Four Corners Regional Commission)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 137 (Franklin Delano Roosevelt Memorial Commission)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 138 (General Advisory Committee on Foreign Assistance Program)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 139 (General Services Administration)
2 ft., 4 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 140 (Golden Spike Centennial Celebration Commission)
1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 141 (Health Resources Advisory Committee)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 142 (Indian Claims Commission)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 143 (Institute for Urban Development)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 144 (Interagency Committee on International Athletics)
1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 145 (Cabinet Committee on Opportunities for Spanish Speaking)
4 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 146 (Interagency Committee on Transport Mergers)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 147 (Interdepartmental Committee on the Status of Women)
1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 148 (Interdepartmental Highway Safety Board)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 149 (Interdepartmental Committee for Voluntary Payroll Savings Plan for the Purchase of United States Savings Bonds)
2 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 150 (Interstate Commerce Commission)
1 ft. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 151 (Joint Commission on the Coinage)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 152 (National Academy of Sciences)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 153 (National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders)
1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 154 (National Advisory Commission on Health Facilities)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 155 (National Advisory Committee on Libraries)
1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 156 (National Advisory Commission on Low Income Housing)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 157 (National Advisory Council on Adult Basic Education)
5 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 158 (National Advisory Council on Education of Disadvantaged Children)
5 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 159 (National Advisory Council on Educational Professions Development)
5 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 160 (National Advisory Council on Extension and Continuing Education)
7 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 161 (National Advisory Council on International Monetary and Financial Policies)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 162 (National Advisory Council on Supplementary Centers and Services)
2 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 163 (National Advisory Council on Vocational Education)
2 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 164 (National Aeronautics and Space Administration)
10 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 165 (National Alliance of Businessmen)
1 ft. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 166 (National Capital Housing Authority)
1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 167 (National Capital Planning Commission)
1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 168 (National Commission on the Causes and Prevention of Violence)
1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 169 (National Commission on Consumer Finance)
1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 170 (National Commission on Fire Prevention and Control)
3 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 171 (National Commission on Product Safety)
6 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 172 (National Commission on Reform of Federal Criminal Laws)
9 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 173 (National Council on Indian Opportunity)
1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 174 (National Foundation on the Arts and Humanities
11 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 175 (National Historical Publications Foundation)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 176 (National Home Ownership Foundation)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 177 (National Corporation for Housing Partnerships)
3 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 178 (National Labor Relations Board)
1 ft. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 179 (National Mediation Board)
2 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 180 (National Park Foundation)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 181 (National Review Board for the Center for Cultural and Technical Interchange Between East and West)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 182 (National Science Foundation)
10 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 183 (National Visitor Facilities Advisory Committee)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 184 (National Water Commission)
7 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 185 (New England Regional Commission)
1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 186 (New Jersey Tercentenary Celebration Committee)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 187 (Ozarks Regional Commission)
1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 188 (Pacific Marine Fisheries Commission)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 189 (Panama Canal Company)
4 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 190 (Permanent Committee for the Oliver Wendell Holmes Devise)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 191 (President's Advisory Committee on Labor-Management Policy)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 192 (President's Advisory Council on Cost Reduction)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 193 (President's Commission on Crime in the District of Columbia)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 194 (President's Commission on the Observance of Human Rights Year)
1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 195 (President's Commission on Postal Organization)
1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 196 (President's Commission on White House Fellows)
6 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 197 (President's Committee on Consumer Interests)
4 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 198 (President's Committee on Employment of the Handicapped)
4 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 199 (President's Committee on Manpower)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 200 (President's Committee on Mental Retardation)
6 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 201 (President's Committee on National Medal of Science)
1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 202 (President's Committee on Rural Power)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 203 (President's Committee on Urban Housing)
1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 204 (President's Council on the Aging)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 205 (President's Council on Physical Fitness and Sports)
4 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 206 (President's Council on Recreation and Natural Beauty)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 207 (President's Council on Youth Opportunity)
4 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 208 (President's Foreign Intelligence Advisory Board)
2 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 209 (President's Science Advisory Committee)
5 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 210 (Public Advisory Committee on Trade Policy)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 211 (Public Land Law Review Commission)
2 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 212 (Quetico-Superior Committee)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 213 (Railroad Retirement Board)
1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 214 (Renegotiation Board)
3 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 215 (Securities and Exchange Commission)
5 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 216 (Selective Service System)
1 ft., 4 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 217 (Small Business Administration)
1 ft., 4 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 218 (Smithsonian Institution)
1 ft., 4 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 219 (Southern Interstate Nuclear Board)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 220 (Subversive Activities Control Board)
2 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 221 (Presidential Task Forces
3 ft., 11 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 222 (Tax Court of the United States)
2 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 223 (Temporary Commission on Pennsylvania Ave.)
2 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 224 (Tennessee Valley Authority)
11 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 225 (United Planning Organization)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 226 (United Service Organization)
2 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 227 (United States Advisory Commission on Information)
2 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 228 (United States Advisory Commission on International Educational and Cultural Affairs)
3 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 229 (United States Civil Service Commission)
10 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 230 (United States Information Agency)
10 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 231 (United States Tariff Commission)
10 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 232 (Upper Great Lakes Regional Commission)
5 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 233 (Veterans Administration)
1 ft. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 234 (Washington Metropolitan Area Transit Authority)
< 1 in. | Open
FG 235 (Washington Metropolitan Area Transit Commission)
< 1 in. | Open
FG 236 (Water Resources Council)
4 in. | Open
FG 237 (Woodrow Wilson Memorial Commission)
< 1 in. | Open
FG 238 (Cabinet Committee of Economic Policy)
5 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 239 (United States Arms Control Disarmament Agency)
10 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 240 (Interagency Advisory Committee on Compensation for Motor Vehicle Accident Losses)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 241 (Committee on Federal Credit Programs)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 242 (Lewis and Clark Trail Commission)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 243 (United States Territorial Expansion Commission)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 244 (Federal Field Committee for Development Planning in Alaska)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 245 (Marine Corps Memorial Commission)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 246 (James Madison Memorial Commission)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 247 (Office of Inter-governmental Relations)
1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 248 (Interdepartmental ad hoc Committee to Review the Supersonic Transport Program)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 249 (Commission on All-Volunteer Armed Forces)
10 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 250 (President's Advisory Council on Executive Organization)
5 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 251 (Cabinet Committee on the Environment/Citizens Advisory Committee on Environmental Quality)
10 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 252 (Cabinet Committee on Voluntary Action)
5 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 253 (President' Committee on the Vietnam Veteran)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 254 (President's Commission on Federal Statistics)
1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 255 (Great Lakes Basin Commission)
1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 256 (Cabinet Committee on Construction)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 257 (Construction Industry Collective Bargaining Commission)
2 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 258 (President's Commission on Personnel Interchange)
3 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 259 (National Center for Voluntary Action)
5 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 260 (Rural Affairs Council)
2 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 261 (Federal Labor Relations Council)
1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 262 (Commission on Government Procurement
1 ft., 9 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 263 (Commission on International Trade and Investment Policy)
1 ft., 4 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 264 (Overseas Private Investment Corporation)
5 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 266 (President's Advisory Council on Management Improvement)
5 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 267 (President's Commission on Financial Structure and Regulation)
5 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 268 (Property Review Board)
3 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 269 (Committee on Social Program Research)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 270 (Committee on Puerto Rican Electoral Participation)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 271 (Cabinet-Level Working Group to Explore Executive Branch Assistance to Local Communities)
1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 272 (Inter-Agency Economic Adjustment Committee)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 273 (President's Commission on School Finance)
5 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 274 (National Credit Union Administration)
5 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 275 (Commission on Population Growth and the American Future)
1 ft., 4 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 276 (Oil Policy Committee)
1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 277 (Inter-Agency Committee on the Virgin Islands)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 278 (National Industrial Pollution Control Council)
5 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 279 (Tahoe Regional Planning Agency)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 280 (National Council on Federal Disaster Assistance)
1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 281 (New England River Basins Commission)
1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 282 (President's Commission for the Observance of the Twenty-fifth Anniversary of the United Nations)
3 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 283 (Federal Metal and Nonmetallic Mine Safety Board of Review)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 284 (Pacific Northwest River Basins Commission)
2 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 285 (Souris-Red-Rainy River Basins Commission)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 286 (Interstate Commission on the Potomac River Basin)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 287 (National Council on Organized Crime)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 288 (Commission on Campus Unrest)
5 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 289 (National Commission on Productivity)
3 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 290 (Regulations and Purchasing Review Board)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 291 (Aviation Advisory Commission)
10 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 292 (Peru Earthquake Voluntary Assistance Group)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 293 (National Commission on Libraries and Information Science)
10 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 294 (National Reading Council)
1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 295 (United States Postal Service)
1 ft., 4 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 296 (Commission on Railroad Retirement)
2 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 297 (National Advisory Commission on Jobs for Veterans)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 298 (Environmental Protection Agency)
1 ft., 4 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 299 (Interagency Committee to Review the US International Air Transportation Policy)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 300 (Commission on Bankruptcy Laws of the United States)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 301 (National Railroad Passenger Corporation [Amtrak])
7 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 302 (Council on International Economic Policy)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 303 (Western Interstate Nuclear Board)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 304 (Securities Investor Protection Corporation)
2 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 305 (National Tourism Resources Review Board)
5 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 306 (Commission on American Shipbuilding)
1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 307 (Federal Regional Councils (1969-70)/ Ohio River Basin Commission (1970-74))
1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 308 (Commission on Marihuana [sic] and Drug Abuse)
3 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 309 (Plymouth-Princeton Celebration Commission)
1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 310 (Special Railway Dispute Commission)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 311 (Emergency Railway Dispute Panel)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 312 (National Commission on Materials Policy)
1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 313 (Occupational Safety and Health Review Commission)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 314 (Advisory Council on Intergovernmental Personnel Policy)
2 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 315 (Construction Industry Stabilization Committee)
1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 316 (Interagency Committee on Construction)
<1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 317 (Inter-Departmental Committee on Internal Security)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 318 (National Council on Quality in Education)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 319 (Commission on Highway Beautification)
1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 320 (National Commission on State Workmen's Compensation Laws)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 321 (National Parks Centennial Commission)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 322 (Advisory Committee on Federal Pay)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 323 (Susquehanna River Basin Commission)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 324 (Low-Emission Vehicle Certification Board)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 325 (ACTION)
10 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 326 (Interdepartmental Council to Coordinate All Federal Juvenile Delinquency Programs)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 327 (Cost of Living Council)
2 ft., 2 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 328 (Advisory Panel on South Asian Relief Assistance)
1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 329 (President's Advisory Panel on Timber and the Environment)
3 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 330 (Cabinet Committee on International Narcotics Control)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 331 (National Advisory Commission on Oceans and Atmosphere)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 332 (National Commission on Human Rights)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 333 (President's Committee on Health Education)
3 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 334 (Price Commission)
10 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 335 (Pay Board)
3 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 336 (Committee on Interest and Dividends)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 337 (Committee on the Health Services Industry)
2 ft. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 338 (Committee on State and Local Government Cooperation)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 339 (Rent Advisory Board)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 340 (President's Cancer Panel)
1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 341 (Federal Regional Council)
5 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 342 (Upper Missouri Regional Commission)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 343 (Joint Federal-State Land Use Planning Commission for Alaska)
2 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 344 (Upper Mississippi River Basin Commission)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 345 (Missouri River Basin Commission)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 346 (President's Advisory Committee on Environmental Merit Award Program)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 347 (National Center for Housing Management)
1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 348 (National Advisory Council on Drug Abuse Prevention)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 349 (Advisory Panel on Heart Disease)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 350 (Interagency Classification Review Committee)
2 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 351 (National Commission on the Financing of Post Secondary Education)
10 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 352 (National Commission on International Radio Broadcasting)
1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 353 (National Advisory Council on Equality of Educational Opportunity)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 354 (Commission on the Organization of Government for the Conduct of Foreign Policy)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 355 (Cabinet Committee to Combat Terrorism)
1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 356 (Old West Regional Commission)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 357 (Pacific Northwest Regional Commission)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 358 (Commission on the Review of the National Policy Toward Gambling)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 359 (Student Loan Marketing Association)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 360 (National Study Commission on Water Pollution)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 361 (Inter-American Foundation)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 362 (National Commission for Industrial Peace)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 363 (Consumer Product Safety Commission)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 364 (Pennsylvania Avenue Development Corporation)
1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 365 (Marine Mammal Commission)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 366 (National Advisory Council on Indian Education)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 367 (Ad Hoc Advisory Group on Commonwealth Status (Puerto Rico))
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 368 (President's Export Council)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 369 (President's Interagency Committee on Export Expansion)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 370 (American Revolution Bicentennial Administration)
10 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 371 (National Commission for the Review of Federal and State Laws Relating to Wiretapping and Electronic Surveillance)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 372 (Defense Manpower Commission)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 373 (National Commission for the Observance of World Population Year)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 374 (United States Railway Association)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 375 (Federal Council on the Aging)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 376 (National Commission on Manpower Policy)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 377 (Federal Energy Administration)
5 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 378 (President's Committee on Food)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 379 (President's Committee on East-West Trade Policy)
< 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
FG 999 (Proposed Departments, Agencies, Boards, and Commissions
7 ft. | Open | FINDING AID
FI (Finance)
31 ft., 5 in. | Open | FINDING AID
The subject category is composed of correspondence, notes, petitions, White House referrals and cross references, charts and graphs, news clippings, and printed materials. Materials pertain to superintending and managing the national finance, including collections, disbursements and accounting, taxation, credit and loans, Federal budget, securities, investments, and related finance subjects.
FO (Foreign Affairs)
36 ft., 9 in. | Open | FINDING AID
This subject category contains materials pertaining to international relations and the plans, policies, procedures, and programs concerning foreign countries or governments, such as the administration of foreign affairs, economic development, mutual security, and foreign information and exchange activities.
GI (Gifts)
1 ft., 4 in. | Open | FINDING AID
60 ft., 10 in. | Partially Open
Material to or from the President pertaining to personal gifts from persons both known and unknown to him. This also includes gifts to or from the United States government, whether presented or received by the President as the Chief Executive or by others acting on behalf of the American people.
HE (Health)
16 ft., 8 in. | Open | FINDING AID
Materials filed under the subject file category HE (Health) pertain to consultative assistance for the prevention and control of disease, hospital operation, conducting research in biology and medicine, blood donations, enforcing interstate quarantine regulations, and conducting medical and hospital care programs.
HI (Highways-Bridges)
1 ft., 4 in. | Open | FINDING AID
The White House Central File subject category HI (Highways-Bridges) is designated for materials pertaining to public roads, such as streets, highways, expressways, turnpikes, freeways, parkways, bridges, tunnels, over and underpasses, sidewalks, routes, and markers.
HO (Holidays)
20 ft., 7 in. | Open | FINDING AID
Materials filed under the subject files category HO (Holidays) pertain to legal, recognized, and suggested holidays and observances.
HS (Housing)
3 ft., 11 in. | Open | FINDING AID
This subject category pertains to the approval of programs developed by local communities for the prevention and elimination of slum and blight conditions, including urban renewal, housing trends, and dwelling units required for families displaced by government action.
HU (Human Rights)
18 ft., 4 in. | Open | FINDING AID
Materials filed under the subject category HU (Human Rights) pertain to individual civil rights and freedoms, and encompass their promotion, exercise, or denial, segregation based upon discrimination or discriminatory practices on the basis of race or national origin, and matters relating to political ideologies, voting privileges, and public demonstrations, including communications from the public expressing their viewpoints of support or complains about such topics.
IM (Immigration-Naturalization)
4 ft., 5 in. | Open | FINDING AID
This subject category contains material pertaining to the administration of immigration and naturalization laws relating to the admission, exclusion, registration and disposition of aliens, and the naturalization of aliens lawfully resident in the United States.
IN (Indian Affairs)
3 ft., 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
This subject category contains materials pertaining to Indian affairs, such as land development and use; guidance and assistance in economic and social matters; educational and welfare services; resources management in agriculture, forests, irrigation and trust property; law enforcement; and relocation services.
IS (Insurance)
2 ft., 2 in. | Open | FINDING AID
This subject category contains materials pertaining to various insurance topics such as auto, disaster, disability, health, fire, agricultural, marine, life, surety, unemployment compensation, and flood insurance.
IT (International Organizations)
11 ft., 10 in. | Open | FINDING AID
This subject category contains material pertaining to the establishment, disestablishment, organization, reorganization, location, or relocation, and reports to, from, or about international organizations.
IV (Invitations)
63 ft. | Closed: Unprocessed
Materials pertain to invitations to the President. These include all types of invitations, such as those to speak, visit, and attend dinners and banquets. The invitation may be accepted or not accepted.
JL (Judicial-Legal Matters)
21 ft., 5 in. | Open | FINDING AID
The subject category is composed of correspondence, messages, and drafts of Presidential messages, memoranda, cross references, notes, petitions, press releases, cables, telegrams, wires, printed material, and news clippings concerning administration judicial policy and law enforcement.
LA (Labor-Management (Non-Governmental))
10 ft., 11 in. | Open | FINDING AID
Materials filed under the subject category LA (Labor-Management Relations) pertain to non-Federal labor, employment status, unemployment, wage rates, earnings, and labor-management relations.
LE (Legislation)
3 ft., 11 in. | Open | FINDING AID
The subject category is composed of correspondence, messages, and drafts of Presidential messages, memoranda, cross references, notes, petitions, press releases, cables, telegrams, wires, printed material, and news clippings concerning administration legislation policy and Federal legislative programs.
LG (Local Governments)
11 ft., 4 in. | Open | FINDING AID
The subject category is composed of correspondence, messages, invitations, memoranda, cross references, notes, petitions, press releases, cables, wires, printed material, and news clippings concerning local governments and intergovernmental relations.
MA (Medals-Awards)
11 ft., 4 in. | Open | FINDING AID
Materials filed under the subject category MA (Medals and Awards) pertain to information on various medals and awards. Some of these are awards given to the President and congratulatory messages sent to awards recipients. Also included are new medals and awards implemented by President Nixon.
MC (Meetings-Conferences)
7 ft., 11 in. | Open | FINDING AID
This subject category is composed of documents pertaining to meetings and conferences on various topics involving President Nixon and other administration officials.
ME (Messages)
5 in. | Open | FINDING AID
159 ft., 8 in. | Closed: Unprocessed
Messages, greetings, statements and similar communications sent from the President or the White House such as: congratulations on anniversaries; birthday greetings; statements of sympathy and condolences; and messages on the occasion of special events (e.g. cornerstone laying and dedications).
ND (National Security-Defense)
51 ft., 8 in. | Open | FINDING AID
61 ft., 3 in. | Closed: Unprocessed
The file materials placed in the subject category ND (National Security-Defense) pertain to a broad spectrum of national security functions and include: the safeguarding of classified information; the use of military aircraft; troop transportation; and military operations which involve personnel, preparation, and conduct of warfare; and the planning, mobilization, and management of resources and their production for such defense needs as are required for the protection of life and property by preparing for and carrying out nonmilitary functions to prevent, minimize, repair, and recover from damage caused by enemy attack, including post-attack mobilization plans.
NR (Natural Resources)
12 ft., 8 in. | Open | FINDING AID
The subject category is composed of correspondence, petitions, referrals, notes, wires, post cards, resolutions, printed materials, news clippings, maps, and photographs concerning administration policy towards the exploitation of and preservation of the environment.
OS (Outer Space)
5 ft., 9 in. | Open | FINDING AID
This subject category concerns non-military plans, programs, research, and exploration of outer space. In these files, the material predominantly pertains to the seventeen Apollo missions; Viking, Mariner and Skylab launches; international cooperation in space ventures; and communications satellites.
PA (Parks-Monuments)
4 ft., 10 in. | Open | FINDING AID
The subject category is composed of correspondence, drafts of speeches, letters, and Presidential messages, petitions, notes, cross references, printed material, news clippings, maps, charts, and photographs concerning administration policy toward national parks, monuments, and historic sites.
PC (Peace)
1 ft., 4 in. | Open | FINDING AID
Material pertaining to promoting peace in the world and achieving disarmament through efforts such as the use of atomic power and nuclear energy, improving the standard of living, and raising the status of man. This category is used when the primary subject peace is paramount; otherwise, appropriate subject categories are selected.
PE (Personnel Management)
13 ft., 7 in. | Closed: Unprocessed
Materials pertain to the general subject of Federal Government employees and the Federal Civil Service such as the merit system, investigations, standards, personnel activities, incentive award program, and separations.
PL (Political Affairs)
60 ft., 10 in. | Closed: Unprocessed
Materials concern political matters of national, state, and local interest. This includes material such as conventions, elections, voting, messages, campaigns, platforms, candidates, political parties, committees, clubs, and dinners.
PO (Postal Service)
1 ft., 9 in. | Open | FINDING AID
This subject category contains all materials pertaining to postal affairs such as controlled circulation of publications; rates and fees; penalty, franked and official mail; and free mail for the blind.
PP (President (Personal))
47 ft., 3 in. | Closed: Unprocessed
This subject category contains material of a personal or quasi-personal nature written to the President or his family.
PQ (Procurement-Disposal)
2 ft., 7 in. | Open | FINDING AID
Materials filed in the subject category PQ (Procurement) pertain to the procuring, managing, and disposing of materials, equipment, supplies, and services by contract, purchase, or other negotiations except material relating to the disposal of surplus real estate which is filed under RA (Real Property), and the White House, which is filed under WH (White House Administration).
PR (Public Relations)
192 ft., 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID
Material pertaining to the general subject of public relations and human interest, including requests of various kinds.
PU (Publications)
12 ft., 8 in. | Open | FINDING AID
File materials placed in the category PU (Publications) pertain to published and non-published items. This includes Federal, non-Federal, and private sources. These publications include books, booklets, pamphlets, cartoons, newspapers, magazines, and periodicals.
RA (Real Property)
4 ft., 5 in. | Open | FINDING AID
Materials in this subject category pertain to the planning, development, and administration of public buildings and lands. Includes matters pertaining to the design and construction of public buildings, real property acquisition and utilization, public buildings and industrial property management, and related activities.
RE (Recreation-Sports)
4 ft., 5 in. | Open | FINDING AID
Filed under the category RE (Recreation-Sports) are materials pertaining to amusements, hobbies, sports, and recreation. Among the material included are tickets, passes (single events), season passes, and licenses for a specific event.
RM (Religious Matters)
8 ft., 9 in. | Open | FINDING AID
Filed under the category RM (Religious Matters) are materials pertaining to religions and religious matters.
RS (Reports-Statistics)
7 ft., 11 in. | Open | FINDING AID
File materials in the category RS (Reports-Statistics) pertain to reports and statistics received by the White House and the correspondence regarding them. Specific topics were generally filed by appropriate subject and were filed under RS as a cross-reference only.
SA (Safety-Accident Prevention)
2 ft., 2 in. | Open | FINDING AID
This subject category is composed of correspondence, cross references, wires, notes, reports, referrals, and printed material concerning Federal Government activities involving occupational, industrial product, and highway safety. Much of the correspondence is between White House staff members and Members of Congress and staffs of Federal agencies concerned with safety programs and legislation.
SC (Sciences)
2 ft., 2 in. | Open | FINDING AID
Materials filed under SC (Sciences) concern all phases of scientific study, research, and development for astronomy, technology, and natural sciences.
SO (Social Affairs)
11 ft., 4 in. | Open | FINDING AID
Materials filed under the subject category SO (Social Affairs) pertain to social events hosted by the President or members of his family.
SP (Speeches)
88 ft., 4 in. | Open | FINDING AID
File materials placed in the category SP (Speeches) pertain to all speeches, addresses, and statements made by the President or read for him. This includes background materials, drafts for speeches and rewrites, press releases concerning speeches, clearances and speech suggestions, as well as letters and telegrams of congratulations, support, and criticism. This category also includes speeches and statements by members of the White House staff; officials of Federal, state, and local government agencies; and private individuals made on behalf of the President and his administration.
ST (States-Territories)
9 ft., 7 in. | Open | FINDING AID
This subject category is composed of documents pertaining to individual states and territorial possessions of the United States. Included are letters, memoranda, telegrams, lists, schedules, news clippings, reports, and printed material.
TA (Trade)
30 ft., 2 in. | Open | FINDING AID
The subject category is composed of correspondence, letters and Presidential messages, petitions, referrals, notes, wires, telegrams, resolutions, press releases, cross references, printed material, and news clippings concerning administration trade and tariff policy.
TN (Transportation)
4 ft., 10 in. | Open | FINDING AID
Materials filed under the subject file category TN (Transportation) pertain to passenger and freight transportation by rail, highway, or water; and to services including stevedoring, warehousing, and pipeline transportation.
TR (Trips)
43 ft., 9 in. | Open | FINDING AID
Subject file category TR contains material pertaining to trips planned or made by the President, both within the United States and abroad.
UT (Utilities)
9 ft., 7 in. | Open | FINDING AID
Under the file symbol UT (Utilities) are filed materials pertaining to public utilities in the communications and power (energy) fields. This includes communications by wire or radio; facilities and charges; generating, transmitting and distributing electric power; and natural and artificial gas production and distribution.
VA (Veterans Affairs)
6 ft., 7 in. | Open | FINDING AID
This subject category contains material pertaining to veterans or their dependents.
WE (Welfare)
28 ft. | Open | FINDING AID
Filed under the category WE (Welfare) are materials pertaining to improving the welfare, environment and physical fitness of all people; developing community welfare services; family planning; and national goals and social trends, including communications from the public expressing views about such topics,
WH (White House Administration)
14 ft. | Open | FINDING AID
Materials filed under the general subject file category WH (White House Administration) pertain to the operation and administration of the White House, the Old Executive Office Building (EOB), and other temporary offices of the President including the Presidential retreat at Camp David in Maryland and summer and winter White Houses at San Clemente, California, and Key Biscayne, Florida. The items in this subject file category relate to such topics as fiscal, personnel, office space, buildings management, procurement, services to White House staff, and Presidential support facilities.
White House Conference on Aging
The White House Conference on Aging was convened at the behest of President Richard Nixon as a follow-up to a similar conference held in the waning days of the Eisenhower administration. The objective of the Conference was to provide a forum for representatives of older Americans throughout the country to discuss and propose solutions to the unique problems facing the elderly in this country.
The Conference, directed and organized by the Commissioner on Aging John B. Martin, was preceded by a series of forums, hearings, meetings, and additional White House Conference at the state and local levels. The conclusions of the Conference were to be translated into a plan of action to be implemented during the succeeding year.
Dr. Arthur S. Flemming chaired the Conference. Other persons mentioned in the files include Americans, both young and old, who were chosen to participate in the event. Members of the Nixon administration are rarely named in this collection.
White House Central Files
1961-1972 | 3 ft., 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID | National Archives ID 6219818
This collection contains primarily printed and released materials, both in form of press releases, pamphlets, minutes, and reports. No inter-office or personal correspondence is included. The first portion of the collection, which pertains primarily to the pre-Conference, Conference, and post-Conference period, is arranged chronologically. The succeeding half of the collection, which contains booklets and pamphlets, is arranged alphabetically by folder title.
White House Conference on Children and Youth
President Nixon announced the Conference on October 26, 1969, the seventh such decennial Conference, to take place in Washington, DC, December 13-18, 1970. Deputy Assistant to the President Stephen Hess was appointed National Chairman by a Presidential announcement of December 5, 1969. In accordance with a January 1970 decision to organize one conference on issues concerning children under 14 and another on issues concerning youth aged 14-24, a White House Conference on Children was held in Washington, DC. December 13-18, 1970, and a White House Conference on Youth was held in Estes Park, Colorado April 18-22, 1971.
White House Central Files
1970 | 13 ft., 4 in. | Closed: Unprocessed
The materials consist chiefly of Youth Delegate Files.
White House Conference on Food, Nutrition and Health
The White House Conference on Food, Nutrition and Health was convened at the behest of President Richard Nixon to focus national attention on the nutritional needs and problems of all Americans. This first White House conference of the Nixon administration was designed to advise the President on how best to end hunger and malnutrition among the poor in the United States. The goal of the conference was to lay a foundation for a national nutrition policy.
White House Central Files
1969-1971 | 34 ft., 1 in. | Open | FINDING AID | National Archives ID 5573996
The records of the White House Conference on Food, Nutrition and Health date include pre-conference, conference, and post-conference material. The collection is divided into four series: Subject Files, Conference Working Files, Staff Member Office Files and Printed Materials. The bulk of the collection is arranged by subject, which is then further segmented chronologically.
White House Conference on the Industrial World Ahead
The Conference, called by President Nixon, was announced in a White House press release dated April 12, 1971. Its stated purpose was to bring together key individuals from business, labor, the professions, education, and government “…with an interest in our industrial society to take a long-range look and develop policies that will help shape (the) future.” Meetings were convened at the Sheraton-Park Hotel between February 7 and 9, 1972, and jointly chaired by Secretary of Commerce Maurice H. Stans and Secretary of Labor James D. Hodgson. Four principal themes were addressed during the sessions: The Social Responsibility of Business; Technology and Resources for Business; The Human Side of Enterprise; and The Structure of the Private Enterprise System.
White House Central Files
1972 | 1 ft., 4 in. | Closed: Unprocessed
The materials consist of alphabetical name files for the presenters and publications.
White House Executive Clerk
In existence since 1865, the Executive Clerk’s Office is the oldest functioning staff office of the White House. The White House Office of the Executive Clerk is responsible for the formal certificates, preparation and disposition of all official Presidential documents. These include nominations to the Senate, commissions of appointment, acceptances of resignations, Executive Orders, Proclamations, and Messages to Congress. In addition the office serves as the official point of Presidential receipt for formal documents from the Congress, such as resolutions, enrolled bills, and Senate confirmations. The Clerk’s office returns presidential vetoes to Congress and the Clerk is allowed on the Senate and House floors for this purpose.
The Executive Clerk’s office staff maintains background material and reference on all the nomination responsibilities of the President, updating any if changed by legislation at any time. The Office can provide precise information including historical data on all of the public documents the President produces. The Office is also responsible for keeping track of the timing on enrolled bills – last date to sign, when a “pocket veto” is effective, etc.
White House Central Files
1969-1974 | 10 in. | Open | FINDING AID | National Archives ID 3477948
1969-1974 | 3 ft. | Closed: Unprocessed
The open materials of copies of Presidential memoranda sent to the heads of departments and agencies during the Nixon administration. These memorandums were a reference set kept by John Ratchford, White House Executive Clerk, until his retirement and span the entire Nixon Presidency.
The unprocessed materials consist of biographies of Presidential appointees (A-Kr) and original signed memoranda and the accompanying original bills “pocket vetoed” during the following Congressional sessions: 91-2, 92-1, 92-2.
White House Gift Unit
The White House Gift Unit was established during the Eisenhower administration to deal with the increasing number of items presented to the Chief Executive and his family by foreign officials and U.S. citizens. Under the direction of Lucy Ferguson (1969-1972) and Marge Wicklein (1973-1974), the White House Gift Unit during the Nixon years grew in size and responsibility.
The Unit’s primary task continued to be the documenting of gifts or gift-like items presented to the First Family. These items were received by the Unit in one of several ways: directly from the White House Mail Room as they arrived and were unpacked; from the Congressional Liaison Office and members of the White House staff who accepted them on behalf of the President; from the Office of Protocol in the Department of State; and from the First Family.
White House Central Files
1969-1974 | 32 ft., 3 in. | Open | FINDING AID | National Archives ID 6219826
1969-1974 | 6 ft., 8 in. | Closed: Unprocessed
The open materials are divided into five series: Correspondence, Alpha Subject Files, Gift Lists and Cards, Drafts and form letters, and Duplicate Gift Lists.
The unprocessed materials consist of Presidential and Vice Presidential gift lists.
White House Press Office
The White House Press Office during the Presidency of Richard Nixon was responsible for daily communication with the White House press corps. Ronald L. Ziegler was the Press Secretary to the President for Nixon’s entire term in office from January 1969 to August 1974; Gerald Warren served as the Deputy Press Secretary. The office held daily briefings for the press and produced the White House’s press releases.
White House Central Files
1969-1974 | 45 ft., 6 in. | Open | FINDING AID | National Archives ID 6003448
1969-1974 | 268 ft., 9 in. | Closed: Unprocessed
The files contain materials produced by the Press Office for distribution to the media. The open materials include press releases, press conference transcripts, and other notices to the press. The topics addressed cover the full range of activities and policies of the Nixon White House. The materials are divided into seven series: White House Press Releases, Press Releases Not Released to the Press, First Lady’s Press Releases, White House Press Conferences, Official Transcripts of Presidential Press Conferences, Left to Right Identifications, and President’s Schedule.
The unprocessed materials consist of background briefings, miscellaneous departmental news clippings and press releases, and White House news conferences and press releases.
White House Special Files
In September 1972, the White House Special Files Unit was created within the White House complex to provide a secure storage location for administratively and politically sensitive material, personal mater
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https://spacehey.com/4scene
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4scene [UNOFFICIAL SCENEBOY]'s Profile
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[
"https://www.youtube.com/embed/JMD7gY-0R0U?si=BLoBfTBDK_6l7uEw//?&;amp;;autoplay=1&;loop=1&;controls=1"
] |
[] |
[
""
] | null |
[] | null |
Been checking my account more often, I WORK so I may not respond right away. Anyone 17+ HMU if you want to be friends
|
en
|
https://spacehey.com/favicon.ico?v=2
|
SpaceHey
|
https://spacehey.com/4scene
|
2007, Blood on the Dance Floor, bmth, aa!, jeffree star, slipknot, killwhitneydead, cattle decap, cannibal corpse, suffocation, breathe carolina, the medic droid, cash cash, brokeNCYDE, subscene, the greenlight district, aborted, asking alexandria, august burns red, dying fetus, severe torture, romperomp, suffocation, DJ Raaban, beartooth, dangerkids, kreayshawn, The Medic Droid, Breakdown of Sanity, Ends with a bullet, Parkway Drive, crunkasaurus Rex, Dying Diva, A SKYLIT DRIVE, Feed Her to The Sharks, I Set My Friends On Fire, Breathe Carolina KILLWHITNEYDEAD The Demonstration Earth Wind And Fire Aerosmith Bring Me The Horizon Me And Him Call It Us The Almost The Doors Jefferson Airplane 25 Dollar Massacre Maylene And The Sons Of Disaster Abacabb Alexisonfire All That Remains Agatha The Agony Scene As I Lay Dying Atreyu Avenged Sevenfold shaleah Below Radar Beneath The Massacre The Black Dahlia Murder The Bled Bleeding Through Blessed By A Broken Heart Brand New Bring Me The Horizon Burning Love Letters in chaos The Chariot The Chinese Express the academy is... Dead to Fall Desecrate The Hour The Devil Wears Prada Dragon Force emery Eamon Eighteen Visions Evergreen Terrace Every Time I Die the blood brothers Fall Of Troy Fear Before The March Of Flames Flesh and Blood Robot Forever And Always From Autumn To Ashes my children my bride Glassjaw misfits Haste The Day Heavy Heavy Low Low Hollywood Undead nothing less If Hope Dies In Flames Into the Moat Iscariot It Dies Today scissor sisters Job For a Cowboy death for another Kingston Falls killing poetry The Locust Martyr A.D. Matchbook Romance Norma Jean The Number 12 Looks Like You Posion the Well Reggie And The Full Effect See You Next Tuesday Straylight Run Suicide Silence Symphony in Peril Taking Back Sunday Through The Eyes Of The Dead Throwdown Thumbscrew Thursday Underøath The Unfolding Unearth Winds Of Plague Winter Solstice A Winter's Rose A Change of Pace. A Thorn For Every Heart. Acceptance. Ad Astra Per Aspera. Adam Paul Williams. Adelphi. Adrastos . Akissforjersey. Alexisonfire . All Time Low . Ambry. American Football. Anathallo. Anberlin. Anderson(NL). Animal Collective. Arcade Fire. Architecture in Helsinki. Ari Thanos . Arkitekt. Armor For Sleep . As Cities Burn. As Tall As Lions. Augustana. Band of Horses. Ben Folds. Ben Kweller . Between Home and Serenity. Between the Buried and Me . Bidwell. Blackpool Lights. Bledsoe . Bleed the Dream. Blindside. Bloc Party. Brad Passons. Bradley Hathaway. Brady Sails. Brazil. Bright Eyes . Brighten. Brightwood. Broken Social Scene. Capulet. Cartel. Cassino. Cat Power. Cavil at Rest. Cecil Adora. Celeste . Chiodos. Chris Garneau. Cinematic Sunrise. Clap Your Hands Say Yeah . Classic Case. Coldplay. Colour Revolt. Cool Hand Luke. Copeland. Coretta Scott. Cursive . Cute is What We Aim For. Dallas Green. Damiera. Damien Rice. Dance Gavin Dance. Danger Radio. Daphne Loves Derby. Dashboard Confessional . Day of Contempt. Deathcab For Cutie. Drop Dead, Gorgeous. Dropping Daylight. Eager Seas. Eberhardt. Eisley. Ella Rouge. Ellison. Emery . Enblessin. Ethan Durelle. Everlea. Ever We Fall. Every Avenue. Fair. Faraway. Far-Less. Fear Before the March of Flames. Feist. Finch. Finding Westerly. Fiona Apple. Fiore. Forever The Sickest Kids Forgive Durden. From First to Last. Frou Frou. Funeral For a Friend. Gatsby Gets the Green Light. Gatbsy's American Dream. Gogol Bordello. Goodbye Tomorrow. Graydon Tomlinson. Green River Ordinance. Gregory and the Hawk. Gym Class Heroes. Halifax. Hand Me Down Buick. Haste the Day. He is Legend. Hello Goodbye. Her Candane. Hidden in Plain View. Holiday Parade. Horse The Band. Hot Rod Circuit. House of Fools. I Am a Bolt of Lightning. I Can Make a Mess Like Nobody's Business. Imogen Heap. Iron & Wine. Ivory. Ivoryline. Jack's Mannequin. James Blunt. Jettie. Jimmy Eat World. John Mayer. John Vanderslice. Jonezetta. Josh Groban. Joshua Radin. June. Juneau. Just Surrender. Karate High School . Keane. Keaton Simons. Kings Of Leon. Leeland. Like Lions. Limbeck. Look What I Did. Lorene Drive. Love Hate Hero. LoveDrug. Loxsly. Lucky Boys Confusion. Lydia. Madelyn. Mae. MainStay. Make Believe. Making April. Maps & Atlases. Margot & the Nuclear So and So's. Mashlin. Matchbook Romance. Mates of State. Maximo Park. Mayday Parade. Maylene and the Sons of Disaster. Meg & Dia. Melee. Mercy Mercedes. Meriwether. Metro Station. Mew. mewithoutyou. Mika. Mineral. Minus The Bear . Modest Mouse. Motion City Soundtrack. Muse. Mute Math. My American Heart. Name Taken. New Atlantic. Norma Jean. Number One Fan. Number One Gun. October Fall. Of Montreal. Oh, Sleeper. One Way Letter. Orange Park. Outsmarting Simon. Over It. Ozma. Panic! At The Disco. Panthers. Paramore. Parlour Boys. Paulson. Pedro the Lion. Pistolita. Plain White T's. Play Radio Play! Portugal. The Man. Pretty Girls Make Graves. Queen. Quietdrive. Race the Sun. Racing Kites. Random Thoughts. Ratatat. Regina Spektor. Rock Kills Kid. Rocky Volotalo. Rogue Wave. Rookie of the Year. Rooney. Rory. Roses Are Red. Run Kid Run. Saves The Day. Say Anything. Scary Kids Scaring Kids. Secondhand Serenade . Secret Lives of the Free Masons. Shaunteclair. Sherwood. Shining Through. Shotgun Rules. Shout Out Louds. Showbread. Signal The Escape. Sigur Ros. Silverstein. Silversun Pickups. Skybox. Sleepaway. Sleeping At Last. Slowreader. Small Towns Burn a Little Slower. So They Say. Socratic. Some By Sea . Something Corporate. Spitalfield. Standard of Living. Stars. Story of the Year. Straylight Run. Sufjan Stevens. Sullivan. Surrounded By Lions. Taking Back Sunday.,br> Taylor Davis. Terminal. The Academy Is. The Afterdance. The Alpha Couple. The Appreciation Post. The Arrival. The Audition. The Bank Robbers. The Bled. The Blood Brothers. The Boy Least Likely To. The Cadence. The Chariot. The City. The City Drive. The Classic Crime. The Consequence. The Decemberists. The Dresden Dolls. The Drive Back. The Early November. The February. The Fight. The Flipside. The Fold. The Forecast. The Format. The Fratellis. The Fray. The Free Design. The Gorgeous. The Higher. The Hush Sound. The Invite. The Joggers. The Junior Varsity. The Killing Moon. The Kinison. The Lawrence Arms. The Letterpress. The Life and Times. The Like Young. The Lyndsay Diaries. The Matches. The Morning Of. The Northwood. The Pale Pacific. The Panic Division. The Premier. The Progress. The Rakes. The Receiving End of Sirens. The Red Jumpsuit Apparatus. The Rocket Summer. The Scene Aesthetic. The Shins. The Showcase. The Silence. The Sound of Animals Fighting. The Spill Canvas. The Starting Line. The Stills. The Strokes. The Twilight Collective. The Unicorns. The Valley. The Varsity. The Walkmen. The Working Title. Therefore I Am. Thin Dark Line. This Day and Age. This Providence. Thom Yorke. Tilly and the Wall. Tim Fite. Underoath. Valencia. Veda. Versus the Mirror. Waking Ashland. Watashi Wa . We Are The Fury. Witroy. Wolf Parade. Yesterdays Rising. You Say Party! We Say Die!. Zella Mayzell.
|
||||
3704
|
dbpedia
|
3
| 16
|
https://www.laphamsquarterly.org/politics/woman-who-would-be-king
|
en
|
The Woman Who Would Be King
|
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[
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[
"Kara Cooney",
"Lewis H. Lapham",
"Anne Fadiman"
] | null |
The extraordinary rise and reign of Hatshepsut.
|
en
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https://www.laphamsquarterly.org/sites/all/themes/laphams_theme/favicon.ico
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Lapham’s Quarterly
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https://www.laphamsquarterly.org/politics/woman-who-would-be-king
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I permit no woman to teach or to have authority over a man; she is to be kept silent.
—First letter of St. Paul to Timothy
Ancient civilization rarely suffered a woman to rule. Historians can find almost no evidence of successful, long-term female leadership from antiquity—not from the Mediterranean nor the Near East, not from Africa, Central Asia, East Asia, nor the New World. In the ancient world, a woman only came to power when crisis descended on her land—a civil war that set brother against husband against cousin, leaving a vacuum of power—or when a dynasty was at its end and all the men in a royal family were dead. Boudicca led her Britons against the aggressions of Rome around 60, but only after that relentless imperial force had all but swallowed up her fiercest kinsmen. A few decades later, Cleopatra used her great wealth and sexuality to tie herself to not one but two of Rome’s greatest generals, just as Egypt was on the brink of provincial servitude to the empire’s insatiable imperial machine. It wasn’t until the development of the modern nation-state that women took on long-lasting mantles of power. After the fall of Rome, the Continent was held in a balance by a delicate web of bloodlines. In an ethnically and linguistically divided Europe when no man could be found to continue a ruling house, finding a female family member was generally preferred to handing the kingdom over to a foreigner.
In all antiquity, history records only one woman who successfully calculated a systematic rise to power during a time of peace: Hatshepsut, meaning “the Foremost of Noble Women,” an Egyptian king of the Eighteenth Dynasty who ruled during the fifteenth century bc and negotiated a path from the royal nursery to the very pinnacle of authority. It is not precise to call Hatshepsut a queen, despite the English understanding of the word; once she took the throne, Hatshepsut could only be called a king. In the ancient Egyptian language, the word queen only existed in relation to a man, as the “king’s woman.” Once crowned, Hatshepsut served no man; her husband had been dead some seven years by the time she ascended the throne.
Hatshepsut’s legacy includes her temples, such as the tiered mortuary temple at Deir el Bahri—hieroglyphic texts on the structure were first translated in the nineteenth century, revealing the substance of her reign—and her red-quartzite sanctuary from Karnak. Her tomb in the Valley of the Kings was decorated with spells to the sun as he traversed the hours of night, and her statuary reveals the essential duality of her reign: some show her as a woman, others as a man. Egyptologists remain divided about the identification of her mummy; there are a number of candidates for the valuable corpse that would reveal the wear and tear life dealt her. It is characteristic of ancient Egyptians that they would have forever preserved Hatshepsut’s body but that they recorded so little from her mind. Instead her story must be pieced together from thousands of broken fragments—temples, ritual texts, administrative documents, countless statues and reliefs of herself, her daughter, her stepson, her favored courtiers—a scattered portrait of human life. We don’t know the details of her relationships, if she was loved or reviled. Egyptology reveals the trappings of kingship, but it is very hard to locate the king. Egyptian kings were meant to be living gods on earth, shrouded in idealism and dogma, and those in power played their politics close to the vest—the throne took precedence over any individual and his or her emotions, wants, or desires. Gossip was almost unheard of among the elite and powerful of ancient Egyptian society; public scandal was never recorded into official documents or even unofficial letters. The lives of these mortal gods could only be spoken of in hushed tones.
Hatshepsut was around twenty years old when she methodically consolidated power and catapulted into the highest office in the land. Her youth was unremarkable in a world where tuberculosis, dental abscesses, diarrhea, food poisoning, parasites, cholera, and childbirth might regularly kill a woman; adulthood began early and life ended early (Tutankhamen famously died while still a teenager). Hatshepsut remains the only ancient woman able to claim power when her civilization was at its most robust. During the Eighteenth Dynasty, the Egyptian empire experienced a renaissance—gold poured into the country like water and new building projects were underway, including many of the sprawling temples of Karnak and Luxor so enthralling to tourists today. It was Hatshepsut who began to transform the grandest temple complexes from mud brick to stone, thus promoting each temple’s continued and creeping growth, reign after reign, as future kings made their mark on the sacred landscape with new pylons and gateways, colossal statues and obelisks, sanctuaries and columned halls. Karnak saw structures in sandstone for the first time, and it was here that she added no fewer than two pairs of red granite obelisks, miracles of human ingenuity and energy. (The architecture of her reign was arguably so influential that later New Kingdom pharaohs, including Amenhotep III, Tutankhamen, and Ramses II, were influenced by her choices.) And she achieved this in Egypt, where the very theological tenants of royal power stood against a woman claiming such a position—and where, close to twenty years after her death, the success of her reign could well be the reason that many of her statues, images, as well as her hieroglyphic name were subject to annihilation.
According to Nineteenth and Twentieth Dynasty documents, an Egyptian woman was afforded such seemingly modern freedoms as an ability to step beyond the walls of her household, own her own property, and obtain a divorce—yet she remained nothing without connections to her father, husband, or brothers. Documents from Egyptian villages dating from a similar period tell us that a widow was one of the most vulnerable members of society, subject to being thrown out of her own home by a daughter-in-law, but court proceedings also record charges of rape and abuse brought by women against men, and Egyptian women practiced the power to file legal complaints for mistreatment.
A royal woman had less rights than the average Egyptian, it could be argued, since it was impossible to divorce a king, the Golden Horus himself. A woman in the royal household only existed in relation to her king—as king’s daughter, king’s sister, king’s wife, or king’s mother. During the Eighteenth Dynasty, when Hatshepsut lived, royal women could only marry within the boundaries of the palace itself, shuttering dozens of women in a golden prison. Historical evidence from temples, stelae, and statuary indicates that a king’s daughter could only marry the next king—a man who was, more often than not, her own brother or half-brother. Some Egyptian princesses even had the misfortune of extremely long-lived fathers, a circumstance that forced them into marriage with their own fathers, lest they age beyond their childbearing years.
Like any other princess during the Eighteenth Dynasty, Hatshepsut was born into a royal world of social strictures and expectations. She was a king’s daughter, a king’s wife, and a king’s sister—critically, the only royal title she would lack in her lifetime was king’s mother, as she never bore a son. This failing was likely a bitter disappointment for Hatshepsut, but it was also a twist of fate that would pave the way for her inconceivable and serendipitous rise in fortune.
Hatshepsut’s first taste of power came when, just a young girl, she was appointed the god’s wife of Amun. In this hallowed position, she served as a priestess of the greatest importance. If the descriptions of Amun’s rituals of re-creation are to be believed, Hatshepsut was responsible for sexually exciting the god himself, presumably in his statue form. One of her priestess titles was actually “God’s Hand.” If we are to take the agenda of this title literally Hatshepsut was essentially responsible for facilitating the masturbatory act of the god in his holy shrine, instigating a sacred sexual release that allowed for the re-creation of the god, and his entire store of creative potential. As god’s wife, Hatshepsut used her feminine sexuality to enable the god’s continued renewal of the universe itself—it didn’t hurt that the position of god’s wife of Amun came with lands, servants, and palaces. It was a lot of power for a ten-year-old girl to take in.
When Hatshepsut’s father Thutmose I died, she became chief wife to Thutmose II, her own half-brother, at around the age of twelve. The result of this marriage was at least one daughter, a girl named Neferure, and perhaps another daughter who died young. Hatshepsut was denied the son that would have continued her family’s dynasty, and this would define the rest of her life, as Thutmose II may have died as soon as four years later, leaving a very young heir from one of his lesser wives.
Thutmose III, an infant, suddenly sat upon the throne of Egypt, perhaps gnawing on his crook and flail during lengthy religious ceremonies, and was not expected to live long given the high rate of infant mortality. The Egyptians had a solution for such political complications, appointing a regent to oversee the affairs of state until the young king came of age. In Egypt, the king’s regent was normally his own mother, a woman who could have no formal ambitions for herself without harming her own son’s best interests. In the case of Thutmose III, however, the mother seems to have been an inappropriate regent. All evidence suggests that Thutmose III’s mother Isis did not seem to possess the lineage or connections to bear such authority, that she was really nothing more than a pretty concubine. Hatshepsut saw an opportunity: she had been the previous king’s chief wife; she was the highest-born woman in the royal family; she was god’s wife of Amun; she had been trained in the halls of power and in the religious mysteries since her childhood. At around sixteen, she ruled unofficially on behalf of a mere toddler king. Soon she would formally take the throne. For over twenty years she would rule unmolested, but she never ruled alone.
Although we have thousands of temple reliefs, obelisks, pylons, gateways, statues, and inscribed papyri describing this young king, his character and relationship to his aunt Hatshepsut remain shrouded in mystery. Thutmose III was not her child, but it seems that she safeguarded him nonetheless, rearing him for future rule. She transformed herself not into king’s mother, but astoundingly, into a kind of king’s father, a senior king who fostered the education of her royal ward. Granted, for most of her tenure as king, Thutmose III was only a child. But during the last five or six years of her reign, when he had reached his majority, the arrangement became a real partnership. In her temples and stelae, she used her nephew Thutmose III’s regnal year dates. Whenever she depicted herself in the presence of her co-king, she often took the senior position. Yet he was constantly there, lurking in her shadow.
During the next seven or so years as regent, Hatshepsut systematically cemented her path to the kingship. One of her first steps was to gain a throne name, a move which may very well have stunned some officials and nobles, because no Egyptian woman had ever assumed such an honorific without claiming the kingship first. She received the name Maatkare, which is hard to translate but may mean “Truth is the Soul of the sun god Re,” a claim that reinforced her royal power as divinely ordained and offered a guarantee for the continued prosperity that all Egyptian elites were currently enjoying. As regent, Hatshepsut accrued other royal epithets and markers that linked her person to the kingship itself, never so quickly that officials and courtiers would balk, instead waiting patiently to advance another step, until one day around the seventh year after the death of her husband, according to her coronation text, she was formally crowned in the temple of Karnak, in the presence of the god Amun-Re himself.
Egyptian politics were nothing if not religious and conservative; Hatshepsut needed to take her time and exercise patience in order to create an ironclad image of kingship as the divine will of the gods. With only temple reliefs to consult, the reasons for this massive political move remain cloaked. Indeed, without a logical justification for her kingship, many Hatshepsut scholars have deemed her a greedy, scheming shrew who took power that was not rightfully hers, wresting the instruments of rule from a helpless baby. However, since no evidence for this hysterical, ravenous self-indulgence can actually be found in the historical record one way or the other (she did protect the throne for her nephew Thutmose III, after all), some Egyptologists have since explored another logical explanation for a woman holding such high office: she had the help of a man, and it was his idea for her to claim the throne in the first place.
One of Hatshepsut’s most loyal supporters during her tenure as regent and then as king, and maybe as early as her time as queen, was a man named Senenmut—a man who rose to become overseer of the entire household of the god Amun-Re, making him chief administrator of what were likely the richest lands and holdings besides those of the crown. Many scholars have concluded that Senenmut must have been her lover, and at the very least he seems to have been the closest person to Hatshepsut beyond her family. Evidence from his tombs and statues also suggests that he never married, which was unusual among Egyptian patricians who hoped to pass down their wealth and influence to their children. Because Senenmut’s parents were of lower birth and had little to no influence at court, this man’s political existence depended on his relationship with Hatshepsut and her daughter Neferure. They seem to have been mutually dependent on the other, she using his reliance on her for her own gain, he using her lack of trust in others for his own advancement. Whether they ever consummated this successful working relationship is a debate left to Egyptologists.
Hatshepsut’s sexual life is almost completely shielded from our eyes. We know that she was sexually active at one point in her life and that she bore at least one, and possibly two, daughters to her husband, Thutmose II. After his death, there is no mention of subsequent children, but a lack of babies does not mean a lack of sex, particularly for a powerful woman in command of men. Hatshepsut was a young woman, and it is certainly within the realm of possibility that she acted as most humans of that age do—engaging in sexual activity and falling in love, having crushes and flirting. Even though no economic records or graffiti or letters record any of Hatshepsut’s conquests, did she have to visit the palace doctor to weigh her options? While Egyptian medical texts describe herbal prescriptions for both birth control and abortions, there are no known private documents that mention their use by any particular woman. We know nothing about this aspect of her life except that Hatshepsut would not have included a romantic partner in any of her formal activities as king. Her official cohorts were family members intimately connected to her kingship: her junior king Thutmose III and her daughter Neferure, who fulfilled the functions of both queen and priestess. A formally recognized male partner would have compromised her theological position as king of Upper and Lower Egypt and as the offspring of Re. From the very beginning Hatshepsut must have known that her femininity was a problem, and step by step she had to erase the most obvious aspects of her womanly self.
Egyptian kingship was inherently masculine; religious texts clearly link masculine sexual potency with transformation. The god Atum created himself from nothing by means of a sacred act of sex between his own hand and phallus. Osiris was said to return from the dead through the same act of self-gratification. Re was believed to impregnate his own mother with his future self at the moment of his death in the western horizon. One of Amun-Re’s titles was “Bull of his Mother,” evoking the potential of this god to create himself before he had even existed, and the Egyptian king was believed to be the son of Re and thus the inheritor of these sacred sexual abilities. A king’s capacity to create offspring through his sexuality wasn’t just a guarantee of the continued existence of the kingship, it was a mythical cycle as potent as the circuit of the sun, the seasons of the year and the annual flooding of the Nile. The Egyptian king was his father before him and his son after him simultaneously. His royal essence was passed down in an unbroken line of sacred dynastic succession. Given that the king on earth was nothing less than the human embodiment of the creator god’s potentiality, Hatshepsut must have been all too aware that her rule posed a serious existential problem: she could not populate a harem, spread her seed, and fill the royal nurseries with potential heirs; she could not claim to be the strong bull of Egypt.
As she aged, Hatshepsut embarked upon a premeditated and careful ideological transformation of her feminine self. Early statuary and imagery show her as a woman in a dress, breasts clearly visible, but also wearing masculine kingly regalia. One statue depicts her wearing not a dress but only a kilt to cover her lower body. Her naked upper body betrays the narrow shoulders and feminine breasts that were a natural characteristic of her sex, and the statue is shocking in its suggestion that Hatshepsut may have actually taken part in religious rituals in this state of undress, breasts clearly visible for all to see.
Yet most images of her after her coronation show her as a man—wide shoulders, trim hips, and no hint of breasts. But throughout these visual changes, she retained her feminine name Hatshepsut, “Foremost of Noble Women,” as well as the feminine pronouns “she” and “her” in many of the concomitant Egyptian texts. It’s as if she knew that those who could read—educated elites and courtiers—knew full well that she was a woman, so why bother hiding it from them, or, for that matter, from the gods? In the ancient world, a woman in her thirties was approaching old age. Fittingly, the loss of Hatshepsut’s youthful beauty and sexual attraction to men coincided with her construction of a masculinized female king. By the time of her death, when her mature woman’s body was placed into a king’s sarcophagus in the hidden crevices of the Valley of the Kings, her mortuary temple included dozens of statues of her as a muscular, masculine ruler, presenting offerings to the god.
In many ways Hatshepsut’s unconventional kingship was an exercise in conformity. She fit herself into the patterns of kingship with which she had grown up, at least those in which a woman could conceivably participate. Like any successful king, she waged imperial warfare to bring the spoils of war to Amun’s temple; she ruthlessly exploited the population of Nubia to enrich her gods and her people with a metal that evoked the flesh of the sun god; she participated in the respected system of co-regency in which an elder king fostered a junior king in a divinely inspired partnership, thus protecting the future kingship of Thutmose III; she created a masculine identity for herself so that she could perform and participate in religious rituals that demanded such a persona of herself; she constructed temples and obelisks according to accepted traditions; she left behind more stone temples and monuments than any previous king of the New Kingdom; she made no revolutionary breaks with tradition, but instead attempted to link herself with the unending line of masculine kings who had come before her.
Perhaps the removal of her names and images from Egypt’s monuments some twenty years after her death is an indicator of her success as king, because even after death she could threaten her successors, but that is perhaps wishful thinking. The Egyptian system of political-religious power simply continued to work for the benefit of male dynasty. Hatshepsut’s kingship was a fantastic and unbelievable aberration. Ancient civilization didn’t suffer a woman to rule, no matter how much she conformed to religious and political systems; no matter how much she ascribed her rule to the will of the gods themselves; no matter how much she changed her womanly form into masculine ideals. Her rule was perceived as a complication by later rulers—praiseworthy yet blameworthy, conservatively pious and yet audaciously innovative—nuances that the two kings who ruled after her reconciled only through the destruction of her public monuments.
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3704
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dbpedia
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1
| 19
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https://oll.libertyfund.org/titles/mckechnie-magna-carta-a-commentary
|
en
|
Magna Carta: A Commentary
|
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[] |
[
""
] | null |
[] | null |
This is a detailed and meticulous edition of Magna Carta with each clause in the original Latin, followed by an English translation and heavily annotated by the editor.
|
https://oll.libertyfund.org/titles/mckechnie-magna-carta-a-commentary
|
John Lackland (King John) (author)
William Sharp McKechnie (editor)
This is a detailed and meticulous edition of Magna Carta with each clause in the original Latin, followed by an English translation and heavily annotated by the editor.
|
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https://www.calstatela.edu/emeriti/memoriam
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en
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Cal State LA
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https://www.calstatela.edu/themes/custom/csula/favicon.ico
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https://www.calstatela.edu/themes/custom/csula/favicon.ico
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https://www.calstatela.edu/emeriti/memoriam
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As a contribution to the university's historical record and as a tribute to the memory of faculty and other members of the university community who have passed away, all obituaries or other remembrances published in The Emeritimes since its inception in March 1980 have been collected here and may be accessed through the alphabetical listing below. The individual entries themselves appear below the alphabetical listing in the chronological order of their publication in The Emeritimes. The collection is up to date through the Winter 2021 issue of The Emeritimes.
A B C D E F G H I J K L M N O P Q R S T U V W X Y Z
A
B
C
D
E
F
G
H
I
J
K
L
M
N
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P
Q
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U
V
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DAVID L. MILLER, Emeritus Dean of Instructional Administration and a member of the University faculty from 1958 to 1974, died January 10, 1980 at age 57. In addition to the deanship, other administrative posts held by Dr. Miller included Coordinator of Extension and Special Programs, Director of Extension Services, Assistant to the Vice President for Academic Affairs, and Director of Field Services. Since retirement, Dr. Miller had resided at Spring Valley Lake, near Victorville.
The Emeritimes, March 1980
RICHARD O. HANKEY, Emeritus Professor of Criminal Justice and a member of the University faculty from 1957 to 1972, died January 7, 1980 in Corvallis, Oregon, where he had resided since retirement.
The Emeritimes, March 1980
HERTHA E. AIELLO, Emeritus Professor of Nursing and a member of the University faculty from 1959 to 1972, died January 2, 1980 in Roswell, New Mexico.
The Emeritimes, March 1980
FLORENCE M. BONHARD, Emeritus Professor of Foreign Languages and a member of the University faculty from 1949 to 1965, died September 17, 1979 in Los Angeles. Dr. Bonhard was the first fulltime member of the foreign language faculty and headed the Department of Foreign Languages and Literature until her retirement.
The Emeritimes, March 1980
HARFORD L. BRIDGES, Emeritus Associate Professor of Education and a member of the faculty from 1967 to 1979, died March 26, 1979. He resided in Los Angeles.
The Emeritimes, March 1980
WINIFRED K. CHASTEK, Emeritus Professor of Music, and a member of the faculty from 1959 to 1976, died June 15, 1979. Dr. Chastek resided in Olympia, Wash., after retirement.
The Emeritimes, March 1980
JOHN A. MORTON, Emeritus Dean of Instructional Administration, died June 10, 1980 at age 75 at his retirement home in Irvine. Dr. Morton came to the University in 1948 and served in the posts of Dean of Instruction, Dean of Educational Services and Summer Session, and Dean of Instructional Administration during his 22 years of administrative service before retirement in 1970.
The Emeritimes, September 1980
G. ETZEL PEARCY, retired Professor of Geography, died June 28, 1980 in San Francisco at age 75. Professor Pearcy served as a member of the University faculty from 1969 until his retirement in 1973.
The Emeritimes, September 1980
WARREN C. BRAY, Director of Graduate Programs in the School of Business and Economics and Professor of Accounting, died June 30, 1980 from complications following surgery.
The Emeritimes, September 1980
MARYANN C. MOORE, administrative assistant in charge of the Academic Senate office, died on January 19, 1982 of bacterial meningitis at the San Gabriel Community Hospital. Funeral services were held at the San Gabriel Mission Church, where she was an active communicant. Maryann, 40, had been at Cal State L.A. for more than twenty years, the last fifteen in charge of the Academic Senate office. The Academic Senate devoted its January 26 meeting to a memorial program for Maryann.
The Emeritimes, January 1981
MARJORIE J. D. BROWN, who served on the School of Education faculty from 1959 until her retirement in 1971 as Associate Professor, died at some time in 1981. No information is available on the exact time and place of death. She resided at 4455 W. 64th Street, Los Angeles.
The Emeritimes, January 1981
JOHN A. PALMER, Vice President for Academic Affairs from 1970 to 1981, died July 1, 1982 after an extended illness. Dr. Palmer joined the University's Department of English faculty in 1962, after receiving his doctorate in English at Cornell University. He was elected Chairman of the English Department in 1967, and was chosen two years later as Dean of the School of Letters and Science. In tribute to his services to the University, President James Rosser stated that "Dr. Palmer made many contributions to Cal State L.A., to the Cal State University system and to his profession.� He was a man of outstanding intellect and sensitivity who steadfastly insisted on the maintenance of high standards of quality and effectiveness in education. In an unassuming and capable manner, he sought to create a consensus, to support and improve those standards. He was an individual of great kindness and wisdom, a friend and mentor to us all." A memorial tribute to Dr. Palmer was presented in the University Theatre on July 14. A scholarship fund has been established in his name. Contributions may be sent to the University Development Office, Administration 900.
The Emeritimes, August 1982
DORIS L. BELL, Emerita Humanities/Social Science Librarian who took early retirement in 1980, died of cancer May 16, 1982 in West Sedona, Arizona. She had been granted emeritus status at the time of her retirement. Doris served in the WACs during World War II, mustering out as a captain in the Air Force. While preparing for her career as a professional librarian, she served as secretary in the Extended Day Office. Doris earned her BA at L.A. State College in 1957 and her MA in the Library School at Immaculate Heart College in 1960. She continued her studies after joining the professional staff of John F. Kennedy Library and received an MA degree at Cal State L.A. in 1979. She recently published a book, "Contemporary Art Trends." Doris was highly regarded for her superior reference skills as a Librarian.
The Emeritimes, August 1982
RUFUS P. TURNER, member of the Department of English faculty from 1960 to 1971, died March 25, 1982 in Los Angeles. He was a specialist in teaching technical writing, a field in which he was active throughout his life. He published more than 3,000 articles in the fields of electronics and mechanics, and was the author of some 60 books during his lifetime. Mr. Turner graduated from Cal State in 1958.
The Emeritimes, August 1982
MORRIS BETTER, retired Professor of Education, died November 7, 1982, after a lengthy illness. He was granted emeritus status upon his retirement from the School of Education faculty in 1980.
The Emeritimes, January 1983
H. LAWRENCE HALL, Emeritus Professor of Management, died February 14, 1983. Dr. Hall served on the faculty of the School of Business and Economics from 1961 to 1980. The family requests that anyone who wishes to remember Dr. Hall may do so by making a donation to the American Cancer Society.
The Emeritimes, March1983
FREDERICK B. SHROYER, Emeritus Professor of English who taught English and American literature at the University for 25 years until his taking retirement in 1975, died August 24, 1983. He was 66. In addition to his career as an outstanding teacher, Professor Shroyer was also the author of more than a dozen books, including a series of novels set in the Indiana locale where he grew up. A prolific writer, his articles and reviews appeared in many publications. He was literary editor of the Los Angeles Herald-Examiner newspaper for a number of years. During the 1960s he became involved in television as moderator, panelist and literary consultant for shows which received awards for their excellence. He was the lecturer in Cal State L.A.'s pioneering efforts in college teaching by television. A winner of numerous awards and honors during his illustrious career, Professor Shroyer continued to receive recognition after his retirement from teaching. One of the latest was his election to membership in the exclusive British club, The Athenaeum. He is survived by his wife, Pat, daughter Madeline and two grandchildren. A scholarship fund in his name will be established at the University.
The Emeritimes, August 1983
FRANZ ADLER, Emeritus Professor of Sociology, died on May 21, 1983. A member of the University faculty from 1960 to 1974, he earned his Dr. Jur. at the University of Vienna in 1933, his M.A. at American University in 1942, and his Ph. D. at the University of Wisconsin in 1953.
The Emeritimes, August 1983
HOMER D. FETTY, Emeritus Professor of Industrial Studies, died at age 84 on April 13, 1983. A member of the faculty from 1950 until retirement in 1964, Professor Fetty was a pioneer in the development of both academic programs and physical facilities of the University from its beginnings on the Vermont campus to its relocation on the present site. He spent more than half of his years on the faculty as Chairman of the Technical Sciences Division which included the Departments of Engineering, Home Economics, Industrial Arts, Nursing, and Police Administration. Professor Fetty earned a B.A. degree from UCLA and M.S. and Ed. D. degrees from USC. A retired U.S. Air Force colonel; he is survived by his wife, Archine V. Fetty, Emerita Professor of Arts at UCLA. The Emeritimes, August 1983
JUDITH DIAMOND, who retired from the Counseling and Testing staff in 1979, died July 7, 1983 of a heart attack. A specialist in career counseling for women, Judy was the wife of Harry Diamond, Emeritus Professor of Criminal Justice. They had resided in Santa Barbara since their retirement in 1979.
The Emeritimes, August 1983
BERNARD EPSTEIN, recently retired Emeritus Associate Professor of Mechanical Engineering, died on December 25, 1982. Funeral services were conducted at Forest Lawn Cemetery on December 27. Professor Epstein served on the School of Engineering faculty from 1957 to 1983. He was granted emeritus status upon retirement last summer. He held a Bachelor of Chemical Engineering degree from New York University and a Master of Mechanical Engineering degree from Cal State L.A. He also was registered as both a Professional Chemical Engineer and Professional Mechanical Engineer with the State of California.
The Emeritimes, January 1984
GEORGIA S. ADAMS, Professor Emerita of Education and a member of the faculty group which organized the Emeriti Association, died in her sleep Sunday, February 19, 1984 at her Altadena home. She had been confined by illness for the past five months. Funeral services were held on February 23. Dr. Adams, who was 69, devoted her entire life to the education profession. After receiving two degrees from USC, she spent 15 years in educational research with the Pasadena city schools. She joined the faculty of the School of Education at Cal State L.A in 1954 as a teacher of graduate courses in educational measurements and evaluation. In addition she was the author of textbooks in her field of specialization. In 1969, Dr. Adams became the first woman selected to receive the Outstanding Professor Award at Cal State L.A. Among her other distinguished accomplishments were her selection as the inter-national president of Pi Lambda Theta, an honorary educational organization, and her years of service as secretary general of the International Council of Psychologists. Although she retired in 1979, Dr. Adams continued to teach at the University part-time. She is survived by her husband and three daughters.
The Emeritimes, March 1984
MARGARET SHEPHERD, wife of Emeritus Professor of Education Gerald Shepherd, died March 24, 1984. Mrs. Shepherd was very active in cam-pus affairs, especially in the Faculty Wives Club, which she served as president in 1956-57. Since Gerald's retirement in 1967, they have resided at Leisure World in Laguna Hills. A memorial service was held at the Methodist Church there on March 29.
The Emeritimes, March 1984
L. ROGERS LIDDLE; Masonic Service Held For Retired Educator Lewis Rogers Liddle, 69, Emeritus Professor of Education and Associate Dean for Fiscal Affairs in the School of Education for 11 years preceding his retirement in 1979, died July 22, 1984 after an extended period of declining health. A Masonic memorial service was held at Little Church of the Flowers in Forest Lawn Memorial Park. Rogers' interests extended considerably beyond his activities as a teacher and administrator at Cal State L.A. He was active in alumni affairs of Michigan State University, from which he received his Doctor of Education degree, and also the Big Ten Club. He also was interested in aviation education, had a private pilot license, was a Major in the Civil Air Patrol, and was a member and officer of the California Aerospace Association. In his professional field of secondary education, Rogers was a contributor to professional research journals and served extensively over the years on accrediting committees of the Western Association of Schools and Colleges. In addition to his degrees in the field of education, Rogers also earned a Doctor of Divinity degree in 1969 and became an ordained minister.
The Emeritimes, September 1984
A. LEROY BISHOP, Emeritus Professor of Education who taught Educational Administration classes at Cal State L. A. from 1950 until his retirement in 1973, died on February 3, 1985. Dr. Bishop earned a B.S. degree from Utah State, a M.S. degree from USC, and his doctorate from Colorado State. He served as a principal, a superintendent of schools, and a member of the faculty of Brigham Young University before coming to Cal State L. A.
The Emeritimes, March 1985
MARVIN LASER, Professor of English and Chairman of the Division of Language Arts at Cal State L.A. between 1956 and 1965, died February 5, 1985. Dr. Laser left Cal State L.A. in 1965 to become a member of the founding academic group at the college now known as Cal State, Dominguez Hills. He served as Dean of the School of Humanities and Fine Arts until his retirement in 1980. He continued teaching during his years as dean and on into his retirement years.
The Emeritimes, March 1985
JOHN R. SPIELMAN, Professor of Chemistry at Cal State L. A., died January 5, 1985. Dr. Spielman, holder of degrees from Stanford and USC, had been a member of the University's chemistry faculty since 1961. A specialist in the field of inorganic chemistry, he served as coordinator of the Chemistry Department's freshman program.
The Emeritimes, March 1985
RICHARD J. WHITING, Professor of Management and Assistant Dean of the School of Business and Economics, died October 17, 1985 after a brief illness. He was 59 years old. Dr. Whiting joined the University faculty in 1956 and served for a period of time as Chairman of the Department of Management. He held degrees from the University of Washington (B.S.), Stanford (MBA), and USC (Ph.D.). He served in the U.S. Navy during World War II, and taught at Fresno State and the University of Portland before joining the Cal State L.A. faculty. Dr. Whiting is survived by his wife, Charlotte, and their five children.
The Emeritimes, January 1986
JOHN P. (PAT) CAREY, who served as Business Manager of the University for a number of years, died in December 1985 of a heart attack. He was 50 years of age and been at the University for 26 years.
The Emeritimes, January 1986
ADDISON POTTER, Emeritus Professor of Political Science who retired in Spring Quarter 1985 after 30 years on the University faculty, died February 9, 1986 at his home in South Pasadena. He had been suffering from cancer for two years. A genial person and a highly respected political scientist, Professor Potter joined the Cal State L.A. faculty in 1955. He held B.A., M.A. and Ph.D. degrees from the University of Minnesota. He is survived by his wife, Peggy, and two sons.
The Emeritimes, March 1986
GENE B. TIPTON, Emeritus Professor of Economics who was serving as the 1985/86 president of the Emeriti Association, died on March 20, 1986. Gene served on the University faculty as a teacher and administrator for 26 years (1957-83). Prior to coming to Cal State L.A., she taught at Whittier College and UC Riverside. A native of El Monte, Gene prepared for her career in economics by earning her BA, MA, and PhD degrees at UCLA, graduating summa cum laude. She was elected to Phi Beta Kappa. In addition to her academic achievement, Gene also was an outstanding tennis player, winning state titles in her collegiate days. A highlight of her tennis career was defeating Alice Marble, an international star in her day. In addition to her teaching, Gene was in demand as a consultant. She served as a special economic consultant to the Federal Reserve Board in San Francisco for 17 years. A Gene Tipton Memorial Lecture, under the joint sponsorship of the Emeriti Association and the Department of Economics in the School of Business and Economics, is being arranged for the Fall Quarter at the University. Gene is survived by her husband, Vern, three children and six grandchildren.
The Emeritimes, September 1986
JOSEPH A. SACHER, Emeritus Professor of Biology, died of pneumonia on March 22, 1986. He had been in declining health for some time. A graduate of Syracuse University (BS) and UC Berkeley (Ph.D.), Joe be-came a member of the University's Biology Department faculty in 1955 and taught until his retirement in 1983. He served as chairman of the department from 1964 to 1969. Characterized by his colleagues as a quiet, gentle, dignified person, Joe was equally at home with his graduate students and with gifted high school students with whom he worked. He was the recipient in 1967 of the University Outstanding Professor Award. Joe had a worldwide reputation as a researcher and was the recipient of numerous grants from the National Science Foundation and the National Institute of Health. A memorial service was held April 5 in Pasadena. A memorial scholarship fund has been established in his honor at Cal State L.A.
The Emeritimes, September 1986
WIRT WILLIAMS, Jr., Professor of English and a noted novelist who had just retired from teaching at the University, died June 29, 1986 following a stroke. He had served 33 years on the University faculty. Wirt began as a journalist, where his writing won him honors, including a Pulitzer nomination for his investigative reporting. A longtime friend and admirer of Ernest Hemingway and his writing, Wirt turned his efforts to writing novels and teaching college students to write. He wrote six novels, one of which, "The Trojans," sold more than a million copies, and two of which, "The Far Side" and "Ma Dallas," won Pulitzer nominations. The latter was made into the movie "Ada," starring Susan Hayward. His other novels were "The Enemy," and "A Passage of Hawks," and "Love in a Windy Space." Wirt served as a naval officer in World War II. In "The Enemy" he wrote of his experiences as commander of a landing ship in the Pacific. He is survived by a daughter, a brother, a sister, and two grandsons.
The Emeritimes, September 1986
VIRGINIA CHAMBERLAIN, Emeritus Professor of Home Economics, died at her retirement home in Cambria, CA, on July 2, 1986. A member of the University faculty from 1953 to 1972, Virginia earned her college degrees at the University of Utah and Teachers College, Columbia University. She did additional graduate study at BYU, USC, and UCLA. She was a specialist in food preparation and food services, and helped develop the Cal State L.A. program for training home economists in business. Virginia will be remembered by many for her cookbook, 'A Collection of Family Favorite Recipes," which she published four year after her retirement.
The Emeritimes, September 1986
TED CLAY BRADBURY, Emeritus Professor of Physics, died in May 1986 following an extended illness. Ted was a member of the University faculty until his retirement in 1983. He came to the University upon the completion of his doctoral study at Cornell University in 1961. He did his undergraduate study at the University of Nevada.
The Emeritimes, September 1986
THOMPSON BLACK, Jr., Emeritus Professor of Political Science, died on April 25, 1986. Born in England, Tom came to the U.S. as a youngster, graduated from the U.S. Naval Academy and served through World War II, suffering wounds at the Anzio Beachhead. Retiring from the service, he returned to college, earning MA and Ph.D. degrees at UCLA. Tom joined the Cal State L.A. faculty in 1950, where he taught until his retirement in 1974. Active in academic affairs at the University, he served on a number of university-wide committees and was Chairman of the Faculty Council, predecessor organization to the Academic Senate, in 1960-61 Surviving are his wife, Katherine, 2 sons, 2 daughters, and 9 grandchildren.
The Emeritimes, September 1986
FRANK W. WILLIAMS, Jr., Emeritus Professor of Art who retired in 1983, died May 10, 1986. Holder of degrees from Colorado State College of Education and the University of Denver, Frank joined the Cal State L.A. faculty in 1956, and went on to earn another degree at Claremont College. Frank was active as an exhibitor in his field of art and served as an officer in the Water Color Association. He is survived by his wife, Dorothy, a son, a daughter, and a grandson.
The Emeritimes, September 1986
HOWARD S. MCDONALD, President 1949 -1962.
In Special Tribute, by William E. Lloyd.
Howard Stevenson McDonald died on October 25, 1986. He was 92 years of age. Dr. McDonald was an educator all of his life, serving as a coach, teacher, and administrator in the public schools and as a university and college president. His other great interest was his devoted service throughout his life to the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints.
When Dr. McDonald arrived in the summer of 1949 to assume the presidency of Los Angeles State College, and to serve also as the head of Los Angeles City (Junior) College, he found a fledgling state college sadly in need of organization and development. Since the college had opened in September, 1947, with 136 students, it had grown in two years to over 2,000 students. Most were studying under the GI Bill, which had been largely responsible for establishment of the college. Upper division classes were being taught in borrowed spaces on the City College campus by mostly part-time faculty recruited from other institutions of higher education in the Los Angeles area and any other source where qualified instructors could be found. When Dr. McDonald retired in 1962, Los Angeles State College of Applied Arts and Sciences, as it be-came known in 1949, had its own permanent site, on which seven major academic buildings had been built and an eighth structure (North Hall, later named King Hall) was nearing completion. The college had a full-time faculty of about 700, a student enrollment approaching 16,000, and an annual graduating class of al-most 3,000 bachelor's and master's degree recipients.
During his first year as president, Dr. McDonald put together a small team of administrators to help him build the college. To head this team, he brought in Dr. Albert Graves as Dean of Instruction, to build a permanent teaching faculty and put together an under-graduate and graduate curriculum; Dr. Morton Renshaw as Dean of Student Personnel, to handle admissions and registration; and Dr. Asael Lambert as Executive Dean, to work on finding a site and erecting buildings for a permanent campus for the burgeoning college.
As was his wont, Dr. McDonald kept fully involved in all phases of development of the new college. One of the traits for which he was well known was the dis-patch with which he sorted his incoming mail each day and routed it on to others to handle, so that he could get out of his office, and observe at first-hand what was going on about the campus. He moved in rapid strides, dropping in offices and even visiting class-rooms, putting together his own assessment of what was taking place on his campus.
One of his more difficult tasks, which he enjoyed telling about after the decision was reached, was his search for a campus site. He told of the many sites, somewhere between 27 and 50, that he checked out. He enjoyed telling how some influential supporters of USC opposed his selection of a piece of land in Baldwin Hills, and how the then Los Angeles Mayor Poulson ran him out of Chavez Ravine so that he could lure the Dodger baseball team to Los Angeles.
Complicating the selection of the site was a requirement of the State Legislature that the college be located within the city limits of Los Angeles. Finally, the decision was made when a parcel of land owned by the State Highway Department was found on the eastern border of the City of Los Angeles. It was not the best of sites, but it was available and would have to do. Time had run out for the search.
Almost as difficult as finding a permanent site for the College was the task of recruiting 50 to 100 new faculty members every year. The GI Bill helped, as servicemen used their benefits to earn advanced college degrees. Los Angeles State recruited heavily from the graduate schools at USC and UCLA, but the numbers available did not fill their needs. Dr. McDonald took part in faculty recruitment, as he and Dean Graves took trips across the United States to interview prospective faculty members on university campuses.
Another activity in which President McDonald engaged with his usual vigor and determination were trips to Sacramento with Business Manager Jack Heppe and Dean Lambert, to plead the College's needs. There were visits to the State Department of Education, under whose administrative authority the College operated, and to the State Legislature to argue for increased funds for the operating budget and allotments of capital funds for building the new campus. There were many meetings with the State Architect's Office, which was charged by law with the job of de-signing the College's buildings.
Those 13 years that Dr. McDonald served as president were certainly the formative years of Los Angeles State College. Ever the active, dynamic person, he was faced almost daily with demands for quick decisions which would impact upon the future of the college. Many were not the decisions that he wanted to make, but expediency demanded action. After all, the college was adding 1,000 or more students each year, and there had to be additional faculty and classrooms.
In 13 years Dr. McDonald, aided by his own hand-picked team of helpers, had created a college which was attracting nationwide attention as a model of an institution of higher education with a strong urban focus. It was destined to continue to grow and expand academically into university status. Today, California State University, Los Angeles stands as a monument to the dedicated efforts of Howard S. McDonald.
The Emeritimes, January 1987
ELLIOTT W. GUILD, member of the faculty at Cal State L.A. from 1949 to 1961, died in a Santa Clara hospital on February 6, 1987. He had been residing with his wife, Mary, in the nearby community of Campbell, CA. He was 83. Dr. Guild joined the Department of Government (now Political Science) in 1949 and retired in 1961. Dr. Guild began his teaching career at San Jose State, where he taught sociology from 1925 to 1938. He left teaching to serve with the U.S. government's National Housing Agency during World War II, then joined the University of Southern California faculty in 1947 as a professor of philosophy before moving to the then-new Los Angeles State College in 1949. A native of Illinois, Dr. Guild earned his BA degree at Wisconsin and his MA and PhD degrees at Stanford. Besides his wife, his survivors include a daughter, three grandchildren and five great-grand-children.
The Emeritimes, Spring 1987
GERALD Q. SHEPHERD, Emeritus Professor of Education, died following a stroke on Wednesday, April 8, 1987. Funeral services were held on Sunday, April 12, at his church in Laguna Hills. A native of Iowa, Gerry joined the Secondary Education Department faculty in 1951. He held degrees from Simpson College, Iowa State College, and USC. Gerry was one of the early members of the growing contingent of University faculty members who have established retirement homes in Laguna Hills, having moved there soon after his retirement in 1967. Gerry's first wife, Margaret, who preceded him in death, was very active in the University's Faculty Wives Club, serving as one of its early presidents.
The Emeritimes, Spring 1987
MARCELLA OBERLE, Professor of Speech Communication who had been a leader over the years in academic affairs at the University, died April 2, 1987 following heart surgery. Services were Monday, April 6, at her church in Pasadena. Marcella had just retired at the end of the Winter Quarter, and was undoubtedly looking forward to engaging in her special interest, the oral interpretation of children's literature. She was the author of many publications on storytelling, especially relating to the folklore and folk tales in British and Irish culture. Holder of degrees from Northern Illinois and Northwestern Universities, Marcella came to Cal State L.A. in 1960. At retirement, Marcella had served on the Academic Senate for 17 years, chairing that body for two years (1978-80). She also served on the Committee on Committees for nine years (1968-87) and the Committee for Academic Freedom for five years (1973-78). She was a recipient of the University's Outstanding Professor Award and was a member of a number of academic honor societies.
The Emeritimes, Spring 1987
C. CURTIS COONS, Emeritus Professor of Mechanical Engineering, died September 4, 1987, following a short illness. Born in Indiana in 1900, Curt (as he was known to his many friends) came to California in 1959, after an illustrious career in industry. He joined the School of Engineering faculty and taught thermodynamics until 1971, when he retired and moved to Lei-sure World in Orange County. Curt earned his degrees in physics and chemical engineering at the University of Illinois, with final and special honors. His name is in-scribed upon a bronze tablet at the university for superior scholarship, and he was named during his lifetime to numerous honorary and professional fraternities. His name appears on more than 100 patents, one of the best known of which was the design of the disposable vacuum cleaner bag for the Hoover Company. Curt was a talented storyteller, an avid bridge player, and in his retirement years at Leisure World was known for his prowess as a shuffleboard player. He leaves his wife of 58 years, Margaret (Peggy); a son, Charles Curtis Coons, Jr., and his wife; two grandchildren and a great-grand-child.
The Emeritimes, Winter 1988
OLIVE GUSTAFSON, wife of Emeritus Professor George Gustafson, died November 14, 1987 of a massive stroke. Interment was at Rose Hills Memorial Park in Whittier. Mrs. Gustafson was actively involved in events which took place in the Accounting Department of the School of Business and Economics, and was well known to students and faculty. Besides her husband, she is survived by a sister and two brothers.
The Emeritimes, Winter 1988
ROLAND ROSS, Emeritus Professor of Nature Study, died at his home on May 28, 1987. He was 90, and had been in declining health for some time. Professor Ross devoted his entire life to the holistic study of nature. He earned a B.S. degree with honors at ULCA and an M.S. degree in geology and paleontology at Cal Tech. He also studied meteorology, a subject he taught to bomber pilots during World War II. After teaching for a number of years in the Los Angeles City Schools, he turned to college teaching and joined the Cal State L.A. faculty in 1950. He retired in 1967, turning to cultivating a dry garden at his Pasadena home, the Dear-born Ranch House. Professor Ross was the founder of the Desomount Club, for which he conducted nature study trips into the wilderness. The club held a memorial service for him in Pasadena's Arroyo Seco, a place he had known, loved, and fought to preserve in its natural state since his childhood.
The Emeritimes, Winter 1988
DEAN A. ANDERSON, Emeritus Professor of Microbiology who served on the University faculty from 1950 until his retirement in 1973, died December 25, 1987. He is survived by this wife, Elgin, a daughter and a son. Dean earned degrees from BYU (B.S.) and Iowa State (M.S. and Ph.D.). Prior to coming to Cal State L.A., his professional experience included positions as Research Associate at Iowa State, Public Health Microbiologist in Ogden, Utah, and Assistant Professor at Weber State University. As founding chairman of the Department of Microbiology and Public Health, Dean was responsible for the establishment of the Microbiology, Medical Technology, and Public Health majors at the University. He also was a member of a writing team which produced a laboratory manual for high school biological sciences for the National Science Foundation, and also authored a textbook and lab manual for microbiological study. In addition to his teaching and writing, Dean was active in administration at Cal State, serving as chairman of the Division of Science and Mathematics, and also as head of the Biological Sciences. He was president of the Southern California Branch of the American Society of Microbiology.
The Emeritimes, Spring1988
JEROME A. HUTTO, Emeritus Professor of Education, died January 12, 1988 at the Huntington Memorial Hospital in Pasadena. A memorial service was held January 17 at Santa Anita Church, Arcadia. Jerry joined the Elementary Education Department faculty at Cal State L.A. in 1960, specializing in the teacher training program. He retired in 1979. He received his A.B. degree at St. Norbert College (Wis.), then prepared for his career in education by earning his M.A. in Public School Administration and Supervision at Minnesota and his D. Ed. degree in Elementary Education at UC Berkeley. Jerry started his teaching career in Green Bay, Wis., school system. He served in the U.S. Army for three years during World War II, a major position of the time in the Adjutant General Section of the 3rd Army Headquarters. Jerry's community activities included the Veterans of Foreign Wars (post commander), the Green Bay Community Theatre Group, the Green Bay Congressional Church Nursery School, and the Green Bay Credit Union. A resident of San Marino, Jerry is survived by his wife, Clare, and two daughters, Catherine Gordon and Eileen Hutto.
The Emeritimes, Spring1988
HELEN B. TRUHER, Emeritus Professor of Education, died January 9, 1988 after an extended period of declining health. She was 77. Born in Wisconsin, Helen was 9 when her family came to California and settled in Monrovia. At the time of her death, she resided in South Pasadena with her husband, James W. Truher, Sr. Helen earned her bachelor's degree in English as a member of the first graduating class at the Westwood cam-pus of UCLA in 1932. While rearing her three sons (James, Jr., John, and Michael), Helen taught in the Pasadena public schools and continued her education at USC, where she earned her doctorate in education in 1961. Helen began teaching at Cal State, L.A. in 1960, where her 18 years of distinguished service was recognized with the presentation by her fellow faculty members the Outstanding Professor Award in the year of her retirement, 1978. She had a lifelong interest in the teaching of reading, and designed the Reading Specialist Credential Pro-gram at Cal State L.A. Helen also represented the University on the Governor's Commission on Teacher Preparation. She was a member of the honorary professional education fraternity Pi Lambda Theta, and also Phi Delta Kappa and Delta Kappa Gamma.
The Emeritimes, Spring1988
HENRI COULETTE, Professor of English and member of the Cal State L.A. faculty since 1959, died March 26, 1988. A memorial service was held on campus on April 19. A talented and prolific writer, Henri was often referred to as "the best native California poet since Robert Frost." At the time of his death, he was at work on assembling a collection of his old and recent poetic work. Holder of a BA degree from Cal State L.A., he pursued graduate study at the University of Iowa, where he was awarded MFA and Ph.D. degrees. He was the recipient of the Outstanding Professor Award at the University in 1970. Henri served for a number of years as faculty advisor to the campus literary magazine, Statement. He was Associate Chair of the Department of English during the 1974-75 academic year.
The Emeritimes, Spring1988
EMANUEL C. SALEMI, Emeritus Professor of Management, died February 12, 1988. Manny joined the Cal State L.A. faculty in 1960, where he taught in the Department of Management until his retirement in 1980. He pioneered in teaching about the ethical responsibilities of business to society. During his tenure, he served for a period as chairman of his department and rep-resented the School of Business and Economics in the Academic Senate. Manny had a career with Bethlehem Steel before he was called to serve in the Armed Forces during World War II. Wounded in Germany, he returned to school after the war, attending the University of Buffalo (B.S., 1951) and the University of Wisconsin (M.B.A., 1952 and Ph.D., 1958). He taught at the Universities of Wisconsin and Illinois before corning to Cal State L.A. Manny met his wife, Lois, while doing research in the University Library. Upon his retirement, the couple moved to Laguna Niguel Shores, where they became active in social and civic affairs. Manny served as President of the Men's Club, Commander of the Coast Guard Flotilla #22, the Winner's Circle, and the South Coast Hospital.
The Emeritimes, Spring1988
PAUL T. SCOTT, Emeritus Professor of Journalism and a founding member of the University's Department of Journalism, died March 13, 1988 after an extended illness. He was 83 and had resided in Santa Barbara since his retirement in 1970. Born in Indiana and reared in Illinois, Paul earned his B.A. degree at Indiana and his M.A. at Iowa. He continued with doctoral study at USC. He was a member of Phi Beta Kappa and Sigma Delta Chi and was listed in Who's Who in America in 1954-55. Paul taught journalism in the Philip-pines at Ft. Hayes (Kansas) State College, South Dakota State College and the University of Idaho before coming to Cal State L.A. in 1950. During World War II he taught geography to officer candidates. Paul was a leader of the group which developed the degree program in journalism at the then-named Los Angeles State College in the early 50s. He is well remembered by many of his former students for his tough course on law and the media, dealing with libel, slander and the like. Paul and his wife, Beryl, were ardent travelers until his health began to de-cline several years ago. Two of his other interests were growing roses and singing in his church choir. Besides his wife, he is survived by a son, Kevin, a daughter, Paula, and two grandchildren.
The Emeritimes, Spring1988
BERNARD E. WARNER, Emeritus Professor of Health and Safety Studies, died February 14, 1988. He and his wife, Beverly, have resided in Cambria Pines, CA, since their retirement in 1975. A native of Ohio, where he was born in 1911, Bernie spent his entire life as a teacher and administrator in physical education, health and athletics. He held degrees from Bowling Green State University (B.S. in Ed.), Ohio State (M.A.) and USC (Ed.D. 1954). Bernie spent six years as an administrator in the Ohio public schools, two years as a naval gunnery instructor in World War II, a year as an instructor in health and physical education at Ohio State, three years as a training officer with the VA, and three years in the Arizona public schools before coming to California in 1949 to begin doctoral study at USC. He joined the Cal State L.A. faculty as an assistant professor in 1952. Bernie was active professionally, hold-ing offices and receiving awards of recognition from the American Association of Health, Physical Education and Recreation. He was a long-time member of the Lions Club and the Masonic Lodge. In retirement, Bernie was active in improving medical services in Cambria, being instrumental in obtaining funding for the community's first modern ambulance. In addition to his wife, Beverly, he is survived by two daughters and a son by a previous marriage.
The Emeritimes, Spring1988
JOHN NIEDERHAUSER, Emeritus Professor of Education, died February 17, 1989. He resided in Upland, and had been retired from his post in the School of Education since June, 1979. He was 78. Professor Niederhauser came to Cal State L.A. in 1961 to serve as Assistant Dean of Student Personnel, in charge of Admissions and Records. After several years in this position, he joined the School of Education faculty to teach in his specialty of Educational Administration. He served a term as Chair of Department of Educational Administration, and represented his School in the Academic Senate, serving as Chair of that body in 1971-72. Dr. Niederhauser pursued his undergraduate studies at Heidelberg College in Ohio and earned his master's and doctor's degrees in education at Ohio State University. He served as a teacher and administrator in the Ohio schools, including five years as superintendent of Canton City Schools. He served during World War II as a naval air navigator. In addition to his wife, Eleanor, John is survived by a daughter, a granddaughter and a sister.
The Emeritimes, Spring1989
THEODORE W. LITTLE, Emeritus Professor of Art, who was a member of the University faculty from 1950 until his retirement in 1981, died January 11, 1989. A lover of art and nature, Ted's special interest area was design, the field in which he did most of his teaching at the University. His reputation in this specialty led to his working with the California State Fair as a designer. Ted served as Chair of the Art Department for the final five years of active service at Cal State L.A. He is survived by his wife, Pat, a brother, and three nieces.
The Emeritimes, Spring1989
JESSE B. ALLEN, who taught Marketing in the School of Business from 1958 until he transferred to Humboldt State University in the early 1970's, died in Eureka, CA on March 5, 1989. He was 74. A genial, well-liked person, Jesse was active in campus affairs while at Cal State L.A. After moving to Humboldt, he was chosen as the Dean of the School of Business there.
The Emeritimes, Spring1989
ADAM E. DIEHL, Emeritus Professor of Education and Director of Audiovisual Services at Cal State L.A. from 1955 until his retirement in 1970, died February 20, 1989. He resided in Hollywood. A native of Pennsylvania, Adam moved as a youth to California, graduated from Hollywood High School, earned his B.A. in Economics at UCLA in 1927 and his M.B.A. at USC in 1930. Later in life (1950), he earned his D.Sc. at Los Angeles College of Optometry. Adam became an instructor in Economics at Los Angeles City College in 1929, and moved to the post of Registrar at LACC in 1937. He served as a naval officer from 1943 to 1945, involved in the instruction of naval personnel at Harvard University and the production in Hollywood of 30 naval training films. Mustered out as a Lieutenant Commander in 1945, Adam returned to LACC as Personnel Director and then as Director of Audiovisual Services and Assistant Dean. Adam moved with the Los Angeles State College faculty and staff from LACC to the present Cal State campus, where he directed the development of the Audiovisual Services, precursor to today's Instructional Media Services. As a member of the School of Education faculty, he directed the instruction of future teachers in the use of audiovisual equipment, a required skill for credentialing of teachers in the 1960's. Surviving Adam is his wife, Margarite, whom he married in 1927, and a son living in Northern California.
The Emeritimes, Spring1989
FRED W. ZAHRT, JR., Emeritus Professor of Technology, died February 20, 1989. He joined the faculty of the Department of Industrial Studies, now known as the Department of Technology, in 1959, where he taught until his retirement in Summer '88. Fred earned his B.A. degree in 1950 at Iowa State Teachers College and his M.A. in 1959 at Los Angeles State College. During his years at the University, he was active in academic affairs, serving on a number of department, school and University committees.
The Emeritimes, Spring1989
MOLIN LEO, Senior Assistant Librarian, who served for 20 years (1963-1983) in the cataloging division of the University Library, died January 14, 1989. He earned his B.A. degree at National Wuhan University in China in 1941 and his Master of Library Science at UC Berkeley in 1963.
The Emeritimes, Spring1989
ALBERT R. (BUD) WISE, Emeritus Professor of Physical Education and Associate Dean, who served as a faculty member and academic administrator at Cal State L.A. for 33 years, died October 23, 1989 following a stroke. He had been troubled by a series of health problems during the latter years of his life. Bud came to Cal State L.A. in 1950 as an assistant professor, assuming the chairmanship of the Men's Physical Education Department, along with teaching and coaching assignments. His coaching duties included baseball, tennis and water polo. In 1955 the men's and women's physical education programs were merged, and Bud was named chairman of the Department of Physical Education, a post he held until 1969. He was promoted to Associate Dean for Graduate Studies in the School of Fine and Applied Arts in 1973 and served in this post until his retirement in 1983. A native of Ohio, Bud earned his B.S. in '47 and his M.A. in '48 at Ohio State, where he participated in athletics as a member of the basketball team. He came to California for his doctoral study, earning his Ed. D. at USC in '52. An avid sportsman both as a spectator and a participant, Bud played golf, as his health would permit, well into his retirement years. A resident of West Covina, he is survived by his wife, Betty, whom he met during his service in the U.S. Army during World War II; his son, Brad, his daughter, Julie and her husband and one grandchild.
The Emeritimes, Winter 1990
RICHARD J. HOFFMAN, Emeritus Professor of Industrial Studies, who developed the program of Graphic Arts and Printing Management at Cal State L.A., died September 25, 1989 following a hospital confinement of about a month. The program he developed, one of only two such degree programs in California, has provided the academic preparation for many of California's leaders in the printing industry. Richard came to Cal State L.A. in 1959 from an academic position at L.A. City College, where he had already established a reputation as one of the outstanding printers in the West. He retired in 1978. Richard earned his B.A. degree as one of seven members of Cal State's first graduating class in 1948, when it was known as L.A. State College. He earned his M.S. degree at USC in 1956. Though he was in declining health, Dick continued active in his chosen profession after retirement, crafting what have generally been judged as some of his most outstanding books and manuscripts. Many were limited edition publications. In an article he wrote about Dick for The Emeritimes in 1985, Emeritus Professor Richard Lillard characterized him as follows: "Both modest and immodest, factual except for final, authoritative judgments, self-reliant, quick with wry humor, ready to laugh at absurdity, happy to confess to admiration for the skill of others, Dick brims with the careful energy of a busy person skilled at concentrating on one thing at a time, yet keeping numerous other projects moving along or firmly in mind." Richard is survived by his wife Ruth, three daughters and a number of grandchildren.
The Emeritimes, Winter 1990
HELEN ZIMNAVODA, Emeritus Associate Professor of Russian, a member of the University faculty from 1958 until her retirement in 1974 as Emeritus Professor of Russian, died last September 12, 1989. In declining health for several years, she had undergone major surgery a year before her death. She was residing with her daughter, Joy, in Redondo Beach at the time of her death. Jestingly referring to herself as a "native of Finland", because Helen was born in 1908 in a section of that country, which was alternately an independent nation and a part of Czarist Russia. She was actually of Russian Jewish descent. She lived as a child in Leningrad and could recount her many rigorous experiences during the Russian Revolution of 1917-18. Helen escaped with her parents to the U.S. in 1918, coming first to Chicago and then to California to join a large colony of Russian emigrants who settled in Boyle Heights. Her father, a physician, continued his practice in America, but her mother, a dentist, did not. Helen earned her B.S. degree at the University of Chicago in 1931 and her M.S. degree at the University of Southern California in 1939. Before joining the Cal State L.A. faculty in 1958, first as a member of the School of Education faculty and then as a teacher of Russian in the Department of Foreign Languages, Helen taught sciences in the junior and senior high schools. Helen was a lover of people, a highly knowledgeable person in a number of academic fields, and a charming and entertaining conversationalist. She traveled extensively throughout the world, making many extended visits to her native Russia. In addition to her daughter, Helen is survived by a son, a stepson and six grandchildren. The Emeritimes, Winter 1990
DAVID LINDSEY, Emeritus Professor of History, a member if the Department of History faculty for 27 years (1956 until 1983), died August 26, 1989, at his Long Beach home. He was 74 years of age. A noted authority on Civil War history, Professor Lindsey was the author of a number of books in his field of study. However, he will be best remembered for his devotion to teaching. He received one of the University's early Outstanding Professor Awards. David received his B.A. at Cornell University in 1936, his M.A. in 1938 at Pennsylvania State University, and his doctorate in 1950 at the University of Chicago. He was an active member of the American Historical Association and the Organization of American Historians. In recognition of his talents, David was recipient of three Fulbright Grants for teaching abroad. A David Lindsey Memorial has been established in his honor at Boys Town, Nebraska. Surviving are his wife, Suzanne, and a son. The Emeritimes, Winter 1990
JAMES J. STANSELL, Professor Emeritus of Speech Communication, died of a massive cardiac arrest on January 8, 1990. One of the founding faculty members of the University and of the Department of Speech and Drama (as Communication Studies was then known), Dr. Stansell served as the Department Chairman for many years, as well as the Chairman of the Division of Language Arts and Dean of Graduate Studies. Born in Ardmore, Oklahoma, on October 29, 1915, Dr. Stansell received his B.A. and M.A. from the University of Oklahoma and served in World War II, where he attained the rank of Captain in the Army. He received his Ph.D. from Louisiana State University in 1951 and was appointed Assistant Professor at Los Angeles State College of Applied Arts and Sciences (as Cal State was then known). In addition to his teaching, committee and administrative accomplishments, Dr. Stansell was the University representative to the International Communications Library, serving in the Middle East in 1957. And in 1965, he was the Chief of the party representing the Department of Health, Education and Welfare in Pakistan. A member of the Speech Communication Association and the Western Speech Communication, Dr. Stansell was also a member of Blue Key, the National Honor Society, and served as its sponsor for a number of years. He retired in 1977. Modest and persuasive, a "man for all seasons", Dr. Stansell contributed a good deal to the community, the Department, and the University. Dr. Stansell served as the first secretary of the Emeriti Association, performing for an extended term of 18 months during 1978 and 1979. He is survived by his wife, Barbara, and son, Jim. --- by Anthony Hillbruner.
The Emeritimes, Spring 1990
RICHARD G. LILLARD, Emeritus Professor of English who served on the faculty from 1965 to 1976, died March 19, 1990 of the complications of a cerebral hemorrhage in a Santa Monica hospital. He was 80. A life-long educator and writer with a strong devotion to the environment, he served as chairman of the Department of English for a major part of his years on the Cal State L.A. faculty. Quoting from the L.A. Times article: "Born in Los Angeles, Richard was a prolific author who expressed in print his interest in Western history, fiction, the Nevada desert and his own home in Beverly Glen Canyon, a patch of verdant wilderness surrounded by the nation's second largest city. In 'My Urban Wilderness in the Hollywood Hills', published in 1983, Lillard told of the mammals, reptiles and insects on the one-third acre that he lovingly tended; of the plants and trees, the swelling buds and the aphids that threatened them. �I both don't belong here and I do', he said of his then 36-year odyssey in the chaparral-covered hill.� Richard earned degrees at Stanford and Montana Universities, later going to the University of Iowa in 1943 to study for his doctorate in American civilization. He taught in Montana, Wyoming and California before returning to his native Los Angeles to join the faculty of Los Angeles City College in 1933. He also taught at Indiana University and UCLA before coming to Cal State L.A. in 1965. In addition to the significant number of books he wrote, he also became an adviser to naturalists and entomologists, a reviewer of books, and a contributor to dozens of magazines. Most recently, he had edited a yet-to-be-published work by G. Harold Powell, "Letters From the Orange Empire." Lillard's honors included Guggenheim and Fulbright awards and a fellowship from the Huntington Library. Last May he was made a fellow of the Historical Society of Southern California for his historical and environmental contributions. In yet another field of endeavor, he served two years in his retirement years as foreman of the Los Angeles County Grand Jury. Lillard served as a Member-at-Large of the Executive Committee of the Emeriti Association from 1983 to 1986. Simultaneously, he served as Associate Editor of the Emeritimes, editing the news material for the "Professional and Personal Doing" column and doing in-depth interview articles about outstanding personalities among University faculty retirees. Survivors include his wife, Louise, and two daughters. A memorial service is being planned for the Summer Quarter at Cal State.
The Emeritimes, Spring 1990
WILLIAM G. (BILL) LEARY, Emeritus Professor of English, who taught at Cal State L.A. for 25 years (1953-78), died May 26, 1990, at his retirement home in La Selva Beach, CA. The report of his death, which appeared in the San Jose Mercury News, was provided for The Emeritimes by Emeritus Professor Marian Wagstaff, who lives in Boulder Creek, CA. William Gordon Leary, 75, a Shakespearean scholar and retired English professor, died Saturday at his La Selva Beach home of cancer. The author of "Shakespeare Plain" an introduction for the general reader to the works of the English playwright and poet, moved to La Selva Beach upon his retirement in 1978 from California State University, Los Angeles. Born in Minneapolis, he moved with his family to Los Angeles in 1922. He attended UCLA in its first years, graduating with a bachelor's degree in 1936 and earning his master's the following year. He received his doctorate in 1952 from Stanford University. As a naval officer during World War II, Mr. Leary served as a ground school instructor at naval air bases across the nation. After the war, he studied law at the University of Chicago. Finding law too practical, his family says, Mr. Leary returned to California to teach English at California Polytechnic State University, San Luis Obispo, where he wrote with James S. Smith two college-level English textbooks � "Think Before You Write" and "Thought and Statement." He joined the English faculty at Cal State Los Angeles in 1953 as associate professor and assistant dean for academic affairs. With colleagues there, he developed English-language textbooks for the Harcourt-Brace publishing firm. While at the Los Angeles school, he also developed a local public television series on Shakespeare, and in 1977 published his "Shakespeare Plain." In retirement, Mr. Leary began studying the works of American short story writer and novelist Jean Stafford, and was working on her literary biography at the time of his death. He is survived by his wife, Celia Graves Leary of La Selva Beach; a son, Peter C. Leary of Los Angeles; a daughter, Jan Burland of San Jose; and three grandchildren. The Emeritimes, Fall 1990
RUDOLPH SANDO, Emeritus Professor of Education and Dean of the School of Education. died of a cardiac arrest following surgery for cancer on October 5, 1990. He was 82. Rudy, who has resided in Citrus Heights, near Sacramento, since his retirement in 1973, came to Cal State L.A. as Professor of Secondary Education in 1952 and chairman of his department from 1954 to 1956. He was promoted to Chairman of the Division of Education in 1956, and when the University reorganized its academic program into Schools, he was named Dean of the School of Education. During his 17-year tenure, the School of Education maintained a record as the leader among California colleges and universities in the preparation of credentialed teachers for public elementary and secondary schools. A Minnesotan by birth, Rudy earned degrees at Luther College in Iowa, the Univ. of Montana, and UC Berkeley. He served as a teacher and administrator in the public schools of North Dakota and Montana before coming to California. For ten years following his retirement from Cal State L.A., Rudy served frequently on secondary school accreditation teams for the Western Association of Colleges and Secondary Schools. He is survived by his wife Ruth, sons Robert and Gordon, and two sisters.
The Emeritimes, Winter 1991
JOHN SALMOND, Emeritus Vice President for Administration, who died August 31, 1990, in his retirement home city of Palm Springs, came to what was then known as Los Angeles State College in 1951 as Registrar. During the 29 years he served until his retirement in 1980, John held successively the posts of Associate Dean of Institution, Dean of Instructional Services, Vice President for Business Affairs and, finally Vice President for Administration. A native Californian, John attended the University of Southern California, interrupting his studies in 1942 to spend four years as an officer with the 13th Armored division of the U.S. Army during World War II. He returned to USC after the war to earn his B.A. degree in 1949. John is survived by his wife, Ginny, a son Steve, who lives in Ashland, OR, and a daughter Andrea, who resides in Long Beach.
The Emeritimes, Winter 1991
MICHAEL F. (MIKE) ABBADESSA, long-time member of the staff of the Physical Education Department who was known to many as an organizer and promoter of faculty-staff golf tournaments for the CSEA and the Athletic Department, died October 1, 1990 of cancer at 64 years of age. He had been retired since 1989. Mike was a well-known figure in sports circles throughout Southern California. He served as an official in baseball, basketball and football, from Little League through all college sports.
The Emeritimes, Winter 1991
WALTER (RICO) BURRELL, a Public Affairs Manager who was well known on campus for his outstanding skills as a writer and photographer, has died after an extended illness (Ed. note: as reported in the Winter 1991 issue of The Emeritimes). In addition to his services on the staff of the Office of Public Affairs, Rico was actively involved in the programs in the Department of Music, including the Saturday Conservatory, the Friends of Music, the Extravaganza, and the Bel Canto Singers.
The Emeritimes, Winter 1991
HELEN R. POWELL, Emeritus Professor of Education, died January 19, 1991. In 21 years on the University faculty (1957-1978), Helen played a significant role in the preparation of thousands of California's elementary school teachers as a member of the School of Education faculty. Prior to coming to Cal State L.A., she taught in Duarte, Simi Valley, and Santa Barbara. Helen earned her B.E. in 1940 at UCLA, her M.Ed. in 1952 and her Ed.D. in 1958 at Wayne State. She also was a certified psychologist. In the 1960s, Helen spent two years in Jamaica on an Early Childhood Education project sponsored by the U.S. Department of Education. She also served as a communicator with the Navy in World War II.
The Emeritimes, Spring 1991
RUBEN F. KUGLER, Librarian Emeritus, died January 17, 1991. He came to Cal State L.A. in 1959 and took the first "golden handshake" in 1980. Ruben held a B.A. from UCLA, M.A., Ph.D. and M.S.L.S. degrees from USC. As a Ph.D. in History, he taught classes in History at Cal State in addition to serving on the Library staff. He was active in campus affairs and a strong supporter of the United Professors of California. Off campus, he was active in political affairs, and was one of the founders of California Democratic Council. After retirement, he was active in the Council of Seniors of Long Beach and was an active force in the Long Beach Area Citizens Involved. --- by Mary Gormly.
The Emeritimes, Spring 1991
FERRON C. LOSEE, who joined the faculty in 1949 and became Chairman of the Division of Health and Safety, Physical Education, Recreation and Athletics, died following a heart attack on March 28, 1991. He was 81. Ferron left Cal State in the mid-60's to take the post of President of Dixie College in Utah, from which he had retired sixteen years ago. He was a graduate of BYU and USC.
The Emeritimes, Spring 1991
HARRY D. KERRIGAN, Emeritus Professor of Accounting (1962-74) died in October 1990. For a number of years following his retirement from Cal State L.A., Harry taught at San Diego State.
The Emeritimes, Spring 1991
ALFRED E. EHRHARDT, Emeritus Professor of English who served as Secretary of the University for ten years before his retirement in 1975, died in early July 1991. Al joined the English Department of the then fledgling Los Angeles State College in 1950 when it was sharing the Vermont Avenue campus with L.A. City College. He served as Chairman of the English Department before moving to an administrative post as Assistant Dean of Instruction for Extension Services. When Cal State L.A. underwent a major reorganization from academic divisions to schools, Al was appointed Secretary of the College (later University), the position he held until his retirement in 1975. As Secretary, he served as the unofficial historian of the University. Al earned an A.B. in 1930 at the College of the Holy Cross and an M.S.Ed. in 1948 and Ed.D. in 1950 at the University of Southern California. One of his major interests was his pipe organ, a restored theater instrument which he had shipped from Ohio and around which he planned and built his house in Eagle Rock, according to his friends. When he played, the music filled the entire house.
The Emeritimes, Fall 1991
FRANCIS EVERETTE LORD, Emeritus Professor of Education, died June 13, 1991 at the age of 89 in Rancho Bemardo. Francis was a pioneer in the area of Special Education, and he served as national president of the Council for Exceptional Children. In 1953 he founded the Department of Special Education at Cal State L.A. and continued as its chair until 1965. In addition he began the joint doctoral program in the School of Education. He retired from Cal State L.A. in 1969. Prior to coming to Cal State L.A. Francis, who was born, educated in the Midwest, taught at Eastern Michigan University from 1926 to 1953. He was head of the Department of Special Education there for 13 years. After retiring from Cal State L.A., he taught at the University of Arizona for 10 years. He is survived by his wife Ilda, his son Robert, daughter Margaret Salyards, five grandchildren and two great grandchildren.
The Emeritimes, Fall 1991
JAMES BRIGHT WILSON, Emeritus Professor of Philosophy and Life Member of the Emeriti Association, died on or about April 19, 199Q at the age of 79. James joined the University as a member of the Department of Sociology and Philosophy. When the department was divided, he became the first Professor of Philosophy. He established a scholarship for the best undergraduate student in Philosophy. He retired in 1976. He received a B.A. from Maryville College in 1936, a B.D. from Garrett Biblical Institute in 1939, an M.A. in 1942 and a Ph.D. in 1944 from the University of Southern California. Following retirement he resided in Pomona until he moved to Mt. San Antonio Gardens, a retirement facility in Claremont.
The Emeritimes, Fall 1991
JANICE MAE DUNKELBURG, wife of Emeritus Professor James Dunkelburg, Vice President for Administration and Secretary of the Emeriti Association, died July 31, 1991 after a long illness. She was a long time speech pathologist for the Danbury School in Claremont. Memorial gifts in her honor may be sent to the school, 1700 Danbury Road, Claremont, CA 91711.
The Emeritimes, Fall 1991
ARLENE F. BOCK, Librarian Emerita, died on October 31, 1991. She had been at California State University, Los Angeles from 1961 until her retirement on Nov. 30, 1977. Arlene received a BA from the University of Akron in 1933 and a BSLS in 1940 and an MSLS in 1960 from the University of Southern California. She taught in the Montebello Schools prior to attaining her Master's degree. Arlene joined the library staff as Education Librarian. She then went on to become a Science and Technology Reference Librarian until the time of her retirement. After retirement, Arlene continued to live in the Los Angeles area with her husband, Irving, who survives her.
The Emeritimes, Winter 1992
SEYMOUR L. CHAPIN, Emeritus Professor of History, died on February 3, 1992 at the age of 65 in Los Angeles from heart complications. Seymour came to California State University, Los Angeles in 1962 and was granted Emeritus status in 1986. His childhood was spent in Southern California. He enlisted in the United States Navy in 1944, and saw extensive service in the South Pacific. Following his discharge from the Navy he enrolled at UCLA, graduating in 1951. He went on to graduate school at UCLA, held teaching appointments at UC Santa Barbara and the University of Kansas before coming to Cal State. He was awarded a Ph.D. in History by UCLA in 1964. Seymour was a prolific, internationally known scholar in the history of science, publishing many articles and monographs dealing with the history of astronomy, French science, and the development of pressurized flight. Although a series of heart attacks led to his retirement in 1986, he continued his scholarly activities until the time of his death. He is survived by his wife of 42 years, Donna, and a brother, William F. Chapin.
The Emeritimes, Spring 1992
ELEANORE C. WILSON, Professor Emerita of Elementary Education, died in her sleep August 19, 1991. Eleanore graduated from UCLA, taught in elementary schools and served as principal of an elementary school in Willowbrook. Before leaving public school work to join the faculty of the School of Education at Cal State L.A. in 1956, she was Assistant Superintendent of Curriculum in the Paramount School District. Eleanore retired from Cal State L.A. in 1970, after many years as tireless educator who worked with many groups of people, including serving as Vice President of the Alpha Delta Chapter of Delta Kappa Gamma an education honorary society. She is survived by her husband, C.V. Wilson, now living in El Monte.
The Emeritimes, Spring 1992
CLIFFORD G. DOBSON, Emeritus Professor of Industrial Studies and a former President of the Emeriti Association, died January 7, 1992. He enjoyed a long and illustrious career with the University. Cliff was born in Toronto in 1913 and moved to Los Angeles, where he attended Garfield High School. After receiving an A.A. from the Los Angeles City College, he worked as a printer, went on to teach in Burbank, and attended UCLA part time, obtaining a B.S. degree in 1946, a Master's in 1950, and a Doctorate in 1956. He was appointed that year as the chair of the just-opened Department of Industrial Arts at Los Angeles State College. He guided the department for 17 years, retiring in 1973. During his tenure the department grew into one of the largest of its type in California. At Cal State L.A. Cliff was active in a variety of activities, serving on numerous committees and as a member of the Academic Senate. As an administrator, in addition to his years as Department Chair, he filled the post of Acting Dean of the School of Arts and Sciences in 1960-61. He also was involved in many other professional areas: visiting professor in the UCLA teacher education program, consultant to school districts, secretary-treasurer of the Southern Section of the California Industrial Education Association and its president in 1959-60, member of the Board of Trustees of Rio Hondo Community College for 21 years. After his retirement, Cliff served as the first Vice President of the just formed Emeriti Association and followed that with the Presidency in 1979-80. He is survived by his wife, Delpha, and two sons, Bruce and Dale.
The Emeritimes, Spring 1992
ELEANOR M. TWEEDIE, Professor Emerita of English, for many years Assistant to the Vice President for Academic Affairs, died in Pasadena February 24, 1992 after an extended illness. Eleanor came to California State University, Los Angeles in 1968 as an Assistant Professor of English. She was born in upper New York State and attended universities there. She received a B.A. from the State University of New York, Albany in 1952, a M.A., also from SUNY, Albany, in 1953, and a Ph.D. from Cornell University in 1971. Her teaching specialty was the age of Marlowe and Johnson and the dramatic writers of the sixteenth century, which included a seminar on "The Hero-Villain in Elizabethan Tragedy". Eleanor was very active in Departmental, School and University affairs, having served on numerous committees and as a member of the Academic Senate. In 1974 she was appointed Assistant to the Vice President for Academic Affairs, a position which she held until 1981. During her tenure there, as the Administration's representative to the then Faculty Affairs Committee, she contributed greatly to the development of faculty policy and procedures, and also authored the University's first affirmative action document. In 1991, due to poor health, she took early retirement, but under FERP continued to teach to the extent that her health permitted.
The Emeritimes, Spring 1992
ALBERT D. GRAVES, President 1962-63, one of the pioneers in the building of California State University, Los Angeles, into a major educational institution, died last February 16, 1992 in Cupertino, CA, from pulmonary arrest. Dr. Graves was a member of a small team of educational administrators, led by Dr. Howard McDonald, who developed a complex college curriculum, put together a faculty of able teachers, and built an entire new campus to house classes and laboratories in the years following World War II. Dr. Graves attended Stanford University, from which he received his B.A., M.A., and Doctor of Education degrees. His early education experience included serving as Principal, Director of Special Education, Assistant Superintendent and Superintendent of Schools in San Bernardino from 1928 to 1941. He served as Associate Superintendent of the School in San Francisco for six years (1941-47), then moved to Humboldt State College as Professor of Education and Coordinator of Secondary Teacher Education. Dr. Graves came to Cal State L.A. in 1951, arriving at the time of great growth in the college, to serve first as Dean of Instruction and then as Dean of the College. He assumed the Presidency upon Dr. McDonald's retirement in 1962, holding the post only one year before retiring in 1963. During his 12 years at Cal State, Dr. Graves exercised strong leadership in its development, particularly in the academic structuring of the institution. As an education leader, he was a member of many professional and civic groups, serving on the California Junior College Accreditation Commission, as Vice President of the Southern California Council of Economic Education, and on the Education Advisory Committee of Community Television of Southern California. Dr. Graves is survived by his wife, Thelma, who taught and served as head of the Department of Home Economics at Cal State and retired as an Emeritus Professor when her husband retired.
The Emeritimes, Fall 1992
ESTHER ANDREAS ANDERSON, Emerita Professor of Music, who retired from California State University, Los Angeles, in 1973 after seventeen years as a member of the Department of Music faculty, died on February 7, 1992. She was an eminent voice teacher who, in addition to her activities at Cal State, taught voice and conducted the opera workshop at Pepperdine University and taught classes at Ambassador College, USC, and Claremont. Many internationally known singers, including Carol Neblett, formerly with the Metropolitan, had studied with her. She also taught numerous church soloists, voice teachers, and choral directors who performed in the Los Angeles area. She was co-author of The Voice of Singing , a book for beginning voice classes. Esther's life reads like a book of fiction. She grew up in Berkeley and graduated from UC Berkeley with a major in Music. She began as a pianist, obtaining a position as an accompanist to a prominent voice teacher in San Francisco, and began taking singing lessons from that teacher. Pierre Monteux, the famous San Francisco conductor, heard her sing and, as a protégé of his, she went to Europe to study voice and became a prima donna in Zurich, singing Wagnerian roles. Esther was in Paris when the Germans occupied the city, but through the intervention of a German general was able to escape to Switzerland and eventually returned to the United States. After concerts in New York, she became a big success in this country, but an illness put an end to her singing career. However, Esther had an uncanny ability to know what a student's capability was and how to obtain results; she thus became one of the great voice teachers. Esther died at the Alhambra Lutheran Home. She named the Cal State L.A. Department of Music as a beneficiary. A memorial service was held on August 30, 1992.
The Emeritimes, Fall 1992
CATHARINE PHILLIPS FELS, Professor of Art at Cal State L.A. from 1970 to 1978, died August 26, 1991, in Taos, NM, where she had made her home since retiring. Cathy was recovering from cancer when she had a heart attack. She is survived by a daughter, Dr. Margery (Mrs. McDougall) Palmer, and a grand-daughter, Abigail Palmer. Catharine was born in Kirksville, MO, in 1912. She attended UC Berkeley and finished her BFA at USC, where she also earned an MFA in Graphics in 1950. She first came to Cal State in 1968 as a part-timer and joined full-time faculty in 1970. Cathy and her husband, Lenny, were extremely fond of the American Southwest and the Near East. They traveled throughout these areas and Mexico. She became particularly noted for her Southwest landscapes and her depictions of little known architectural antiquities from Turkey and the Balkan countries. While teaching at Cal State, Cathy was active in art and philosophy associations. She helped establish a Los Angeles chapter of Artists Equity. For three years prior to retirement she was a partner in NuMasters Art Gallery in Alhambra, which focused on prints and folk art. Cathy moved to Taos following her husband's death and, true to her nature, immediately became involved in community affairs. She started a Taos chapter of Artists Equity and initiated a local radio program about art. She spent some part of each winter working in the Yucatan.
The Emeritimes, Fall 1992
ERNEST R. KAMM, Professor of Criminal Justice, who started teaching in 1961 at what was at the time Los Angeles State College, died suddenly in May 1992 of a heart ailment. During his long tenure at California State University, Los Angeles, he was instrumental in the development of the Department of Police Science into the Department of Criminal Justice, and at the same time taking on responsibilities in all areas of University life. When he started teaching at Cal State he was Los Angeles County Deputy Probation Officer, a position that he left to become a full-time member of the faculty. Over the years Ernest played a leadership role in the area of curriculum development. While Chair from 1969 to 1980, he guided his department's growth and the modification and changes in the program and course offerings necessary to meet the needs of the criminal justice community. He was highly regarded as a teacher and as an administrator. In the latter role he strove to recruit highly qualified faculty, not only to teach the fundamentals of the discipline but also for the increasingly important areas relating to the forensic subjects in the department's program. Professor Kamm's professional stature was such that in 1987 he was appointed by Governor Deukmejian as the Governor's representative and trustee to the Presley Institute, an advisory body that oversees the functions of many activities, including those of criminal justice. From 1985 to 1990 he served on the Professional Advisement Committee to the Los Angeles Police Department. From 1970 to 1990 he was an active member of the reserve component of the Los Angeles County Sheriff's Department, retiring with the rank of Reserve Captain. At the University his contributions were numerous. He served on every department and school committee and on major University committees. Recently he had served as Director of the Center for Criminal Justice Studies and continued to be involved in this area up to the time of his death. He is survived by his wife Shirley.
The Emeritimes, Fall 1992
JOHN C. NORBY, Professor of Economics, who came to California State College when it was located on Vermont Avenue, passed away at his home in Langley on Whidbey Island, WA, on July 3, 1992 of lung cancer. John was born in Spokane in 1913 and married Isabel S. Clemen in 1939. His early college work was done in Washington. He obtained a B.A. in Education at Eastern Washington College of Education in 1936, then a B.S. in Zoology in 1939 from the University of Washington and taught this in high schools. He turned to Economics after World War II, earning an M.A. in 1948 and completing the Ph.D. in 1953, both from the University of Minnesota. In 1950, when John arrived at Los Angeles State College, it was a fledgling institution, its schools and departments just being formed. The areas of Business and Economics were being developed by Floyd R. Simpson, who had arrived two years earlier. John and Leonard Mathy formed the nucleus of the Department of Economics and were instrumental in establishing its curriculum and its character. John served as department chair from 1964 to 1969 and was a member of the College Foundation Board of Trustees in 1970. Very skillful in personnel matters, John was sensitive to the needs of faculty that are necessary for the success of a department; he always tried to "sweeten the pot" (a favorite expression) for all concerned. He and Professor Don Moore carried out feasibility studies on savings and loan associations which were presented to the Savings and Loan Commission. In 1975 John took early retirement, and the Norbys settled in Langley, where in the ensuing years they became involved in many community projects. They helped in the development of the Langley Library and worked with the South Langley Good Cheer Thrift Shop. John served in the Volunteer Fire Department and was a member of the Useless Bay Golf and Country Club (this led to his often remarking to friends that he was thinking of starting a University there: Useless U!). Surviving are Isabel, his wife of 50 years, two sons, three daughters and eight grandchildren. Memorial services were held in Langley.
The Emeritimes, Fall 1992
BURTON HENRY, Emeritus Professor of Education, succumbed to cancer of the pancreas in May 1992, according to a message received recently from his wife, Lucille. The Henrys had lived in Temecula, CA, for most of their years of retirement. Burt joined the School of Education faculty in 1952 and retired in 1979. He received his B.A. degree at Harvard and his M.Ed. and Ph.D. degrees from USC. He was a person of tremendous energy, leaving his mark at the University in such diverse areas as scholarship, community relations and athletics. His work in urban education inspired students to work in inner city schools, especially during the era of the "Watts Riots." The Los Angeles County Commission on Human Relations gave Burt their Outstanding Citizens Award.
The Emeritimes, Fall 1992
VERNON L. KIKER, JR., Emeritus Professor of Psychology, a recent addition to the ranks of Emeriti Professors, died in his sleep on August 3, 1992 after a long illness. He retired in the Fall of 1991, after almost 30 years at the University. Dr. Kiker came to Cal State L.A. in 1962, a year after completing his Ph.D. in Psychology at Ohio State University. Born in Wetumka, OK, in 1926, he did his prior college work at Oklahoma State University, where he earned a B.S. in 1948 and an M.S. in 1954. Professor Kiker taught a broad range of subjects during his extended tenure on faculty. One of his teaching strengths was the identification and preparation of potential graduate students. His research interests included the History of Psychology. He authored, presented at professional meetings, and published a number of papers. Vernon served on dozens of committees and was a faculty advisor to undergraduate and graduate students. He involved students in his research and contributed both time and money to upgrading equipment for their use. A memorial service was held on August 6, after which his body was flown to Oklahoma for internment.
The Emeritimes, Fall 1992
FRED H. MARCUS, Professor of English, came to California State University in 1955. He received his Ph.D. degree from New York University. Although he retired from Cal State in 1985, he continued to teach as part of the Faculty Early Retirement Program until his death recently (Ed.: 1992). Fred was highly regarded as a teacher, having received an Outstanding Professor Award in 1968. He developed and taught courses on film, such as "The English Novel on Film" and "Analyzing Children's Films," and "Short Stories Adapted to Short Film." He also taught literature and writing courses. His film courses were highly regarded, and he was instrumental in establishing these courses as a part of the General Education Program. Professor Marcus presented many papers and lectures, and published a number of articles dealing with, among others, Hawthorne, Hemingway, Salinger, Paton and Gaines. But his primary contributions related to film, the relationship between literature and film, and its uses in the classroom. He either wrote or edited numerous books and also served as a consultant on many films. During his long tenure at Cal State, Fred served on dozens of committees at all levels and was a member of the Academic Senate. Among the administrative positions he held were Director of Curriculum Planning, Acting Vice President for Academic Affairs, and Head of Project Head Start at Cal State L.A. He is survived by two sons; his wife passed away several years ago.
The Emeritimes, Fall 1992
JOHN A. GREENLEEwas born in Richland, Iowa, on Sept. 7, 1911, the only child of Martha and John Greenlee. After graduating from high school at 15, he attended Parsons College for two years, then transferred to the University of Iowa where he received a bachelor's degree in 1930, a master's in 1931, and a Ph.D. in 1934. While engaged in postdoctoral study at the Universities of Chicago, Iowa, and California during summers, he also was a social science instructor, high school principal and community college dean in Emmetsburg, Iowa, from 1934 to 1940. In 1940, he joined the faculty of Iowa State College and spent 19 years as an administrator and teacher of government and history. (He took three years off during World War II to serve as an officer in the U.S. Navy, for which he was awarded a Bronze Star.) He left Iowa State in 1959 to become Director of Personnel and Training for Engineers at Collins Radio Co. in Cedar Rapids, Iowa. From there he came to Cal State L.A. in 1965 as Vice President of Academic Affairs. He became President of the University in 1966 and served until his retirement in 1979. A member of numerous national organizations and national honor societies, including Phi Kappa Phi, Phi Delta Kappa, Alpha Kappa Psi, and Beta Gamma Sigma, he was listed in Who's Who in America and was a member of the U.S Naval Reserve, from which he retired as a Commander. After retiring from Cal State L.A., he was a consultant in higher education and also assisted in the establishment of Lutheran-sponsored Christ College in Irvine, CA, which conferred upon him an honorary LI.D. He was 81 years of age at the time of his death on Nov. 23, 1992. He is survived by his widow, Lillian, whom he married in 1955. Mrs. Greenlee continues to reside in South Pasadena, where the couple had made their home since coming to California in 1965.
The Emeritimes, Winter 1993
JOHN ALDEN GREENLEE, President of the University, 1966-1979 - A Tribute by Bill Lloyd.
There is a postulate offered by some political scientists that the people of a democracy will select persons best qualified to lead them at any given time. If there be truth in this idea, and if it can be applied to the selection of a college president, the choice of John A. Greenlee as President of California State College at Los Angeles in 1966 could be cited as supporting evidence of that idea. John Greenlee came to Cal State L.A. in Fall 1965 as Vice President of Academic Affairs. The College, then in its 18th year, was still growing, with a student body of 15,000 that was increasing at an average rate of 1,000 students per year. In the area of academic affairs, it was a time of ongoing, nationwide searches for new faculty members, added classes in almost every discipline, and new courses and degree programs. The campus had outgrown its new physical facilities, and the shortage of adequate parking spaces had become a major problem. Immediately upon taking office, Vice President Greenlee became involved in converting the campus to year-round operation and adopting the curriculum from the semester system to the quarter system. The entire faculty and many staff employees were involved in this major undertaking. All of this major academic restructuring meant that the new vice president received an immediate, in-depth indoctrination into the academic affairs of the College and was able to contribute a few ideas of his own. But his full-time involvement in academic affairs, which he was to say later represented his most enjoyable times at Cal State L.A., came to an end prematurely when then-President Franklyn Johnson suddenly resigned late in the year. Dr. Greenlee was appointed Acting President but fully expected to return to his post as vice president by Fall 1966. However, the Trustees of the CSU selected him as the new president, although he reportedly had not applied for the position, and he accepted. In his 13 years (1966-79) as President, Dr. Greenlee led the campus through a second major phase of maturation. During his first year as President, the conversion to the quarter system and year-round operation were completed, a task that involved winning a budget-cutting battle with the state legislature and the governor, in which he enlisted student help in getting adequate budgetary support to accomplish the conversion. Early on, Dr. Greenlee began what he described as an "urban thrust" for the campus, in which he "turned the campus around to face its community" and enlisted faculty and student help in improving relations with secondary schools, assessing the educational needs of prospective students, and adjusting class scheduling and course offerings to best serve student needs. In academic matters, he consulted the faculty and its Academic Senate for in-depth study and recommendations. His collegial relationship with the faculty and the Senate during his administration was often praised. As the campus' enrollment continued to grow toward its ultimate high of more than 25,000, President Greenlee became deeply involved in all aspects of a second round of major construction. For an outlay of $75 million, the campus' physical facilities were doubled with the construction of the Administration Tower, a second building for the JFK Library, major additions to the Engineering and Technology building, and the new Physical Sciences and Simpson Tower buildings. Also added was a gigantic parking lot north of campus to accommodate the growing numbers of commuting students. Recognizing the campus' need to expand its ties with the outside world, Dr. Greenlee established the offices of University Development and Alumni Affairs. Mid-way through his tenure as President (1972), the California State Colleges (CSC) became The California State Universities and Colleges (CSUC), and our campus became California State University at Los Angeles (the word "at" was later replaced by a comma), an action that greatly pleased him. From those who knew and worked with him, Dr. Greenlee earned the highest marks as a university administrator, as evidenced by the impressive scope and number of state and city leaders, in addition to faculty, staff, students, and alumni, who praised his accomplishments highly at his retirement banquet. Everyone with whom you talk about John Greenlee describes him with such simple words as "calm," "cool, "relaxed," "never irritated," "easy to talk with," and "a patient listener." He always seemed able to deal with any issue�large or small�that was placed before him. As one top university administrator put it, "he seemed always to know more about the subject I came to discuss with him than I did, even in the academic area I headed.� Perhaps it was because he was an assiduous reader who could be observed through the open door to his office deeply engrossed at his countertop desk, literally absorbing the contents of stacks of memoranda, reports, and other materials. With his vast knowledge, he never hesitated to make decisions about tough issues when they were presented. During his entire life as a teacher and administrator, John Greenlee devoted his efforts to promoting excellence in education. His contributions toward that objective will forever be a part of California State University, Los Angeles.
The Emeritimes, Winter 1993
FRANCESCA (KIKI) ALEXANDER, Emerita Professor of Sociology, died on October 11, 1992, a few days short of her 66th birthday, losing a valiant battle against cancer. Memorial services were held on October 14 at St. Mary's Episcopal Church, Mar Visa, with many faculty members in attendance. Kiki joined the Cal State L.A. faculty in 1964 as an assistant professor of sociology, following a career in the aerospace industry as a technical writer and human factors analyst. She earned bachelor's and master's degrees at the University of Chicago and a Ph.D. at the University of Southern California. Her specializations within sociology included statistical analysis of research data, social psychology, gerontology, and medical sociology, in which she developed and taught the course in our program. Her courses�from general education to graduate level�reflect her scholarship in all these areas, as do her many publications, addresses, and consultantships. Her academic record in teaching and research is matched by her record of service to the University. Following appointments to numerous department and school commit-tees, Kiki chaired the university-level Faculty Policy Committee and worked diligently to achieve reconciliation of pre-existing campus policies and procedures with the system wide collective bargaining agreement. She served thereafter as president of the campus CFA chapter, campus academic senator, system wide CFA secretary, and system wide academic senator. In all these capacities, she was noted for her sensitivity and integrity. Beyond the campus community, Kiki "lived" sociology through volunteer work with both church and civic groups devoted to meeting needs of the poor, troubled youth, battered women, and the elderly. She also held memberships in national and regional sociology associations and presented papers at major meetings. Kiki maintained a lifelong interest in psychoanalysis. In addition to its relevance to her work in medical sociology and social psychology, her interest was motivated by her father's pioneering work in psychoanalysis, first in Germany and later in the United States, to which her family had immigrated when Kiki was three. Over the years after his death, Kiki gathered and organized Dr. Franz Alexander's papers, letters, films, and tapes and arranged for their use in an authorized biography of which she had planned to be a coauthor. The Franz Alexander biography will not be written solely by Dr. George H. Pollock, a past president of the American Psychiatric Association, with appropriate attributions to Francesca. Francesca Alexander is survived by her husband, Jacob Levine, a retired Los Angeles County probation administrator, and their son, Alexander Levine, a Ph.D. candidate in physics at UCLA.
The Emeritimes, Winter 1993
DAN CAPPA, Emeritus Professor of Education, came to Cal State L.A. to chair the (then) Department of Elementary Education in 1959. One of the pioneers in the School of Education, he died of pneumonia some time ago. Dr. Cappa earned his bachelor's degree at Central Washington State College in 1937, a master's degree at the University of Washington in 1945, and a Ph.D. in Education from UC Berkeley in 1953. Before coming to Cal State L.A., he was an elementary school principal and a curriculum director in a county in Northern California. He specialized in reading and social studies in the elementary curriculum. He is survived by a daughter.
The Emeritimes, Winter 1993
CARO C. HATCHER, Emerita Professor of Education who taught at Cal State L.A. from 1955 to 1972, died recently after a long, distinguished career. (Ed.: death reported in the Winter 1993 issue of The Emeritimes). Among her many accomplishments was the founding of Cal State L.A.'s (then) Department of Special Education (with Dr. Francis Lord) and of a program in education for individuals with physical handicaps. She was known for her work with spastic children, and she helped establish a residency program for adults. Dr. Hatcher earned a B.S. degree in 1925 at East Central Teachers College, an M.S. in 1933 from Oklahoma A&M, and an Ed.D. in 1950 at the University of Denver. She was awarded a Certificate of Clinical Competence in Speech from the American Speech and Hearing Association in 1955 and became a Licensed Psychologist in California in 1959. She was a Fulbright Scholar in Denmark and received the campus' Outstanding Professor Award (OPA) for the 1969-70 academic year. After her retirement from Cal State L.A., Dr. Hatcher continued to work as a psychologist. Her work goes on through the programs she established.
The Emeritimes, Winter 1993
LEONARD F. HEATH, Emeritus Professor of Art, died in late October 1992. He had taught on campus for 30 years�from 1956 until his retirement in 1986, and was highly regarded for his mastery as a sculptor and his skill and dedication as a teacher. Dr. Heath grew up in Los Angeles and earned BFA (1950), MFA (1951), and Ed.D. degrees (1963) at USC. While at Cal State L.A., he was active in University affairs at all levels, representing his school on the Academic Senate for many years and serving on the University Beautification Committee and its subcommittee for placement of art works on campus. He also developed plans for two sculpture gardens for the campus. For his extensive, varied service, he received the campus' Outstanding Professor Award (OPA) in 1973-74. He traveled extensively, visiting the Far East, Central and South America and Russia, including Siberia and Mongolia. Very active in his field, he served on the boards of directors of the Downey Museum and the Pasadena Society of Artists and participated in the USC Postdoctoral Colloquium. His sculpture was exhibited regularly (many will remember his several pieces that were on display in the Maryann C. Moore Conference Room, Admin. 317, for several years), and he was a frequent jurist for art exhibits. He edited a book, Form and Style, that was published by Houghton Mifflin. He is survived by his wife Diane and a young daughter.
The Emeritimes, Winter 1993
RAY F. MARSH, Counselor Emeritus, whose tenure at Cal State L.A. spanned 23 years�from 1955 until 1978�died of cancer last September 1, 1992 in Utah. During his long employment, he contributed greatly to the advancement of the campus' counseling and advising services. Ray came to California after graduating from high school in his native Utah. After studying music, working as foreign sales supervisor for Max Factor in Central America and the Caribbean, and spending more than five years on the personal staff of the late Howard Hughes, he resumed his education and earned bachelor's (1955) and master's (1958) degrees at USC. He first became Registrar at Cal State L.A., then Associate Dean of Admissions and Records. Later he was promoted to Professor in the Counseling Center. He also taught part time in the School of Business and Economics. His wife, Myrtle, preceded him in death in 1985. He is survived by a daughter, a son, a brother, four sisters, and 10 grandchildren.
The Emeritimes, Winter 1993
DOROTHY R. PECKHAM, Emerita Professor of Education and a language arts specialist, died recently of age-related problems (Ed.: death reported in the Winter 1993 issue of The Emeritimes). . Dr. Peckham earned an A.B. in 1932, an M.A. in 1933, and a doctorate in education in 1948, all at the University of Texas. A founding member of Delta Kappa Gamma, a national honor society for education, at the University of Texas, she taught at Cal State L.A. from 1950 until her retirement in 1972. She is survived by a daughter.
The Emeritimes, Winter 1993
MARY A. BANY(Education, 1955-1974), died in Redmond, OR, on Feb. 25, 1993. A Cal State L.A. graduate (with a master's degree in Education�School Administration), she earned a bachelor's degree at the University of Oregon and an Ed.D. at USC. Before coming to Cal State L.A., she taught elementary and secondary classes in Salem, OR, and locally in Alhambra. She chaired the University's [then] Department of Elementary Education and had a reputation as an outstanding teacher, speaker, author, and specialist in social psychology and its application to education. In addition to making notable contributions to teachers and administrators both in classes and in state and federal grant-supported government projects, she published widely. College textbooks she coauthored include Classroom Group Be
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[
""
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[
"Andy Greene"
] |
2023-02-15T14:00:00+00:00
|
Horrible Albums By Brilliant Artists.
|
en
|
Rolling Stone
|
https://www.rollingstone.com/music/music-lists/horrible-albums-by-brilliant-artists-1234672895/
|
“There is no great genius without a touch of madness.” Greek philosopher Aristotle made this observation roughly 2,300 years ago, long before legit geniuses like Bob Dylan, John Lennon, Carole King, Elton John, Madonna, and Prince proved him right. Among the many celebrated masterpieces these artists have given the world, they have also turned in works so monumentally putrid that nothing short of “a touch of madness” can explain their existence.
Some of these albums were the products of way too much cocaine. (Elton, we’re looking at you.) Some of them came from label pressure to move beyond a cult following by creating commercial music. (Hello, Liz Phair.) Some of them were crafted before a band found its true sound (Pantera, take a bow), while others came long after key members parted and the band had no earthly reason to still exist. (Cough-Genesis-cough).
A huge percent of them were sad victims of horrid Eighties production choices, most notably the dismal period from 1985 to 1988, when cheeseball synths and shotgun-blast snare drums created a sound that has aged worse than a tuna fish and sardine sandwich left in the sun.
Needless to say, rock fans are notorious contrarians and one person’s garbage album is another person’s overlooked classic. We’re sure there are people out there that love Elton John’s Leather Jackets, the Velvet Underground’s Squeeze, and Carole King’s Speeding Time. Some of you will feel that we picked the wrong Elvis movie soundtrack, or that we were insane to leave off Tom Petty’s Let Me Up (I’ve Had Enough) or Public Enemy’s Muse Sick-n-Hour Mess Age. (We happen to enjoy both those records.) There’s also no U2 record because we like them all, even Songs of Experience and October. Those are fighting words to some, and we’re sure many readers will have their problems with this list. True suckiness — like true greatness — is a subjective quality.
Did we rank them? We sure did. Beginning with least-worst and counting down to the most historic flop.
|
|||||
3704
|
dbpedia
|
0
| 5
|
https://thephoenix.com/Providence/Music/91748-Get-Scarce/
|
en
|
The Phoenix > New England Music News > Get Scarce
|
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"Lolita Black",
"Lolita Black",
"AS220",
"BISHOP ALLEN",
"BISHOP ALLEN",
"DEER TICK",
"DEER TICK",
"DEER TICK",
"For the Love of Sloane",
"For the Love"
] | null |
[
"PROVIDENCE PHOENIX STAFF"
] | null |
Providence New England Music News, Hot Rod Circuit, Hot Rod Circuit, Hot Rod Circuit, Lolita Black, Lolita Black, Lolita Black, AS220, BISHOP ALLEN, BISHOP ALLEN, DEER TICK, DEER TICK, DEER TICK, For the Love of Sloane, For the Love of
|
en
|
//cache.thephoenix.com/favicon.ico
| null |
BOTH EARS AND THE TAIL FOR THIS CARMEN
"World Passions," the collection of four works that Boston Ballet opened at the Opera House last night, was more pleasant than passionate until Kathleen Breen Combes sashayed out as the title character in Jorma Elo's Carmen .
REVIEW: ANTICHRIST
Lars von Trier’s controversial freak-out is Saw VI as told by Carl Dreyer. Is that a good thing? It certainly has grabbed everybody’s attention. I’m torn between dismissing the film as gross-out juvenilia and regarding it as raw religious mythmaking.
CAN THE RHODE ISLAND TEA PARTY BREW A REVOLUTION?
The Rhode Island Tea Party, local wing of the national uprising against all things Obama, has some reason for hope.
HOW GAY IS SOUTHIE?
Welcome to the gayborhood.
HARDBOILED HUB
When I was growing up in Roslindale a few decades back — among tribes of ignorant, second-generation immigrant kids whose favorite words began with “f” and “n” and who liked to torture small animals and beat up small children before they moved on to their future vocations as petty criminals, dead dope users, or real-estate agents.
AFFORDABLE HOUSING IN A WEALTHY REDOUBT
Barrington, not exactly known for its welcome mat to working poor families, now has its first affordable housing project in living memory.
HOW GAY IS SOUTHIE?
Welcome to the gayborhood.
REVIEW: ANTICHRIST
Lars von Trier’s controversial freak-out is Saw VI as told by Carl Dreyer. Is that a good thing? It certainly has grabbed everybody’s attention. I’m torn between dismissing the film as gross-out juvenilia and regarding it as raw religious mythmaking.
KHAZEI, LIKE A FOX?
If there is to be a candidate in the Massachusetts US Senate race who inspires the sort of grassroots, progressive following that propelled Governor Deval Patrick into office three years ago — an insurgent candidacy, if you will — it figures to be idealistic public-service advocate Alan Khazei, co-founder of City Year and founder of Be the Change, Inc.
BRUTE FORCES
When you get down to it, most music is an attempt to create auditory allegories for our life experiences, whether they’re joyous Maypole dervishes or nightmarish St. Vitus’ dances of doom.
|
|||||
3704
|
dbpedia
|
1
| 62
|
https://oll.libertyfund.org/titles/hobbes-the-english-works-vol-iii-leviathan
|
en
|
The English Works, vol. III (Leviathan)
|
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[
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[] | null |
One of the major works of English political philosophy, Hobbes’ Leviathan was written during the English Revolution. It deals with the nature of sovereignty, how stable political power might be created, how wars might be avoided, and what is the proper relationship between a sovereign authority and the individual.
|
https://oll.libertyfund.org/titles/hobbes-the-english-works-vol-iii-leviathan
|
Thomas Hobbes (author)
Sir William Molesworth (editor)
One of the major works of English political philosophy, Hobbes’ Leviathan was written during the English Revolution. It deals with the nature of sovereignty, how stable political power might be created, how wars might be avoided, and what is the proper relationship between a sovereign authority and the individual.
|
|||||||
3704
|
dbpedia
|
3
| 82
|
https://www.qebholliswhiteman.co.uk/site/people/profile/jocelyn.ledward
|
en
|
Jocelyn Ledward
|
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[] |
[
"Jocelyn Ledward",
"leading barrister in London",
"criminal barrister",
"crime barrister"
] | null |
[] |
2024-03-18T00:00:00
|
en
|
/images/mobile/apple-touch-icon.png
|
QEB Hollis Whiteman
|
https://www.qebholliswhiteman.co.uk/site/people/profile/jocelyn.ledward
|
Jocelyn Ledward is astonishingly intelligent, fiercely committed, ridiculously astute and the barrister to have on your team.
Crime
Jocelyn Ledward is much sought-after in the field of general crime. She has particular expertise in sensitive, high-profile and long-running complex cases and of the difficult technical legal arguments that invariably accompany them. Appointed Junior Treasury Counsel in 2014 and promoted to Senior Treasury Counsel in 2022, she has worked across the full spectrum of criminal offences and has specific expertise of the most serious ones including: all types of homicide (including corporate manslaughter) and their respective defences; serious sexual offences, both historic and current; terrorism; health & safety offences; and offences arising from organised crime including money laundering. She has experience of all levels of tribunal from the magistrates through to the appeal courts, with an abundance of experience of appellate work. She is held in the highest regard by prosecution and defence teams alike and enjoys a varied practice including representing professionals, where her practice in professional regulation is of great benefit. She is always fully prepared, tactically ahead of the game and her advocacy is outstanding.
Jocelyn was appointed a Crown Court Recorder in 2022.
Jocelyn was awarded Silk in 2024.
Corporate & Financial Crime
Jocelyn Ledward has employed her vast intelligence, work ethic and astute judgement to become one of the most respected juniors practising in corporate and financial crime. She is instructed at all stages of an investigation across the full range of offences including business-related fraud, bribery, corruption, money laundering and serious corporate health and safety breaches. She tackles the most complex matters with complete ease, providing a level of insight into a case that others would overlook and her advocacy is exceptional.
Regulatory
Jocelyn Ledward has developed a substantial practice combining fraud and mainstream serious, high-profile, sensitive and complex crime. She has converted her criminal experience into the regulatory forum with great success, acting for various parties in both criminal and disciplinary proceedings arising from incidents in the workplace. She is repeatedly sought-after for both the prosecution and the defence.
Reviews
Chambers UK 2024: Crime – Star Individual; Financial Crime – Band 1
Legal 500 2024: Crime – Tier 1
‘Jocelyn is tough but always fair, incredibly clever and has a personality that ensures difficult negotiations and discussions remain collegiate. She is a first class and charming advocate as well as brilliant on paper.’ Legal 500 Crime (2024)
'She possesses an amazing eye for detail, is incredibly thorough and has faultless judgement.' Chambers UK Crime (2024)
'If there were top trumps for criminal advocate it would be hard not to give her 100 in every skill category.' Chambers UK Crime (2024)
'Jocelyn is a fantastic criminal advocate who has an ability to cut through cases.' Chambers UK Financial Crime (2024)
'A superb advocate who is incredibly knowledgeable about criminal procedure' Chambers UK Crime (2023)
‘Jocelyn is fiercely-intelligent, impeccably fair and very hard-working.’ Legal 500 Crime (2023)
'A simply phenomenal barrister with great judgement. She is unbelievably clever, compassionate and one of the most effective advocates at the Bar.' Chambers UK Crime (2022)
'She is fantastically hard-working and has great judgement. She also has excellent people skills.' 'She is incredibly knowledgeable about criminal procedure and she is very good at preparing written submissions.' Chambers UK Financial Crime (2022)
'Jocelyn is one of the star juniors in fraud.' Legal 500 Crime (2022)
'Jocelyn demonstrates great tactical and legal insight, and is phenomenally hard-working and thorough. Fantastic team player, working well with the solicitors' team and the QC. Great client handling skills.' Legal 500 Business and Regulatory Crime (2022)
'A master of cross-examination,' 'Jocelyn operates at the top of her game and has an incredible ability to analyse a significant amount of material and mould it into a fine piece of written work.' Chambers UK Crime (2021)
'She gives unique strategic insight into any complex financial crime and business crime case. She is highly regarded by her opponents and the judiciary and is one of the most outstanding senior juniors in financial crime.' 'She is an excellent junior to have on the team.' Chambers UK Financial Crime (2021)
'Her levels of preparation and attention to detail are flawless. As an opponent you know she is going to be extremely tough but entirely fair. She has a calm, measured style in cross-examination which makes the jury really trust her.' Legal 500 Crime (2021)
'She has an incredible work ethic and a formidable intellect.' Legal 500 Business and Regulatory Crime (2021)
‘A strategic, personable, measured and impressive advocate.’ ‘She is very clever, she's hard-working, she gives competent analysis, and she's excellent at document-handling skills.’ Chambers UK Crime (2020)
‘Strategic, personable, measured and an impressive advocate.’ ‘Tremendously hard-working and someone with an absolutely fantastic eye for detail, she has complete mastery of the documents.’ Chambers UK Financial Crime (2020)
‘She has an incredible work ethic and a formidable intellect.’ Legal 500 Crime (2020)
‘A clearly outstanding junior who is highly regarded by both opponents and judges.’ Chambers UK Crime (2019)
‘Fiercely intelligent and very capable, she's a class act.’ ‘She is phenomenally hard-working and has both fantastic attention to detail and great judgement.’ Chambers UK Financial Crime (2019)
‘A superstar who excels in all areas of the fraud toolkit.’ Legal 500 Fraud: Crime (2018)
‘Very intelligent and able to think on her feet. She gains clients' trust very quickly and is tactically astute. An extremely hard-working barrister. She puts in the hours at short notice and still turns things around very quickly.’ Chambers UK Crime (2017)
‘Without hesitation, she is one of the standout fraud juniors at the moment.’ Legal 500 Fraud Crime (2017)
‘She is brilliant at client relations and can handle the most complex cases by herself.’ Legal 500 Crime (2017)
‘Her calm but firm advocacy is impressive.’ Legal 500 Crime (2016)
Appointments
Appointed Silk 2024
2022 - Crown Court Recorder
2022 - Senior Treasury Counsel
2016 – Treasurer, Central Criminal Court Bar Mess
2015 – Independent Legal Adviser to the CPS London VAWG Scrutiny and Involvement Panel
2014 – Junior Treasury Counsel, Central Criminal Court
Professional Membership
Association of Regulatory and Disciplinary Lawyers
Criminal Bar Association
Fraud Lawyers Association
Health and Safety Lawyers’ Association
South Eastern Circuit
Education
Inns of Court School of Law (Bar Vocational Course)
City University (Postgraduate Diploma in Law)
MA (Hons - First Class), Magdalen College, Oxford
Sought-after by leading solicitors to defend individuals and corporates; Jocelyn Ledward breezes through the complex, is tactically astute, a phenomenal advocate and effortlessly builds trust with the client.
Overview
Jocelyn Ledward has employed her vast intelligence, work ethic and astute judgement to become one of the most respected juniors practising in corporate and financial crime. She is instructed at all stages of an investigation across the full range of offences including business-related fraud, bribery,corruption, money laundering and serious corporate health and safety breaches. She tackles the most complex matters with complete ease, providing a level of insight into a case that others would overlook and her advocacy is exceptional.
Experience
Jocelyn provides advice to and represents corporate and professional/director clients in all types of business-related fraud, Health and Safety at Work Act, Trade Descriptions Act and Insolvency Acts cases, and the full range of business-related/financial crime including money laundering. She has acted for clients in matters investigated and prosecuted by the Crown Prosecution Service, HMRC, the Serious Fraud Office, the Office of Fair Trading, the Health and Safety Executive, the NHS Counter Fraud Authority, as well as those facing private prosecutions brought by corporates and individuals in relation to financial crime and intellectual property.
Past highlights include representing a director defendant in the first prosecution by the Office of Fair Trading under the Cartel Offence provisions of the Enterprise Act, following the landmark “Marine Hose” plea agreement with the US Department of Justice. She was junior prosecution counsel in the successful prosecution of Sterecycle for corporate manslaughter. She successfully represented John Scouler, former UK Food Director for Tesco Stores Ltd in he SFO prosecution arising from the so-called Tesco "accounting scandal". She was also part of the team who successfully represented Vladimir Chemukhin in the private prosecution which Oleg Derispaska sought to bring against him.
She has extensive experience in relation to disclosure and public interest immunity, with particular experience in relation to criminal e-disclosure exercises in long and complex cases (acting for one of the defendants in R v R); the handling of electronic material; cross-jurisdictional matters; matters linked to civil and regulatory proceedings; money laundering, restraint, confiscation and forfeiture of assets.
Notable Cases
Oleg Deripaska v Vladimir Chernukhin (2019-present) [R(Oleg Deripaska) v (1) DPP (2) Vladimir Chernukhin (3) the Crown Court at Southwark [2020] EWHC 2918 (Admin)]
Part of the team who successfully represented Vladimir Chernukhin when he was privately prosecuted by his defeated rival in a large-scale civil claim. The CPS took over and discontinued the proceedings at Southwark Crown Court. Judicial Review of the CPS decision by the private prosecutor also failed. [William Boyce QC and Karen Robinson acted for the Crown Prosecution Service in the judicial review proceedings.]
R v Scouler (2016-2018)
Junior Counsel for the acquitted former UK commercial director at Tesco, who was alleged to have been involved in accounting irregularities in relation to income recognition.
R v R & Others (2012-2017) [2015] EWCA Crim 1941 / Operation Amazon
Junior counsel for one of the acquitted defendants, who was charged with conspiracy to cheat the public revenue.
R v SG (2016)
Successful application to dismiss charges against a solicitor facing allegations of fraud by abuse of position alongside her accountant husband.
R v Sterecycle (2014)
Successful prosecution of a recycling company for corporate manslaughter.
R v Etherson (2014)
Secured a suspended sentence for medical recruitment consultant who admitted his part in his employer’s fraud on the NHS.
R v Sakavickas and others [2005] 1 Cr.App.R. 584; [2008] 1 Cr.App.R. 1
Successful prosecution of money laundering conspiracy arising out of organised cross-jurisdictional crime in the UK and Eastern Europe; overturned on appeal following R v Saik [2006] UKHL 18.
Reviews
Chambers UK 2023: Financial Crime – Band 1
Legal 500 2023: Business and Regulatory Crime (Including Global Investigations) - Tier 3
'Jocelyn is extremely good and tremendously able.' 'She is fearsomely clever and so down to earth.' Chambers UK Financial Crime (2023)
‘Excellent working knowledge of substantive law and criminal procedure.’ Legal 500 Business and Regulatory Crime (Including Global Investigations) (2023)
'She is fantastically hard-working and has great judgement. She also has excellent people skills." "She is incredibly knowledgeable about criminal procedure and she is very good at preparing written submissions.' Chambers UK Financial Crime (2022)
'Jocelyn demonstrates great tactical and legal insight, and is phenomenally hard-working and thorough. Fantastic team player, working well with the solicitors' team and the QC. Great client handling skills.' Legal 500 Business and Regulatory Crime (2022)
'She gives unique strategic insight into any complex financial crime and business crime case. She is highly regarded by her opponents and the judiciary and is one of the most outstanding senior juniors in financial crime.' 'She is an excellent junior to have on the team.' Chambers UK Financial Crime (2021)
'She has an incredible work ethic and a formidable intellect.' Legal 500 Business and Regulatory Crime (2021)
‘Strategic, personable, measured and an impressive advocate.’ ‘Tremendously hard-working and someone with an absolutely fantastic eye for detail, she has complete mastery of the documents.’ Chambers UK Financial Crime (2020)
‘Fiercely intelligent and very capable, she's a class act.’ ‘She is phenomenally hard-working and has both fantastic attention to detail and great judgement.’ Chambers UK Financial Crime (2019)
‘A superstar who excels in all areas of the fraud toolkit.’ Legal 500 Fraud: Crime (2018)
‘Very intelligent and able to think on her feet. She gains clients' trust very quickly and is tactically astute. An extremely hard-working barrister. She puts in the hours at short notice and still turns things around very quickly.’ Chambers UK (2017)
‘An astonishingly capable prosecutor and a very fine defence counsel who specialises in complex crime and fraud.’ Chambers UK (2017)
‘Without hesitation, she is one of the standout fraud juniors at the moment.’ Legal 500 (2017)
‘Solicitors know they can rely on her to secure the best result.’ Legal 500 (2016)
‘She provides clear, astute advice.’ Legal 500 (2015)
‘Jocelyn Ledward thinks outside the box and is able to apply her outstanding intellect to difficult areas of law.’ Legal 500 (2012)
An astonishing advocate with a high record of achievement in media-sensitive and complex serious crime, Jocelyn Ledward is tactically fantastic, fiercely hard-working, and immensely intelligent; she is absolutely outstanding.
Overview
Jocelyn Ledward is a much sought-after junior in the field of general crime. She has particular expertise in sensitive, high-profile and long-running complex cases and of the difficult technical legal arguments that invariably accompany them. Appointed Junior Treasury Counsel in 2014 and promoted to Senior Treasury Counsel in 2022, she has worked across the full spectrum of criminal offences and has specific expertise of the most serious ones including: all types of homicide (including corporate manslaughter) and their respective defences; serious sexual offences, both historic and current; terrorism; health & safety offences; and offences arising from organised crime including money laundering. She has experience of all levels of tribunal from the magistrates through to the appeal courts, with an abundance of experience of appellate work. She is held in the highest regard by prosecution and defence teams alike and enjoys a varied practice including representing professionals, where her practice in professional regulation is of great benefit. She is always fully prepared, tactically ahead of the game and her advocacy is outstanding.
Jocelyn was appointed a Crown Court Recorder in 2022.
Experience
Jocelyn prosecutes and defends the full range of criminal offences. As Junior Treasury Counsel, she is sought-after for her extensive experience in successfully prosecuting in high-profile and sensitive homicide cases (e.g. the successful prosecution of the Preddie brothers for the killing of Damilola Taylor; the murder of former EastEnders actor Gemma McCluskie; the murder of Tia Sharpe by her step-grandfather Stuart Hazell; the prosecution of Tania Clarence following her killing of her three disabled children; the prosecution of former police constable Wayne Couzens for the kidnap, rape and murder of Sarah Everard). She is currently instructed in the prosecution of Louis De Zoysa following the shooting of PS Matt Ratana at Croydon Police Station in September 2020.
She has also been instructed in unusual and sensitive matters relating to terrorism. She was junior counsel instructed by the CPS in the prosecution of Roshonara Choudhry, the self-radicalised student who attempted to murder Stephen Timms MP, as well as the second prosecution of Khalid Rashad for possession of explosive substances after his conviction for the murder of Imam Abdul Hadi Arwani. She was junior counsel in the prosecution of Hashem Abedi for 22 counts of murder arising out of the bombing of Manchester Arena in 2017. Leading Fraser Coxhill, she prosecuted Andrew Dymock for multiple charges including encouraging extreme right wing terrorism via a website and Twitter account.
Jocelyn prosecutes and defends in relation to allegations of rape and sexual offences, including those committed in breach of trust (e.g. by healthcare professionals). She has substantial expertise in relation to digital media and internet-based evidence, which features heavily in most of her cases. She has a particular interest in social media offending and violence against women and girls. She is the Independent Legal Adviser to the CPS London Violence Against Women and Girls Scrutiny and Involvement Panel.
Jocelyn appears regularly in the Court of Appeal, particularly on behalf of the Law Officers in relation to unduly lenient sentences.
She also has extensive experience of money-laundering, conspiracy to defraud and tax evasion, VAT fraud, large-scale drugs supply and importation, corruption and other offences of dishonesty (including high-value theft and robbery conspiracies).
Jocelyn is sought-after to provide discrete advice and representation to professionals and others involved in proceedings which have reputational, career limiting, family or other consequences, whether as victims or defendants.
Notable Cases
R v Wayne Couzens (2021)
Couzens pleaded guilty to the murder, kidnap and rape of Sarah Everard. He was a serving police officer at the time, and use his warrant card and knowledge gained from working on Covid patrols into order to trick her into believing she was under arrest. This led the sentencing judge, Fulford LJ, to conclude that a whole life term should be imposed on the grounds of the exceptionally high seriousness of the offence.
R v Andrew Dymock (2021)
Prosecution of extreme right terrorist Andrew Dymock, who was sentenced to seven years' imprisonment for his leading role in the encouragement and funding of extreme right terrorism following a five-week trial. Jocelyn prosecuted the case, leading Fraser Coxhill.
R v John Leslie Stott (2020)
Prosecution of the former Blue Peter and This Morning presenter following an allegation of sexual assault dating back to 2008.
R v Hashem Abedi (2019-2020)
Prosecution for 22 counts of murder, attempted murder and conspiracy to cause explosions arising out of the bombing of the Manchester Arena in 2017. The defendant's brother, Salman Abedi, detonated an IED at the end of an Ariana Grande concert, killing 22 people and seriously injuring dozens of others. This was the first extradition to England and Wales from Libya following a 2008 Treaty, and resulted in the imposition of life sentences with a minimum term of 55 years, the longest ever imposed in E&W.
R v Brown and another (2019)
Prosecution of two young men for the murder of 17-year-old Malcolm Mide-Madariola, who was stabbed to death outside Clapham South tube station in November 2018. Led by Zoe Johnson QC.
R v Khalid Rashad (2016)
Prosecution of a man convicted of the murder of an imam, for the possession of explosive substances and ammunition following an extensive counter-terrorism investigation. Led by William Boyce QC.
R v Patrick Adams (2016)
Junior counsel, led by Crispin Aylett QC, in this victimless prosecution of Adams against a background or organised crime, and following his extradition from the Netherlands, Adams pleaded guilty to Section 18 GBH of a former friend on the eve of trial.
R v Tania Clarence (2015)
Prosecution of a mother following her killing of three of her children, who all had spinal muscular atrophy, a muscle-wasting genetic condition. The case involved complex medical, social care and psychiatric evidence. Mrs Clarence’s pleas to manslaughter were accepted by the CPS, after extensive analysis and consideration. Led by Zoe Johnson QC.
R v McCluskie (2013)
Crispin Aylett QC and Jocelyn Ledward successfully prosecuted Tony McCluskie for the murder of his sister and former Eastenders actor.
R v Choudhry (2010)
William Boyce QC and Jocelyn Ledward prosecuted this high-profile case of the attempted murder of Stephen Timms MP at his constituency surgery in East London.
Reviews
Chambers UK 2023: Crime – Band 1
Legal 500 2023: Crime – Tier 1
'A superb advocate who is incredibly knowledgeable about criminal procedure' Chambers UK Crime (2023)
‘Jocelyn is fiercely-intelligent, impeccably fair and very hard-working.’ Legal 500 Crime (2023)
'A simply phenomenal barrister with great judgement. She is unbelievably clever, compassionate and one of the most effective advocates at the Bar.' Chambers UK Crime (2022)
'Jocelyn is one of the star juniors in fraud.' Legal 500 Crime (2022)
'A master of cross-examination.' 'Jocelyn operates at the top of her game and has an incredible ability to analyse a significant amount of material and mould it into a fine piece of written work.' Chambers UK Crime (2021)
'Her levels of preparation and attention to detail are flawless. As an opponent you know she is going to be extremely tough but entirely fair. She has a calm, measured style in cross-examination which makes the jury really trust her.' Legal 500 Crime (2021)
‘A strategic, personable, measured and impressive advocate.’ ‘She is very clever, she's hard-working, she gives competent analysis, and she's excellent at document-handling skills.’ Chambers UK Crime (2020)
‘She has an incredible work ethic and a formidable intellect.’ Legal 500 Crime (2020)
‘A clearly outstanding junior who is highly regarded by both opponents and judges.’ Chambers UK Crime (2019)
‘A superstar who excels in all areas of the fraud toolkit.’ Legal 500 Fraud: Crime (2018)
‘Ridiculously bright, very hard-working and someone with a very professional manner in court.’ Chambers UK Crime (2018)
‘She’s tactically fantastic.’ Chambers UK (2018)
‘Very intelligent and able to think on her feet. She gains clients' trust very quickly and is tactically astute. An extremely hard-working barrister. She puts in the hours at short notice and still turns things around very quickly.’ Chambers UK (2017)
‘An astonishingly capable prosecutor and a very fine defence counsel who specialises in complex crime and fraud.’ Chambers UK (2017)
‘She is brilliant at client relations and can handle the most complex cases by herself.’ Legal 500 (2017)
‘She is very intelligent, totally straight in her dealings and highly committed.’ Chambers UK (2016)
‘Her calm but firm advocacy is impressive.’ Legal 500 (2016)
‘She really understands the wider practical issues.’ Legal 500 (2015)
An incredibly gifted counsel who has developed a professional disciplinary practice; Jocelyn Ledward is incredibly bright and able and brings her dedication and advocacy to great effect in the regulatory tribunals.
Overview
Jocelyn Ledward has developed a substantial practice combining fraud and mainstream serious, high- profile, sensitive and complex crime. She has converted her criminal experience into the regulatory forum with great success, acting for various parties in both criminal and disciplinary proceedings arising from incidents in the workplace. She is repeatedly sought-after for both the prosecution and the defence.
Experience
Jocelyn’s professional disciplinary experience includes appearing before the Medical Practitioners Tribunal Service, General Dental Council, General Chiropractic Council and other regulatory bodies, primarily in the healthcare field, in the full range of hearings and types of allegation. She has been involved in high-profile cases, often involving sexual and indecent conduct by professionals (e.g. GMC v Bonhoeffer).
In the past few years, she has been involved in cases concerning a chiropractor who missed a serious diagnosis (cauda equina syndrome), clinical performance issues involving a dentist, dishonesty by a GP and sexual assault by an A&E consultant (all successful proceedings by the respective regulators).
Notable Cases
GDC v Dimitrova (2014)
Successful proceedings against a dentist for multiple instances of deficient professional performance, following an expert review of records generated during a ten-week period.
GCC v Laverick (2014)
GCC PCC hearing, prosecuting a case of UPC against a chiropractor who ignored symptoms of cauda equina syndrome, an acute medical emergency which could have resulted in life-changing injuries to her patient, and failed to make the necessary urgent referral to an A&E department. The facts were found proved, and the GCC admonished the registrant after hearing extensive evidence of remediation.
NMC v Stamper & Others (2012-2013)
Advising on proceedings at the NMC against six nurses who were concerned in the care of Sarah Jane McNicholas, who died of diabetic ketoacidosis in 1997.
GMC v Bonhoeffer (2012)
Successful fitness to practise proceedings against world-renowned cardiologist Professor Phillip Bonhoeffer for historical sexual abuse of young boys over several years, including Kenyan boys whose education he was sponsoring. The proceedings included a number of logistical difficulties, not least the reluctance of key witnesses abroad to attend (necessitating video-links) and the absence of Professor Bonhoeffer.
Reviews
Legal 500 2023: Business and Regulatory Crime - Tier 3
‘Excellent working knowledge of substantive law and criminal procedure.’ Legal 500 Business and Regulatory Crime (2023)
'Jocelyn demonstrates great tactical and legal insight, and is phenomenally hard-working and thorough. Fantastic team player, working well with the solicitors' team and the QC. Great client handling skills.' Legal 500 Business and Regulatory Crime (2022)
'She has an incredible work ethic and a formidable intellect.' Legal 500 Business and Regulatory Crime (2021)
‘A strategic, personable, measured and impressive advocate.’ Chambers UK (2020)
‘A clearly outstanding junior who is highly regarded by both opponents and judges.’ Chambers UK (2019)
‘She’s tactically fantastic.’ Chambers UK (2018)
‘She is very intelligent, totally straight in her dealings and highly committed.’ Chambers UK (2016)
‘Very user-friendly and good at turning around cases.’ Legal 500 (2016)
‘She really understands the wider practical issues.’ Legal 500 (2015)
‘She provides clear, astute advice.’ Legal 500 (2015)
‘One of the up and coming juniors in this area.’ Legal 500 (2015)
‘Jocelyn Ledward thinks outside the box and is able to apply her outstanding intellect to difficult areas of law.’ Legal 500 (2012)
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Hall of Fame Bios — American Tap Dance Foundation
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About the International Tap Dance Hall of Fame
The International Tap Dance Hall of Fame is the only tap dance hall of fame exclusively focused on tap dancers. It features founding and innovative 20th and 21st century professional tap dancers.With a collection of photographs, biographies, and videos, the Hall of Fame is becoming a colorful and diverse retrospective of America's seminal tap dance personalities.
The ATDF created the first International Tap Dance Hall of Fame in July of 2002, and its purpose is:
- To honor the contributions of legendary tap dance artists by preserving their legacy for future generations to enjoy.
- To increase public awareness of the diversity inherent in the form.
- To provide an educational experience available to local, national, and international professionals, students, and the general population.
Biographies
2002 - Bill "Bojangles" Robinson (c.1878 -1949), who claimed he could run backward faster than most men could go forward, was the most famous of all African American tap dancers in the twentieth century. Dancing upright and swinging, his light and exacting footwork brought tap “up on its toes” from an earlier flat-footed shuffling style, and developed the art of tap dancing to a delicate perfection. Born Luther Robinson in Richmond, Virginia, his parents, Maria and Maxwell Robinson, died in 1885. Young Bill was reared by his grandmother, Bedilia Robinson, who had been a slave. In Richmond, he got the nickname "Bojangles" from "jangler," meaning contentious, and invented the phrase "Everything's Copasetic," meaning tip-top. He got his first professional job in 1892, performing as a member of the pickaninny chorus for Mayme Remington with The South Before the War. When Robinson arrived in New York in 1900, he challenged the In Old Kentucky star tap dancer Harry Swinton to a Buck-dancing contest and won. From 1902-1914, he teamed with George W. Cooper. Bound by the "two-colored" rule in vaudeville, which restricted blacks to performing in pairs, they performed together on the Keith and Orpheum circuits, but did not wear blackface makeup that performers customarily used.
Robinson was a staunch professional, but he was also a gambler who possessed a quick temper and carried a gold-plated revolver. An assault charge in 1915 split the act. After the split, Robinson launched his solo career, becoming one of the few African-Americans to headline at New York's prestigious Palace Theatre. Robinson's Stair Dance, introduced in 1918, was distinguished by its showmanship and sound, each step emitting a different pitch and rhythm.
Onstage, his open face, twinkling eyes and infectious smile were irresistible, as was his tapping, which was delicate and clear. Buck or Time Steps were inserted with skating steps or crossover steps on the balls of the feet that looked like a jig, all while he chatted and joked with the audience. Robinson danced in split clog shoes, ordinary shoes with a wooden half-sole and raised wooden heel. The wooden sole was attached from the toe to the ball of the foot and left loose, which allowed for greater flexibility and tonality. In 1922, he married Fannie Clay who became his business manager, secretary, and partner in efforts to fight the barriers of racial prejudice. A founding member of the Negro Actors Guild of America, Robinson was also named "Mayor of Harlem" in 1933. Hailed as "The Dark Cloud of Joy" on the Orpheum Circuit, he performed in vaudeville from 1914-1927 without a single season's layoff. Broadway fame came with the all-black revue, Blackbirds of 1928, in which he sang and danced "Doin' the New Low Down." Success was instantaneous. He was hailed as the greatest of all dancers by at least seven New York newspapers. Brown Buddies (1930), Blackbirds of 1933, All in Fun (1940) and Memphis Bound (1945) followed. The Hot Mikado (1939) marked Robinson's sixty-first birthday, which he celebrated by dancing down Broadway, one block for each year. Robinson turned to Hollywood films in the thirties, a venue hitherto restricted to blacks. His first film, Dixiana (1930) had a predominantly white cast; Harlem is Heaven (1933) was the first all-black film ever made. Other films include Hooray For Love (1935), In Old Kentucky (1935), The Big Broadcast of 1936 (1935), One Mile From Heaven (1937), By An Old Southern River (1941), and Let's Shuffle (1941). Stormy Weather (1943) featured Robinson, Lena Horne, Cab Calloway and Katherine Dunham and her dance troupe. Robinson and Shirley Temple teamed up in The Little Colonel (1935), The Littlest Rebel (1935), Just Around the Corner (1938) and Rebecca of Sunnybrook Farm (1938), in which he taught the child superstar to tap dance. Claiming to have taught tap dance to Eleanor Powell, Florence Mills, and Fred Astaire, Robinson profoundly influenced the younger tap dancers at the Hoofers Club in Harlem, where he also could be found gambling and shooting pool. Throughout his lifetime, he was a member of many clubs and civic organizations and an honorary member of police departments in cities across the United States. His participation in benefits is legendary and it is estimated that he gave away well over one million dollars in loans and charities. "To his own people, Robinson became a modern John Henry, who instead of driving steel, laid down iron taps," wrote Marshall Stearns. When Robinson died in 1949, newspapers claimed that almost one hundred thousand people turned out to witness the passing of the funeral procession. The founding of the Copasetics Club insured that his excellence would not be forgotten. Constance Valis Hill
2002 - Eleanor Powell (1912-1982), who had the long legs of a thoroughbred dancer and speed and agility of an acrobat, is considered the ”Queen of Tap Dancing” on the silver screen. Born in Springfield, Massachusetts, the shy eleven year old was sent to dancing school to learn acrobatics and ballet (but no tap dancing!) in an effort to make her more sociable. At the age of twelve, while visiting relatives in Atlantic City, she was spotted by Gus Edwards, a famous producer of children’s shows, which led to her stage debut in the Vaudeville Kiddie Review. After performing in the New York nightclub of the bandleader Ben Bernie, she made her Broadway debut in The Optimists in 1928; the show’s short run sent the young dancer to audition for more work on Broadway stage. Because she was asked if she could tap at every audition she went to, she enrolled in the dancing school of Jack Donohue, who taught her to tap dance by hanging sand bags onto a belt that weighed her down and riveted her to the floor, thus forcing her to tap close to the floor. She later became Donohue’s dance assistant.
In January 1929, Powell became a star on Broadway in Follow Thru, tapping to the acclaimed “Button Up Your Overcoat.” She also performed at Carnegie Hall with Paul Whiteman’s Orchestra and in 1932 Florenz Ziegfeld production of Hot-Cha! In 1935, she took Hollywood by storm, first dancing in George White’s 1935 Scandals and subsequently in Broadway Melody of 1936 (1935), Born to Dance (1936), Rosalie (1937), Broadway Melody of 1938 (1937), Honolulu (1939), Ship Ahoy (1942), Thousands Cheer (1943), Sensations of 1945 (1944), and Duchess of Idaho (1950). In Broadway Melody of 1940 (1940), she danced with Fred Astaire in the “Begin the Beguine” finale, matching the great dancer in height, grace, and footwork. In Lady Be Good (1941), she danced the “Fascinating Rhythm” number in top hat and short tails, choreography for the chorus Busby Berkeley; the number that opened on an extended close up of her tapping feet ended with her being tossed head over heel over and over again down a corridor of men.
In 1943, after twenty years of performing, she married the actor Glenn Ford and retired from the stage, devoting herself to charitable organizations and religious work, including a brief Sunday morning television series for children. In 1950, she was persuaded to appear in a musical number with Esther Williams and Van Johnson entitled “Dutchess of Idaho.” After her divorce from Ford in 1959, she continued a short but highly regarded night club career. An extended engagement at the Sahara Hotel in Las Vegas represented a remarkable comeback for a woman in her late forties as a dancer. She continued to dance in top nightclubs across the country. In 1981, she received an award in her name and her honor, the Ellie Award, from the National Film Ceremony, for her outstanding contribution to the film musical. Constance Valis Hill
2002 - John Bubbles (1902-1986) revolutionized tap dancing by dropping heels on the offbeat, accenting rhythms with the toes, extending rhythmic patterns beyond the usual eight bars of music, and loading the bar with a complex slew of beats. No wonder why he is heralded as the Father of Rhythm Tap. There is no dancer today who has not been influenced by his inventions. Born John Sublett in Louisville and raised in Indianapolis, at the age of ten he teamed up with the six-year-old Ford Lee "Buck" Washington (1903-1955) in an act in which Buck stood and played piano and Bubbles sang. After winning a series of amateur-night shows around town, “Buck and Bubbles" began playing engagements in Louisville, Detroit and New York City. Around the age of eighteen, Bubbles’ voice started changing and he switched his focus to dancing. Smarting at the embarrassment of being laughed out of the Hoofer's Club for being a novice tap dancer, Bubbles retreated to the privacy of the shed, determined to develop his technique. He returned to the Club with his new style of rhythm tapping that was laced with double Over-the-Tops and triple Back Slides, blowing everyone away.
By 1922, Buck and Bubbles reached the pinnacle in vaudeville by playing at New York's Palace Theatre. Bypassing the black T.O.B.A. circuit, their singing-dancing-comedy act headlined the vaudeville circuit from coast to coast. Buck's stop-time piano, played in a cool and laid back manner, contrasted with Bubbles' witty explosion of taps in counterpoint. They played the London Palladium, the Cotton Club, the Apollo, were the first blacks to perform at Radio City Music Hall, and continued to break the color barriers theatres across the country.
Their motion pictures include Varsity Show (1937), Atlantic City (1944), Cabin in the Sky (1943), and A Song is Born (1948). On his own, Bubbles appeared in Broadway Frolics of 1922, Lew Leslie's Blackbirds of 1930, and The Ziegfield Follies of 1931, and secured his place in Broadway history by originating the role of Sportin' Life in George Gershwin's Porgy and Bess (1935). The role of Mingo in that production was played by Buck. He also appeared with Judy Garland at the Palace and Bob Hope in Vietnam, and recorded Harlem Comes to London, Selections from Porgy and Bess, and Bubbles, John W. That Is.
Before Bubbles, dancers tapped up on their toes, capitalized on flash steps and danced to neat two-to-a-bar phrases. Bubbles loaded his bar, dropped his heels and hit unusual accents and syncopations, opening the door of modern jazz percussion. "I wanted to make it more complicated so I put more taps in and changed the rhythm," said Bubbles about his style, which prepared for the new sound of bebop in the 1950s and anticipated the prolonged melodic lines of "Cool" jazz in the 1950s. Constance Valis Hill
2002 "Baby Laurence" Jackson (1921-1974) has been hailed as a jazz dancer of the rarest of rhythmic phenomena whose fluid beats, melodic phrasings, and instrumentalized conceptions moved him in the category of jazz musician. Born Laurence Donald Jackson in Baltimore, Maryland, he was a boy soprano at age twelve singing with McKinney's Cotton Pickers when the bandleader Don Redman came to town. He heard Jackson and asked his mother if he could take the boy on the road. She agreed, provided that her son was supplied with a tutor. While touring on the Loew's circuit, Jackson's first visit to New York was marked by a visit to the Hoofers Club in Harlem, where he saw the tap dancing of Honi Coles, Raymond Winfield, Roland Holder and Harold Mablin. Several years later, he returned to New York to perform with his brother in a vocal group they formed called "The Four Buds". While working in the Harlem nightclub owned by Dickie Wells, the retired dancer from the group of Wells, Mordecai and Taylor encouraged his dancing and nicknamed him Baby. He continued to frequent the Hoofers Club, absorbing ideas and picking up steps from Eddie Rector, Pete Nugent, Toots Davis, Jack Wiggins and Teddy Hale, who became his chief dancing rival. "I saw a fellow dance and his feet never touched the floor," remembers tap dancer Bunny Briggs when he first saw Laurence dance in the thirties, when he was participating in after-hours jam sessions in Harlem and playing such theatres as the Apollo.
He also performed with group called the "The Six Merry Scotchmen" (in some billings, the "Harlem Highlanders"), who dressed in kilts, danced, and sang Jimmie Lunceford arrangements in five-part harmony. Around 1940, Baby focused on tap dancing and became a soloist. Through the forties, he danced with the big bands of Duke Ellington, Count Basie and Woody Herman, and in the fifties, he danced in small Harlem jazz clubs. It was under the influence of jazz saxophonist Charlie "Bird" Parker and other bebop musicians that he expanded tap technique into jazz dancing. Listening to the jazz pianist Art Tatum, Baby duplicated in his feet what Tatum played with his fingers. Listening to Parker, Dizzy Gillespie and Bud Powell as well as the jazz drummer Max Roach, Baby developed a way of improvising solo lines and variations as much like a horn man as a percussionist. "He was more a drummer than a dancer," writes Whitney Balliett in New York Notes (1976), "he did little with the top half of his torso. But his legs and feet were speed and thunder and surprise... a succession of explosions, machine-gun rattles and jarring thumps."
Like musicians in a jazz combo, Laurence was also a fluent improviser who took solos, traded breaks and built upon motifs that were suggested by previous horn men. He was a master of dynamics who would start a thirty-two-bar chorus with light heel-and-toe figures, then drop in heavy off-beat accents and sprays of rapid toe beats that gave way to double-time bursts of rhythm. Constance Valis Hill
2002 - Steve Condos (1918-1990) was acclaimed for lightning-speed and a phenomenal precision style tap dancing that perfectly suited the tempos and rhythms of swing and bebop. As the only Greek-American to be a member of the Copasetics, the famous tap fraternity named in honor of Bill Robinson, Condos' routines were melodies in themselves that led audiences through an explosive journey of steel-tipped percussion.
Born in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, he spent his childhood years in South Philadelphia where he absorbed sounds of the streets and alleys behind his father's restaurant that was located across the street from the Standard Theatre, the largest black vaudeville house in town. As a child, his father sent him with sandwiches for the comics and dancers who worked there, and sometimes the dancers would bring him onstage. By the time his family moved to New York City, he was a veteran street dancer steeped in the tradition of speed, rhythm, and precision that he had gotten in South Philly. As the youngest of three brothers, Steve's dancing style was conceived by his elder brother Frank, who he paired with at age fourteen and perfected with his middle brother Nick in an act billed as the Condos Brothers. During the thirties and forties, they spent most of their time in vaudeville, and then began to work with top swing bands. While brother Nick was expert at flash work (he is credited with inventing the five-tap wing), Steve concentrated on rhythm and surpassed nearly all his contemporaries with his phenomenal precision style of rhythm dance. As a lover of jazz, especially the music of Louis Armstrong but also Roy Eldridge, Dizzy Gillespie, and Charlie Parker, Condos insisted that his tap routines be melodious as well as rhythmic.
Dancing with big bands of Benny Goodman, Duke Ellington, Count Basie, Jimmie Lunceford, Jimmy and Tommy Dorsey, the routines that the Condos Brothers danced together were set but they insisted on improvising their solos so that every show was different and every show was a challenge. As the favorite dance team of Hollywood producer Daryl Zanuck, the Condos Brothers (Nick and Steve) became one of the most sought-after dance teams for films in the thirties and forties and always insisted on dubbing their own taps in such films as Wake Up and Live (1937), Happy Landing (1938), In the Navy (1941), Pin-Up Girl (1944), The Time, the Place and the Girl (1946), She’s Back on Broadway (1953). They were also a sensation abroad, holding the longest record at London’s famous Palladium with the Crazy Gang by playing for an entire year.
As a soloist, Steve danced with Woody Herman’s big band, as well as with Duke Ellington, Count Basie, and Buddy Rich at the Apollo Theatre. His Broadway appearances include Heaven on Earth, Say Darling, and in 1972, Sugar, where he created the role of Spats Palazzo, the tap dancing gangster; in that show, Gower Champion gave him the unheard of liberty of improvising his steps nightly in his solo spot. Featured in the movie, Tap! (1988), starring Gregory Hines, Steve also appeared with Hines and Sammy Davis, Jr. on the Tonight Show, competing in a coast-to-coast tap challenge dance. In 1989, he performed in an historic performance at Carnegie Hall with Hines, Arthur Duncan, Savion Glover, Jimmy Slyde, Brenda Bufalino, Lynn Dally and members of Jazz Tap Ensemble. A stellar performer, Steve was also a superb teacher, and had the unique ability to break down and teach what he had improvised. Unknown Writer & Tony Waag
2002 - Fred Astaire (1899-1987) was the American tap dancer extraordinaire; Frederick Austerlitz was born May 10, 1899 in Omaha, Nebraska. Astaire and his older sister, Adele, were brought to New York as children to receive dance training and perform on vaudeville stages.
They studied with Claude Alvienne and Ned Wayburn, but could not perform in New York because of the Gerry Society restrictions on child performers. They toured on the Keith-Orpheum circuit, then returned to New York as finished specialty dancers to enter Over the Top (1917). They worked together on Broadway in The Passing Show of 1918, For Goodness Sake (1922), the Gershwins’ Lady, Be Good (1925) and Funny Face (1927), Smiles (1930), and The Band Wagon (1931) and many others. The pair was extremely popular in New York, but their London reputations were even greater. Adele retired following the close of The Band Wagon, and Fred performed with Claire Luce in the 1932 film The Gay Divorcee.
For much of his film career, his search for a perfect partner was a frequent publicity theme. The partnership with Ginger Rogers is film and dance history, of course. The work with the great tap dancer Eleanor Powell, is legendary among tap professionals. A stunning choreographer himself, Astaire was also able to perform brilliantly in dances staged by many others. He danced the choreography of Dave Gould, who wont he first dance director Oscar for “the Carioca,” Harry Losse, a concert dancer with Denishawn lineage, Bobby Connolly, Charles Walters, and ballet choreographers Eugene Loring and Michael Kidd.
Astaire’s dance numbers can be divided roughly into four categories – exhibition ballroom romances, tap competitions, solos, and solos with props. The most frequently performed was the first type, danced with each of his female partners; the dances were based on conventional exhibition ballroom styles, in turn based on social dance work. They involved a single format, with the meeting, duet work, breaks apart and pulls together, and a final symmetrical or tandem series of movements. Among Astaire’s examples in this style are the famous love duets with Ginger Rogers, such as “Cheek to Cheek” and “Night and Day,” which are exquisitely beautiful from their openings, in which one touch from Astaire spins her into his arms, to the finales in which they simply sit. Tap challenge numbers were danced with Rogers, as well as with his other partners. With Rogers and Powell especially, these numbers, based on minstrel formats, presented an alternating series of tap flurries, each dancer trying to best the other. In the “Let Yourself Go” number from Follow the Fleet, the Astaire-Rogers competition is set in a dance hall with “real” inter-couple competitions. The solos occasionally had a “schtik,” such as the “fireworks dance” in Holiday Inn, but more frequently were danced alone before a camera.
The solos with props are among his greatest accomplishments. He could not only dance with anyone, but with anything – the coat tree in Royal Wedding, the wall in that underrated film, or the drum set in Easter Parade. It would be difficult to overestimate Astaire’s influence. He represents tap, theater, and ballroom dance too much of the world, and perfection in performance to everyone. Unknown Writer & Tony Waag
2002 - The Nicholas Brothers Fayard (1914-2006) and Harold (1921-2000) created an exuberant style of American theatrical dance melding jazz rhythm with tap, acrobatics, ballet and black vernacular dance. Their rhythmic brilliance, musicality, eloquent footwork and full-bodied expressiveness are unsurpassed, and their dancing represents the most sophisticated refinement of jazz as a percussive dance form.
From a young age, at the Standard Theatre in Philadelphia where his parents conducted a pit band orchestra, Fayard was introduced to the best tap acts in black vaudeville. He then proceeded to teach young Harold basic tap steps. The "Nicholas Kids" made their professional debut in Philadelphia in 1930-31, and in New York, at the Lafayette Theatre one year later as the "Nicholas Brothers.” In 1932 they opened at the uptown Cotton Club, which became their home base for next few years. Dancing with the orchestras of Cab Calloway and Duke Ellington, the brothers evolved a classy and swinging musical performance in which comic quips and eccentric dance combined with precision-timed moves and virtuosic rhythm tapping.
Alternating between the stage and screen throughout their career, they made their first film, the Vitaphone short, Pie, Pie, Blackbird, with Eubie Blake in 1932 and their first Hollywood movie, Kid Millions, for Samuel Goldwyn in 1934. On Broadway, in Ziegfeld Follies of 1936 and Babes in Arms (1937), they worked with choreographer George Balanchine, and during the same period performed at the newly-opened downtown Cotton Club and starred in the London West End production of Lew Leslie's Blackbirds of 1936, in which they worked with Buddy Bradley.
At the Apollo, Harlem Opera House, Palace and Paramount theatres in the thirties and forties, the brothers danced with the big bands of Jimmy Lunceford, Chick Webb, Count Basie and Glen Miller. Collaboration with Hollywood dance director Nick Castle on seven musical films for 20th Century-Fox embellished the brothers' modern style of jazz dancing. They tapped on suitcases in The Great American Broadcast (1941), jumped off walls into back flips and splits in Orchestra Wives (1942) and jumped over each other down a flight of stairs, landing into a split on each step, in Stormy Weather (1943). These dazzling feats were always delivered with a smooth effortlessness. In Down Argentine Way (1940), they moved in perfect synchrony: arms and wrists circling, they slipped and slid along the floor, dipping into splits and whipping into one-legged wings.
By the late forties, their high-speed and rhythm-driven style was fast and fluent enough to endure the radical musical shift in jazz to Bebop. The Brothers headlined "The Hepsations of 1945" on a southern tour with Dizzy Gillespie's big band, and worked with bop composer/arranger Tad Dameron, but they were irresistibly drawn to the steady and danceable rhythms of Swing and continued to work in that musical tradition.
Working as solo artists in the late 1950s and early 60s, Harold in Europe and Fayard in America, the brothers were reunited for three Hollywood Palace television specials in 1964 and continued to perform as a team. Constance Valis Hill
2002 - Jeni LeGon (1916 - ) is one of the first African American women in tap dance to develop a career as a soloist. Not a high-heeled dancer in pretty skirts, she was a low-heeled dancer performing toe-stand in pants, and her rigorous combination of flash, acrobatics, and rhythm dancing proved you didn’t have to be a man to dance like a hoofer. Born in 1916 and raised near the south side of Chicago, her musical talents were developed on the street in neighborhood bands and musical groups. At the age of thirteen, buoyed by her brother who got a job touring as a singer and exhibition ballroom dancer, she landed her first job in musical theatre, dancing as a soubrette in pants, not pretty skirts. By the age of sixteen, she was dancing in a chorus line backed by Count Basie Orchestra, and soon after touring as a chorus line dancer with Whitman Sisters, the highest paid act on the TOBA circuit. This all black, woman-managed company was successful in booking themselves continually in leading southern houses, and had the reputation for giving hundreds of dancers their first performing break. The Whitman Sisters’ chorus line, LeGon remembers, “they had all the colors that our race is known for. All the pretty shading from the darkest, to the palest of the pale. Each one of us was a distinct-looking kid. It was a rainbow of beautiful girls.” It was while working in Los Angeles, where she was stopping the show for her flips, double spins, knee drips, toe stands, that LeGon got a part in the 1935 MGM musical, Hooray for Love, as dance partner to Bill Robinson, who she says was a patient teacher and a perfectionist.
It was while working on that movie that she met Fats Waller, whom she continued to work for much of her career. In 1936, LeGon performed in the London production of C.B. Cochran’s At Home Abroad. She was hailed as one of the brightest spirits, the new Florence Mills, and the “sepia Cinderella girl who set London agog with her clever dancing.” In New York, she was one of the few women ever to be invited back to the Hoofer’s Club. LeGon played leading roles in a number of black films, where she claims, “sometimes I even got to be myself,” not a maid or any number of stereotypical roles. She toured widely with US Army shows, and she did club and theater performances nationally and internationally.
In a 1999 documentary by Grant Greshuck, LeGon’s extraordinary devotion to passing on tap dancing is as much a feature of the film as her stardom. Living in a Great Big Way, named for one of her famous numbers with Bill Robinson, is narrated by Fayard Nicholas, who reveres LeGon as a star performer and a gifted teacher who could “do it all.” LeGon says that sees teaching as a natural extension of her performing – “I’ve had a dance school all my life.” One envies those students for whom she clearly and still labors for the love of the form. Constance Valis Hill & Tony Waag
2003 - Charles “Honi” Coles (2 April 1911-12 November 1992), tap dancer, raconteur, and veteran performer of the stage, vaudeville, television, and the concert world, was born in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, the son of George and Isabel Coles. He learned to tap dance on the streets of Philadelphia, where dancers challenged each other in time step "cutting" contests, and made his New York City debut at the Lafayette Theatre in 1931 as one of the Three Millers, a group that performed over-the-tops, barrel turns, and wings on six-foot-high pedestals. After discovering that his partners had hired another dancer to replace him, Coles retreated to Philadelphia, determined to perfect his technique. He returned to New York City in 1934, confident and skilled in his ability to cram several steps into a bar of music. Performing at the Harlem Opera House and Apollo Theatre, he was reputed to have the fastest feet in show business. And at the Hoofer's Club, where only the most serious tap dancers gathered to compete, he was hailed as one of the most graceful dancers ever seen. From 1936 to 1939 Coles performed with the Lucky Seven Trio, who tapped on large cubes that looked like dice; the group went through ten costume changes in the course of their act. Touring with the big swing bands of Count Basie and Duke Ellington, the 6’2” Coles polished his style, melding high-speed tapping with an elegant yet close-to-the-floor style where the legs and feet did the work. In 1940, as a soloist with Cab Calloway's orchestra, Coles met Charles "Cholly" Atkins, a jazz tap dancer who would later choreograph for the best rhythm-and-blues singing groups of the 1960s. Atkins was an expert wing dancer, while Coles's specialty was precision. They combined their talents after the War by forming the class act of Coles & Atkins. Wearing handsomely tailored suits, the duo opened with a fast-paced song-and-tap number, then moved into a precision swing dance and soft-shoe, finishing with a tap challenge in which each showcased his specialty. Their classic soft-shoe, danced to "Taking a Chance on Love" and played at an extremely slow tempo, was a nonchalant tossing off of smooth slides and gliding turns in crystal-cut precision. Coles performed speedy, swinging and rhythmically complex combinations in his solos, which anticipated the prolonged cadences of bebop that extended the duration of steps past the usual eight-bar phrase. In 1944 Coles married Marion Evelyn Edwards, a dancer in the Number One chorus at the Apollo Theatre; they had two children. Through the 1940s, Coles & Atkins appeared with the big bands of Calloway, Louis Armstrong, Lionel Hampton, Charlie Barnet, Billy Eckstine, and Count Basie. In 1949, at the Ziegfeld Theatre in the Broadway musical Gentlemen Prefer Blondes, they stopped the show with the Jule Styne number, "Mamie is Mimi," to which choreographer Agnes De Mille had added a ballet dancer. By the time the show closed in 1952 the big-band era was drawing to a close and a new style of ballet Broadway dance that integrated choreography into the musical plot became the popular form over tap dance. Though Coles in 1954-1955 opened the Dance Craft studio on fifty-second Street in New York City with tap dancer Pete Nugent, there was a steady decrease in the interest of tap dance in the 1950s. "No work, no money. Tap had dropped dead," Coles remembered of that decade. Coles and Atkins broke up in 1960; and for the next sixteen years, Coles worked as production stage manager for the Apollo Theatre with duties that included introducing other acts. He served as president of the Negro Actors Guild and continued his association with the Copasetics, a tapping fraternity named in honor of Bill "Bojangles" Robinson, which he had helped to found in 1949. At the Newport Jazz Festival in 1962 Coles was in the forefront of the tap revival that brought veteran members of the Copasetics back to the stage. In the early 1970s, he joined Brenda Bufalino in their duet concert of the Morton Gould Tap Concerto and toured the United States and England in their collaboration concert of Singin’ Swingin’ and Wingin’ where each contributed original musical compositions, monologs, and choreography. He joined the touring company of Bubblin' Brown Sugar performing the role of John Sage in 1976, and regained his stride as a soloist, performing at Carnegie Hall and Town Hall. After receiving a standing ovation for his performance in the Joffrey Ballet production of Agnes De Mille's "Conversations on the Dance", in 1978, Coles firmly placed tap dance in the world of concert dance. In 1983 at age seventy-two, he received the Tony Award, Fred Astaire Award, and Drama Desk Award for best featured actor and dancer in a musical for the Broadway hit, My One and Only, starring Tommy Tune. Jack Kroll in Newsweek called Coles "Brilliant!" in that musical, adding that his feet had "the delicacy and power of a master pianist's hands.” Coles was a tap dancer of extraordinary elegance whose personal style and technical precision epitomized the class-act dancer. "Honi makes butterflies look clumsy. He was my Fred Astaire," the singer Lena Horne said of Coles. The historian Sally Sommer wrote that Coles was "a supreme illusionist he appeared to float and do nothing at all while his feet chattered complex rhythms below." He was also a master teacher who preached, "If you can walk, you can tap." As an untiring advocate of tap dance, Coles often claimed that tap dance was the only dance art form that America could claim as its own. He was awarded the Dance Magazine Award in 1985, the Capezio Award for lifetime achievement in dance in 1988, and the National Medal of the Arts in 1991. Coles last appeared as master of ceremonies at the Colorado Tap Festival with former partner Atkins, performing up to the end of a long and rhythmically brilliant career. He died in New York City. Coles has appeared in the films The Cotton Club and Dirty Dancing and the documentaries Great Feats of Feet, Charles “Honi” Coles - The Class Act of Tap, and Milt and Honi. Television shows include "The Tap Dance Kid," "Mr. Griffin and Me," "Conversations in Dance," "Charleston," "Archives of a Master" and Dance in America's "Tap Dance in America" for PBS. Coles & Atkins' classic Soft Shoe can be seen in the 1963 Camera Three television program, "Over the Top with Bebop," narrated by jazz historian Marshall Stearns. The most descriptive material on Coles & Atkins includes Marshall and Jean Stearns' Jazz Dance: The Story of American Vernacular Dance (New York: Macmillan, 1968); and Jaqui Malone, "Let the Punishment Fit the Crime: The Vocal Choreography of Cholly Atkins" in Steppin' On The Blues (University of Illinois Press, 1996). Constance Valis Hill
2003 - Chuck Green (6 November 1919-7 March 1997), jazz tap dancer, was born Charles Green in Fitzgerald, Georgia. As a young boy, he stuck bottle caps to the bottom of his bare feet and danced on the sidewalk for coins. At the age of six, he won third place in an amateur dance contest in which Noble Sissle was the bandleader, and soon thereafter toured the South as a child tap dancer. At the age of nine, he was spotted by a talent agent and taken to New York to study tap dance. Nat Nazzaro, known as the “monster agent” by those who knew of his practice of signing vulnerable young performers to ironclad contracts, signed Green to his own contract when he was twelve years old. A few years later, Green formed the team of Shorty and Slim with childhood friend James Walker, a talented comic dancer. They studied the great comedians of the day, picking up lines of patter from such shows on the black vaudeville circuit as Pigmeat Crack Shot and Hunter Pete and Repeate. “Their act was hilarious. Chuck was a natural-- so cute,” tap dancer Leonard Reed remembered, adding that Walker at the time was tall and skinny and Green was small as a chair. They did what was called “dumb talk comedy,” a rapid rhythmic banter that was interspersed between the songs and dances. As Walker played a broken-down vibraphone that looked as if it were falling apart, Green sang, “Some people was born to be doctors . . . some people were born to be kings . . . I fortunately was born to swing.” Then they tap danced, with Green making graceful turns and Walker excelling in leg-o-mania. Nazarro at the time also managed Buck and Bubbles (Ford Lee “Buck” Washington and John Sublett Bubbles). He suggested that Green and Walker study the singing-dancing-comedy team that had bypassed the black vaudeville Theatre Owners Booking Association (TOB.A) circuit to become headliners on the white vaudeville circuit; by 1922 they had played New York’s prestigious Palace Theatre. Changing the name of their act to Chuck and Chuckles, Green and Walker were groomed as a “juvenile act” to Buck and Bubbles. Bubbles soon took Green under his wing, calling him “the son I never had,” and offered to teach him what he knew, though it came in the form of a challenge. “Bubbles would do a step just once,” Green explained, “and then say, ‘you got one chance.’ He was a creator. They called him the ‘father of rhythm.’” Bubbles’ style of rhythm tapping--in which he loaded the bar (put many extra beats into a bar of music) and dropped his heels, hitting unusual accents and syncopations-- was revolutionary. He prepared for the new sound of bebop in the 1940s, and anticipated the prolonged melodic lines of Cool jazz in the 1950s. “If you dropped your heels, you could get a more floating quality, like a leaf coming off top of a tree,” said Green, who became a protege of Bubbles. “It changed the quality of the sound, gave it tonation.” Through the 1930s and early 1940s, Chuck and Chuckles toured Europe, Australia, and the United States, performing in such venues as Radio City Music Hall, the Paramount, Apollo, and Capital theatres. Jobs were plentiful and their manager had the team doubling up on performances. They averaged five stage shows a day, played nightclubs until early morning, and toured nonstop with big bands across the country and abroad. By 1944, the strain and wear of performing had taken its toll. The team of Chuck and Chuckles broke up, and Green was committed to a mental institution. When he was released some fifteen years later, he was changed-- extremely introverted and seemingly in a world of his own. His friends thought it a miracle he could still dance. By experimenting with the new harmonies, rhythmic patterns, and melodic approaches of the bop musicians, Green created his own bop-influenced style of rhythm tapping that was ad-libbed, up-tempo, and ultra cool. In the sixties, Green began again to perform on stage and television. He appeared with the Copasetics (a tap fraternity dedicated to the memory of Bill “Bojangles” Robinson) on the popular educational channel W.N.E. T. in a show hosted by Dick Cavett. On 6 July 1963 he performed at the Newport Jazz Festival as a member of the “Old Time Hoofers” with Honi Coles, Charles “Cookie” Cook, Ernest Brown, Pete Nugent, Cholly Atkins, and Baby Laurence. The show was introduced by jazz historian Marshall Stearns and marked the resurgence of tap dance in popular culture. At the New York’s Village Vanguard in 1964, the legendary tap dancer Groundhog faced Green in a tap challenge. “I’ve been waiting to battle Chuck Green for twenty years,” Groundhog told Stearns. “Dancing is like gang war and tonight I’m up against one of the best.” Groundhog’s rapid and syncopated staccato tapping was foiled by Green’s relaxed and fluid style of jazz tapping and almost dreamlike grace. In 1969 Green appeared with members of Harlem’s Hoofer’s Club for a series of “Tap Happenings” that were produced in New York City by Letitia Jay. Through seventies and eighties, Green continued to perform with the Copasetics. Host Honi Coles introduced him as, “Chuck Green, the greatest tap dancer in the world.” When asked why Green was bestowed that special title, Coles answered, “His slow dance is genius. Most dancers would fall on their face. His timing is like a musician’s.” In the late eighties, Green toured Europe with The Original Hoofers, appeared as a guest soloist at the Kennedy Center Honors, and was awarded an honorary professorship at Washington University. In New York in 1987, he began teaching a weekly two-hour tap class to a dedicated cross-section of New York’s top professional jazz dancers. With great clarity and precision, he led his students into the complexity of his material with warmth and ease, allowing the dancer to hear and feel the weight of the rhythm and movement. In the late eighties and early nineties, Green was twice honored with a New York Dance and Performance Award (the Bessies) for his innovative achievements and technical skill in dance, and for his work in Black and Blue (1989) on Broadway. Tall and big-footed, Green was a surprisingly light, graceful, and melodious rhythm dancer who was known for his specialty “strut” when he came on stage and for his tick-tock tap sounds. Whether dancing to such favorite tunes as “A Train” or “Caravan,” Green’s smooth and graceful rhythm tapping was uncluttered, even, and beautifully phrased. He has been called the “Poet of Tap.” In the “Green, Chaney, Buster, Slyde” number from the 1996 Broadway musical, Bring in ‘Da Noise, Bring in ‘Da Funk, Savion Glover celebrates Green as a master teacher who “was educatin’ people, not entertainin.’” “Chuck’s dancin’,” rapped Glover as he danced before a multi-paneled mirror, “was like, kind of slow. Every tap was clean, you know what I’m sayin’. You hear every tap. He was, just like, on the slow type, smooth type.” Chuck Green died in Oakland, California. The fluency of Green’s tap dancing is captured in George Niremberg’s documentary film, No Maps On My Taps (1980) with “Sandman” Sims and Bunny Briggs. His free-association poetry of speech is beautifully rendered in the film, About Tap (1987). His gentleness of spirit is immortalized in Masters of Tap (1983), a documentary film that also includes Honi Coles and Will Gaines. The sheer musicality of Green’s solo dancing is seen in the film Dance Black America (1984). Constance Valis Hill
2004 - Gregory Hines (14 February 1946 - 9 August 2003), jazz tap dancer, singer, actor, musicians, and creator of improvised tap choreography, was born in New York City, the son of Maurice Hines Sr. and Alma Hines. He began dancing at the age of not-quite-three, turned professional at age five, and for fifteen years performed with his older brother Maurice as The Hines Kids, making nightclub appearances across the country. While Broadway teacher and choreographer Henry LeTang created the team's first tap dance routines, the brothers' absorption of technique came from watching and working with the great black tap masters whenever and wherever they performed at the same theaters. They practically grew up backstage at the Apollo Theatre, where they were witness to the performances and the advice of such tap dance legends as Charles "Honi" Coles, Howard "Sandman" Sims, the Nicholas Brothers, and Teddy Hale (Gregory's personal source of inspiration). Gregory and Maurice then grew into the Hines Brothers. When Gregory was eighteen, he and Maurice were joined by their father, Maurice Sr., on drums, becoming Hines, Hines and Dad. They toured internationally and appeared frequently on The Tonight Show, but the younger Hines was restless to get away from the non-stop years on the road, so he left the group in his early twenties and "retired" (so he said) to Venice, California. For a time he left dancing behind, exploring alternatives that included his forming a jazz-rock band called Severence. He released an album of original songs in 1973. When Hines moved back to New York City in the late 1970s, he immediately landed a role in The Last Minstrel Show. The show closed in Philadelphia, but launched him back into the performing arts, and just a month later came Eubie (1978) a certified Broadway hit, which earned him the first of four Tony nominations. Comin' Uptown (1980), though not a success, led to another nomination and Sophisticated Ladies (1981) to a third. In 1992, Hines received the Tony Award for Best Actor in a Musical for his riveting portrayal of the jazz man Jelly Roll Morton in George C. Wolfe's production of Jelly's Last Jam, sharing a Tony nomination for choreography for that show with Hope Clark and Ted Levy. Hines made his initial transition from dancer/singer to film actor in Mel Brooks' hilarious The History of the World, Part I (1981), playing the role of a Roman Slave, that in one scene sees him sand-dancing in the desert. He followed that in quick succession with Wolfen, an allegorical mystery directed by Michael Wadleigh that is now a cult hit; in it, Hines played the role of a coroner. In 1984, he starred in Francis Ford Coppola's film, The Cotton Club (1984). Vincent Canby in The New York Times wrote about Hines' rare screen presence in the film: "He doesn't sneak up on you. He's so laid back, so self assured and so graceful, whether acting as an ambitious hoofer or tap dancing, alone or in tandem with his brother, Maurice, that he forces YOU to sneak up on HIM. The vitality and comic intelligence that have made him a New York favorite in Eubie and Sophisticated Ladies translate easily to the screen." The film was a seamless blend of dance into the framework of the narrative. The fierce virtuosity of Hines' dancing is seen in the White Nights (1985), in which he played an American defector to the Soviet Union opposite Mikhail Baryshnikov, playing Russian defector to the United States. "I haven't had a terribly traumatic experience as a black person in this world, but I've had experiences," Hines told Michael J. Bandler about the film. "My nature is to let them go--I wasn't going to be burdened with a negative attitude. So for White Nights I had to dig, but the pain was there." In 1988, Hines starred in a film that combined his penchant for both dance and drama, Tap. With full-scale production numbers filmed on location in New York City and Hollywood, and with an original soundtrack created especially for the look and style of the film, Tap became the first dance musical to merge tap dancing with contemporary rock and funk musical styles. It also featured a host of tap legends, including Sandman Sims, Bunny Briggs, Steve Condos, Harold Nicholas and Hines' co-star and show business mentor, Sammy Davis, Jr. Hines' extensive and varied film resume includes teaming with Billy Crystal in director Peter Hyam's hit comedy, Running Scared, and the next year with Willem Dafoe, in Southeast Asia, in the military thriller Off Limits. He starred in William Friedkin's dark comedy, Deal of the Century, with Sigourney Weaver and Chevy Chase; Penny Marshall's military comedy, Renaissance Man, co-starring Danny DeVito; The Preacher's Wife with Denzel Washington and Whitney Houston, once again with director Penny Marshall; Waiting to Exhale, with Angela Bassett and Whitney Houston for director Forest Whittaker, and Good Luck, with co-star Vincent D'Onofrio. He also appeared in the offbeat ensemble comedy, Mad Dog Time, with Jeff Goldblum, Ellen Barkin, Gabriel Byrne, and Richard Dreyfuss. In 1994, Hines expanded his talents to include the role of film director. His directorial debut was the independent feature, Bleedings Hearts, shot on location in New York. A contemporary romantic drama, it explored the precarious relationship between a thirty-year-old, white, male radical and a black, female high school student. Hines work in television is equally diverse. In 1989, he created and hosted Gregory Hines Tap Dance in America, a PBS television special that featured veteran tap dancers, established tap dance companies, and next generation of tap dancers. The film was nominated for an Emmy award, as was his performance on Motown Returns to the Apollo. On the USA Network, Hines starred with Annette O'Toole in the critically acclaimed original film, White Lies, based on the novel Louisiana Black by Samuel Charters. He also starred on TNT with Christopher Lloyd in Lewis Teague's T-Bone and Weazel; with Sinbad, James Coburn and Burt Reynolds in the comedy western, The Cherokee Kid; with Judd Hirsch and F. Murray Abraham in Showtime's urban drama, The Color of Justice; on CBS-TV with Jean Smart in the thriller, A Stranger in Town; on the USA Network in the psychological thriller, Dead Air, and in Subway Series, the anthology-style film series for HBO directed by Ted Demme. Hines made his television series debut in 1998, playing Ben Stevenson, a loving single father hesitantly re-entering the dating world on CBS-TV series, The Gregory Hines Show. As Ben Doucette, he made up part of the gifted ensemble that won NBC an Emmy Award for Best Comedy Series in 2000 for Will and Grace. He also earned an Emmy Nomination as Outstanding Lead in a Miniseries or Movie for his portrayal on Showtime of the legendary and groundbreaking dancer/film star Bill Robinson in Bojangles, and also starred in the ABC/Touchstone mid season television series, Lost At Home. For three years, Hines was the voice of "Big Bill" on Bill Cosby's animated series for Nickelodeon, Little Bill. He voiced and sang one of the key characters (alongside Eartha Kitt, Patti LaBelle and Vanessa Williams) in the Fox TV/Coca Cola animated musical special, Santa Baby. He made his television directorial debut with The Red Sneakers, for Showtime, and also appeared in the film, which centers on a 17 year-old high school student--more mathematician than athlete--who becomes a basketball sensation through the gift of a magical pair of sneakers. Throughout an amazingly varied career, Hines continued to be a tireless advocate for tap in America. In 1988, he lobbied successfully for the creation of National Tap Dance Day, now celebrated in 40 cities in the United States and in eight other nations. He was on the Board of Directors of Manhattan Tap, the Jazz Tap Ensemble, and the American Tap Foundation (formerly the American Tap Dance Orchestra). He was a generous artist and teacher, conscious of his role as a model for such tap dance artists as Savion Glover, Dianne Walker, Ted Levy, and Jane Goldberg, creating such tap choreographies as Groove (1998) for the Jazz Tap Ensemble, and Boom for the 1997 Gala for President and Mrs. Bill Clinton, filmed for (ABC) at the Ford Theater in Washington D.C. Like a jazz musician who ornaments a melody with improvisational riffs, Hines improvised within the frame of the dance. His "improvography" demanded the percussive phrasing of a composer, the rhythms of a drummer, and the lines of a dancer. While being the inheritor of the tradition of black rhythm tap, he was also a proponent of the new. "He purposely obliterated the tempos," wrote tap historian Sally Sommer, "throwing down a cascade of taps like pebbles tossed across the floor. In that moment, he aligned tap with the latest free-form experiments in jazz and new music and postmodern dance." The New York Times dance critic Anna Kisselgoff described Hines' performance in 1995: "Visual elegance, as always, yields to aural power. The complexity of sound grows in intensity and range.” In addition to his work on the dance and theatre stage, in film and on television, Hines' wide-ranging career also included making a 1987 album called Gregory Hines, and writing introductions for books Brotherhood in Rhythm: The Jazz Tap Dancing of the Nicholas Brothers by Constance Valis Hill, and Savion! My Life in Tap, a biography by Mr. Glover for children. Everything Hines did was influenced by his dancing, as he told Stephen Holden in a 1988 interview with The New York Times: "Everything I do," he said, including "my singing, my acting, my lovemaking, my being a parent." He died in Los Angeles at the age of fifty-seven. Constance Valis Hill
2004 - Donald David Dixon Ronald O’Connor (1925-2003), the comedic song-and-dance man who inherited and perpetuated a classic tradition of vaudeville tap dancing, was born in Chicago, Illinois into an Irish theatrical family. His father, John Edward “Chuck” O’Connor, was an acrobat with Ringling-Barnum and Bailey Circus; and his mother, Effie, was a circus bareback rider and dancer. When they graduated from circus into vaudeville, all their children (seven were born, three died in infancy) were initiated into “The O’Connor Family,” billed as “The Royal Family of Vaudeville.” O’Connor made his first stage appearance at three days old, lying onstage across a piano bench beside his mother who, not yet ready to return to heavy dancing, played the piano. At thirteen months old, he began making $25 a week dancing the Black Bottom and faking acrobatic tricks. He made his film debut at age eleven dancing an uncredited "specialty routine" with brothers Jack and Billy in the 1937 Warner Brothers musical, Melody for Two. Like most child performers who grew up in show business, he learned to dance by watching the hundreds of musical acts on stage and screen, making tap comedy dance and acrobatic tricks his specialty. He received no formal training in tap dance until he went to work for Universal Pictures and took tap dance classes with the studio’s choreographer Louis DaPron who, after a few weeks of classes exasperatedly pronounced him “un-teachable.” Unabashed, O’Connor developed his own style of tap dancing drawn from experience in vaudeville. He also developed as an actor, played a number of juvenile and super- polite boy roles such as Bing Crosby’s kid brother in Sing, You Sinners (1938), Huckleberry Finn in Tom Sawyer, Detective (1938), and Beau (Gary Cooper) at age twelve in the dashing Foreign Legion action adventure film, Beau Geste (1939). O’Connor is also seen briefly dancing a vaudeville-styled tap routine as one of the three Dancing Dolans in the 1939 Warner Brother’s musical On Your Toes, choreographed by George Balanchine. After leaving the screen to return to what was left of vaudeville, he returned to Hollywood to star in a number of Universal Pictures’ budget-minded youth musicals that included What’s Cookin’ (1942), Get Hep to Love (1942), and Strictly in the Groove (1943), When Johnny Comes Marching Home (1942), It Comes Up Love (1943), Mr. Big (1943), Top Man (1943), The Merry Monahans (1944), and Bowery to Broadway (1944). He was often cast as a brash and energetic young man during World War II, and paired with the equally energetic actress and tap dancer, Peggy Ryan. O’Connor’s postwar musicals include Are You With It? (1948), Feudin’, Fussin’ and A-Fightin’ (1948), and Yes, Sir, That’s My Baby (1949); and these led to Francis (1949), a potboiler about an Army private who finds he is the only person who can carry on a conversation with an otherwise taciturn mule; the film proved to be a big hit with the kids and led to five sequels. In the 1950s, O’Connor reestablished himself as a comedic actor and tap dancer. As Cosmo Brown, the sidekick chum of Gene Kelly in the classic musical (which spoofed the dawn of talking pictures), Singin’ in the Rain (1952), O’Connor’s gravity-defying, largely improvised rendition of “Make ‘Em Laugh” is considered one of the funniest in the history of the movies. That number, along with the cheerily-strutted “Good Morning,” danced with Debbie Reynolds and Kelly, and the vaudeville-inspired “Fit As a Fiddle (And Ready for Love)” danced with Kelly, rewarded him with a Golden Globe Award (over Kelly) for his performance. After the success of Singin’ in the Rain, MGM fashioned a starring vehicle for O’Connor in I Love Melvin (1953), in which he danced on roller skates. In the Twentieth Century-Fox film, Call Me Madam (1953), O’Connor dances a lyrical duet (one of his all time favorites) with Vera Ellen; and in There’s No Business Like Show Business (1954), there is the infamous scene in which he kisses co-star Marilyn Monroe. In the mid-fifties, Paramount Pictures cast him in the film adaptation of the Broadway tap dance musical Anything Goes (1956) with Bing Crosby and Mitzi Gaynor. With the decline of the studio system by the end of the decade, O’Connor launched himself into the television industry. He became one of the rotating hosts of The Colgate Comedy Hour and starred in three different incarnations of The Donald O’Connor Show for NBC in 1951 and 1954-55, for which he was nominated for an Emmy (1952) and received the Emmy Award for Outstanding Personality (1953). One of O’Connor’s most memorable moments tap dancing on television is The Bell Telephone Hour’s “Song and Dance Man.” Broadcast on NBC-TV (January 16, 1966), this mini-musical history of tap dance in America opened with O’Connor as host dancing an Irish jig, Scottish reel, Spanish zapateada, and German spatlasse, followed by a softshoe dance and some sand dancing. And culminated with a challenge dance with O’Connor and the Nicholas Brothers (Fayard and Harold) trading and one-upping on tap steps. In some of the best dance television camera work to date, O’Connor joined the brothers in “Cute,” a medium tempo swing tune by Neal Hefti in which he tapped out feather-light shuffles and heel-clicks. The vaudeville-inspired routine finished with the three dancers sitting on pedestals to fake Russian-styled kazotsky kicks, twirling through sets of barrel turns, and performing in-the-trenches, and double and triple turns; in the typical decelerated ending, they strode upstage, turned around, and sat back down on their pedestals with folded arms. In 1971, after suffering a heart attack, O’Connor devoted considerably energy to composing music for the concert hall. He also performed a number of cameo roles on film, among them as the vaudevillian and dance instructor in the film Ragtime (1981 and the dreamy-eyed toy manufacturer in Robin Williams’ film, Toys (1992). In 1993, O’Connor released his own exercise-oriented video, Let’s Tap. In 1998, O’Connor signed on for The Fabulous Palm Springs Follies, headlining a revue featuring 54-year-old-plus performers, and signing and dancing his way through eight performances a week. Through the end of his career, he lived, true to his word: “I was born and raised to entertain other people. I’ve heard laughter and applause and known a lot of sorrow. Everything about me is based on show business. I think is will bring me happiness. I hope so.” O’Connor will be remembered as “The Last Song and Dance Man.” The title, once proposed for an autobiographical stage play he was preparing, is apropos for a man who so knew how to create magic and delight as an entertainer. “I’m an illusionist—a trickster who quick chances before your eyes,” he admitted in 1992. “I capture your attention without giving you time to think about it. I move fast, I keep changing my hats. And the more pleased an audience is, the more energy I give back to the audience.” He died in Calabasas, California on September 27, 2003. Constance Valis Hill & Tony Waag
2004 - Ann Miller (1923-2004) The raven-haired, long-legged dancer whose athleticism and machine-gun taps won her stardom during the golden age of movie musicals, was born Johnnie Lucille Collier in Chireno, Texas on April 12, 1923. Her father, John Alfred Collier, who named her, was a well-known criminal lawyer who defended such infamous gangsters as Baby Face Nelson, Bonnie Parker, and Clyde Barrow; her mother, Clara Birdwell, was a Cherokee. When the Colliers moved to Houston, her mother saw to it that she studied piano and violin, but mostly tap dancing, partly to build up legs that had been affected by rickets, a condition caused by a vitamin D deficiency that can lead to softening of the bones and deformity. When her parents divorced at the age of nine, she moved to California with her mother, calling herself Annie and soon after adopting the stage name, Ann Miller. There she developed a dance routine she performed at meetings of local civic organizations, earning five dollars a night plus tips, and was able to support her mother. After watching Broadway Melody of 1936 (1935), starring the brilliant tap dancer Eleanor Powell, Miller turned her attention to sharpening her tap dance skills on the suggestion of her mother, who told her that if she practiced a bit more, she could be a dancer of the same quality. A few years later, she was spotted by the talent scout Benny Rubin, who had been escorting Lucille Ball. They arranged a movie audition, which led to her first film, a non-speaking part in New Faces of 1937 for RKO. With her vibrant personality, great legs and dazzling style of tap dancing, RKO awarded Miller a seven-year contract at the age of thirteen (she claimed to be eighteen), and would later insure her legs for $1,000,000. She was such a remarkable young talent that at age fourteen she played Ginger Rogers’ dancing partner in the film Stage Door (1937), which also featured Katherine Hepburn, Ginger Rogers, Lucille Ball and Eve Arden. A year later, she was borrowed by Columbia Pictures to appear with James Stewart and Jean Arthur as Essie Carmichael, the fudge-making, ballet-dancing daughter in Frank Capra’s You Can’t Take It With You, which won the Academy Award for Best Picture of 1938. Back at R.K.O., she played the role of Hilda in the Marx Brothers’ film Room Service (1938), and in 1939 made her smashing Broadway debut in George White’s Scandals, which she played for two years. In the late forties and fifties, Miller was signed by MGM to star in its most memorable musical films. In Easter Parade (1948), she danced most gracefully with Fred Astaire (she was considerably taller than he and had to wear ballet slippers) as she tried to woo him away from Judy Garland; but it was her singing and tap dancing solo, “Chasing the Blues Away,” that she claims as one of the best song and tap dances on musical film. In On the Town (1949), she was paired with Jules Munshin, the sidekick of Frank Sinatra and Gene Kelly, all three sailors desperately looking for girls on their 24-hour leave in New York. In Kiss Me Kate (MGM 1953) she portrayed Lois Lane, the nightclub hoofer who becomes Bianca in Cole Porter’s version of William Shakespeare’s Taming of the Shrew; belting out the “I’m A Maiden” number in the film, she struts and sashays around the male chorus (which includes Bob Fosse) with flirtatious brazen, interspersing a machine-gun rattle of taps to punctuate the lyrics. Other MGM musical films of note included Texas Carnival (1951), Lovely to Look At (1952), a remake of Jerome Kern’s Roberta, Small Town Girl (1953), Deep in My Heart (1954), Hit the Deck (1955), and the role of Gloria Dell in The Opposite Sex (1956). By the late 1950s, Miller moved from movies to nightclubs and also appeared frequently on such television programs as The Ed Sullivan Show, The Hollywood Palace, and Laugh-In. In 1969, she scored a Broadway triumph when she took on the title role in Mame, renewed energy to the role originated by Angela Lansbury. Miller continued to work even while jobs were scarce. In the early 1970s on television, she was seen dancing atop an eight-foot soup can in the Busby Berkeley-inspired TV ads for Heinz’s Great American Soups, which were choreographed by Danny Daniels. She also went on the road with touring companies of Can-Can, Panama Hattie, Hello Dolly! and Blithe Spirit. Miller’s greatest Broadway triumph came in 1979 when she wowed audiences with her tap dancing while starring with Mickey Rooney in Sugar Babies, a musical salute to vaudeville. The show ran for nearly three years on Broadway and several years on tour and abroad, and earned her a Tony Award nomination, the George M. Cohen Award for Best Female Entertainer (1980), the Sarah Siddons Award for Best Performer of the Year (1984), and a Laurence Olivier Award nomination in (1989). In 1992, Miller was honored with a Life Time Achievement Award by the University of Southern California; in 1993, the Gypsy Award for Lifetime Achievement from the Dance Society of America; and in 1994 the Flo-Bert Award from the New York Committee to Celebrate Tap Dance. Her tap shoes, which she called Moe and Joe, are exhibited in the Smithsonian Institute in Washington, D.C. She has also written two books, Miller’s Highlife, an autobiography, and Tapping Into the Force, about her psychic abilities. Her performance in David Lynch’s Mullholland Drive in 2001 marked nearly seventy years in the movies. She died on January 22, 2004 in Los Angeles, California. In her heyday, Miller was America’s leading female tap dance star, inheriting the mantle from Eleanor Powell. She preferred a vigorous approach to dancing that was athletic and speedy, and claimed to be able to dance at 500 taps per minute, which no one disputed. While she will be remembered in the popular imagination as a raven-haired, long legged tap dancer with the lacquered raven hair and Nefertiti eye makeup, the tap world will forever celebrate her dazzling and gutsy style of tap dancing that was as brassy and good-hearted as the showgirl roles she played in her films. Melding glamour and razzmatazz with speedy precision, Miller came as close to hoofing in high-heels as any female dancer in the history of the movie musical. Constance Valis Hill
2005 - Sammy Davis, Jr. (8 December 1925-16 May 1990), singer, dancer, actor, and musician (who played vibraphone trumpet, and drums), was born on December 8, 1925 to the Puerto-Rican-born tap dancer Elvera "Baby" Sanchez, and Sammy Davis, Sr., an African-American vaudevillian who was the lead dancer in Will Mastin's Holiday in Dixieland. As an infant, he was raised by his paternal grandmother, Rosa B. ("Mama") Davis, in an apartment on 140th Street and Eighth Avenue in New York City. When he was three years-old his parents separated and his father, not wanting to lose custody of his son, took him on tour. As a child, "little Sammy" learned to dance from his father and his adopted "Uncle" Will, who led the dance troupe his father worked for. In 1929 at the age of four, Davis joined the act, which was re-named the Will Mastin Trio, and toured the vaudeville circuit, accompanying his elders with flash tap dance routines. Called "Poppa" by his father and "Mose Gastin" by Uncle Will, he traveled and performed with the Mastin troupe, taking time off to make his motion picture debut in Rufus Jones for President (1933), a black short subject two-reeler filmed at Brooklyn's Warner studios, in which he played a little boy who falls asleep in the lap of his mother (Ethel Waters) and dreams of being elected President of the United States. Small and slightly-built, he was dubbed "Silent Sam, the Dancing Midget" and became phenomenally popular with audiences. He was reportedly tutored by his idol Bill Robinson, from whom he took tap dance lessons. In short time, the act was renamed Will Mastin's Gang, Featuring Little Sammy; and still later, The Will Mastin Trio, Featuring Sammy Davis Jr." In 1942 at the age of eighteen Davis was drafted into the Army where he encountered, he says for the first time, blatant racial prejudice, which he countered with his fists. "Overnight the world looked different," he later wrote. "It wasn't one color anymore. I could see the protection I'd gotten all my life from my father and Will. I appreciated their loving hope that I'd never need to know about prejudice and hate, but they were wrong. It was as if I'd walked through a swinging door for eighteen years, a door which they had always secretly held open." He was subsequently transferred to Special Services where he performed in army camps across the country, "gorging" himself on "the joy of being liked," as he wrote in his 1965 autobiography, Yes I Can. He writes that he combed every audience for "haters," and when he spotted one he would give his performance an extra burst of strength and energy because he "had to get those guys," to neutralize them and make them acknowledge him. "My talent was the weapon, the power, the way for me to fight," he wrote. "It was the one way I might hope to affect a man's thinking." In 1946, upon being discharged from the Army, he rejoined the Will Mastin Trio and perfected his performance by doing flash-styled tap dancing and impressions of popular screen stars and singers, playing trumpet and drums, and singing to the accompaniment of Sammy, Sr. and Uncle Will's soft-shoe and tap as background. He also recorded some songs for Capitol Records and one of them, a rendition of "The Way You Look Tonight," was chosen the 1946 Record of the year by Metronome magazine, which also named him the year's "Most Outstanding New Personality." The addition of comedy and tap dancing brought new life to the group, so by the beginning of the next decade they were headlining venues including New York's Capitol club and Ciro's in Hollywood. It was in this period that Davis met Frank Sinatra, who was then with Tommy Dorsey's band, and Bill "Bojangles" Robinson; the popular "Mr. Bojangles" tune, written by Jerry Jeff Walker and the Nitty Gritty Dirt Band, later became a standard song in Davis' act. By 1952, at the invitation of Frank Sinatra, the group played the newly-integrated Copacabana in New York. In 1954, Davis signed a recording contract with Decca Records, topping the charts with his debut LP Starring Sammy Davis, Jr., and another LP, Just for Lovers. After recovering from the loss of an eye in a car accident, he continued to score a series of hit singles including "Something's Gotta Give," "Love Me or Leave Me," and "That Old Black Magic," and "Too Close for Comfort." After a succession of successful club appearances, Davis he made his Broadway debut in 1956, with Sam Sr. and Will, in Mr. Wonderful, a musical comedy that was created just for him. He made his solo debut on television on "The Ed Sullivan Show" and did some serious acting in episodes of the "General Electric Theatre" and "The Dick Powell Show." In 1965 on the "Patty Duke Show" he played himself in "Will the Real Sammy Davis Please Stand Up?" Meanwhile, his recordings were making records--"Hey There," "Birth of the Blues," The Lady Is a Tramp," "Candy Man," "Gonna Build a Mountain," and "Who Can I Turn To?" In 1958 he played the role of a jive-talking sailor in the film Anna Lucasta; and in 1959 played the mischievous Sportin' Life in the screen version of Porgy and Bess. In the 1960s, Davis became an official member of the so-called Rat Pack, a loose confederation of actors, comedians, and singers that included Frank Sinatra, Dean Martin, Joey Bishop, and Peter Lawford. They appeared together in several movies, including Robin and the Seven Hoods and the original Ocean's Eleven. After achieving success by refusing to work at venues that upheld racial segregation, his demands expanded and eventually led to the integration of Miami Beach nightclubs and Las Vegas casinos. But he continued to press buttons. In 1960, when he married the Swedish-born actress May Britt, interracial marriages were forbidden by law in 31 US states out of 50 (it was not until 1967 that those laws were abolished by the US Supreme Court). The couple had one daughter and adopted two sons. In 1966, he was given the role of a television series host in The Sammy Davis, Jr. Show. After divorcing in 1968, Davis began dating Altovise Gore, a young and talented dancer in one of his shows; they were wed in 1970 by the Reverend Jesse Jackson and remained married until Davis' death. While he remained a multi-talented performer, Davis was revered as a proponent and popularizer of tap dance, performing in his own shows, such as Sammy and Company (1975) and Sammy Davis, Jr. the Golden Years (1980). In 1988, he co-starred with Gregory Hines as the patriarchal master of tap dance in the movie Tap! Hines, who worshipped Davis, paid homage to him, in the television special Sammy Davis Jr. 60th Anniversary Show (1990), in a tap solo after which he called onto the stage to dance and trade steps, and in the end, bent down and kissed Davis's feet. Davis died soon after in Beverly Hills, California from complications due to throat cancer, a result of his many years of smoking. Davis will be remembered throughout his career as one of the world's greatest entertainers, as a remarkably popular and versatile performer equally adept at acting, singing, dancing and impersonations -- in short, a variety artist in the classic tradition. He is among the very first African-American performers to find favor with audiences on both sides of the color barrier, and remains a perennial icon of cool, which could also be said of his tap dancing -- quick-fired with crystal clarity and rhythmically swinging flourishes of flash. Constance Valis Hill
2005 - Peg Leg Bates (October 11, 1907-December 8, 1998) was born Clayton Bates in Fountain Inn, South Carolina, the son of Rufus Bates, a laborer, and Emma Steward Bates, a sharecropper and housecleaner. He began dancing when he was five. At twelve, while working in a cotton-seed gin mill, he caught and mangled his left leg in a conveyor belt. The leg was amputated on his kitchen table at his home. Though he was left with only one leg and a wooden peg leg his uncle carved for him, Bates resolved to continue dancing. "It somehow grew in my mind that I wanted to be as good a dancer as any two-legged dancer," he called. "It hurt me that the boys pitied me. I was pretty popular before, and I still wanted to be popular. I told them not to feel sorry for me." He meant it. He began imitating the latest rhythm steps he saw dancers of metal-tap shoe dancers, adding his own novelty and acrobatic steps into the taps. He worked his way from minstrel shows and carnivals to the vaudeville circuits. Relearning how to dance with his wooden peg leg, Bates worked his way upward from minstrel shows and carnivals to the vaudeville circuits. At fifteen, after having become the undisputed king of one-legged dancers, able to execute acrobatic, graceful soft shoe, and powerful rhythm-tapping all with one leg and a peg, he established a professional career as a tap dancer. In 1930, after dancing in the Paris version of Lew Leslie's Blackbirds of 1929, Bates returned to New York to perform as a featured tap dancer at such famous Harlem nightclubs as the Cotton Club, Connie's Inn, and the Club Zanzibar. On Broadway in the 1930s, he reinvented such popular tap steps as the Shim Sham Shimmy, Susie-Q, and Truckin' by enhancing them with the rhythmic combination of his deep-toned left-leg peg and the high-pitched metallic right-foot tap. As one of the black tap dancers able to cross the color barrier, Bates joined performers on the white vaudeville circuit of Keith & Lowe and performed on the same bill as Bill "Bojangles" Robinson, Fred Astaire, and Gene Kelly. In 1949 Bates sang and danced the role of the swashbuckling pirate, Long John Silver in the musical review Blackouts. "Don't give up the ship, although you seem to lose the fight; life means do the best with all you got, give it all your might," he sang in the Ken Murray musical that played for three years at the Hollywood and Vine Theatre in Hollywood, California. Wearing a white suit and looking as debonair as Astaire, Bates made his first television appearance in 1948 on This Is Show Business (a show hosted by Clifford Fatiman and Arlene Francis), performing high-speed paddle-and-roll tapping and balancing on his rubber-tipped peg as if it were a ballet pointe shoe. On the Ed Sullivan Show in 1955, Bates strutted his stuff as he competed in a tap challenge dance, countering Hal LeRoy's wiggly steps with airy wing-steps. "You're not making it easy," Bates chided, as he tossed off heel clicks and soared into a flash finish with Trenches (his body leaning forward on the diagonal and the legs kicking high to the back). Bates made over twenty appearances on the Ed Sullivan Television Show, last appearing in a tap challenge dance with "Little Buck" on August 22, 1965. While television gave him greater notoriety than ever before, Bates continued to pursue a variety of performance venues. In1951 he invested his earnings and with his wife, Alice, purchased a large turkey farm in New York's Catskill Mountains and converted it into a resort. The date of his marriage to Alice is not known; it lasted until her death in 1987. They had one child.) The Peg Leg Country Club, in Kerhonkson, New York flourished as the largest black-owned-and-operated resort in the country, catering to black clientele and featuring hundreds of jazz musicians and tap dancers. "During the prejudice years, country clubs were not integrated," said Bates, "and I started thinking how blacks might like to have a country resort just like any other race of people." After selling the property in 1989, Bates continued to perform and teach. He appeared before youth groups, senior citizens, and handicapped groups, spreading his philosophy of being involved no matter what life's adversities and encouraging youngsters to be drug-free and to pursue an education. "Life means, do the best you can with what you've got, with all your mind and heart. You can do anything in this world if you want to do it bad enough," he often said. Bates' tap dancing was melodically and rhythmically enhanced by the combination of his deep-toned peg, made of leather and rubber-tipped, and the higher-pitched metallic tap shoe. He was also accomplished in acrobatics, flash (executing spectacularly difficult steps involving virtuosic aerial maneuvers) and novelty dancing. He consistently proved himself beyond his peg-legged specialty, surpassing other two-legged dancers to become one of the finest rhythm dancers in the history of tap dancing. In 1992, Bates was Master of Ceremonies at the National Tap Dance Day Celebration in Albany, New York, where he received a Distinguished Leadership in the Arts Award. In 1991, Bates was honored with the Flo-Bert Award by the New York Committee to Celebrate National Tap Dance Day. He died in Fountain Inn, South Carolina, just a mile and a half from the place where he lost his leg. Constance Valis Hill
2006 - Bunny Briggs (February 26, 1922- ) Dubbed by Duke Ellington as "the most superleviathonic, rhythmaturgically-syncopated tapsthamaticianisamist,” Bunny Briggs says he was born dancing: “When I finally faced the world my legs were kickin’. They let me loose, and I just started dancin’. Just started right out dancin’. And been dancing ever since.” He was born on Lenox Avenue and 138th Street in Harlem, New York. At the age of three his mother took him to the Lincoln Theatre to see his aunt Gladys, who was a chorus girl. After seeing the dapper Bill Robinson perform at the Lincoln he rushed home to say, “Mamma, I want to be a tap dancer,” and proceeded to show her the steps from the routine that Robinson performed. Absorbing tap dance on the streets of his neighborhood, he was soon organized into Porkchops, Navy, Rice, and Beans, a kiddie dance group that performed in ballrooms around the city to such tunes as “Bugle Call Blues.” In the early 1930s, after being discovered by pianist and orchestra leader Luckey Roberts, he joined Roberts’ Society Entertainers and by the age of eight began performing in the homes and mansions of some of America’s wealthiest people, performing for New York's Four Hundred: the Astors, Wanamakers and Vanderbilts. When he was twenty in the early forties he began touring with the big swing bands of Earl Hines, Tommy and Jimmy Dorsey, Charley Barnet and Count Basie, able migrate from band to band because he was musically versatile and could improvise. With the influence and help of Dizzy Gillespie and Charlie Parker, Briggs adapted his style to bebop. He also created his own style of paddle-and-roll tapping that combined pantomime. “I was always an improvisation dancer,” he told Rusty Frank. “ I never danced to the same tune more than two or three times. My style is carefree. It’s carefree and hard, but I try to make it look easy.” Writes Brenda Bufalino about Briggs, “There was never any problem keeping Bunny on stage. He kept dancing his riff- walks and quick turns, flipping his head, and whipping his hair. He stopped short to give the audience a chance to applaud in the middle of his solo, and finally, when he brought the whole house to its feet, he would walk over to the microphone and tell them how much he loved them.” After appearing at the Monterey Jazz Festival in 1960 with the Duke Ellington band, Briggs became known as "Duke's dancer" was the chosen soloist in Ellington’s Concert of Sacred Dance, in “David Danced Before the Lord,” which premiered at Grace Cathedral in San Francisco (September 16, 1965); he was also the soloist for the East Coast premiere of Concert of Sacred Music at the Fifth Avenue Presbyterian Church (December 26, 1966) in New York. Briggs also took part, along with along with Baby Laurence, Honi Coles, Pete Nugent, and Cholly Atkins, in the 1962 Newport Jazz Festival in a landmark concert which marked the ascendancy of tap dance in popularity. Jazz critic Whitney Balliett described Briggs in that concert as an “airborne dancer whose steps and motions are an exquisite balance of comic exaggeration and almost fussy precision. In the paddle-and-roll, he began with a long sequence of abrupt, irregular heel beats, punctuated by silences and quick, stiff head-and-arm motions, broke into a barrage of military-type flam strokes, and settled into soft, dizzying heel-and-toe beats (his torso and head now motionless) that carried him smoothly all over the seemingly ice-coated stage.” On television in the 1950s Briggs appeared on Cavalcade of Bands; in 1960s he performed on the Ed Sullivan Show; and in the 1970s Johnny Carson shows, as well as such TV specials as Apollo Uptown and Monk's Time. During the 1970s and 1980s he danced aboard tour ships; and toured Europe in the 1980s with The Hoofers (which included Jimmy Slyde, Lon Chaney, Sandman Sims, Chuck Green) In 1989 he was one of he featured dancers in PBS/Great Performance’s Tap Dance in America, and was one of three hoofers (Briggs, Howard “Sandman” Sims and Chuck Green) whose biographies are documented in the film No Maps On My Taps (1979). He also appeared with such tap veterans as Sammy Davis, Jr., Harold Nicholas, Arthur Duncan, Jimmy Slyde, and Sandman Sims, presented in the 1989 film, Tap, starring Gregory Hines. In the last half of the 1980s, Briggs performed in Europe with Sweet Saturday Night, and on Broadway in My One and Only (1983) and Black and Blue (1989), also appearing in the 1992 television documentary about Black and Blue, directed by Robert Altman. “Some people ask me about my sound,” Briggs explained to Rusty Frank. “And I’ve been blessed in so many ways, because I danced in the streets, I danced in hallways, I danced in hot-dog stands, and I danced for society. When I would work for the society people, they would have a good time, but soft. . . they’d have a beautiful time.” One of Briggs’ most significant moments of accomplishment was in a small nightclub in Staten Island called the Moulin Rouge, when he asked couples in the audience to put their arms around each other as he tap-danced. Dimming the lights in the club, he said to the audience, “This is the first and last time I’ll ask for this. I don’t want no applause. Just stay like that.” He danced two choruses of a soft-shoe to “I’ll Be Loving You, Always,” and when he finished he just walked off the stage, leaving the lights low as the men continued kissin’ and hugging their partners. “And that to me was the greatest compliment I’ve ever had. It was just beautiful.” In 2002, Briggs received an honorary doctorate of Performing Arts in American Dance by the Oklahoma City University (2002). Constance Valis Hill
2007 - Eddie Brown (July 27, 1915 - Dec 28, 1992) Superlative rhythm tap dancer known for clarity of taps, complexity of phrasing, and rippling musicality, was born in Omaha, Nebraska. He learned to dance at an early age from his uncle who was a flash dancer. “Everything I did was up tempo, home again and down, and I could do twelve choruses,” he recalled. At the age of sixteen he was discovered by Bill Robinson at a tap dance contest held in his hometown; with 37 contestants, when he was called to the stage and asked him what music he wanted, Brown requested Robinson’s signature tune, “Doin’ the New Lowdown,” and proceeded to duplicate the steps that he had heard Robinson perform on record and in performance. Upon winning first prize in the contest, Robinson spoke to Brown’s parents and asked to take the boy to New York, but Brown’s mother refused. Two weeks later, Brown and two friends hopped a freight train and within two weeks made their way to New York where he supported himself by dancing in bars where people threw money on the floor. Because he was a minor, he could not be hired where liquor was sold; but when the management saw that people liked them, and would start buying beer, they let them stay. At age eighteen, Brown joined the Bill Robinson Revue at New York’s Apollo Theatre; and remained with the show from 1933 to 1939 because he was able to withstand the strict demands of Robinson who was a perfectionist. Performing his hometown style of up-tempo flash dancing at Small’s Paradise, Brown saw that young hoofers at the time were dancing to slower swing tempos which allowed them to insert more beats into the bar. When he approached these dancers for work he was turned down, because they felt Brown did not understand what they were doing. “So I woodshedded for three weeks,” he recounted, “and found out that rhythm dancing was flash dancing cut in half.” He returned to Small’s and delivered two choruses of rhythm tapping to asking the musicians for slower tempo, and performing two tasty choruses of rhythm tap to slow swing tempo. “By me being a flash dancer, I found out that I could do the same steps, and it worked out beautifully. I went on from there creating, creating, creating.” When a show he was touring with arrived in San Francisco, Brown says he was no longer doing flash. “Everything was rhythm, down to earth rhythm.” Falling in love with San Francisco, Brown decided to stay. He formed the trio of Brown, Gibson and Reed (Carl “Busboy” Gibson and Jerry Reed); the group later split off into Brown and Reed, as the Mad Cats of Rhythm. He also pursued work as a soloist, preferring to experiment on his own as a rhythm tap improviser. He teamed up with drummer Dave Tough in an act in which they would play off and answer each other in a drums-and-tap dialogue. Through the 1940s he appeared with Billie Holiday and Joe Turner at the Savoy in Art Tatum’s show, and with Dizzy Gillespie, Cal Tjader, George Shearing and the Jimmie Lunceford band as he pursued a career as a soloist. In the 1970s, Brown was a featured artist in Jon Hendrick’s San Francisco production of Evolution of the Blues, which ran for five years at the Broadway Theatre. In the early 80s Babs Rifkin and Camden Richman were instrumental in bringing Brown out of “retirement” and getting him to tap again in San Francisco; and in 1982 helped his move from San Francisco to Los Angeles. Through the 1980s, Brown appeared in many tap festivals that began to be organized in San Francisco, Boston, Denver, Boulder, Houston, and New York. “Eddie Brown always opened our shows,” Brenda Bufalino recalls of the Colorado Tap Festivals. Dressed in his white tuxedo and white broad-brimmed hat, she says that Brown set the tone for the whole show quickly and emphatically: “He swung his short, four-chorus dances at a medium tempo, developing his rhythms by accenting and doubling up his heels. He set his tempos with crisp, syncopated time steps to which he returned after executing breaks with a flourish of very hip and complex patterns.” In 1987 Brown performed at the San Francisco Tap Festival with Steve Condos, Jane Goldberg, Nicholas Brothers, and Lynn Dally; and in 1989 at the Outrageous Rhythms Festival performance in Houston, Texas with Bufalino, Condos, Honi Coles, Gregory Hines and Savion Glover. From 1983-1992 Brown was a soloist and company member of Rhapsody In Taps (RIT), directed by Linda Sohl-Ellison, who says that more than a guest artist, Brown rehearsed with the company and was featured in company repertoire as well as performing in every annual Rhapsody in Taps’ Los Angeles season at the Japan America Theatre, UCLS’s Royce Hall, and Wadsworth Theatre. He especially loved working with drummer Tootie Heath, and the two of them had a great rapport on stage. Brown also taught for RIT’s National Tap Dance Day’s events and was the honored Tap Master for the company’s first National Tap Day Outdoor Potluck Picnic at Occidental College, an event that became an annual Los Angeles event due to public demand. Brown choreographed several works for the company, as well as solos for Sohl Ellison. He also taught a popular and successful Saturday tap class at the Embassy Theatre in downtown Los Angeles, and many private lessons to Los Angeles tap dancers and others who sought him out, such as Pam Thompson and Heather Cornell. He also frequently appeared as a Guest Artist with Lynn Dally’s Los Angeles-based Jazz Tap Ensemble, and for them he choreographed Doxy, to the tune Sonny Rollins, which became a signature work of the company, as well as the well-known Eddie Brown B.S. Chorus. “Eddie Brown was one of America’s great tap treasures and we promoted Eddie’s visibility in every way possible way,” says Sohl-Ellison. Brown likens his tap dancing to “scientific rhythm” because, he says, “You heard all this music/rhythm but couldn't see where it was coming from.” His style is rhythmically intricate with steps that are close to the floor with equally intricate and sophisticated jazz phrasings. “One of the distinctive qualities is the way he accents steps within a phrase, where he places the strong punctuation,” says Linda Sohl Ellison. And when Brown was asked how to go about achieving that, he answered, “Make every tap count; don’t miss any.” Constance Valis Hill
2007 - Leon Collins (February 7, 1922 - April 16, 1985), tap virtuoso who inspired a new blend of jazz and classical music, placing an innovative focus on melody rather than rhythm alone, and who believed that “Dancing is the poetry of the body as music is the poetry of the soul,” was born Leandre Kollins in Chicago, Illinois (2 February 1922), his father of West Indian descent. He learned to tap dance on the street corners and in pool halls, where young dancers gathered to copy and challenge each other, wanted to be a prizefighter, and played guitar with The Three Dukes, but in short time became a popular dancer in clubs around town. By the age of seventeen he left Chicago for Detroit, where he married up-and-coming blues singer Tina Dixon. The pair moved to New York City where Dixon, who was signed to perform with the Jimmie Lunceford Orchestra, opened the door for Collins’ big break when she recommended her husband perform with the orchestra after the opening act called in sick one night. Billed as “Gangs of Dancing,” Collins was offered a five-year contract with the Lunceford band and in the late 1930s also worked with the Count Basie orchestra in Chicago and New York, and with the bands of Erskine Hawkins, Earl “Father” Hines, Glen Gray and Tito Puente. Collins’ dancing in these early years included the usual steps that all hoofers had to know, such as wings, nerve taps, over-the-tops, and shuffle-flaps, as well as the requisite acrobatic splits and flips. But his style also embodied a clean, clear tapping with an emphasis on melodic line, which set him apart from other dancers. Where most hoofers would dance successive eight-bar rhythmic patterns broken up by moments of virtuosic flourishes or breaks, Collins did away with repetitive eight-bar/break patterns. His tapping instead flowed along with the melody, behaving more like a trumpet or a saxophone than a snare drum or tom-tom. “He wasn’t dancing like the other guys,” said his wife Tina. “He was different, dancing tap-for-tap, note-for-note.” This preference followed the style of Baby Laurence Jackson, who Collins always accorded much respect, and of the dancer Teddy Hale, a friend with whom Collins always traded steps. These dancers were all intimately involved with the new developments taking place in jazz during the late 1940s and early 1950s. Their fast and free-form improvising was well-suited to the bebop that was being created by Charlie Parker and Dizzy Gillespie, who Collins jammed informally with on numerous occasions, expressing in his feet what they played on their horns, and developing a melodic style of tapping that grew from his own musicality. “Tap is music,” said Collins. “We use our feet to get the same sound as an instrument.” He, along with Laurence and Hale, were among the pioneers of the high speed, packed tempos of bebop-style tap dancing. Dancing to such jazz standards as Dizzy Gillespie’s “Night in Tunesia,” Collins also interpreted Rimsky-Korsakov’s “Flight of the Bumblebee” and Bach’s “Prelude and Fugue in C Minor,” dancing with disarming ease and shimmering speed. Dressed immaculately in a white or black tuxedo and bow tie, his sounds were soft and delicate at first, gracefully embellishing the pianist’s rendition of Bach’s “Prelude.” But little by little, his movements grew more intense, his feet splashing the stage floor like summer rain pelting a roof, feet moving nimbly while the upper body remained still, as if allowing the feet to shoot the breeze with the piano. The cruelest irony of Collins’ career is that while he was developing jazz tap along the rhythmic and harmonic styles of the new bebop, opportunities for tap dancers were drying up across the country. While the emergence of bebop and the simultaneous decline of swing are cited as one reason for tap’s demise in the late forties and fifties, traditional dancers who were not inspired by bop’s intricate rhythms and unpredictable harmonic changes were duly reluctant to make innovations on their own style and move it forward with the new music. At any rate, as big bands died out, rock and roll became popular music, television became the country’s premier entertainment medium, and ballrooms no longer were the social meeting places, tap dancers had found less and less work. Collins managed as best he could during this cultural and musical transition. He formed partnerships with other dancers to increase his performing opportunities; he learned to play the guitar, and attended the Berklee School of Music in Boston. By the early 1960s, he was forced to give up dance entirely and for the next fourteen years, he worked as a polisher and reupholsterer of used cars. Gradually drifting away from show business circles entirely, he became an avid golfer and played cards with a small social group, the Salt and Pepper Club. In the mid-seventies, as the tap revival gained its impetus, Collins’ dance career began to defrost. In 1976, his performance with a number of other formerly retired dancers in a tap revival show at Boston’s New England Life Hall led to a new and unexpected line of work -- teaching for the revered tap instructor, Stanley Brown. For Collins, one night of teaching a week turned quickly into three or four, and when Brown died in 1978, Collins took over his studio, where his patience and kind, supportive demeanor became legendary. He was soon teaching for the Radcliffe Dance Program and the Harvard Summer Dance Center; and his own school, renamed the Leon Collins Dance Studio, in Brookline, MA, became home to dozens of students, young and old, who wanted to learn the art. Among them were such important tap artists as Dianne Walker, Pamela Raff, and C.B. Hetherington (later Clara Brosnaham Wirth) who became his protégés, and after his death, continued to manage his school. Collins’ studio also became a catalyst for his powers of invention. By the end of his career he had created nearly a dozen routines, extended a cappella dances that covered virtually the entire range of his own tap vocabulary. These routines, with names like Routine 1, “The Waltz,” and “Tapapella” are still taught at the studio by Pamela Raff; and further preserved in written form by pianist Joan Hill using a system of tap notation she devised. In his performances with Hill, Collins created a new blend of classical music and jazz that is unique in the history of tap dance. The “Bach Prelude and Fugue in C minor,” for example, comprised of jazz rhythms married to Baroque harmonies and counterpoint. Collin’s signature work was Rimsky-Korsakov’s “Flight of the Bumblebee” which segued into Cole Porter’s “Begin the Beguine.” Collins’s not only taught his students well but also launched their careers on the stage. As whenever he was asked to perform, he insisted they perform with him. Says Dianne Walker: “Leon gave me my foundation. He talked about being on time, he talked about money, he talked about clothes and about expression. He taught me everything that I know.” The air is free, and so is my tap,” said Collins, who approached his compositions with a clear and understandable phrasing of crisp straight eighth notes accented and syncopated by clapping sections, quick turns, and sharp angular movements, dutifully executing on the left and right sides to giving his performance a certain predictability and satisfying comprehensibility. “All I’m really trying to do is put a smile on your face.” Constance Valis Hill
2008 - Mable Lee, the sassy chanteuse and jazz dancer with the million-dollar legs who was regaled in the 1940s as “Queen of the Soundies,” was born in Atlanta, Georgia (August 2, 1921) to Rosella Moore and Alton Lee. She was a child prodigy who began performing at the age of four; and all through elementary, middle, and high school, was known for her singing and dancing talents. By the age of nine, she was performing with a big band in popular clubs around town; at the age twelve, she was performing in the first black-owned nightclub in Georgia, The Top Hat. She arrived in New York City with her mother on August 18, 1940 and auditioned at the Apollo Theatre -- singing, dancing with a chair in her mouth, doing flips and splits-- but because she did not have an agent, she could not be booked as a soloist. On the advice that she seek work as a chorus liner, she went to a mass “call” for an audition and was chosen out of 300 girls to dance in the chorus at Harlem’s West End Theatre (on 125th Street). The chorus at the West End was so good (they were choreographed by Charlie Davis and Leonard Reed) that Frank Schiffman would not let any of those women work at his Apollo Theatre. It was only after the show closed (in August of 1940) that dance director Leonard Harper brought her to the Apollo, where she joined the “Number One” chorus. She worked six shows a day, and sometimes around the clock, when having to rehearse with a new band. “I got my training and start in the chorus,” said Mable about her training in the “School of Doing” at the Apollo. When the Apollo “Number One” chorus dissolved in 1941, Mable was given a spot as a soubrette, singing and dancing as a soloist with a line of women behind her. She had realized her dream: “I came here to be, what my teachers from kindergarten and up always said, to be a star; I’ve been in show business all my life.” She was also in comedy skits, playing straight woman to such comics as Pigmeat Markham and Spider Bruce. After the Apollo, she worked at such Harlem’s nightclubs as Small’s, Ubangie Club, and Club Sudan. And then went to London for eighteen months, where she performed at the Palladium where she says, “I represented America in the nightclub scene, and represented Africa in the jungle scenes.” The London critics called her “the second Florence Mills.” During World War II, Mable performed in the first all-black USO unit; conducted by Eubie Blake and his sixteen-piece orchestra. With over 45 performers (including Butter Beans and Susie, Cook & Brown), doing five shows a day, the troupe played every army, navy, and marine camp. In the 1950s, Mabel would perform in the USO with her own show, with two comedians and an all-woman chorus and band. She often crossing paths with Leslie “Bubba” Gaines. “Bubba,” she says, “took USO shows all over the world-- he was another Bob Hope.” From 1940 to 1946, Mabel made
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American singer-songwriter and actor (born 1949)
This article is about the singer and actor. For the actor and acting teacher, see Thomas G. Waites.
Thomas Alan Waits (born December 7, 1949) is an American musician, composer, songwriter and actor. His lyrics often focus on society's underworld and are delivered in his trademark deep, gravelly voice. He began in the folk scene during the 1970s, but his music since the 1980s has reflected the influence of such diverse genres as rock, Delta blues, opera, vaudeville, cabaret, funk, hip hop and experimental techniques verging on industrial music.[1] Per The Wall Street Journal, Waits “has composed a body of work that’s at least comparable to any songwriter’s in pop today. A keen, sensitive and sympathetic chronicler of the adrift and downtrodden, Mr. Waits creates three-dimensional characters who, even in their confusion and despair, are capable of insight and startling points of view. Their stories are accompanied by music that’s unlike any other in pop history.”[2]
Tom Waits was born and raised in a middle-class family in Pomona, California. Inspired by the work of Bob Dylan and the Beat Generation, he began singing on the San Diego folk circuit. He relocated to Los Angeles in 1972, where he worked as a songwriter before signing a recording contract with Asylum Records. His first albums were the jazzy Closing Time (1973), The Heart of Saturday Night (1974) and Nighthawks at the Diner (1975), which reflected his lyrical interest in poverty, criminality and nightlife. He repeatedly toured the United States, Europe and Japan, and found greater critical and commercial success with Small Change (1976), Blue Valentine (1978) and Heartattack and Vine (1980). During this period, Waits entered the world of film, acting in Paradise Alley (1978), where he met a young story editor named Kathleen Brennan.[3] He composed the soundtrack for Francis Ford Coppola's One from the Heart (1982) and made cameos in several subsequent Coppola films.
In 1980, Waits married Brennan, split from his manager and record label, and moved to New York City. With Brennan's encouragement and frequent collaboration, he pursued a more eclectic and experimental sound influenced by Harry Partch and Captain Beefheart, as heard on the loose trilogy Swordfishtrombones (1983), Rain Dogs (1985) and Franks Wild Years (1987). Waits starred in Jim Jarmusch's Down by Law (1986), lent his voice to his Mystery Train (1989), composed the soundtrack for his Night on Earth (1991) and appeared in his Coffee and Cigarettes (2003). He collaborated with Robert Wilson and William S. Burroughs on the "cowboy opera" The Black Rider (1990), the songs for which were released on the album of the same name. Waits and Wilson collaborated again on Alice (2002) and Woyzeck (2000). Bone Machine (1992) and Mule Variations (1999) won Grammys for Best Alternative Music Album and Best Contemporary Folk Album, respectively. In 2002, the songs from Alice and Wozzeck were recorded and released on the albums Alice and Blood Money. Waits went on to release Real Gone (2004), the compilation Orphans: Brawlers, Bawlers & Bastards (2006), the live album Glitter and Doom Live (2009) and Bad as Me (2011).
Waits has influenced many artists and gained an international cult following. His songs have been covered by Bruce Springsteen, Tori Amos, Rod Stewart and the Ramones and he has written songs for Johnny Cash and Norah Jones, among others. In 2011, he was inducted into the Rock and Roll Hall of Fame. Introducing him, Neil Young said "This next man is indescribable, and I'm here to describe him. He's sort of a performer, singer, actor, magician, spirit guide, changeling... I think it's great that the Rock and Roll Hall of Fame has recognized this immense talent. Could have been the Motion Picture Hall of Fame, could have been the Blues Hall of Fame, could have been the Performance Artist Hall of Fame, but it was the Rock and Roll Hall of Fame that recognized the great Tom Waits." In accepting the award, Waits mused, "They say that I have no hits and that I'm difficult to work with. And they say that like it's a bad thing!"[4]
Biography
[edit]
Childhood and adolescence: 1949–1968
[edit]
Thomas Alan Waits was born on December 7, 1949, in Pomona, California. He has one older and one younger sister. His father, Jesse Frank Waits, was a Texas native of Scots-Irish descent, and his mother, Alma Fern (née Johnson), hailed from Oregon and had Norwegian ancestry.[9] Alma, a regular church-goer, managed the household. Jesse taught Spanish at a local school and was an alcoholic; Waits later related that his father was "a tough one, always an outsider." They lived at 318 North Pickering Avenue in Whittier, California. He recalled having a "very middle-class" upbringing and "a pretty normal childhood". He attended Jordan Elementary School, where he was bullied. There, he learned to play the bugle and guitar. His father taught him to play the ukulele.
During the summers, he visited maternal relatives in Gridley and Marysville. He later recalled that it was an uncle's raspy, gravelly timbre that inspired his own singing voice. In 1959, his parents separated and his father moved away from the family home, a traumatic experience for the 10-year-old Waits. Alma took her children and relocated to Chula Vista, a middle-class suburb of San Diego. Jesse visited the family there, taking his children on trips to Tijuana. In nearby Southeast San Diego, Waits attended O'Farrell Community School, where he fronted a school band, the Systems, later describing the group as "white kids trying to get that Motown sound." He developed a love of R&B and soul singers like Ray Charles and Wilson Pickett, as well as country music and Roy Orbison. Bob Dylan later became an inspiration; Waits placed transcriptions of Dylan's lyrics on his bedroom walls.
Waits recalls, "I was fifteen and I snuck into see Lightnin' Hopkins. Amazing show. Every time he opened his mouth he had that orchestra of gold teeth, and I was devastated ... He walked through a door, and slammed the door behind him, and on the door it said, I swear to God, 'KEEP OUT. This room is for entertainers ONLY.' And I knew, at that moment, that I had to get into show business as soon as possible."[4] He recalls "I first saw James Brown in 1962 at an outdoor theatre in San Diego and it was indescribable ... it was like putting a finger in a light socket ... It was really like seeing mass at St. Patrick's Cathedral on Christmas."[19] By the time he was studying at Hilltop High School, he later related, he was "kind of an amateur juvenile delinquent," interested in "malicious mischief" and breaking the law. He later described himself as a "rebel against the rebels", eschewing the hippie subculture which was growing in popularity for the 1950s Beat generation, especially Beat writers like Jack Kerouac, Allen Ginsberg and William S. Burroughs. In 1968, at age 18, he dropped out of high school. He was an avid watcher of Alfred Hitchcock Presents and The Twilight Zone. Another influence was the comedian Lenny Bruce.
Waits worked at Napoleone's pizza restaurant in National City, California, and both there and at a local diner developed an interest in the lives of the patrons, writing down phrases and snippets of dialogue he overheard. He worked in the forestry service as a fireman for three years and served with the Coast Guard.[27] He enrolled at Chula Vista's Southwestern Community College to study photography, for a time considering a career in the field. He continued pursuing his musical interests, taking piano lessons. He began frequenting venues around San Diego, being drawn into the city's folk scene.
Early musical career: 1969–1976
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In 1969 he gained employment as an occasional doorman for the Heritage coffeehouse, which held regular performances from folk musicians.[30] He also began to sing at the Heritage; his set initially consisted largely of covers of Dylan and Red Sovine's "Phantom 309". In time, he performed his own material as well, often parodies of country songs or bittersweet ballads influenced by his relationships; these included early songs "Ol' 55" and "I Hope That I Don't Fall in Love With You". As his reputation grew, he played at other San Diego venues, supporting acts like Tim Buckley, Sonny Terry, Brownie McGhee and his friend Jack Tempchin. Aware that San Diego offered little opportunity for career progression, Waits began traveling into Los Angeles to play at the Troubadour. In the autumn of 1971, at the Troubadour in West Hollywood, Waits came to the attention of Herb Cohen, who signed him to a publishing contract and a recording contract. The recordings that were produced under that recording agreement were eventually released in the early 1990s as The Early Years and The Early Years, Volume Two. Quitting his job at Napoleone's to concentrate on his songwriting career, in early 1972 Waits moved to an apartment in Silver Lake, Los Angeles, a poor neighborhood known for its Hispanic and bohemian communities. He continued performing at the Troubadour and there met David Geffen, who gave Waits a recording contract with his Asylum Records. Jerry Yester was chosen to produce his first album, with the recording sessions taking place in Hollywood's Sunset Sound studios. The resulting album, Closing Time, was released in March 1973, although it attracted little attention and did not sell well. Biographer Barney Hoskyns noted that Closing Time was "broadly in step with the singer-songwriter school of the early 1970s"; Waits had wanted to create a piano-led jazz album although Yester had pushed its sound in a more folk-oriented direction. Buckley covered "Martha" on his album Sefronia later that year. An Eagles recording of "Ol' 55" on their album On the Border brought Waits further money and recognition, although he regarded their version as "a little antiseptic".
To promote his debut, Waits and a three-piece band embarked on a U.S. tour, largely on the East Coast, where he was the supporting act for more established artists. He supported Tom Rush at Washington D.C.'s The Cellar Door, Danny O'Keefe at Club Passim in Massachusetts, Charlie Rich at New York City's Max's Kansas City, Martha Reeves and the Vandellas in East Lansing, Michigan, and John P. Hammond in San Francisco. Waits returned to Los Angeles in June, feeling demoralized about his career. That month, he was the cover star of free music magazine Music World. He began composing songs for his second album, and attended the Venice Poetry Workshop to try out this new material in front of an audience. Although Waits was eager to record this new material, Cohen instead convinced him to take over as a support act for Frank Zappa's the Mothers of Invention after previous support act Kathy Dalton pulled out due to the hostility from Zappa's fans. Waits joined Zappa's tour in Ontario, but like Dalton found the audiences hostile; while on stage he was jeered at and pelted with fruit. Although he liked the Mothers of Invention, he was intimidated by Zappa himself.
Waits moved from Silver Lake to Echo Park, spending much of his time in downtown Los Angeles. In early 1974, he continued to perform around the West Coast, getting as far as Denver. For Waits's second album, Geffen wanted a more jazz-oriented producer, selecting Bones Howe for the job. Howe recounts his first encounter with the young artist: "I told him I thought his music and lyrics had a Kerouac quality to them, and he was blown away that I knew who Jack Kerouac was. I told him I also played jazz drums and he went wild. Then I told him that when I was working for Norman Granz, Norman had found these tapes of Kerouac reading his poetry from The Beat Generation in a hotel room. I told Waits I'd make him a copy. That sealed it."[53] Recording sessions for The Heart of Saturday Night took place at Wally Heider's Studio 3 on Cahuenga Boulevard in Hollywood in April and May, with Waits conceptualizing the album as a sequence of songs about U.S. nightlife. The album was far more widely reviewed than Closing Time had been. Waits himself was later dismissive of the album, describing it as "very ill-formed, but I was trying".
After recording The Heart of Saturday Night, Waits reluctantly agreed to tour with Zappa again, but once more faced strong audience hostility. The kudos of having supported Zappa's tour nevertheless bolstered his image in the music industry and helped his career. In October 1974, he first performed as the headline act before touring the East Coast; in New York City he met and befriended Bette Midler, with whom he had a sporadic affair. Back in Los Angeles, Cohen suggested Waits produce a live album. To this end, he performed two shows at the Record Plant Studio in front of a small invited audience to recreate the atmosphere of a jazz club.[61] Again produced and engineered by Howe (as all his future Asylum releases would be), it was released as Nighthawks at the Diner in October 1975. The album cover and title were inspired by Edward Hopper's Nighthawks (1942).
He followed this with a week's residency at the Reno Sweeney nightclub, an off-Broadway–style club in New York City. In December he appeared on the PBS concert show Soundstage. From March to May 1976, he toured the U.S., telling interviewers that the experience was tough and that he was drinking too much alcohol. In May, he embarked on his first tour of Europe, performing in London, Amsterdam, Brussels and Copenhagen. On his return to Los Angeles, he joined his friend Chuck E. Weiss, moving into the Tropicana motel in West Hollywood, which had an established reputation in rock music circles. Visitors noted his two-room apartment there was heavily cluttered. Waits told the Los Angeles Times that "You almost have to create situations in order to write about them, so I live in a constant state of self-imposed poverty".
Small Change and Foreign Affairs: 1976–1978
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In July 1976, Waits recorded Small Change, again produced by Howe. He recalled it as a seminal episode in his development as a songwriter, the point when he became "completely confident in the craft". The album was critically well received and was his first release to break into the Billboard Top 100 Album List, peaking at 89. Per Bowman, Small Change "made it clear that Waits had evolved into a master storyteller, reflecting the influence of crime-noir writers such as Dashiell Hammett and John D. MacDonald. Arguably his first masterpiece, the album featured exquisite piano ballads such as 'Tom Traubert's Blues' and ‘The Piano Has Been Drinking (Not Me),’ the word-jazz of ‘Pasties and a G-String,’ and the tour-de-force tenor-sax-accompanied hucksterism of ‘Step Right Up.’” He received growing press attention, being profiled in Newsweek, Time, Vogue and The New Yorker; he had begun to accrue a cult following. He went on tour to promote the new album, backed by the Nocturnal Emissions (Frank Vicari, Chip White and Fitz Jenkins). In reference to "Pasties and a G-String", a female stripper joined him onstage. He began 1977 by touring Japan for the first time.
Back in Los Angeles, he encountered various problems. One female fan, recently escaped from a mental health institution in Illinois, began stalking him and lurking outside his Tropicana apartment. In May 1977, Waits and close friend Chuck E. Weiss were arrested for fighting with police officers in a coffee shop. They were charged with two counts of disturbing the peace but were acquitted after the defense produced eight witnesses who refuted the police officers' account of the incident. In response, Waits sued the Los Angeles Police Department and five years later was awarded $7,500 in damages.
In July and August 1977, he recorded his fourth studio album, Foreign Affairs; Bob Alcivar had been employed as its arranger. The album included "I Never Talk to Strangers", a duet with Midler, with whom he was still in an intermittent relationship. She appeared with him at the Troubadour to sing the song; the next day he repaid the favor by performing at a gay rights benefit at the Hollywood Bowl that Midler was involved with. Foreign Affairs was not as well received by critics as its predecessor, and unlike Small Change failed to make the Billboard Top 100 album chart. That year, he began a relationship with the singer-songwriter Rickie Lee Jones; their work and styles influenced each other. In October 1977, he returned to touring with the Nocturnal Emissions; it was on this tour that he first began using props onstage, in this case a street lamp. Again, he found the tour exhausting. In March 1978, he embarked on his second tour of Japan.
During these years, Waits sought to broaden his career beyond music. He befriended actor and director Sylvester Stallone and made his film debut as a drunken piano player in Stallone's Paradise Alley (1978). With Paul Hampton, Waits also began writing a movie musical, although this project never came to fruition. Another project he began at this time was a book about entertainers of the past whom he admired.
Blue Valentine and Heartattack and Vine: 1978–1980
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In July 1978, Waits began the recording sessions for Blue Valentine. Part way through the sessions, he replaced his musicians to create a less jazz-oriented sound; for the album, he switched from a piano to an electric guitar as his main instrument. For the album's back cover, Waits used a picture of himself and Jones leaning against his car, a 1964 Ford Thunderbird, taken by Elliot Gilbert. Per Bowman, "Waits gradually began writing about junkies and prostitutes instead of skid-row drunks. In songs such as 'Christmas Card From a Hooker in Minneapolis’ and ‘Red Shoes by the Drugstore,’ his writing became ever more vivid, compact, and complex." From the album, Waits's first single, a cover of "Somewhere" from West Side Story, was released, but it failed to chart. For his Blue Valentine tour, Waits assembled a new band; he also had a gas station built as a set for his performances. His support act on the tour was Leon Redbone. In April, he embarked on a European tour, there making television appearances and press interviews; in Austria he was the subject of a short documentary. From there, he flew to Australia for his first tour of that country before returning to Los Angeles in May.
Waits was dissatisfied with Elektra-Asylum, who he felt had lost interest in him as an artist in favor of their more commercially successful acts like the Eagles, Linda Ronstadt, Carly Simon and Queen. Jones's musical career was taking off; after an appearance on Saturday Night Live, her single "Chuck E.'s In Love" reached number 4 in the singles chart, straining her relationship with Waits. Their relationship was further damaged by Jones's heroin addiction. Waits joined Jones for the first leg of her European tour, but then ended his relationship with her. Her grief at the breakup was channeled into the 1981 album Pirates. In September, Waits moved to Crenshaw Boulevard to be closer to his father, before deciding to relocate to New York City. He initially lived in the Chelsea Hotel before renting an apartment on West 26th Street. On arriving in the city, he told a reporter that he "just needed a new urban landscape. I've always wanted to live here. It's a good working atmosphere for me". He considered writing a Broadway musical based on Thornton Wilder's Our Town. A rotoscoped Waits performed "The One That Got Away" in the music video Tom Waits For No One (1979).
Francis Ford Coppola asked Waits to return to Los Angeles to write a soundtrack for his forthcoming film, One from the Heart. Waits was excited, but conflicted, by the prospect; Coppola wanted him to create music akin to his early work, a genre that he was trying to leave behind, and thus he characterized the project as an artistic "step backwards". He nevertheless returned to Los Angeles to work on the soundtrack in a room set aside for the purpose in Coppola's Hollywood studios. This style of working was new to Waits; he later recalled that he was "so insecure when I started ... I was sweating buckets". Waits was nominated for the 1982 Academy Award for Original Music Score.
Waits still contractually owed Elektra-Asylum another album, so took a break from Coppola's project to write an album that he initially called White Spades. He recorded the album in June; it was released in September as Heartattack and Vine. The album was more guitar-based and had, according to Humphries, "a harder R&B edge" than any of its predecessors. It again broke into the Top 100 Album Chart, peaking at number 96. Reviews were generally good. Hoskyns called it "one of Waits's pinnacle achievements" as an album. One of its tracks, "Jersey Girl", was subsequently recorded by Bruce Springsteen. Waits was grateful, both for the revenue that the cover brought him and because he felt appreciated by a songwriter he admired. While on the set of One from the Heart, Waits encountered Kathleen Brennan, a young Irish-American woman working as an assistant story editor. The two had previously met while Waits was filming Paradise Alley.[121] Waits would later describe this encounter with Brennan as "love at first sight"; they were engaged to be married within a week. In August 1980, they married at a 24-hour wedding chapel on Manchester Boulevard in Watts before honeymooning in Tralee, a town in County Kerry, Ireland, where Brennan had family.
Swordfishtrombones and New York City: 1980–1984
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A whip and a chair. The Bible. The Book of Revelations. She grew up Catholic, you know, blood and liquor and guilt. She pulverizes me so that I don't just write the same song over and over again. Which is what a lot of people do, including myself.
— Waits on what his wife brought to his creative process
Returning to Los Angeles, Waits and Brennan moved into a Union Avenue apartment. Hoskyns noted that with Brennan, "Waits had found the stabilizing, nurturing companion he'd always wanted", and that she brought him "a sense of emotional security he had never known" before. At the same time, many of his old friends felt cut off after his marriage. Waits said of Brennan, "She rescued me. Maybe I rescued her too; that's often how it works. Upshot is that we both got into the same leaky boat. Maybe the weight drags it down, because now you've two people sitting in it. Sorry, baby! But on the other hand you've also got two peoples' imagination to patch it up again. Everybody knows she's the brains behind Pa, as Dylan might have said. I'm just the figurehead. She's the one who's steering the ship."[128]
Recording of Waits's One from the Heart soundtrack began in October 1980 and continued until September 1981. A number of the tracks were recorded as duets with Crystal Gayle; Waits had initially planned to duet with Midler but she proved unavailable. The film was released in 1982, to largely poor reviews. Waits makes a small cameo as a trumpet player in a crowd scene. Waits's soundtrack album was released by Columbia Records in 1982. Waits had misgivings about the album, thinking it over-produced. Humphries thought that working with Coppola was an important move in Waits's career: it "led directly to Waits moving from cult (i.e. largely unknown) artiste to center-stage."
Newly married and with his Elektra-Asylum contract completed, Waits decided that it was time to artistically reinvent himself. He wanted to move away from using Howe as his producer, although the two parted on good terms. With Brennan's help, he began the process of firing Cohen as his manager, with he and Brennan taking on managerial responsibilities themselves. He came to believe that Cohen had been swindling him out of much of his earnings, later relating that "I thought I was a millionaire and it turned out I had, like, twenty bucks." Waits credited Brennan with introducing him to much new music, most notably Captain Beefheart, a key influence on the direction in which he wanted to take his music. He later said that "once you've heard Beefheart it's hard to wash him out of your clothes. It stains, like coffee or blood." She also introduced him to Harry Partch, a composer who created his own instruments out of everyday materials. Waits began to use images rather than moods or characters as the basis for his songs.
Waits wrote the songs for Swordfishtrombones during a two-week trip to Ireland. He recorded it at Sunset Sound studios and produced it himself; Brennan often attended the sessions and gave him advice. Swordfishtrombones abandoned the jazz sound characteristic of his earlier work; it was his first album not to feature a saxophone and his first to feature the marimba. When the album was finished, he took it to Asylum, but they declined to release it. Waits wanted to leave the label; in his view, "They liked dropping my name in terms of me being a 'prestige' artist, but when it came down to it they didn't invest a whole lot in me in terms of faith". Chris Blackwell of Island Records learned of Waits's dissatisfaction and approached him, offering to release Swordfishtrombones; Island had a reputation for signing more experimental acts, such as King Crimson, Roxy Music and Sparks. Waits did not tour to promote the album, partly because Brennan was pregnant. Although unenthusiastic about the new trend for music videos, he appeared in one for the song "In the Neighborhood", co-directed by Haskell Wexler and Michael A. Russ. Russ also designed the Swordfishtrombones album cover, featuring an image of Waits with Lee Kolima, a circus strongman, and Angelo Rossitto, a dwarf.
Jon Parles of GQ wrote that "On Swordfishtrombones, Waits has made a breakthrough – he’s found music as evocative as his words. Waits’s grumble of a voice now bounces off a peculiar assortment of horns and percussion and organ and keyboards, as if he’d led a Salvation Army band into a broken-down Hong Kong disco. It’s as if he’s shifted from monologues to screenplays.”[154] According to David Smay, Swordfishtrombones was "the record where Tom Waits radically reinvented himself and reshaped the musical landscape." The album was critically well received; NME named it the second best album of the year.[156] In 1989, Spin named it the second greatest album of all time.[157]
In 1983, Waits appeared in three more Coppola films: as Benny, a philosopher running a billboard store in Rumble Fish; as Buck Merrill in The Outsiders; and as the maître'd in The Cotton Club. He later said that "Coppola is actually the only film director in Hollywood that has a conscience ... most of them are egomaniacs and money-grabbing bastards". In September, Brennan gave birth to their daughter, Kellesimone. Waits was determined to keep his family life separate from his public image and to spend as much time as possible with his daughter. With Brennan and their child, Waits moved to New York City to be closer to Brennan's parents and Island's U.S. office. They settled into a loft apartment near Union Square.
Waits found New York City life frustrating, although it allowed him to meet many new musicians and artists. He befriended John Lurie of The Lounge Lizards, and the duo began sharing a music studio in the Westbeth artist-community building in Greenwich Village. He began networking in the city's arts scene, and, at a party Jean-Michel Basquiat held for Lurie, he met the filmmaker Jim Jarmusch.
Rain Dogs and Franks Wild Years: 1985–1988
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Starting in the mid-80s, Kurt Weill became an important influence on Waits's work. Bowman writes that "Waits had become interested in Weill’s late-1920s and 1930s musical-theater works... Weill’s slightly off-kilter, stylized cabaret approach to melody, rhythm, orchestration, and musical narrative permeated much of Waits’s subsequent work.” Waits did the soundtrack for the documentary Streetwise, about homeless youth in Seattle;[164] it was another influence on the subjects of his next album. Rain Dogs was recorded at the RCA Studios in mid 1985. Musically, Waits called the album "kind of an interaction between Appalachia and Nigeria". Keith Richards played on several tracks; Richards later acknowledged Waits's encouragement of his debut solo album, Talk is Cheap. Rain Dogs also marked Marc Ribot's debut as a session guitarist; he would play on many subsequent Waits albums.[169] Jean-Baptiste Mondino directed a music video of "Downtown Train" featuring boxer Jake LaMotta. The song was subsequently covered by Patty Smyth in 1987, and later by Rod Stewart, where it reached the top five in 1990. In 1985, Rolling Stone named Waits its "Songwriter of the Year". Arion Berger wrote that "With Rain Dogs, he dropped his bedraggled lounge-piano act and fused outsider influences -- socialist decadence by way of Kurt Weill, pre-rock integrity from old dirty blues, the elegiac melancholy of New Orleans funeral brass -- into a singularly idiosyncratic American style...The music is bony and menacingly beautiful, the desultory electric-guitar solo as cold as the rattle of marimbas in 'Clap Hands.' The evocative, elliptical rhymes describe scenes and characters with poetic precision but use atmosphere, not narrative, to connect them."[172] NME named Rain Dogs the best album of the year.[173]
In September 1985, his son Casey was born. Waits assembled a band and went on tour, kicking it off in Scotland in October before proceeding around Europe and then the U.S. He changed the setlist for each performance; most of the songs chosen were from his two Island albums. Returning to the U.S., he traveled to New Orleans to act in Jarmusch's Down by Law. Jarmusch wrote Down by Law with Waits and Lurie in mind. The film opened and closed with songs from Rain Dogs. Jarmusch noted that "Tom and I have a kindred aesthetic. An interest in unambitious people, marginal people." The pair developed a friendship; Waits called Jarmusch "Dr. Sullen", while Jarmusch called Waits "The Prince of Melancholy".
Waits had devised a musical, Franks Wild Years, loosely based on "Frank's Wild Years" from Swordfishtrombones. In late 1985, he reached an agreement that the play would be performed by the Steppenwolf Theatre Company in Chicago's Briar Street Theatre Waits starred as Frank, who he described as
Quite a guy. Grew up in a bird's eye frozen, oven-ready, rural American town where Bing, Bob, Dean, Wayne & Jerry are considered major constellations. Frank, mistakenly, thinks he can stuff himself into their shorts and present himself to an adoring world. He is a combination of Will Rogers and Mark Twain, playing accordion -- but without the wisdom they possessed. He has a poet's heart and a boy's sense of wonder with the world. A legend in Rainville since he burned his house down and took off for the Big Time.[182]
Reviews were generally positive. He had initially considered a run in New York City but decided against it. The songs from the show were recorded for his ninth studio album, Franks Wild Years, and released by Island in 1987. NME ranked Franks Wild Years fifth on its list of albums of the year.[185] The album was Waits's first collaboration with David Hidalgo, who played accordion on "Cold, Cold Ground" and "Train Song". After its release, Waits toured North America and Europe, his last full tour for two decades. Two of these performances were the basis for Chris Blum's concert film Big Time (1988).
Waits continued interacting and working with other artists he admired. He was a great fan of The Pogues and went on a Chicago pub crawl with them in 1986. The following year, he appeared as a master of ceremonies on several dates of Elvis Costello's "Wheel of Fortune" tour.
At rehearsals, Tom Waits looked like any moment he might break at the waist or his head fall off his shoulders on to the floor. I once saw a small-town idiot walking across the park, totally drunk, but he was holding an ice-cream, staggering, but also concentrating on not allowing the ice-cream to fall. I felt there was something similar to Tom.
— Jack Nicholson, Waits's co-star in Ironweed
In 1986, he took a small part in Candy Mountain, as millionaire golf enthusiast Al Silk. He costarred in Hector Babenco's Ironweed, as Rudy the Kraut. Hoskyns noted that Ironweed put Waits "on the mainstream Hollywood map as a character actor". In Fall 1987, Waits and his family left New York and returned to Los Angeles, settling on Union Avenue. He appeared as a hitman in Robert Dornhelm's Cold Feet and lent his voice to Jarmusch's Mystery Train.
Although Waits had provided a voice-over for a 1981 television advert for Butcher's Blend dog food, he objected to musicians letting companies use their songs in advertising; he said that "artists who take money for ads poison and pervert their songs". In November 1988, he brought a lawsuit against Frito-Lay for using an impersonator performing "Step Right Up" in an advertisement for Doritos; it came to court in April 1990, and Waits won the case in 1992. He received a $2.6 million settlement, a sum larger than his earnings from all of his previous albums combined. This earned him and Brennan reputations as tireless adversaries.
The Black Rider, Bone Machine, and Alice: 1989–1998
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In 1989, Waits began planning a collaboration with Robert Wilson, a theater director he had known throughout the 1980s. Their project was the "cowboy opera" The Black Rider. It was based on a German folk tale, the Freischütz, which had inspired Carl Maria von Weber's opera Der Freischütz (1821). In 2004, Waits related that "Wilson is my teacher. There's nobody that's affected me that much as an artist". Waits wrote the music and, at the suggestion of Allen Ginsberg, Waits and Wilson approached William S. Burroughs to pen the lyrics. They flew to Kansas to meet with Burroughs, who agreed to join the project. Waits traveled to Hamburg in May 1989 to work on the project, and was later joined there by Burroughs. The Black Rider debuted in Hamburg's Thalia Theater in March 1990. On completing its run at the Thalia, the play went on an international tour, with a second run of performances occurring in the mid-2000s.
In June 1989, Waits travelled to London to play a Punch and Judy puppeteer in Ann Guedes's film Bearskin: An Urban Fairytale. He proceeded to Ireland, where he was joined by Brennan and spent time with her family. In December 1989, he began a stint as Curly, a mobster's son, at the Los Angeles Theater Center production of Thomas Babe's play Demon Wine. Over the next four years, he made seven film appearances. He nevertheless repeatedly told press that he did not see himself as an actor, but only as someone who did some acting. He made a brief appearance as a plainclothes cop in The Two Jakes (1990) and played a disabled war veteran in Terry Gilliam's The Fisher King (1991). He had a cameo in Steve Rash's Queens Logic (1991) and played a pilot-for-hire in Héctor Babenco's At Play in the Fields of the Lord (1991).[213] He appeared as himself fishing with John Lurie on Fishing with John. He was Renfield in Coppola's Bram Stoker's Dracula (1992). Waits starred as Earl Piggot, an alcoholic limousine driver, in Robert Altman's Short Cuts (1993). Hoskyns said that this "may be the best performance Waits ever gave as an actor."
In 1991, Waits and his family moved to the outskirts of Sonoma.[213] Waits's family later relocated to a secluded house near Valley Ford after a bypass road was built near to their first Sonoma County house. Also in 1991, 13 of Waits's 1971 pre-Asylum Records recordings were released for the first time on the first volume of Tom Waits: The Early Years. Waits was angered at this, describing many of his early demos as "baby pictures" that he would not want released. A second volume with 13 more recordings from 1971 was released in 1993. In April 1992, Waits released the soundtrack album to Jarmusch's Night on Earth. Largely instrumental, it had been recorded at the Prairie Sun studio in Cotati. In 1992, Waits quit drinking alcohol and joined Alcoholics Anonymous.[221] In the early 1990s he took part in several charitable causes. In 1990 he contributed a song to the HIV/AIDS benefit album Red Hot + Blue and later appeared at a Wiltern Theater fundraising show for the victims of the 1992 Los Angeles riots.
In August 1992, Waits released his tenth studio album, Bone Machine. Waits wanted to explore "more machinery sounds" with the album, reflecting his interest in industrial music. It was recorded in an old storage room at Prairie Sun. Waits recalled: "I found a great room to work in, it's just a cement floor and a hot water heater. Okay, we'll do it here. It's got some good echo."[224] Eight of the album's tracks were co-written with Brennan. The cover was co-designed by Waits and Jesse Dylan. Jarmusch and Dylan directed videos for "I Don't Wanna Grow Up", and "Goin' Out West", respectively. Critic Steve Huey called it "perhaps Tom Waits's most cohesive album ... a morbid, sinister nightmare, one that applied the quirks of his experimental '80s classics to stunningly evocative—and often harrowing—effect ... Waits's most affecting and powerful recording, even if it isn't his most accessible."[227] The album's closing track, "That Feel", was co-written with Keith Richards. Bone Machine won the Grammy for Best Alternative Music Album; in response, Waits asked Jarmusch: "alternative to what?!"
Waits decided to record an album of the songs written for The Black Rider, and did so at Los Angeles's Sunset Sound Factory. The Black Rider was released in the fall of 1993. Waits and Wilson decided to collaborate again, this time on an operatic treatment of Lewis Carroll's relationship with Alice Liddell, who had provided the inspiration for Alice in Wonderland and Through the Looking Glass. Again scheduled to premier at the Thalia, they began working on the project in Hamburg in early 1992. Waits characterized the songs he wrote for the play as "adult songs for children, or children's songs for adults". In his lyrics, Waits drew on his increasing interest in freak shows and the physically deformed. He thought the play itself was about "repression, mental illness and obsessive, compulsive disorders". Alice premiered at the Thalia in December 1992.
In early 1993, Brennan was pregnant with Waits's third child, Sullivan. He decided to reduce his workload so as to spend more time with his children; this isolation spawned rumours that he was seriously ill or had separated from his wife. For three years, he turned down all offers to perform gigs or appear in movies. However, he made several cameos and guest appearances on albums by musicians he admired. In February 1996, he held a benefit performance to raise funds for the legal defense of his friend Don Hyde, who had been charged with distributing LSD. He wrote "Walk Away" and "The Fall of Troy" for the soundtrack of Dead Man Walking (1995) and "Little Drop of Poison" for The End of Violence (1997). In 1998, Island released Beautiful Maladies, a compilation of 23 Waits tracks from his albums with the company, selected by Waits himself.
Mule Variations and Woyzeck: 1999–2003
[edit]
After his contract with Island expired, Waits decided not to try to renew it, particularly as Blackwell had resigned from the company. He signed to a smaller record label, Anti-, recently launched as an offshoot of the punk-label Epitaph Records. He described the company as "a friendly place". The president of Anti-, Andy Kaulkin, said the label was "blown away that Tom would even consider us. We are huge fans."[246] Waits himself praised the label: "Epitaph is a label run by and for artists and musicians, where it feels much more like a partnership than a plantation ... We shook on the deal over a coffee in a truck stop. I know it's going to be an adventure."
In March 1999, Anti- released his album Mule Variations. Waits had been recording the tracks at Prairie Sun since June 1998. The tracks often dealt with themes involving rural life in the United States and were influenced by the early blues recordings made by Alan Lomax; Waits coined the term "surrural" ("surreal" and "rural") to describe the album's content. Mule Variations reached number 30 on the U.S. Billboard 200, the highest showing of a Waits album. The album was well received, being named "Album of the Year" by Mojo. It won the Grammy Award for Best Contemporary Folk Album. On the categorization of the album as folk music, Waits said: "That's not a bad thing to be called if you've got to be in some kind of category."
Also in March 1999, Waits gave his first live show in three years at Paramount Theater, Austin, Texas as part of the South by Southwest festival. He subsequently appeared in an episode of VH1 Storytellers. In the later part of the year he embarked on the Mule Variations tour, primarily in the U.S. but also featuring dates in Berlin. In October, he performed at Neil Young's annual Bridge School benefit concert. That year, he appeared in Kinka Usher's comic book spoof Mystery Men as Dr A. Heller, an eccentric inventor living in an abandoned amusement park.
In 2000, Waits began writing songs for Wilson's adaptation of Georg Büchner's Woyzeck, which had earlier inspired Alban Berg's opera Wozzeck (1925). It was scheduled to start at the Betty Nansen Theater in Copenhagen in November 2000. He initially worked on the songs at home before traveling to Copenhagen for rehearsals in October. Waits stated that he liked the play because it was "a proletariat story ... about a poor soldier who is manipulated by the government". He decided to then record the songs he had written for both Alice and Woyzeck, placing them on separate albums. For these recordings, he brought in a range of jazz and avant-garde musicians from San Francisco. The two albums, Alice and Blood Money, were released simultaneously in May 2002. Alice entered the U.S. album chart at number 32 and Blood Money at number 33, his highest charting positions at that time. Waits described Alice as being "more metaphysical or something, maybe more water, more feminine", while Blood Money was "more earthbound, more carnival, more the slaving meat-wheel that we're all on". Of the two, Alice was better received by critics. Jesse Dylan directed a video for "God's Away On Business", but shooting was delayed when the emus who were set to star were eaten by coyotes. Per NME, "Replacements were hastily found and the video for ‘God’s Away On Business’, the single lifted from ‘Blood Money’, one of Waits’ two new albums, went ahead a little late."[264]
In May 2001, Waits accepted a Founders Award at the 18th annual American Society of Composers, Authors and Publishers (ASCAP) Pop Music Awards in a ceremony at Los Angeles's Beverly Hilton Hotel. That same month, he joined singers Nancy and Ann Wilson of Heart, as well as Randy Newman, in launching a $40 million lawsuit against mp3.com for copyright infringement. In September 2002, he appeared at a hearing on accounting practices within the music industry in California. There, he expressed satisfaction with Anti- but declared more broadly that "the record companies are like cartels. It's a nightmare to be trapped in one."
In September 2003, Waits performed at the Healing the Divide fundraiser in New York City. He appeared in Jarmusch's Coffee and Cigarettes (2003), having a conversation with Iggy Pop.
Real Gone and Orphans: 2004–2011
[edit]
In 2004, Waits released his fifteenth studio album, Real Gone. Waits had recorded it in an abandoned schoolhouse in Locke. Hoskyns called the album Waits's "roughest, most unkempt music to date". It incorporated Waits beatboxing, a technique he had picked up from his growing interest in hip hop. Humphries characterized it as "the most overtly political album of Waits's career". It featured three political songs expressing Waits's anger at the presidency of George W. Bush and the Iraq War. He said that "I'm not a politician. I keep my mouth shut because I don't want to put my foot in it. But at a certain point, saying absolutely nothing is a political statement of its own." Real Gone received largely positive reviews. It made the Billboard Top 30 as well as the Top 10 in several European album charts, also earning him a nomination for Best International Male Solo Artist at the 2005 Brit Awards. In October 2004, he launched a tour in Vancouver before heading to Europe, where his shows were sell-outs: his only London gig saw 78,000 applications for around 3,700 available tickets. Per Bowman, "Much of Real Gone was built around oral-percussion home recordings that Waits made in his bathroom, using his mouth as a human beat-box. A superb example is the bed track underpinning the hellacious groove of ‘Metropolitan Glide’ that Waits aptly described as ‘cubist funk.’ In stark contrast, the album’s closing track, 'Day After Tomorrow,' returned Waits to his singer-songwriter roots, and features a beautiful melody that sounds eerily similar to Dylan’s early acoustic work."
After several years without film appearances, he played a gun-toting Seventh-day Adventist in Tony Scott's Domino (2005). Later that year, he traveled to Italy to appear in Benigni's The Tiger and the Snow. He followed this with a performance as an angel posing as a tramp in Wristcutters: A Love Story (2007). In the summer of 2006, Waits embarked on his "Orphans" tour of southern and Midwest states. His son Casey played in the band accompanying him on tour. In 2006, he issued Orphans: Brawlers, Bawlers & Bastards, a 54-song three-disc box set of rarities, unreleased tracks and new compositions; Waits described its contents as "songs that fell behind the stove while making dinner." The first disc, Brawlers, consists of raucous rock and blues-based numbers; the second, Bawlers, of melancholic country songs and ballads; the third, Bastards, of stories, spoken word pieces and other works not so easily categorized. Orphans made the top ten in several European charts. In 2006, Waits was a guest on The Daily Show with Jon Stewart, where he played "Day After Tomorrow".[284]
In January 2008, Waits performed at a benefit for Bet Tzedek Legal Services—The House of Justice, a nonprofit poverty law center, in Los Angeles.[285] That year, Waits embarked on his Glitter and Doom Tour, starting in the U.S. and moving to Europe. Both of his sons played with him on the tour. At the June concert in El Paso, Texas, Waits was presented with the key to the city. Approached by a police officer, he said "I paid all those tickets!" Breaking character, he said “This is a first for me, a real first.”[287] In 2009, he released the two-disc Glitter and Doom Live. He continued acting, playing Mr Nick in Gilliam's The Imaginarium of Doctor Parnassus (2009)[288][289] and Engineer in The Book of Eli (2010), a post-apocalyptic film by the Hughes brothers.[290]
Waits found himself in a situation similar to his earlier one with Frito Lay in 2000 when Audi approached him, asking to use "Innocent When You Dream" for a commercial broadcast in Spain. Waits declined, but the commercial ultimately featured music very similar to that song. Waits undertook legal action, and a Spanish court recognized that there had been a violation of Waits's moral rights in addition to the infringement of copyright. The production company, Tandem Campmany Guasch, was ordered to pay compensation to Waits through his Spanish publisher. Waits later joked that they got the name of the song wrong, thinking it was called "Innocent When You Scheme".[292] In 2005, Waits sued Adam Opel AG, claiming that, after having failed to sign him to sing in their Scandinavian commercials, they had hired a sound-alike singer. In 2007, the suit was settled, and Waits gave his proceeds to charity.[293]
Bad as Me and later work: 2011–present
[edit]
In 2010, Waits was reported to be working on a new stage musical with director and long-time collaborator Robert Wilson and playwright Martin McDonagh.[294]
In early 2011, Waits completed a set of 23 poems, Seeds on Hard Ground, which were inspired by Michael O'Brien's portraits of the homeless in his book, Hard Ground. O'Brien's book included the poems alongside the portraits. In anticipation of the book release, Waits and ANTI- printed limited edition chapbooks of the poems to raise money for Redwood Empire Food Bank, a homeless referral and family support service in Sonoma County, California. As of January 26, 2011, four editions, each limited to 1,000 copies, sold out, raising $90,000 for the food bank.[295] On February 24, 2011, it was announced via Waits's official website that he had begun work on his next studio album.[296] Waits said through his website that on August 23 he would "set the record straight" in regards to rumors of a new release.[297] On August 23, the title of the new album was revealed to be Bad as Me,[298] and the lead single and title track started being offered via Amazon.com and other sites.[299] The album was released on October 24.
In March 2011, Waits was inducted into the Rock and Roll Hall of Fame by Neil Young.[300][301][302][303] In his acceptance speech, Waits said "I’d like to thank my family. They know me and they love me anyway. My wife and her incandescent light that has guided me and kept me alive and breathing and sparkling. And my kids who, well, they taught me everything I know. Or maybe they taught me everything they know. I don’t know. They taught me a lot."[4]
In 2012, Waits had a supporting role in Martin McDonagh's crime comedy Seven Psychopaths as a retired serial killer.[304] In 2013, he lent his voice to The Simpsons episode "Homer Goes to Prep School" as a survivalist.[305] On May 5, 2013, he joined the Rolling Stones on stage at the Oracle Arena in Oakland, California, to duet with Mick Jagger on Willie Dixon's "Little Red Rooster".[306] On October 27, 2013, Waits performed at the 27th annual Bridge School Benefit concert in Mountain View California; Rolling Stone called his performance a "triumph".[307]
Over the years, Waits made six appearances on the Late Show with David Letterman, and on May 14, 2015, sang "Take One Last Look" on the show's fifth to last broadcast.[309] He was accompanied by Larry Taylor on upright bass and Gabriel Donohue on piano accordion, with the horn section of the CBS Orchestra. In 2016, Waits pursued litigation against French artist Bartabas, who had used several of his songs as a backdrop to a theatrical performance. Claims and counterclaims were made, with Bartabas claiming to have sought and been granted permission to use the material (and to have paid $400,000 for the privilege) but with Waits claiming that his identity had been stolen. The court ruled in Bartabas's favor, and the circus performance was allowed to continue, although the threat of further litigation meant that it was not performed outside France and the resulting DVD release does not contain Waits's material.[310]
In 2018, Waits had a feature role in The Ballad of Buster Scruggs, a Western anthology film by the Coen brothers, as the Prospector.[311] Also in 2018, Waits provided the recorded narration for performances of Martin McDonagh's play A Very Very Very Dark Matter, which was performed at the Bridge Theatre, London. In 2021, Waits had a supporting role in Paul Thomas Anderson's coming-of-age film Licorice Pizza.[312] In 2023, he joined Iggy Pop on the Confidential Show, where they swapped stories and songs.[313][314]
Musical style
[edit]
Per Bowman, Waits
has never been of his time, ahead of his time, or, for that matter, locked into any particular time. An outsider artist before the term was in common use, Waits has been enamored, at various points in his career, with the cool of 1940s and 1950s jazz; the 1950s and 1960s word-jazz and poetry of such Beat and Beat-influenced writers as Jack Kerouac, Lord Buckley, and Charles Bukowski; the primal rock & roll crunch of the Rolling Stones; the German cabaret stylings of Kurt Weill; the postwar, alternate world of invented instruments and rugged individualism of avant-garde composer Harry Partch; the proto-metal blues of 1950s and 1960s Howlin' Wolf and their extension into the world of Captain Beefheart's late-1960s avant-rock; the archaic formalism of 19th-century parlor ballads; Dylan's early- and mid-sixties transformation of the possibilities of language in the worlds of both folk and rock; the elegance of pre-war Irving Berlin, Cole Porter, and Hoagy Carmichael; the sophistication of postwar Frank Sinatra; and, more recently, the bone-crushing grooves of 1980s and 1990s funk and hip-hop. Indeed, the art of Tom Waits has altogether transcended time and, to some degree, place.
Asked about the distinction between words and music, he says: "I'm still a word guy. I'm drawn to people who use a certain vernacular and communicate with words. Words are music, really. I mean, people ask me, 'Do you write music or do you write words?' But you don't really, it's all one thing at its best."[315] His work was influenced by his voracious reading and by conversations that he overheard in diners. In addition to Kerouac and Bukowski, literary influences include Nelson Algren, John Rechy and Hubert Selby Jr. Bowman notes the influence of crime writers like Dashiell Hammett and John D. Macdonald. He says that "for a songwriter, Dylan is as essential as a hammer and nails and saw are to a carpenter."[19] Musical influences include Randy Newman and Dr. John. He has praised Merle Haggard: "Want to learn how to write songs? Listen to Merle Haggard." He is an opera lover, and recalls hearing Puccini's "Nessun dorma" "in the kitchen at Coppola's with Raul Julia one night, and it changed my life, that particular Aria... It was like giving a cigar to a five-year old." A jazz influence is Thelonious Monk: "He almost sounded like a kid taking piano lessons. I could relate to that when I first started playing the piano, because he was decomposing the music while he was playing it."[19]
Waits described his voice as being "the sand in the sandwich." By 1982, Waits's musical style shifted; Hoskyns noted that this new style "was fashioned out of diverse and disparate ingredients." This new style was influenced by Beefheart and Partch. Noting that he had a "gravelly timbre" to his voice, Humphries characterized Waits's voice as one that "sounds like it was hauled through Hades in a dredger." His voice was described by critic Daniel Durchholz as sounding as though "it was soaked in a vat of bourbon, left hanging in the smokehouse for a few months, and then taken outside and run over with a car."[324] Rolling Stone also noted his "rusted plow-blade voice."[325] One of Waits's own favorite descriptions of his vocal style was "Louis Armstrong and Ethel Merman meeting in Hell." Humphries cited him, alongside Newman, Kris Kristofferson and John Prine, as a number of U.S. singers who followed Dylan in breaking away from conventional styles of popular music and singing with their "distinctive" voices. Waits can sing in falsetto, as heard on "Shore Leave", "Temptation" and "All Stripped Down". Bowman writes: "On tracks such as Bone Machine's 'Dirt in the Ground,' he restricted his vocal to a haunting, otherworldly falsetto." Waits said he couldn't sing in falsetto until after he quit smoking, adding "Nobody does it like Mick Jagger; nobody does it like Prince."[19]
He is known for his eclectic use of instruments, some of his own devising. On Swordfishtrombones, his orchestration included talking drums, bagpipes, banjo, bass marimba and glass harmonica; on Rain Dogs, accordion and harmonium; on Franks Wild Years, glockenspiel, Mellotron, Farfisa and Optigan; on Bone Machine and Mule Variations, the Chamberlin; on The Black Rider, the singing saw; on Alice, the Stroh violin; on Blood Money, a 57-whistle pneumatic calliope and an Indonesian seedpod. He explains "I use things we hear around us all the time, built and found instruments. Things that aren't normally considered instruments: dragging a chair across the floor or hitting the side of a locker real hard with a two-by-four, a freedom bell, a brake drum with a major imperfection, a police bullhorn. It's more interesting. I don't like straight lines. The problem is that most instruments are square and music is always round." As he later put it, "A lot of things are instruments and they don't even know it."[328]
Humphries described "Waitsworld" as a place of "the ricocheted romantics bent out of shape by a broad who should have known better; the twisted psychotics; the loners; the losers." By Blue Valentine, violent death had become a recurrent lyrical theme in his work; he wrote the song "Sweet Little Bullet" from that album, for instance, about a 15-year-old girl who committed suicide by jumping from a high window along the Hollywood Bowl. "Christmas Card from a Hooker in Minneapolis", from the same album, is an epistolary song from a prostitute to her former lover, Charlie; while good-hearted, she is an unreliable narrator. In his later work, orphanhood became a recurring theme. Many of his songs make reference to fictional locations that he has invented, such as the eponymous term in his song "Burma Shave". Hoskyns also noted that many Waits songs, such as "Burma Shave" and "Georgia Lee", reflect an "abiding concern for runaways and kids in danger." Andy Gill expressed the view that throughout Waits's oeuvre, "the theme of lowlife redemption, of escape, is ever-present."
Personal life
[edit]
During the 1970s, Waits had a brief relationship with comedian Elayne Boosler, an intermittent relationship with Bette Midler, and a relationship with Rickie Lee Jones.
In 1980, Waits married frequent collaborator Kathleen Brennan. They live in Sonoma County, California, and have three children: Kellesimone Wylder Waits (born 1983), Casey Waits (born 1985), and Sullivan Blake Waits (born 1993).[337] After he married and had children, Waits became increasingly reclusive. Safeguarding the privacy of his family life became very important to him.
During interviews, he has deflected questions about his personal life, and refused to sanction any biography. When Barney Hoskyns was researching his unauthorized 2009 biography, Lowside of the Road: A Life of Tom Waits, Waits and his wife asked people not to talk to him. Hoskyns believed that it was Brennan who was responsible for the "wall of inaccessibility" surrounding Waits.
When asked about his religious beliefs, he noted: "With the God stuff I don't know. I don't know what's out there any more than anyone else."
Stage persona
[edit]
Waits has been determined to keep a distance between his public persona and his personal life. According to Hoskyns, Waits hides behind his persona, noting that "Tom Waits is as much of a character created for his fans as it is a real man." In Hoskyns's view, Waits's self-image is in part "a self-protective device, a screen to deflect attention." A few music journalists have gone so far as to suggest that Waits is a "poseur". Hoskyns regarded Waits's "persona of the skid-row boho/hobo, a young man out of time and place" as an "ongoing experiment in performance art." He added that Waits has adopted a "self-appointed role as the bard of the streets." Mick Brown, a music journalist from Sounds who interviewed Waits in the mid-1970s, noted that "he had immersed himself in this character to the point where it wasn't an act and had become an identity." Louie Lista, a friend of Waits's during the 1970s, stated that the singer's general attitude was that of "I'm an outsider, but I'll revel in being an outsider." In a similar manner to contemporaries like Bob Dylan and Neil Young, Waits is known for cutting contact with figures he worked with in his past.
"There ain't no Devil, there's just God when he's drunk."
"I don't have a drinking problem, 'cept when I can't get a drink."
"Everybody I like is either dead or not feeling very well."
"I'm so broke I can't even pay attention."
"You have to keep busy, after all, no dog ever pissed on a moving car."
"I don't care who I have to step on on my way down."
— Waits quotations which Humphries called "Waitsisms"
Another friend from that period, Troubadour-manager Robert Marchese, related that Waits cultivated "the whole mystique of this really funky dude and all that Charles Bukowski crap" to give "his impression of how funky poor folk really are," whereas in reality Waits was "basically a middle-class, San Diego mom-and-pop-schoolteacher kid." Humphries thought that there was a "conservative element" to Waits's persona, stating that behind his public image, "Waits has always been more of a white-picket-fence kind of guy than you might imagine."
Jarmusch described Waits as "a very contradictory character," stating that he is "potentially violent if he thinks someone is screwing with him, but he's gentle and kind too." Herbert Hardesty, who worked with Waits on Blue Valentine, called him "a very pleasant human being, a very nice person." Humphries referred to him as "an essentially reticent man ... reflective and surprisingly shy." He has a sense of humor and enjoys jokes. Hoskyns described Waits as "unequivocally—some would say almost gruffly—heterosexual."
Hoskyns suggested that Waits has had an "on-off affair with alcohol, never quite able to shake it off." During the 1970s, he was known as a heavy drinker and a smoker but avoided any drugs harder than cocaine. He told one interviewer, "I discovered alcohol at an early age, and that guided me a lot." Humphries suggested that Waits's use of alcohol as opposed to illicit drugs marked him out as being different from many of his contemporaries on the 1970s U.S. music scene.
During interviews, Waits has avoided questions about his personal life, gone off on tangents, and thrown in trivia. Humphries noted that Waits has often supplied interviewers with "droll one-liners", something he termed "Waitsisms", observing that the singer was "dripping with wit and vinegar." Waits is known for getting irate with journalists. He dislikes touring, but Hoskyns added that Waits has "a strong work ethic".
Per his website's description of Glitter and Doom Live, "Disc One is designed to sound like one evening's performance, even though the 17 tracks are selected from 10 cities, from Paris to Birmingham; Tulsa to Milan; and Atlanta to Dublin... Disc Two is a bonus compendium called TOM TALES, which is a selection of the comic bromides, strange musings, and unusual facts that Tom traditionally shares with his audience during the piano set. Waits' topics range from the rituals of insects to the last dying breath of Henry Ford." It adds "he shifts seamlessly from an array of characters: carnival barker, preacher, country singer, soul balladeer; cabaret singer and storyteller."[367]
In concert, Waits tended to wear all black. Humphries noted that "on stage, Waits is a consummate performer, a raconteur of the recherché, and a genuine wit." Waits has stated that a performance should be "a spectacle and entertaining". It was on his 1977 tour for Foreign Affairs that he started employing props as part of his routine; one recurring prop was a megaphone through which he would shout at the audience.
Collaborations
[edit]
Over the years, Waits has collaborated with various artists he admires. He toured with the saxophonist Teddy Edwards and played on his album Mississippi Lad (1991). Bruce Springsteen performed "Jersey Girl" with Waits on August 24, 1981, and included it on his retrospective "Live/1975–85".[369] In 1987, he joined Springsteen, Elvis Costello, k. d. lang and others in a tribute to Roy Orbison at Los Angeles's Ambassador Hotel, filmed as Roy Orbison and Friends: A Black and White Night. Waits and Brennan wrote "Strange Weather" for Marianne Faithfull, which she sang on her album of the same name in 1987.[371] Keith Richards played on Rain Dogs, Bone Machine and Bad as Me, and Waits and Richards recorded "Shenandoah" for Son of Rogues Gallery: Pirate Ballads, Sea Songs & Chanteys (2013). Richards said of Waits: “Tom’s music is so American. Probably more folk-American than anything, but somehow modern. He’s a weird mixture of stuff; a great bunch of guys!"[372] Waits wrote a poem, "Burnt Toast to Keith", for Richards's 80th birthday.[373] Waits covered Kurt Weill’s "What Keeps Mankind Alive?" from The Threepenny Opera for Hal Willner's Weill tribute album Lost in the Stars (1985) and "Heigh Ho" for his Disney-themed Stay Awake (1988). In 1991, he lent his voice to "Tommy the Cat" by Primus, and they appeared on Bone Machine and Mule Variations. Waits and Primus performed Jack Kerouac's song "On the Road" on Jack Kerouac Reads On the Road (1999).[375] The English composer Gavin Bryars visited Waits in 1993, and he added vocals to a re-release of Bryars's Jesus' Blood Never Failed Me Yet, which was nominated for the Mercury Music Award. He sang with Ramblin' Jack Elliott on "Louise (Tell It To Me)" on his album Friends of Mine (1998). That year, Waits produced and funded Chuck E. Weiss's album Extremely Cool as a favor to his old friend. He produced John P. Hammond's Wicked Grin (2001) which consisted largely of covers of Waits songs, some written for the project. He covered "Return of Jackie & Judy" for We're a Happy Family: A Tribute to Ramones (2003). He appeared on Los Lobos's The Ride (2004), Eels's Blinking Lights and Other Revelations (2005)[381] and Sparklehorse's Dreamt for Light Years in the Belly of a Mountain (2006). Ken Nordine, whose "word jazz" influenced Waits, performed "Circus" for a video with animation by Joe Coleman.[383] Waits was one of many guests on Dan Hicks's Beatin' the Heat (2000). Hicks recalled: "I made a list of people I thought were in a mutual admiration society. Most of the people, I found their phone numbers and called them. Tom Waits said he didn't want to miss out on something like this. That was a pretty good compliment."[384]
Reception and legacy
[edit]
Bowman writes that "At the dawn of the second decade of the 21st century, Waits’s influence can be seen in the work of many of the most forward-thinking contemporary artists, including Beck, PJ Harvey, and Radiohead’s Thom Yorke.” Other musicians who have expressed admiration for Waits's work include Elvis Costello, Bruce Springsteen, Nanci Griffith, Joe Strummer of The Clash, Michael Stipe of R.E.M., Frank Black of Pixies and James Hetfield of Metallica. Bob Dylan, a major influence on the young Waits, called Waits one of his "secret heroes". Humphries described him as "one of America's finest post-Dylan singer-songwriters" and, along with Edward Hopper, "one of the two great depicters of American isolation." Hoskyns called him "as important an American artist as anyone the twentieth century has produced." He notes that by the end of the twentieth century, "Waits was an iconic alternative figure, not just to the fans who'd grown up with him but to subsequent generations of music geeks", coming to be "universally acknowledged as an elder statesman of 'alternative' rock.'" Karen Schoemer of Newsweek said that "to the postboomer generation, he's more Dylan than Dylan. [His] melting-pot approach to Americana, his brilliant narratives and his hardiness against commercial trends have made him the ultimate icon for the alternative-minded." Steve Vai said "Tom Waits is my favorite artist now. I completely resonate deeply with his music, his voice and his lyrics; I buy everything he ever does. He's one of those guys who are totally at one with the creative element with no excuses or concerns about what's going on around him – totally uncompromising."[394] When asked which song she wished she had written, Florence Welch of Florence and the Machine said “‘Green Grass’ by Tom Waits... Really, anything by Tom Waits. I wish I was Tom Waits. His songs are so visceral and bloody. I just love his use of imagery.”[395] Bones Howe says "I do a lot of seminars. Occasionally I'll do something for songwriters. They all say the same thing to me. 'All the great lyrics are done.' And I say, 'I'm going to give you a lyric that you never heard before'", the following from "Tom Traubert's Blues": "A battered old suitcase to a hotel someplace / And a wound that will never heal." Howe calls this "the work of an extremely talented lyricist, poet, whatever you want to say. That is brilliant, brilliant work. And he never mentions the person, but you see the person."[396]
He was included on Rolling Stone's lists of 100 Greatest Singers[397] and 100 Greatest Songwriters. In 2006, Waits and Brennan were ranked fourth on Paste's list of the hundred greatest living songwriters.[398] In 2016, Waits and Brennan, along with John Prine, were honored with The Song Lyrics of Literary Excellence Award from PEN New England.[399] Colum McCann presented the honor to Waits and Brennan, saying “They find out what others have not quite fathomed yet. They catch the ordinary so that it can be sung extraordinarily in the future.”[400]
Various artists have covered his songs. In 1973, Tim Buckley covered "Martha", just like Meat Loaf did in 1995. The Eagles covered "Ol' 55" and Dion covered "Heart of Saturday Night" and "San Diego Serenade".[401] Rod Stewart had success with covers of "Downtown Train" and "Tom Traubert's Blues"; Bob Seger covered "Blind Love", "New Coat of Paint", and "Downtown Train".[405] Paul Young covered "Soldier's Things" on The Secret of Association (1985) and the Ramones covered "I Don't Wanna Grow Up" on their final album, ¡Adios Amigos! (1995). Johnny Cash sang "Down There by the Train", which Waits wrote for him, on American Recordings (1994), calling Waits "a very special writer, my kind of writer." Tori Amos covered "Time" on Strange Little Girls (2001); she performed it on the Late Show With David Letterman, the first musical performance on the show after 9/11.[407] Willie Nelson covered "Picture in a Frame" on It Always Will Be (2004). Holly Cole released an album of Waits covers, Temptation (1995), as did Scarlett Johansson with Anywhere I Lay My Head (2008). Neko Case performed "Christmas Card from a Hooker in Minneapolis" on the tribute album New Coat of Paint (2000).[410] Norah Jones included a song Waits wrote for her, "Long Way Home", on her album Feels Like Home (2004). Joan Baez covered his songs on Day After Tomorrow (2008) and Whistle Down the Wind (2018). Rosanne Cash, Aimee Mann, Phoebe Bridges and others contributed to Come On Up to the House: Women Sing Waits (2019).[412]
Waits has influenced artists in other fields. Kazuo Ishiguro recalls how Waits influenced his novel The Remains of the Day:
I thought I’d finished Remains, but then one evening heard Tom Waits singing his song "Ruby’s Arms". It’s a ballad about a soldier leaving his lover sleeping in the early hours to go away on a train. Nothing unusual in that. But the song is sung in the voice of a rough American hobo type utterly unaccustomed to wearing his emotions on his sleeve. And there comes a moment, when the singer declares his heart is breaking, that’s almost unbearably moving because of the tension between the sentiment itself and the huge resistance that’s obviously been overcome to utter it. Waits sings the line with cathartic magnificence, and you feel a lifetime of tough-guy stoicism crumbling in the face of overwhelming sadness. I heard this and reversed a decision I’d made, that Stevens would remain emotionally buttoned up right to the bitter end. I decided that at just one point – which I’d have to choose very carefully – his rigid defence would crack, and a hitherto concealed tragic romanticism would be glimpsed.[413]
Another author who notes Waits's influence is Ian Rankin:
I already knew Tom Waits’s music, those soulful communications from the louche underbelly of the American dream, but nothing had prepared me for Swordfishtrombones. I first heard it on a friend’s stereo system, the pair of us transfixed by what was happening in front of our ears. It felt to me as if a vaudeville show was taking place in a scrapyard, the music whirling and clanging, Waits presiding over it all like a bruised but keen-eyed master of ceremonies. Rain Dogs added extra textures and refinements, laying its (marked) cards on the table with its opening track, "Singapore", a novel contained within two and a half minutes of controlled musical mayhem. By the time of its release I had left university and was trying to shape myself into a writer. I admired Waits’s lyrical vision and concision – the man was a born storyteller, stopping travellers who had wandered into the wrong part of town and compelling them with his words.[414]
His songs have been used in film, television and theater. When the actor Robert Carlyle formed a theatre, he named it the Rain Dog Theatre after Waits's album. Cabaret shows have been set to his songs, among them Robert Berdahl's Warm Beer, Cold Women and Stewart D'Arrietta's Belly of a Drunken Piano. In addition to scoring films for Bell, Coppola and Jarmusch, Waits has written songs for soundtracks: "Never Let Go" for American Heart; "Walk Away" and "The Fall of Troy" for Dead Man Walking and "Little Drop of Poison" for The End of Violence, which later appeared in Shrek 2. "Temptation" and "Cold Cold Ground" appear in Léolo; "Innocent When You Dream" in Smoke; "Goin' Out West" in Fight Club;[415] "All The World is Green" and "Green Grass" in The Diving Bell and the Butterfly. Enron: The Smartest Guys in the Room features "What's He Building?", "Straight to the Top (Vegas)", "Temptation" and "God's Away on Business".[417] The titles of the films Romeo Is Bleeding and Blue Valentine are derived from Waits songs. "Hold On" and "I Don't Wanna Grow Up" were sung by Beth Greene (Emily Kinney) in The Walking Dead episodes "I Ain't a Judas" and "Infected", respectively.[418][419] The Wire used "Way Down in the Hole" as its opening theme; each season featured a different rendition, including The Blind Boys of Alabama, Waits, The Neville Brothers, DoMaJe and Steve Earle. The season four rendition was arranged and recorded for the show and is performed by five Baltimore teenagers: Ivan Ashford, Markel Steele, Cameron Brown, Tariq Al-Sabir and Avery Bargasse.[420] In 2014, Aaron Posner and the magician Teller directed a production of Shakespeare's The Tempest featuring songs by Waits and Brennan.[421][422][423]
Discography
[edit]
Main article: Tom Waits discography
Tours
[edit]
Filmography
[edit]
Film
[edit]
Key † Denotes films that have not yet been released
Year Film Role Notes 1978 Paradise Alley Mumbles 1981 Wolfen Drunken Bar Owner Uncredited 1982 One from the Heart Trumpet player Also composer (uncredited as actor) 1983 The Outsiders Buck Merrill Rumble Fish Benny 1984 The Stone Boy Petrified man at carnival Uncredited The Cotton Club Irving Stark 1986 Down by Law Zach 1987 Ironweed Rudy 1988 Greasy Lake Narrator Video Candy Mountain Al Silk Big Time Himself Documentary; also co-writer 1989 Bearskin: An Urban Fairytale Silva Cold Feet Kenny Mystery Train Radio D.J. (voice) 1990 The Two Jakes Plainclothes Policeman Uncredited 1991 At Play in the Fields of the Lord Wolf The Fisher King Disabled Veteran Uncredited Queens Logic Monte Night on Earth Composer 1992 Bram Stoker's Dracula R. M. Renfield 1993 Short Cuts Earl Piggot 1999 Mystery Men Doc Heller 2001 The Last Castle Composer with Jerry Goldsmith 2003 Coffee and Cigarettes Himself Segment: "Somewhere in California" 2005 Domino Wanderer The Tiger and the Snow Himself 2006 Wristcutters: A Love Story Kneller 2009 The Imaginarium of Doctor Parnassus Mr. Nick 2010 The Book of Eli Engineer 2011 The Monster of Nix Virgil Short film Twixt Narrator 2012 Seven Psychopaths Zachariah 2018 The Ballad of Buster Scruggs Prospector Segment: "All Gold Canyon" The Old Man & the Gun Waller 2019 The Dead Don't Die Hermit Bob 2021 Licorice Pizza Rex Blau 2023 The Absence of Eden Hunley 2025 Wildwood † Sterling Fox (voice) In production TBA Father, Mother, Sister, Brother † Post-production
Television
[edit]
Key † Denotes films that have not yet been released
Year Film Role Notes 2013 The Simpsons Lloyd (voice) Episode: "Homer Goes to Prep School" 2021 Ultra City Smiths The Narrator (voice) 6 episodes
References
[edit]
Sources
[edit]
Further reading
[edit]
Jacobs, Jay S. (2006). Wild Years The Music and Myth of Tom Waits. ECW Press. ISBN 1-55022-716-5.
Montandon, Mac, ed. (2006). Innocent When You Dream: Tom Waits – The Collected Interviews. Orion. ISBN 0-7528-7394-6.
Maher, Paul (August 1, 2011). Tom Waits on Tom Waits: Interviews and Encounters. Chicago Review Press. ISBN 978-1-56976-927-0.
Mahurin, Matt (October 29, 2019). Tom Waits. Abrams. ISBN 978-1-68335-658-5.
Harvey, Alex (August 8, 2022). Song Noir: Tom Waits and the Spirit of Los Angeles. Reaktion Books. ISBN 978-1-78914-664-6.
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Hot Rod Circuit
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hot_Rod_Circuit
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American emo band
Hot Rod Circuit (HRC) is an American emo band from Auburn, Alabama, established in 1997.
History
[edit]
Early years
[edit]
The band was originally known as Antidote under which they released the album Mr. Glenboski, which won the group the award of Best Unsigned Band of 1998 by Musician Magazine. The band subsequently moved to Connecticut and released If I Knew Now What I Knew Then under their present moniker.[1]
Hot Rod Circuit's first record, "If I Knew Now What I Knew Then" was released on September 21, 1999. The Band was composed of Andy Jackson on Vocals and Rhythm Guitar, Casey Prestwood on Lead Guitar, Jason Russell on Bass and Vocals, and Wes Cross on drums. The disc featured songs such as "Weak Warm," "Remover," and "Irish Car Bomb." The band had done several shows that year in the New England area, along with tours with The Get Up Kids, At the Drive-In and Jazz June. The band's drummer Wes Cross left the band before their next release.
The next album released by HRC hit record stores in September 2000; it was entitled "If It's Cool With You, It's Cool With Me." The record included songs such as "The Power of the Vitamins," "This is Not the Time or Place," and "Flight 89." The record also featured the band's first taste of radio airplay when their single "Radio Song" came in at number two on the college radio charts. In addition drummer Michael Poorman became Wes Cross's replacement. In support of the release, Hot Rod Circuit did national tours with bands such as Jimmy Eat World and Reggie and the Full Effect, and eventually an acoustic tour with The New Amsterdams, known as "The Hot Amsterdams Tour."
Sorry About Tomorrow
[edit]
During 2001, Hot Rod Circuit was receiving several offers from different record labels such as Drive-Thru and MCA, that were eager for the band to sign. By the fall of 2001, they had signed with Vagrant Records. The band's third record, "Sorry About Tomorrow" was released on March 12, 2002. The record included the band's more popular tracks like, "The Pharmacist," "At Nature's Mercy" and "Safely." The album was recorded at Salad Days Studio in Maryland. Frontman Andy Jackson stated, "The record has a feel-good summertime vibe to it." During 2002, HRC played over 250 shows supporting national artists such as, Dashboard Confessional, Saves The Day, New Found Glory, Good Charlotte, Less Than Jake, MxPx, and More. HRC played the first Vagrant America Tour. With the record, came a music video for the single, "The Pharmacist." The video aired on MTV and MTV2 nationwide. In 2003, the band toured England for a period of time where they played The Reading Leeds Festival. "Sorry About Tomorrow" was Hot Rod Circuit's highest selling record released. During 2002, Triple Crown Records released a B-Sides entitled "Been There, Smoked That." The disc was composed of songs from HRC's original out-of-print EP. It also featured live songs and commentaries from "The Hot Amstradams Tour" in 2001 and a few covers by ACDC and FUDGE. In late 2003, shortly after their tour in England, drummer Mike Poorman left the band to pursue his engineering efforts.
Reality's Coming Through
[edit]
During the early winter of 2004, Hot Rod Circuit hit the studio with producer Tim O' Hier to record their newest efforts. In August 2004, Hot Rod released "Reality's Coming Through," their second for Vagrant Records. This record over all, proved to be less successful as "Sorry About Tomorrow."[citation needed] "Reality's Coming Through" had a darker feel to it, and strayed far from the rough, stripped-down vibe of "Sorry About Tomorrow." The record featured songs like "Inhabit" and "The Best You Ever Knew." With the record came new drummer Dan Duggins. The band also added Brian Kiss on back up guitar and vocals. The band, now a five-piece, shot a music video for their new single, "Save You." The video appeared on MTV, FUSE, and MTV2. During 2004 and 2005, the band toured with bands like Say Anything, Brand New, Eisley, and more.
In spring of 2005, bass player and original member Jason Russell left the band to pursue his own band, Diamond J and The Rough. Russell played his last show unplugged with Andy Jackson at Cafe Nine in New Haven, CT. As a result, Hot Rod Circuit had to drop out of The Get Up Kids farewell tour. Hot Rod Circuit ventured out on the 2005 Warped Tour, when Hero Pattern bassist Rob Fitzgerald filled in. Soon after Warped, Brian Kiss exited the band, resulting in many fill-ins throughout the rest of the year. Hot Rod Circuit set out on a late summer and fall tour with Hit The Lights, Straylight Run, and Piebald, where many different musicians were included in Hot Rod's live line up. Jake and Jeff Turner of Say Anything filled in on bass and guitar for several of these dates. Jerry Morrison of Bleach, and Joe Ballaro played bass for several other dates.
Hiatus
[edit]
After the Hit The Lights tour of 2005, Hot Rod Circuit began what was over a year long break.[citation needed] In early 2006, the band played a few college shows, but did not tour for an entire year. Hot Rod Circuit had announced plans to record and release a record in 2006, but no music was released other than a few demos.[citation needed] Rumors began circulating of their relationship with Vagrant Records, who had removed them from their online roster.[citation needed] The band gave no information or comment on this, and did not report any set plans for a new record. Finally, around Thanksgiving of 2006, Hot Rod announced their departure from Vagrant Records. The band stated that they had signed with independent music label, Immortal Records. Joe Ballaro was now a permanent fixture to the band as their new bass player.
Andy Jackson released this statement: "Our contract was up with Vagrant. Vagrant's format changed a lot since we've been there, especially since Sorry About Tomorrow came out. They just added a whole lot of different bands and we pretty much became lost in the shuffle. The commodity bands were getting the attention we felt we deserved. With Immortal they contacted us, asked if we wanted to sign, and we told them: 'look, we want to sign with a label that'll let us make our own record.' They were hip with it and down with our demos and stuff like that. It was kind of a no-brainer on our part to have a label that's going to support and be into what we're doing."[citation needed]
The Underground is a Dying Breed
[edit]
In spring of 2007, after signing with Immortal Records, Hot Rod Circuit released The Underground is a Dying Breed. Andy Jackson stated, "There are parts of the CD that are going to make people say 'wow.' We recorded 16 songs and we haven't decided on which 11 are going to make the CD at this point, it's kind of up in the air. There are definitely your typical Hot Rod Circuit rockers and then there are like this kind of like Country songs we're really toying with. All the songs will come out. I don't know if they'll be on the CD, but they'll be out in some fashion."[citation needed]
The record was recorded and produced by Andy Jackson at his studio in Montgomery, Alabama. With the release of a new record, came a full US/Canada tour with The Forecast & Limbeck.[citation needed]
HRC shot a video for the single, "Stateside" starring actress Eva Hamilton. The video was the winner of FUSE's "Oven Fresh".[citation needed]
Breakup
[edit]
On October 8, 2007, Hot Rod Circuit announced that they would be parting ways after ten years together.[citation needed] The band made this statement on Myspace, "Yes it is true this will be the last Hot Rod Circuit tour. Thank you so much for coming to shows and buying our records for the past ten years. It has been a blast and we have made so many friends and fans and we will miss you all. Stay tuned for more info on what everyone from hrc is up to. I will be sure to keep you posted. Oh and thanks to everyone over in Australia for showing us a good time. Thank you so much Andy, Hot Rod Circuit Please pass this along and come enjoy the farewell tour..." Hot Rod Circuit went on to play a small eight date east coast farewell tour.[citation needed] Hot Rod Circuit played their last show to a sold-out crowd at Toad's Place in New Haven, CT.[citation needed]
Reunion
[edit]
On February 10, 2011, it was confirmed that Hot Rod Circuit will be reuniting for a one-off performance at the Krazy Fest 2011 in Louisville, Kentucky, with future plans uncertain.[2] Following Jackson's departure from his other band Terrible Things on April 20, 2011, speculation raised that the band's reunion might be full-time, with more shows to follow Krazy Fest.[3] On September 1, 2011, it was announced that Hot Rod Circuit would embark on a short 8 date tour of the US in November, and will also release a new limited edition 7" vinyl EP with three songs - two originals entitled "Forgive Me" and "Into the Sun" and a cover of Superdrag's "Sucked Out".[4][5]
Post Break Up
[edit]
Andy Jackson announced his new side project, Death in the Park in early 2008. Hot Rod Circuit bassist, Joe Ballaro played in the band and later went on to play with The Queen Killing Kings.
In February 2008, Hot Rod Circuit posted a bulletin on Myspace stating that they were working on a B-Sides Record that would feature unreleased material from previous records, and would also include a live DVD of their last show.[citation needed] It has not yet been released.
Death in the Park played a few tours and shows with bands such as Paramore, Saosin, Underoath, The Forecast, Saves The Day, and Alkaline Trio.[citation needed] The band released a five track EP in the fall of 2008. The band announced plans to release their full-length album in the spring of 2009. The self-titled record was digitally released through Austin indie label End Sounds on August 24, 2010, with a physical release following on September 14.
Andy Jackson played acoustic Hot Rod sets after Death in the Park on localized dates. The string of shows was limited to the New England Area. In summer of 2009, Andy Jackson played a few acoustic HRC sets with Anthony Raneri of Bayside. These dates were localized to Florida. Then in the fall of 2009, Jackson played HRC sets for New England once again.
In 2007, Casey Prestwood released his first solo record, The Hurtin' Kind. Since his solo debut, Casey, along with his band The Burning Angels, have released four more albums. His 5th and newest album, "Born Too Late" is set for release in early 2017.
In late 2009, Andy Jackson announced his new project, Terrible Things. He formed the band with Fred Mascherino and Josh Eppard. In early 2010 the band signed with Universal/Motown. The band is slated to do dates on Warped Tour 2010 and released their full-length debut on August 31, 2010.
On April 20, 2011, Andy Jackson announced that he was leaving Terrible Things. The band toured throughout the 2011 Warped Tour dates as a three-piece, with Fred Mascherino handling all guitar duties and Eppard singing backing vocals.
In 2014, Andy Jackson's new project Sloss Minor signed with JMB Records and on April 20, 2014, they released the album "G Major Unit Zero."
Second Reunion and Future
[edit]
On December 11, 2014, Andy Jackson announced via Twitter the current line-up of Andy, Casey, Jay, and Mike.[6] Prior to this announcement, Jackson had posted a song clip of a new Hot Rod Circuit song via his Instagram.[7] In 2019, Hot Rod Circuit announced they would join Saves The Day on their “Through Being Cool” tour and would play “Sorry About Tomorrow” in its entirety.[8]
Band members
[edit]
Current line-up
Andy Jackson (vocals, rhythm guitar)
Casey Prestwood (guitar, pedal steel)
Jason Russell (bass, vocals)
Mike Poorman(drums)
Former members
Wes Cross (1996-1999)
Dustin Hudson (1997-1999)
Dan Duggins (2006-2007)
Brian Kiss (2004–2005)
Jake Turner (Fill In - 2005)
Jeff Turner (Fill In - 2005)
Jerry Morrison (Fill In - 2005)
Rob Fitzgerald (Fill In - 2005)
Discography
[edit]
Albums
[edit]
Mr. Glenboski - (1998 - New World Records)
If I Knew Now What I Knew Then (1999 - Triple Crown Records)
If It's Cool With You, It's Cool With Me (2000 - Triple Crown Records)
Sorry About Tomorrow (2002 - Vagrant Records)
Reality's Coming Through (2004 - Vagrant Records)
The Underground Is A Dying Breed (2007 - Immortal Records)
EPs & Singles
[edit]
Hot Rod Circuit - 1999
Split w/ The Anniversary - 2000
Split w/ thisyearsmodel - 2001
Pharmacist - 2003
The Underground Is A Dying Breed (iTunes Acoustic EP) - 2007
Hot Rod Circuit - 2011
Default Setting - 2017
Compilations & Soundtracks
[edit]
Revelation-A-Pop-A-Lypse - 1999
I ♥ Metal - 1999
Y2K Proof - 2000
Welcome To Triple Crown - 2000
The Best Comp In The World - 2000
Another Year On The Streets Volume 2 - 2001
Been There, Smoked That - 2003
Atticus ...Dragging The Lake II - 2003
Beer: The Movie - 2003
Last Nights Escape - 2003
Outlaw Volleyball: Music From The Game - 2003
Another Year On The Streets Vol. 3 - 2004
A Santa Cause 2: Its A Punk Rock Christmas - 2006
Yo! Indie Rock Raps (Warped Tour Edition) - 2007
Punk Goes Crunk - 2008
Friends - 2014
Notes and references
[edit]
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"There are so many 'wow' moments"- Dave Marsh, SIRIUS/XM Radio personality / Rolling Stone editor emeritus
"Tough, tender, thoughtful and sassy-- R-E-A-L, as Sam Phillips was wont to say."- Peter Guralnick, Award-Winning Author and Musicologist (Last Train To Memphis, Sweet Soul Music)
"Whatever she touches becomes soulful and passionate. Ohlman always sounds like her born-to-be-bad self, belting out songs like the spitfire she is. It's that swagger combined with tenderness that makes her so compelling...the perfect balance of raw soul and gutsy rock.  Perhaps the most powerful and potent moment is the title track, a gospel-infused swamp ballad that seems autobiographical, especially when she sings that she's 'hard to handle, the excitable kind/take off runnin' when I could've walked.' Ohlman never flinches from the hard stuff and throughout The Deep End, she dives in like the classic soul kings and queens she idolizes." - Hal Horowitz, The All Music Guide
"Ohlman and Rebel Montez concoct a Soul atmosphere as thick and palpable as a humid Southern night. Ohlmanâs voice is a dusky, supple thing of dark Soul beauty, like a genre splice of Dusty Springfield and Delbert McClinton. She sells the albumâs handful of covers with aching authenticity, from her duets with Marshall Crenshaw on the Marvin Gaye/Mary Wells classic âWhatâs the Matter with You Babyâ and with the incomparable Dion on âCry Baby Cry.â But the standouts on The Deep End are Ohlmanâs stunning originals, which blister and soothe in equal measure."- Brian Baker, Cincinnati CityBeat
"The Beehive Queen has never sounded better"- Andrew Loog Oldham, Producer, The Rolling Stones / SIRIUS/XM Radio personality
"The Deep End insists on telling the truth until it alters perceptions of love and loss and how it all works, especially when it falls apart so tragically as that which produced this work of art. Here comes the sun, healing and transcendent." --www.thebluegrassspecial.com
"The husky-voiced singer is a full-package talent, a dynamic rocker who draws on soul and blues in ways that give her music a classic feel even as it pulses with her own personality. Make no mistake: If Ian Hunter, Dion DiMucci, Marshall Crenshaw, Levon Helm, G.E. Smith, Big Al Anderson, and Eric Ambel draw you into The Deep End, it's Ohlman who ends up making the biggest impression. As in: 'Wow'." - Nick Cristiano, Philadelphia Inquirer (syndicated)
"She of the beehive hairdo and the Saturday Night Live Band brings the ringing endorsement of Charlie Musselwhile to her excitedly sung and enjoyable roots-rock songs"- Downbeat
"As a singer, Ohlman makes each song sound like a prime cut on a jukebox in a Memphis barbecue joint. Hit(s) the sweet spot, straight and true." -Vintage Guitar Magazine
"Expect this album to pepper a few best-of lists in December. The songs on The Deep End draw as much upon gospel and urban doo-wop as they do blues and Americana. âI surrender to the rhythm in my bloodâ, Ohlman sings in 'Like Honey'. Me too, Christine, me too.â âBill Holmes, www.popmatters.com
âChristine Ohlman and her band Rebel Montez have just released their sixth studio album, The Deep End, to what will undoubtedly be rave critical acclaim. Let it begin here. Itâs staggering!"  - Reb Landers, www.thealternateroot.com
"Ohlman turns out the best blue-eyed soul of her career...'The Gone of You' fully exhibits how much grief a blues-drenched heart can bear. The whole history of soul music can be heard here, reflected in a passionate life--or two." Â - Dave Marsh, Rock & Rap Confidential
"Donât let the beehive hair or glammed-up persona fool you. Christine Ohlman can deliver the goods. With a delivery that carries all the joy of early rock and roll, Ohlman owns the voice of choice for every style from edgy blues to tender R&B to sweet country to bittersweet singer-songwriter". - Blues Revue - Â June/July 2010
"The record, like any good bit of love, has layers, not so much warning as perhaps honest admission - or perhaps undersanding - of love's varied means and ends. In fact, the blues isn't always about being sad, but simply allowing room for the myriad reaches and complexities of emotion." - Kim Ruehl, NoDepression.com
"On [The Deep End] the theme of love is very heavy. What is really astounding is the depth of love that is discussed."  -  Kyle Palarino, Blueswax
"There's a wondrous familiarity and traditionalism in Christine Ohlman's old-school, rough-hewn, Southern-soul roots rock..(she)Â is loyal and true to her roots while setting herself audacious new challenges: deeply impressive." -Â Chris Arnott, The Advocate, New Haven, CT
"On her latest record, seasoned R&B chanteuse Christine Ohlman writes and sings about human interactions, from irresistible sex to true love and, ultimately, unbelievable loss.  Thereâs never a doubt that Ohlman is singing from an experienced heart." - Kay Cordtz, Elmore Magazine
â[Ohlman] sings in a gutsy rock ânâ roll voice edged in soul and blues, part Bonnie Raitt and part Genya Raven, with an element of Van Morrisonâs early wildness. Her throwback sound combines the romanticism of Brill Building pop and horn-fed Stax muscle (courtesy of the Asbury Jukesâ Chris Anderson and Neal Pawley) into a potent rock ânâ roll stew. Ohlmanâs band is similarly road-tested (the bass of Michael Colbath is particularly notable).â -  www.hyperbolium.com
"If you give "The Deep End" a spin, you'll be an Ohlman fan for life. (4 stars)" - The Daily News, McKeesport, PA (Pittsburgh Metro)
"The âBeehive Queenâ is a hard rocking Memphis soul fueled dynamo, and The Deep End may be her finest album yet...absolutely beautiful." - Michael Buffalo Smith, Gritz Magazine
âIn its original form, rock n' roll was a blend of blues, country and gospel. Christine Ohlman practices rock the old-fashioned way. Like the music she makes, Ohlman seems timeless.â â Eric Danton, The Courant /Hartford, CT  Â
"'Cry Baby Cry' (a duet with Dion) ought to be blasting out of a '55 Chevy radio on a hot summer night"   â Wayne Blesdoe, Knoxville News-Sentinel
âI do have a favorite, however, and itâs another example of the cache that Christine Ohlman carries within the music world⦠enlisting the services of rock legend Dion DiMucci to sing with Ohlman on the gospel-tinged âCry Baby Cryâ is a great touch.â â Reb Landers, www.thealternateroot.com
"A perfect concoction of musicianship and road weary soaked vocals....making the disc a solid listen is the wonderful group of musicians, Rebel Montez, who really add an exceptional backing groove to these 15 tracks and gives it an A-plus sheen. The Deep End is a diamond in the rough." - Carl Cortez, iF MagazineÂ
"Ohlman exudes rock and soul authenticity from her wailing vocals to her beehive hairdo..a confident, cool  and street-savy diva."  â M Music and Musicians (successor to Performing Songwriter)
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Economy When I wrote the following pages, or rather the bulk of them, I lived alone, in the woods, a mile from any neighbor, in a house which I had built myself, on the shore of Walden Pond, in Concord, Massachusetts, and earned my living by the labor of my hands only. I lived there two years and two months. At present I am a sojourner in civilized life again. I should not obtrude my affairs so much on the notice of my readers if very particular inquiries had not been made by my townsmen concerning my mode of life, which some would call impertinent, though they do not appear to me at all impertinent, but, considering the circumstances, very natural and pertinent. Some have asked what I got to eat; if I did not feel lonesome; if I was not afraid; and the like. Others have been curious to learn what portion of my income I devoted to charitable purposes; and some, who have large families, how many poor children I maintained. I will therefore ask those of my readers who feel no particular interest in me to pardon me if I undertake to answer some of these questions in this book. In most books, the _I_, or first person, is omitted; in this it will be retained; that, in respect to egotism, is the main difference. We commonly do not remember that it is, after all, always the first person that is speaking. I should not talk so much about myself if there were anybody else whom I knew as well. Unfortunately, I am confined to this theme by the narrowness of my experience. Moreover, I, on my side, require of every writer, first or last, a simple and sincere account of his own life, and not merely what he has heard of other men's lives; some such account as he would send to his kindred from a distant land; for if he has lived sincerely, it must have been in a distant land to me. Perhaps these pages are more particularly addressed to poor students. As for the rest of my readers, they will accept such portions as apply to them. I trust that none will stretch the seams in putting on the coat, for it may do good service to him whom it fits. I would fain say something, not so much concerning the Chinese and Sandwich Islanders as you who read these pages, who are said to live in New England; something about your condition, especially your outward condition or circumstances in this world, in this town, what it is, whether it is necessary that it be as bad as it is, whether it cannot be improved as well as not. I have travelled a good deal in Concord; and everywhere, in shops, and offices, and fields, the inhabitants have appeared to me to be doing penance in a thousand remarkable ways. What I have heard of Bramins sitting exposed to four fires and looking in the face of the sun; or hanging suspended, with their heads downward, over flames; or looking at the heavens over their shoulders "until it becomes impossible for them to resume their natural position, while from the twist of the neck nothing but liquids can pass into the stomach"; or dwelling, chained for life, at the foot of a tree; or measuring with their bodies, like caterpillars, the breadth of vast empires; or standing on one leg on the tops of pillars--even these forms of conscious penance are hardly more incredible and astonishing than the scenes which I daily witness. The twelve labors of Hercules were trifling in comparison with those which my neighbors have undertaken; for they were only twelve, and had an end; but I could never see that these men slew or captured any monster or finished any labor. They have no friend Iolaus to burn with a hot iron the root of the hydra's head, but as soon as one head is crushed, two spring up. I see young men, my townsmen, whose misfortune it is to have inherited farms, houses, barns, cattle, and farming tools; for these are more easily acquired than got rid of. Better if they had been born in the open pasture and suckled by a wolf, that they might have seen with clearer eyes what field they were called to labor in. Who made them serfs of the soil? Why should they eat their sixty acres, when man is condemned to eat only his peck of dirt? Why should they begin digging their graves as soon as they are born? They have got to live a man's life, pushing all these things before them, and get on as well as they can. How many a poor immortal soul have I met well-nigh crushed and smothered under its load, creeping down the road of life, pushing before it a barn seventy-five feet by forty, its Augean stables never cleansed, and one hundred acres of land, tillage, mowing, pasture, and woodlot! The portionless, who struggle with no such unnecessary inherited encumbrances, find it labor enough to subdue and cultivate a few cubic feet of flesh. But men labor under a mistake. The better part of the man is soon plowed into the soil for compost. By a seeming fate, commonly called necessity, they are employed, as it says in an old book, laying up treasures which moth and rust will corrupt and thieves break through and steal. It is a fool's life, as they will find when they get to the end of it, if not before. It is said that Deucalion and Pyrrha created men by throwing stones over their heads behind them:-- Inde genus durum sumus, experiensque laborum, Et documenta damus qua simus origine nati. Or, as Raleigh rhymes it in his sonorous way,-- "From thence our kind hard-hearted is, enduring pain and care, Approving that our bodies of a stony nature are." So much for a blind obedience to a blundering oracle, throwing the stones over their heads behind them, and not seeing where they fell. Most men, even in this comparatively free country, through mere ignorance and mistake, are so occupied with the factitious cares and superfluously coarse labors of life that its finer fruits cannot be plucked by them. Their fingers, from excessive toil, are too clumsy and tremble too much for that. Actually, the laboring man has not leisure for a true integrity day by day; he cannot afford to sustain the manliest relations to men; his labor would be depreciated in the market. He has no time to be anything but a machine. How can he remember well his ignorance--which his growth requires--who has so often to use his knowledge? We should feed and clothe him gratuitously sometimes, and recruit him with our cordials, before we judge of him. The finest qualities of our nature, like the bloom on fruits, can be preserved only by the most delicate handling. Yet we do not treat ourselves nor one another thus tenderly. Some of you, we all know, are poor, find it hard to live, are sometimes, as it were, gasping for breath. I have no doubt that some of you who read this book are unable to pay for all the dinners which you have actually eaten, or for the coats and shoes which are fast wearing or are already worn out, and have come to this page to spend borrowed or stolen time, robbing your creditors of an hour. It is very evident what mean and sneaking lives many of you live, for my sight has been whetted by experience; always on the limits, trying to get into business and trying to get out of debt, a very ancient slough, called by the Latins _aes alienum_, another's brass, for some of their coins were made of brass; still living, and dying, and buried by this other's brass; always promising to pay, promising to pay, tomorrow, and dying today, insolvent; seeking to curry favor, to get custom, by how many modes, only not state-prison offenses; lying, flattering, voting, contracting yourselves into a nutshell of civility or dilating into an atmosphere of thin and vaporous generosity, that you may persuade your neighbor to let you make his shoes, or his hat, or his coat, or his carriage, or import his groceries for him; making yourselves sick, that you may lay up something against a sick day, something to be tucked away in an old chest, or in a stocking behind the plastering, or, more safely, in the brick bank; no matter where, no matter how much or how little. I sometimes wonder that we can be so frivolous, I may almost say, as to attend to the gross but somewhat foreign form of servitude called Negro Slavery, there are so many keen and subtle masters that enslave both North and South. It is hard to have a Southern overseer; it is worse to have a Northern one; but worst of all when you are the slave-driver of yourself. Talk of a divinity in man! Look at the teamster on the highway, wending to market by day or night; does any divinity stir within him? His highest duty to fodder and water his horses! What is his destiny to him compared with the shipping interests? Does not he drive for Squire Make-a-stir? How godlike, how immortal, is he? See how he cowers and sneaks, how vaguely all the day he fears, not being immortal nor divine, but the slave and prisoner of his own opinion of himself, a fame won by his own deeds. Public opinion is a weak tyrant compared with our own private opinion. What a man thinks of himself, that it is which determines, or rather indicates, his fate. Self-emancipation even in the West Indian provinces of the fancy and imagination--what Wilberforce is there to bring that about? Think, also, of the ladies of the land weaving toilet cushions against the last day, not to betray too green an interest in their fates! As if you could kill time without injuring eternity. The mass of men lead lives of quiet desperation. What is called resignation is confirmed desperation. From the desperate city you go into the desperate country, and have to console yourself with the bravery of minks and muskrats. A stereotyped but unconscious despair is concealed even under what are called the games and amusements of mankind. There is no play in them, for this comes after work. But it is a characteristic of wisdom not to do desperate things. When we consider what, to use the words of the catechism, is the chief end of man, and what are the true necessaries and means of life, it appears as if men had deliberately chosen the common mode of living because they preferred it to any other. Yet they honestly think there is no choice left. But alert and healthy natures remember that the sun rose clear. It is never too late to give up our prejudices. No way of thinking or doing, however ancient, can be trusted without proof. What everybody echoes or in silence passes by as true to-day may turn out to be falsehood to-morrow, mere smoke of opinion, which some had trusted for a cloud that would sprinkle fertilizing rain on their fields. What old people say you cannot do, you try and find that you can. Old deeds for old people, and new deeds for new. Old people did not know enough once, perchance, to fetch fresh fuel to keep the fire a-going; new people put a little dry wood under a pot, and are whirled round the globe with the speed of birds, in a way to kill old people, as the phrase is. Age is no better, hardly so well, qualified for an instructor as youth, for it has not profited so much as it has lost. One may almost doubt if the wisest man has learned anything of absolute value by living. Practically, the old have no very important advice to give the young, their own experience has been so partial, and their lives have been such miserable failures, for private reasons, as they must believe; and it may be that they have some faith left which belies that experience, and they are only less young than they were. I have lived some thirty years on this planet, and I have yet to hear the first syllable of valuable or even earnest advice from my seniors. They have told me nothing, and probably cannot tell me anything to the purpose. Here is life, an experiment to a great extent untried by me; but it does not avail me that they have tried it. If I have any experience which I think valuable, I am sure to reflect that this my Mentors said nothing about. One farmer says to me, "You cannot live on vegetable food solely, for it furnishes nothing to make bones with"; and so he religiously devotes a part of his day to supplying his system with the raw material of bones; walking all the while he talks behind his oxen, which, with vegetable-made bones, jerk him and his lumbering plow along in spite of every obstacle. Some things are really necessaries of life in some circles, the most helpless and diseased, which in others are luxuries merely, and in others still are entirely unknown. The whole ground of human life seems to some to have been gone over by their predecessors, both the heights and the valleys, and all things to have been cared for. According to Evelyn, "the wise Solomon prescribed ordinances for the very distances of trees; and the Roman prætors have decided how often you may go into your neighbor's land to gather the acorns which fall on it without trespass, and what share belongs to that neighbor." Hippocrates has even left directions how we should cut our nails; that is, even with the ends of the fingers, neither shorter nor longer. Undoubtedly the very tedium and ennui which presume to have exhausted the variety and the joys of life are as old as Adam. But man's capacities have never been measured; nor are we to judge of what he can do by any precedents, so little has been tried. Whatever have been thy failures hitherto, "be not afflicted, my child, for who shall assign to thee what thou hast left undone?" We might try our lives by a thousand simple tests; as, for instance, that the same sun which ripens my beans illumines at once a system of earths like ours. If I had remembered this it would have prevented some mistakes. This was not the light in which I hoed them. The stars are the apexes of what wonderful triangles! What distant and different beings in the various mansions of the universe are contemplating the same one at the same moment! Nature and human life are as various as our several constitutions. Who shall say what prospect life offers to another? Could a greater miracle take place than for us to look through each other's eyes for an instant? We should live in all the ages of the world in an hour; ay, in all the worlds of the ages. History, Poetry, Mythology!--I know of no reading of another's experience so startling and informing as this would be. The greater part of what my neighbors call good I believe in my soul to be bad, and if I repent of anything, it is very likely to be my good behavior. What demon possessed me that I behaved so well? You may say the wisest thing you can, old man--you who have lived seventy years, not without honor of a kind--I hear an irresistible voice which invites me away from all that. One generation abandons the enterprises of another like stranded vessels. I think that we may safely trust a good deal more than we do. We may waive just so much care of ourselves as we honestly bestow elsewhere. Nature is as well adapted to our weakness as to our strength. The incessant anxiety and strain of some is a well-nigh incurable form of disease. We are made to exaggerate the importance of what work we do; and yet how much is not done by us! or, what if we had been taken sick? How vigilant we are! determined not to live by faith if we can avoid it; all the day long on the alert, at night we unwillingly say our prayers and commit ourselves to uncertainties. So thoroughly and sincerely are we compelled to live, reverencing our life, and denying the possibility of change. This is the only way, we say; but there are as many ways as there can be drawn radii from one centre. All change is a miracle to contemplate; but it is a miracle which is taking place every instant. Confucius said, "To know that we know what we know, and that we do not know what we do not know, that is true knowledge." When one man has reduced a fact of the imagination to be a fact to his understanding, I foresee that all men at length establish their lives on that basis. Let us consider for a moment what most of the trouble and anxiety which I have referred to is about, and how much it is necessary that we be troubled, or at least careful. It would be some advantage to live a primitive and frontier life, though in the midst of an outward civilization, if only to learn what are the gross necessaries of life and what methods have been taken to obtain them; or even to look over the old day-books of the merchants, to see what it was that men most commonly bought at the stores, what they stored, that is, what are the grossest groceries. For the improvements of ages have had but little influence on the essential laws of man's existence; as our skeletons, probably, are not to be distinguished from those of our ancestors. By the words, _necessary of life_, I mean whatever, of all that man obtains by his own exertions, has been from the first, or from long use has become, so important to human life that few, if any, whether from savageness, or poverty, or philosophy, ever attempt to do without it. To many creatures there is in this sense but one necessary of life, Food. To the bison of the prairie it is a few inches of palatable grass, with water to drink; unless he seeks the Shelter of the forest or the mountain's shadow. None of the brute creation requires more than Food and Shelter. The necessaries of life for man in this climate may, accurately enough, be distributed under the several heads of Food, Shelter, Clothing, and Fuel; for not till we have secured these are we prepared to entertain the true problems of life with freedom and a prospect of success. Man has invented, not only houses, but clothes and cooked food; and possibly from the accidental discovery of the warmth of fire, and the consequent use of it, at first a luxury, arose the present necessity to sit by it. We observe cats and dogs acquiring the same second nature. By proper Shelter and Clothing we legitimately retain our own internal heat; but with an excess of these, or of Fuel, that is, with an external heat greater than our own internal, may not cookery properly be said to begin? Darwin, the naturalist, says of the inhabitants of Tierra del Fuego, that while his own party, who were well clothed and sitting close to a fire, were far from too warm, these naked savages, who were farther off, were observed, to his great surprise, "to be streaming with perspiration at undergoing such a roasting." So, we are told, the New Hollander goes naked with impunity, while the European shivers in his clothes. Is it impossible to combine the hardiness of these savages with the intellectualness of the civilized man? According to Liebig, man's body is a stove, and food the fuel which keeps up the internal combustion in the lungs. In cold weather we eat more, in warm less. The animal heat is the result of a slow combustion, and disease and death take place when this is too rapid; or for want of fuel, or from some defect in the draught, the fire goes out. Of course the vital heat is not to be confounded with fire; but so much for analogy. It appears, therefore, from the above list, that the expression, _animal life_, is nearly synonymous with the expression, _animal heat_; for while Food may be regarded as the Fuel which keeps up the fire within us--and Fuel serves only to prepare that Food or to increase the warmth of our bodies by addition from without--Shelter and Clothing also serve only to retain the heat thus generated and absorbed. The grand necessity, then, for our bodies, is to keep warm, to keep the vital heat in us. What pains we accordingly take, not only with our Food, and Clothing, and Shelter, but with our beds, which are our night-clothes, robbing the nests and breasts of birds to prepare this shelter within a shelter, as the mole has its bed of grass and leaves at the end of its burrow! The poor man is wont to complain that this is a cold world; and to cold, no less physical than social, we refer directly a great part of our ails. The summer, in some climates, makes possible to man a sort of Elysian life. Fuel, except to cook his Food, is then unnecessary; the sun is his fire, and many of the fruits are sufficiently cooked by its rays; while Food generally is more various, and more easily obtained, and Clothing and Shelter are wholly or half unnecessary. At the present day, and in this country, as I find by my own experience, a few implements, a knife, an axe, a spade, a wheelbarrow, etc., and for the studious, lamplight, stationery, and access to a few books, rank next to necessaries, and can all be obtained at a trifling cost. Yet some, not wise, go to the other side of the globe, to barbarous and unhealthy regions, and devote themselves to trade for ten or twenty years, in order that they may live--that is, keep comfortably warm--and die in New England at last. The luxuriously rich are not simply kept comfortably warm, but unnaturally hot; as I implied before, they are cooked, of course _à la mode_. Most of the luxuries, and many of the so-called comforts of life, are not only not indispensable, but positive hindrances to the elevation of mankind. With respect to luxuries and comforts, the wisest have ever lived a more simple and meagre life than the poor. The ancient philosophers, Chinese, Hindoo, Persian, and Greek, were a class than which none has been poorer in outward riches, none so rich in inward. We know not much about them. It is remarkable that we know so much of them as we do. The same is true of the more modern reformers and benefactors of their race. None can be an impartial or wise observer of human life but from the vantage ground of what we should call voluntary poverty. Of a life of luxury the fruit is luxury, whether in agriculture, or commerce, or literature, or art. There are nowadays professors of philosophy, but not philosophers. Yet it is admirable to profess because it was once admirable to live. To be a philosopher is not merely to have subtle thoughts, nor even to found a school, but so to love wisdom as to live according to its dictates, a life of simplicity, independence, magnanimity, and trust. It is to solve some of the problems of life, not only theoretically, but practically. The success of great scholars and thinkers is commonly a courtier-like success, not kingly, not manly. They make shift to live merely by conformity, practically as their fathers did, and are in no sense the progenitors of a noble race of men. But why do men degenerate ever? What makes families run out? What is the nature of the luxury which enervates and destroys nations? Are we sure that there is none of it in our own lives? The philosopher is in advance of his age even in the outward form of his life. He is not fed, sheltered, clothed, warmed, like his contemporaries. How can a man be a philosopher and not maintain his vital heat by better methods than other men? When a man is warmed by the several modes which I have described, what does he want next? Surely not more warmth of the same kind, as more and richer food, larger and more splendid houses, finer and more abundant clothing, more numerous, incessant, and hotter fires, and the like. When he has obtained those things which are necessary to life, there is another alternative than to obtain the superfluities; and that is, to adventure on life now, his vacation from humbler toil having commenced. The soil, it appears, is suited to the seed, for it has sent its radicle downward, and it may now send its shoot upward also with confidence. Why has man rooted himself thus firmly in the earth, but that he may rise in the same proportion into the heavens above?--for the nobler plants are valued for the fruit they bear at last in the air and light, far from the ground, and are not treated like the humbler esculents, which, though they may be biennials, are cultivated only till they have perfected their root, and often cut down at top for this purpose, so that most would not know them in their flowering season. I do not mean to prescribe rules to strong and valiant natures, who will mind their own affairs whether in heaven or hell, and perchance build more magnificently and spend more lavishly than the richest, without ever impoverishing themselves, not knowing how they live--if, indeed, there are any such, as has been dreamed; nor to those who find their encouragement and inspiration in precisely the present condition of things, and cherish it with the fondness and enthusiasm of lovers--and, to some extent, I reckon myself in this number; I do not speak to those who are well employed, in whatever circumstances, and they know whether they are well employed or not;--but mainly to the mass of men who are discontented, and idly complaining of the hardness of their lot or of the times, when they might improve them. There are some who complain most energetically and inconsolably of any, because they are, as they say, doing their duty. I also have in my mind that seemingly wealthy, but most terribly impoverished class of all, who have accumulated dross, but know not how to use it, or get rid of it, and thus have forged their own golden or silver fetters. * * * * * If I should attempt to tell how I have desired to spend my life in years past, it would probably surprise those of my readers who are somewhat acquainted with its actual history; it would certainly astonish those who know nothing about it. I will only hint at some of the enterprises which I have cherished. In any weather, at any hour of the day or night, I have been anxious to improve the nick of time, and notch it on my stick too; to stand on the meeting of two eternities, the past and future, which is precisely the present moment; to toe that line. You will pardon some obscurities, for there are more secrets in my trade than in most men's, and yet not voluntarily kept, but inseparable from its very nature. I would gladly tell all that I know about it, and never paint "No Admittance" on my gate. I long ago lost a hound, a bay horse, and a turtle dove, and am still on their trail. Many are the travellers I have spoken concerning them, describing their tracks and what calls they answered to. I have met one or two who had heard the hound, and the tramp of the horse, and even seen the dove disappear behind a cloud, and they seemed as anxious to recover them as if they had lost them themselves. To anticipate, not the sunrise and the dawn merely, but, if possible, Nature herself! How many mornings, summer and winter, before yet any neighbor was stirring about his business, have I been about mine! No doubt, many of my townsmen have met me returning from this enterprise, farmers starting for Boston in the twilight, or woodchoppers going to their work. It is true, I never assisted the sun materially in his rising, but, doubt not, it was of the last importance only to be present at it. So many autumn, ay, and winter days, spent outside the town, trying to hear what was in the wind, to hear and carry it express! I well-nigh sunk all my capital in it, and lost my own breath into the bargain, running in the face of it. If it had concerned either of the political parties, depend upon it, it would have appeared in the Gazette with the earliest intelligence. At other times watching from the observatory of some cliff or tree, to telegraph any new arrival; or waiting at evening on the hill-tops for the sky to fall, that I might catch something, though I never caught much, and that, manna-wise, would dissolve again in the sun. For a long time I was reporter to a journal, of no very wide circulation, whose editor has never yet seen fit to print the bulk of my contributions, and, as is too common with writers, I got only my labor for my pains. However, in this case my pains were their own reward. For many years I was self-appointed inspector of snow-storms and rain-storms, and did my duty faithfully; surveyor, if not of highways, then of forest paths and all across-lot routes, keeping them open, and ravines bridged and passable at all seasons, where the public heel had testified to their utility. I have looked after the wild stock of the town, which give a faithful herdsman a good deal of trouble by leaping fences; and I have had an eye to the unfrequented nooks and corners of the farm; though I did not always know whether Jonas or Solomon worked in a particular field to-day; that was none of my business. I have watered the red huckleberry, the sand cherry and the nettle-tree, the red pine and the black ash, the white grape and the yellow violet, which might have withered else in dry seasons. In short, I went on thus for a long time (I may say it without boasting), faithfully minding my business, till it became more and more evident that my townsmen would not after all admit me into the list of town officers, nor make my place a sinecure with a moderate allowance. My accounts, which I can swear to have kept faithfully, I have, indeed, never got audited, still less accepted, still less paid and settled. However, I have not set my heart on that. Not long since, a strolling Indian went to sell baskets at the house of a well-known lawyer in my neighborhood. "Do you wish to buy any baskets?" he asked. "No, we do not want any," was the reply. "What!" exclaimed the Indian as he went out the gate, "do you mean to starve us?" Having seen his industrious white neighbors so well off--that the lawyer had only to weave arguments, and, by some magic, wealth and standing followed--he had said to himself: I will go into business; I will weave baskets; it is a thing which I can do. Thinking that when he had made the baskets he would have done his part, and then it would be the white man's to buy them. He had not discovered that it was necessary for him to make it worth the other's while to buy them, or at least make him think that it was so, or to make something else which it would be worth his while to buy. I too had woven a kind of basket of a delicate texture, but I had not made it worth any one's while to buy them. Yet not the less, in my case, did I think it worth my while to weave them, and instead of studying how to make it worth men's while to buy my baskets, I studied rather how to avoid the necessity of selling them. The life which men praise and regard as successful is but one kind. Why should we exaggerate any one kind at the expense of the others? Finding that my fellow-citizens were not likely to offer me any room in the court house, or any curacy or living anywhere else, but I must shift for myself, I turned my face more exclusively than ever to the woods, where I was better known. I determined to go into business at once, and not wait to acquire the usual capital, using such slender means as I had already got. My purpose in going to Walden Pond was not to live cheaply nor to live dearly there, but to transact some private business with the fewest obstacles; to be hindered from accomplishing which for want of a little common sense, a little enterprise and business talent, appeared not so sad as foolish. I have always endeavored to acquire strict business habits; they are indispensable to every man. If your trade is with the Celestial Empire, then some small counting house on the coast, in some Salem harbor, will be fixture enough. You will export such articles as the country affords, purely native products, much ice and pine timber and a little granite, always in native bottoms. These will be good ventures. To oversee all the details yourself in person; to be at once pilot and captain, and owner and underwriter; to buy and sell and keep the accounts; to read every letter received, and write or read every letter sent; to superintend the discharge of imports night and day; to be upon many parts of the coast almost at the same time--often the richest freight will be discharged upon a Jersey shore;--to be your own telegraph, unweariedly sweeping the horizon, speaking all passing vessels bound coastwise; to keep up a steady despatch of commodities, for the supply of such a distant and exorbitant market; to keep yourself informed of the state of the markets, prospects of war and peace everywhere, and anticipate the tendencies of trade and civilization--taking advantage of the results of all exploring expeditions, using new passages and all improvements in navigation;--charts to be studied, the position of reefs and new lights and buoys to be ascertained, and ever, and ever, the logarithmic tables to be corrected, for by the error of some calculator the vessel often splits upon a rock that should have reached a friendly pier--there is the untold fate of La Prouse;--universal science to be kept pace with, studying the lives of all great discoverers and navigators, great adventurers and merchants, from Hanno and the Phoenicians down to our day; in fine, account of stock to be taken from time to time, to know how you stand. It is a labor to task the faculties of a man--such problems of profit and loss, of interest, of tare and tret, and gauging of all kinds in it, as demand a universal knowledge. I have thought that Walden Pond would be a good place for business, not solely on account of the railroad and the ice trade; it offers advantages which it may not be good policy to divulge; it is a good port and a good foundation. No Neva marshes to be filled; though you must everywhere build on piles of your own driving. It is said that a flood-tide, with a westerly wind, and ice in the Neva, would sweep St. Petersburg from the face of the earth. As this business was to be entered into without the usual capital, it may not be easy to conjecture where those means, that will still be indispensable to every such undertaking, were to be obtained. As for Clothing, to come at once to the practical part of the question, perhaps we are led oftener by the love of novelty and a regard for the opinions of men, in procuring it, than by a true utility. Let him who has work to do recollect that the object of clothing is, first, to retain the vital heat, and secondly, in this state of society, to cover nakedness, and he may judge how much of any necessary or important work may be accomplished without adding to his wardrobe. Kings and queens who wear a suit but once, though made by some tailor or dressmaker to their majesties, cannot know the comfort of wearing a suit that fits. They are no better than wooden horses to hang the clean clothes on. Every day our garments become more assimilated to ourselves, receiving the impress of the wearer's character, until we hesitate to lay them aside without such delay and medical appliances and some such solemnity even as our bodies. No man ever stood the lower in my estimation for having a patch in his clothes; yet I am sure that there is greater anxiety, commonly, to have fashionable, or at least clean and unpatched clothes, than to have a sound conscience. But even if the rent is not mended, perhaps the worst vice betrayed is improvidence. I sometimes try my acquaintances by such tests as this--Who could wear a patch, or two extra seams only, over the knee? Most behave as if they believed that their prospects for life would be ruined if they should do it. It would be easier for them to hobble to town with a broken leg than with a broken pantaloon. Often if an accident happens to a gentleman's legs, they can be mended; but if a similar accident happens to the legs of his pantaloons, there is no help for it; for he considers, not what is truly respectable, but what is respected. We know but few men, a great many coats and breeches. Dress a scarecrow in your last shift, you standing shiftless by, who would not soonest salute the scarecrow? Passing a cornfield the other day, close by a hat and coat on a stake, I recognized the owner of the farm. He was only a little more weather-beaten than when I saw him last. I have heard of a dog that barked at every stranger who approached his master's premises with clothes on, but was easily quieted by a naked thief. It is an interesting question how far men would retain their relative rank if they were divested of their clothes. Could you, in such a case, tell surely of any company of civilized men which belonged to the most respected class? When Madam Pfeiffer, in her adventurous travels round the world, from east to west, had got so near home as Asiatic Russia, she says that she felt the necessity of wearing other than a travelling dress, when she went to meet the authorities, for she "was now in a civilized country, where... people are judged of by their clothes." Even in our democratic New England towns the accidental possession of wealth, and its manifestation in dress and equipage alone, obtain for the possessor almost universal respect. But they yield such respect, numerous as they are, are so far heathen, and need to have a missionary sent to them. Beside, clothes introduced sewing, a kind of work which you may call endless; a woman's dress, at least, is never done. A man who has at length found something to do will not need to get a new suit to do it in; for him the old will do, that has lain dusty in the garret for an indeterminate period. Old shoes will serve a hero longer than they have served his valet--if a hero ever has a valet--bare feet are older than shoes, and he can make them do. Only they who go to soirées and legislative balls must have new coats, coats to change as often as the man changes in them. But if my jacket and trousers, my hat and shoes, are fit to worship God in, they will do; will they not? Who ever saw his old clothes--his old coat, actually worn out, resolved into its primitive elements, so that it was not a deed of charity to bestow it on some poor boy, by him perchance to be bestowed on some poorer still, or shall we say richer, who could do with less? I say, beware of all enterprises that require new clothes, and not rather a new wearer of clothes. If there is not a new man, how can the new clothes be made to fit? If you have any enterprise before you, try it in your old clothes. All men want, not something to _do with_, but something to _do_, or rather something to _be_. Perhaps we should never procure a new suit, however ragged or dirty the old, until we have so conducted, so enterprised or sailed in some way, that we feel like new men in the old, and that to retain it would be like keeping new wine in old bottles. Our moulting season, like that of the fowls, must be a crisis in our lives. The loon retires to solitary ponds to spend it. Thus also the snake casts its slough, and the caterpillar its wormy coat, by an internal industry and expansion; for clothes are but our outmost cuticle and mortal coil. Otherwise we shall be found sailing under false colors, and be inevitably cashiered at last by our own opinion, as well as that of mankind. We don garment after garment, as if we grew like exogenous plants by addition without. Our outside and often thin and fanciful clothes are our epidermis, or false skin, which partakes not of our life, and may be stripped off here and there without fatal injury; our thicker garments, constantly worn, are our cellular integument, or cortex; but our shirts are our liber, or true bark, which cannot be removed without girdling and so destroying the man. I believe that all races at some seasons wear something equivalent to the shirt. It is desirable that a man be clad so simply that he can lay his hands on himself in the dark, and that he live in all respects so compactly and preparedly that, if an enemy take the town, he can, like the old philosopher, walk out the gate empty-handed without anxiety. While one thick garment is, for most purposes, as good as three thin ones, and cheap clothing can be obtained at prices really to suit customers; while a thick coat can be bought for five dollars, which will last as many years, thick pantaloons for two dollars, cowhide boots for a dollar and a half a pair, a summer hat for a quarter of a dollar, and a winter cap for sixty-two and a half cents, or a better be made at home at a nominal cost, where is he so poor that, clad in such a suit, of _his own earning_, there will not be found wise men to do him reverence? When I ask for a garment of a particular form, my tailoress tells me gravely, "They do not make them so now," not emphasizing the "They" at all, as if she quoted an authority as impersonal as the Fates, and I find it difficult to get made what I want, simply because she cannot believe that I mean what I say, that I am so rash. When I hear this oracular sentence, I am for a moment absorbed in thought, emphasizing to myself each word separately that I may come at the meaning of it, that I may find out by what degree of consanguinity _They_ are related to _me_, and what authority they may have in an affair which affects me so nearly; and, finally, I am inclined to answer her with equal mystery, and without any more emphasis of the "they"--"It is true, they did not make them so recently, but they do now." Of what use this measuring of me if she does not measure my character, but only the breadth of my shoulders, as it were a peg to hang the coat on? We worship not the Graces, nor the Parcae, but Fashion. She spins and weaves and cuts with full authority. The head monkey at Paris puts on a traveller's cap, and all the monkeys in America do the same. I sometimes despair of getting anything quite simple and honest done in this world by the help of men. They would have to be passed through a powerful press first, to squeeze their old notions out of them, so that they would not soon get upon their legs again; and then there would be some one in the company with a maggot in his head, hatched from an egg deposited there nobody knows when, for not even fire kills these things, and you would have lost your labor. Nevertheless, we will not forget that some Egyptian wheat was handed down to us by a mummy. On the whole, I think that it cannot be maintained that dressing has in this or any country risen to the dignity of an art. At present men make shift to wear what they can get. Like shipwrecked sailors, they put on what they can find on the beach, and at a little distance, whether of space or time, laugh at each other's masquerade. Every generation laughs at the old fashions, but follows religiously the new. We are amused at beholding the costume of Henry VIII, or Queen Elizabeth, as much as if it was that of the King and Queen of the Cannibal Islands. All costume off a man is pitiful or grotesque. It is only the serious eye peering from and the sincere life passed within it which restrain laughter and consecrate the costume of any people. Let Harlequin be taken with a fit of the colic and his trappings will have to serve that mood too. When the soldier is hit by a cannonball, rags are as becoming as purple. The childish and savage taste of men and women for new patterns keeps how many shaking and squinting through kaleidoscopes that they may discover the particular figure which this generation requires today. The manufacturers have learned that this taste is merely whimsical. Of two patterns which differ only by a few threads more or less of a particular color, the one will be sold readily, the other lie on the shelf, though it frequently happens that after the lapse of a season the latter becomes the most fashionable. Comparatively, tattooing is not the hideous custom which it is called. It is not barbarous merely because the printing is skin-deep and unalterable. I cannot believe that our factory system is the best mode by which men may get clothing. The condition of the operatives is becoming every day more like that of the English; and it cannot be wondered at, since, as far as I have heard or observed, the principal object is, not that mankind may be well and honestly clad, but, unquestionably, that corporations may be enriched. In the long run men hit only what they aim at. Therefore, though they should fail immediately, they had better aim at something high. As for a Shelter, I will not deny that this is now a necessary of life, though there are instances of men having done without it for long periods in colder countries than this. Samuel Laing says that "the Laplander in his skin dress, and in a skin bag which he puts over his head and shoulders, will sleep night after night on the snow... in a degree of cold which would extinguish the life of one exposed to it in any woollen clothing." He had seen them asleep thus. Yet he adds, "They are not hardier than other people." But, probably, man did not live long on the earth without discovering the convenience which there is in a house, the domestic comforts, which phrase may have originally signified the satisfactions of the house more than of the family; though these must be extremely partial and occasional in those climates where the house is associated in our thoughts with winter or the rainy season chiefly, and two thirds of the year, except for a parasol, is unnecessary. In our climate, in the summer, it was formerly almost solely a covering at night. In the Indian gazettes a wigwam was the symbol of a day's march, and a row of them cut or painted on the bark of a tree signified that so many times they had camped. Man was not made so large limbed and robust but that he must seek to narrow his world and wall in a space such as fitted him. He was at first bare and out of doors; but though this was pleasant enough in serene and warm weather, by daylight, the rainy season and the winter, to say nothing of the torrid sun, would perhaps have nipped his race in the bud if he had not made haste to clothe himself with the shelter of a house. Adam and Eve, according to the fable, wore the bower before other clothes. Man wanted a home, a place of warmth, or comfort, first of warmth, then the warmth of the affections. We may imagine a time when, in the infancy of the human race, some enterprising mortal crept into a hollow in a rock for shelter. Every child begins the world again, to some extent, and loves to stay outdoors, even in wet and cold. It plays house, as well as horse, having an instinct for it. Who does not remember the interest with which, when young, he looked at shelving rocks, or any approach to a cave? It was the natural yearning of that portion, any portion of our most primitive ancestor which still survived in us. From the cave we have advanced to roofs of palm leaves, of bark and boughs, of linen woven and stretched, of grass and straw, of boards and shingles, of stones and tiles. At last, we know not what it is to live in the open air, and our lives are domestic in more senses than we think. From the hearth the field is a great distance. It would be well, perhaps, if we were to spend more of our days and nights without any obstruction between us and the celestial bodies, if the poet did not speak so much from under a roof, or the saint dwell there so long. Birds do not sing in caves, nor do doves cherish their innocence in dovecots. However, if one designs to construct a dwelling-house, it behooves him to exercise a little Yankee shrewdness, lest after all he find himself in a workhouse, a labyrinth without a clue, a museum, an almshouse, a prison, or a splendid mausoleum instead. Consider first how slight a shelter is absolutely necessary. I have seen Penobscot Indians, in this town, living in tents of thin cotton cloth, while the snow was nearly a foot deep around them, and I thought that they would be glad to have it deeper to keep out the wind. Formerly, when how to get my living honestly, with freedom left for my proper pursuits, was a question which vexed me even more than it does now, for unfortunately I am become somewhat callous, I used to see a large box by the railroad, six feet long by three wide, in which the laborers locked up their tools at night; and it suggested to me that every man who was hard pushed might get such a one for a dollar, and, having bored a few auger holes in it, to admit the air at least, get into it when it rained and at night, and hook down the lid, and so have freedom in his love, and in his soul be free. This did not appear the worst, nor by any means a despicable alternative. You could sit up as late as you pleased, and, whenever you got up, go abroad without any landlord or house-lord dogging you for rent. Many a man is harassed to death to pay the rent of a larger and more luxurious box who would not have frozen to death in such a box as this. I am far from jesting. Economy is a subject which admits of being treated with levity, but it cannot so be disposed of. A comfortable house for a rude and hardy race, that lived mostly out of doors, was once made here almost entirely of such materials as Nature furnished ready to their hands. Gookin, who was superintendent of the Indians subject to the Massachusetts Colony, writing in 1674, says, "The best of their houses are covered very neatly, tight and warm, with barks of trees, slipped from their bodies at those seasons when the sap is up, and made into great flakes, with pressure of weighty timber, when they are green.... The meaner sort are covered with mats which they make of a kind of bulrush, and are also indifferently tight and warm, but not so good as the former.... Some I have seen, sixty or a hundred feet long and thirty feet broad.... I have often lodged in their wigwams, and found them as warm as the best English houses." He adds that they were commonly carpeted and lined within with well-wrought embroidered mats, and were furnished with various utensils. The Indians had advanced so far as to regulate the effect of the wind by a mat suspended over the hole in the roof and moved by a string. Such a lodge was in the first instance constructed in a day or two at most, and taken down and put up in a few hours; and every family owned one, or its apartment in one. In the savage state every family owns a shelter as good as the best, and sufficient for its coarser and simpler wants; but I think that I speak within bounds when I say that, though the birds of the air have their nests, and the foxes their holes, and the savages their wigwams, in modern civilized society not more than one half the families own a shelter. In the large towns and cities, where civilization especially prevails, the number of those who own a shelter is a very small fraction of the whole. The rest pay an annual tax for this outside garment of all, become indispensable summer and winter, which would buy a village of Indian wigwams, but now helps to keep them poor as long as they live. I do not mean to insist here on the disadvantage of hiring compared with owning, but it is evident that the savage owns his shelter because it costs so little, while the civilized man hires his commonly because he cannot afford to own it; nor can he, in the long run, any better afford to hire. But, answers one, by merely paying this tax, the poor civilized man secures an abode which is a palace compared with the savage's. An annual rent of from twenty-five to a hundred dollars (these are the country rates) entitles him to the benefit of the improvements of centuries, spacious apartments, clean paint and paper, Rumford fire-place, back plastering, Venetian blinds, copper pump, spring lock, a commodious cellar, and many other things. But how happens it that he who is said to enjoy these things is so commonly a poor civilized man, while the savage, who has them not, is rich as a savage? If it is asserted that civilization is a real advance in the condition of man--and I think that it is, though only the wise improve their advantages--it must be shown that it has produced better dwellings without making them more costly; and the cost of a thing is the amount of what I will call life which is required to be exchanged for it, immediately or in the long run. An average house in this neighborhood costs perhaps eight hundred dollars, and to lay up this sum will take from ten to fifteen years of the laborer's life, even if he is not encumbered with a family--estimating the pecuniary value of every man's labor at one dollar a day, for if some receive more, others receive less;--so that he must have spent more than half his life commonly before his wigwam will be earned. If we suppose him to pay a rent instead, this is but a doubtful choice of evils. Would the savage have been wise to exchange his wigwam for a palace on these terms? It may be guessed that I reduce almost the whole advantage of holding this superfluous property as a fund in store against the future, so far as the individual is concerned, mainly to the defraying of funeral expenses. But perhaps a man is not required to bury himself. Nevertheless this points to an important distinction between the civilized man and the savage; and, no doubt, they have designs on us for our benefit, in making the life of a civilized people an _institution_, in which the life of the individual is to a great extent absorbed, in order to preserve and perfect that of the race. But I wish to show at what a sacrifice this advantage is at present obtained, and to suggest that we may possibly so live as to secure all the advantage without suffering any of the disadvantage. What mean ye by saying that the poor ye have always with you, or that the fathers have eaten sour grapes, and the children's teeth are set on edge? "As I live, saith the Lord God, ye shall not have occasion any more to use this proverb in Israel. "Behold all souls are mine; as the soul of the father, so also the soul of the son is mine: the soul that sinneth, it shall die." When I consider my neighbors, the farmers of Concord, who are at least as well off as the other classes, I find that for the most part they have been toiling twenty, thirty, or forty years, that they may become the real owners of their farms, which commonly they have inherited with encumbrances, or else bought with hired money--and we may regard one third of that toil as the cost of their houses--but commonly they have not paid for them yet. It is true, the encumbrances sometimes outweigh the value of the farm, so that the farm itself becomes one great encumbrance, and still a man is found to inherit it, being well acquainted with it, as he says. On applying to the assessors, I am surprised to learn that they cannot at once name a dozen in the town who own their farms free and clear. If you would know the history of these homesteads, inquire at the bank where they are mortgaged. The man who has actually paid for his farm with labor on it is so rare that every neighbor can point to him. I doubt if there are three such men in Concord. What has been said of the merchants, that a very large majority, even ninety-seven in a hundred, are sure to fail, is equally true of the farmers. With regard to the merchants, however, one of them says pertinently that a great part of their failures are not genuine pecuniary failures, but merely failures to fulfil their engagements, because it is inconvenient; that is, it is the moral character that breaks down. But this puts an infinitely worse face on the matter, and suggests, beside, that probably not even the other three succeed in saving their souls, but are perchance bankrupt in a worse sense than they who fail honestly. Bankruptcy and repudiation are the springboards from which much of our civilization vaults and turns its somersets, but the savage stands on the unelastic plank of famine. Yet the Middlesex Cattle Show goes off here with _éclat_ annually, as if all the joints of the agricultural machine were suent. The farmer is endeavoring to solve the problem of a livelihood by a formula more complicated than the problem itself. To get his shoestrings he speculates in herds of cattle. With consummate skill he has set his trap with a hair spring to catch comfort and independence, and then, as he turned away, got his own leg into it. This is the reason he is poor; and for a similar reason we are all poor in respect to a thousand savage comforts, though surrounded by luxuries. As Chapman sings, "The false society of men-- --for earthly greatness All heavenly comforts rarefies to air." And when the farmer has got his house, he may not be the richer but the poorer for it, and it be the house that has got him. As I understand it, that was a valid objection urged by Momus against the house which Minerva made, that she "had not made it movable, by which means a bad neighborhood might be avoided"; and it may still be urged, for our houses are such unwieldy property that we are often imprisoned rather than housed in them; and the bad neighborhood to be avoided is our own scurvy selves. I know one or two families, at least, in this town, who, for nearly a generation, have been wishing to sell their houses in the outskirts and move into the village, but have not been able to accomplish it, and only death will set them free. Granted that the majority are able at last either to own or hire the modern house with all its improvements. While civilization has been improving our houses, it has not equally improved the men who are to inhabit them. It has created palaces, but it was not so easy to create noblemen and kings. And _if the civilized man's pursuits are no worthier than the savage's, if he is employed the greater part of his life in obtaining gross necessaries and comforts merely, why should he have a better dwelling than the former?_ But how do the poor minority fare? Perhaps it will be found that just in proportion as some have been placed in outward circumstances above the savage, others have been degraded below him. The luxury of one class is counterbalanced by the indigence of another. On the one side is the palace, on the other are the almshouse and "silent poor." The myriads who built the pyramids to be the tombs of the Pharaohs were fed on garlic, and it may be were not decently buried themselves. The mason who finishes the cornice of the palace returns at night perchance to a hut not so good as a wigwam. It is a mistake to suppose that, in a country where the usual evidences of civilization exist, the condition of a very large body of the inhabitants may not be as degraded as that of savages. I refer to the degraded poor, not now to the degraded rich. To know this I should not need to look farther than to the shanties which everywhere border our railroads, that last improvement in civilization; where I see in my daily walks human beings living in sties, and all winter with an open door, for the sake of light, without any visible, often imaginable, wood-pile, and the forms of both old and young are permanently contracted by the long habit of shrinking from cold and misery, and the development of all their limbs and faculties is checked. It certainly is fair to look at that class by whose labor the works which distinguish this generation are accomplished. Such too, to a greater or less extent, is the condition of the operatives of every denomination in England, which is the great workhouse of the world. Or I could refer you to Ireland, which is marked as one of the white or enlightened spots on the map. Contrast the physical condition of the Irish with that of the North American Indian, or the South Sea Islander, or any other savage race before it was degraded by contact with the civilized man. Yet I have no doubt that that people's rulers are as wise as the average of civilized rulers. Their condition only proves what squalidness may consist with civilization. I hardly need refer now to the laborers in our Southern States who produce the staple exports of this country, and are themselves a staple production of the South. But to confine myself to those who are said to be in _moderate_ circumstances. Most men appear never to have considered what a house is, and are actually though needlessly poor all their lives because they think that they must have such a one as their neighbors have. As if one were to wear any sort of coat which the tailor might cut out for him, or, gradually leaving off palm-leaf hat or cap of woodchuck skin, complain of hard times because he could not afford to buy him a crown! It is possible to invent a house still more convenient and luxurious than we have, which yet all would admit that man could not afford to pay for. Shall we always study to obtain more of these things, and not sometimes to be content with less? Shall the respectable citizen thus gravely teach, by precept and example, the necessity of the young man's providing a certain number of superfluous glow-shoes, and umbrellas, and empty guest chambers for empty guests, before he dies? Why should not our furniture be as simple as the Arab's or the Indian's? When I think of the benefactors of the race, whom we have apotheosized as messengers from heaven, bearers of divine gifts to man, I do not see in my mind any retinue at their heels, any carload of fashionable furniture. Or what if I were to allow--would it not be a singular allowance?--that our furniture should be more complex than the Arab's, in proportion as we are morally and intellectually his superiors! At present our houses are cluttered and defiled with it, and a good housewife would sweep out the greater part into the dust hole, and not leave her morning's work undone. Morning work! By the blushes of Aurora and the music of Memnon, what should be man's _morning work_ in this world? I had three pieces of limestone on my desk, but I was terrified to find that they required to be dusted daily, when the furniture of my mind was all undusted still, and threw them out the window in disgust. How, then, could I have a furnished house? I would rather sit in the open air, for no dust gathers on the grass, unless where man has broken ground. It is the luxurious and dissipated who set the fashions which the herd so diligently follow. The traveller who stops at the best houses, so called, soon discovers this, for the publicans presume him to be a Sardanapalus, and if he resigned himself to their tender mercies he would soon be completely emasculated. I think that in the railroad car we are inclined to spend more on luxury than on safety and convenience, and it threatens without attaining these to become no better than a modern drawing-room, with its divans, and ottomans, and sun-shades, and a hundred other oriental things, which we are taking west with us, invented for the ladies of the harem and the effeminate natives of the Celestial Empire, which Jonathan should be ashamed to know the names of. I would rather sit on a pumpkin and have it all to myself than be crowded on a velvet cushion. I would rather ride on earth in an ox cart, with a free circulation, than go to heaven in the fancy car of an excursion train and breathe a _malaria_ all the way. The very simplicity and nakedness of man's life in the primitive ages imply this advantage, at least, that they left him still but a sojourner in nature. When he was refreshed with food and sleep, he contemplated his journey again. He dwelt, as it were, in a tent in this world, and was either threading the valleys, or crossing the plains, or climbing the mountain-tops. But lo! men have become the tools of their tools. The man who independently plucked the fruits when he was hungry is become a farmer; and he who stood under a tree for shelter, a housekeeper. We now no longer camp as for a night, but have settled down on earth and forgotten heaven. We have adopted Christianity merely as an improved method of _agri_-culture. We have built for this world a family mansion, and for the next a family tomb. The best works of art are the expression of man's struggle to free himself from this condition, but the effect of our art is merely to make this low state comfortable and that higher state to be forgotten. There is actually no place in this village for a work of _fine_ art, if any had come down to us, to stand, for our lives, our houses and streets, furnish no proper pedestal for it. There is not a nail to hang a picture on, nor a shelf to receive the bust of a hero or a saint. When I consider how our houses are built and paid for, or not paid for, and their internal economy managed and sustained, I wonder that the floor does not give way under the visitor while he is admiring the gewgaws upon the mantelpiece, and let him through into the cellar, to some solid and honest though earthy foundation. I cannot but perceive that this so-called rich and refined life is a thing jumped at, and I do not get on in the enjoyment of the fine arts which adorn it, my attention being wholly occupied with the jump; for I remember that the greatest genuine leap, due to human muscles alone, on record, is that of certain wandering Arabs, who are said to have cleared twenty-five feet on level ground. Without factitious support, man is sure to come to earth again beyond that distance. The first question which I am tempted to put to the proprietor of such great impropriety is, Who bolsters you? Are you one of the ninety-seven who fail, or the three who succeed? Answer me these questions, and then perhaps I may look at your bawbles and find them ornamental. The cart before the horse is neither beautiful nor useful. Before we can adorn our houses with beautiful objects the walls must be stripped, and our lives must be stripped, and beautiful housekeeping and beautiful living be laid for a foundation: now, a taste for the beautiful is most cultivated out of doors, where there is no house and no housekeeper. Old Johnson, in his "Wonder-Working Providence," speaking of the first settlers of this town, with whom he was contemporary, tells us that "they burrow themselves in the earth for their first shelter under some hillside, and, casting the soil aloft upon timber, they make a smoky fire against the earth, at the highest side." They did not "provide them houses," says he, "till the earth, by the Lord's blessing, brought forth bread to feed them," and the first year's crop was so light that "they were forced to cut their bread very thin for a long season." The secretary of the Province of New Netherland, writing in Dutch, in 1650, for the information of those who wished to take up land there, states more particularly that "those in New Netherland, and especially in New England, who have no means to build farmhouses at first according to their wishes, dig a square pit in the ground, cellar fashion, six or seven feet deep, as long and as broad as they think proper, case the earth inside with wood all round the wall, and line the wood with the bark of trees or something else to prevent the caving in of the earth; floor this cellar with plank, and wainscot it overhead for a ceiling, raise a roof of spars clear up, and cover the spars with bark or green sods, so that they can live dry and warm in these houses with their entire families for two, three, and four years, it being understood that partitions are run through those cellars which are adapted to the size of the family. The wealthy and principal men in New England, in the beginning of the colonies, commenced their first dwelling-houses in this fashion for two reasons: firstly, in order not to waste time in building, and not to want food the next season; secondly, in order not to discourage poor laboring people whom they brought over in numbers from Fatherland. In the course of three or four years, when the country became adapted to agriculture, they built themselves handsome houses, spending on them several thousands." In this course which our ancestors took there was a show of prudence at least, as if their principle were to satisfy the more pressing wants first. But are the more pressing wants satisfied now? When I think of acquiring for myself one of our luxurious dwellings, I am deterred, for, so to speak, the country is not yet adapted to _human_ culture, and we are still forced to cut our _spiritual_ bread far thinner than our forefathers did their wheaten. Not that all architectural ornament is to be neglected even in the rudest periods; but let our houses first be lined with beauty, where they come in contact with our lives, like the tenement of the shellfish, and not overlaid with it. But, alas! I have been inside one or two of them, and know what they are lined with. Though we are not so degenerate but that we might possibly live in a cave or a wigwam or wear skins today, it certainly is better to accept the advantages, though so dearly bought, which the invention and industry of mankind offer. In such a neighborhood as this, boards and shingles, lime and bricks, are cheaper and more easily obtained than suitable caves, or whole logs, or bark in sufficient quantities, or even well-tempered clay or flat stones. I speak understandingly on this subject, for I have made myself acquainted with it both theoretically and practically. With a little more wit we might use these materials so as to become richer than the richest now are, and make our civilization a blessing. The civilized man is a more experienced and wiser savage. But to make haste to my own experiment. Near the end of March, 1845, I borrowed an axe and went down to the woods by Walden Pond, nearest to where I intended to build my house, and began to cut down some tall, arrowy white pines, still in their youth, for timber. It is difficult to begin without borrowing, but perhaps it is the most generous course thus to permit your fellow-men to have an interest in your enterprise. The owner of the axe, as he released his hold on it, said that it was the apple of his eye; but I returned it sharper than I received it. It was a pleasant hillside where I worked, covered with pine woods, through which I looked out on the pond, and a small open field in the woods where pines and hickories were springing up. The ice in the pond was not yet dissolved, though there were some open spaces, and it was all dark-colored and saturated with water. There were some slight flurries of snow during the days that I worked there; but for the most part when I came out on to the railroad, on my way home, its yellow sand heap stretched away gleaming in the hazy atmosphere, and the rails shone in the spring sun, and I heard the lark and pewee and other birds already come to commence another year with us. They were pleasant spring days, in which the winter of man's discontent was thawing as well as the earth, and the life that had lain torpid began to stretch itself. One day, when my axe had come off and I had cut a green hickory for a wedge, driving it with a stone, and had placed the whole to soak in a pond-hole in order to swell the wood, I saw a striped snake run into the water, and he lay on the bottom, apparently without inconvenience, as long as I stayed there, or more than a quarter of an hour; perhaps because he had not yet fairly come out of the torpid state. It appeared to me that for a like reason men remain in their present low and primitive condition; but if they should feel the influence of the spring of springs arousing them, they would of necessity rise to a higher and more ethereal life. I had previously seen the snakes in frosty mornings in my path with portions of their bodies still numb and inflexible, waiting for the sun to thaw them. On the 1st of April it rained and melted the ice, and in the early part of the day, which was very foggy, I heard a stray goose groping about over the pond and cackling as if lost, or like the spirit of the fog. So I went on for some days cutting and hewing timber, and also studs and rafters, all with my narrow axe, not having many communicable or scholar-like thoughts, singing to myself,-- Men say they know many things; But lo! they have taken wings-- The arts and sciences, And a thousand appliances; The wind that blows Is all that any body knows. I hewed the main timbers six inches square, most of the studs on two sides only, and the rafters and floor timbers on one side, leaving the rest of the bark on, so that they were just as straight and much stronger than sawed ones. Each stick was carefully mortised or tenoned by its stump, for I had borrowed other tools by this time. My days in the woods were not very long ones; yet I usually carried my dinner of bread and butter, and read the newspaper in which it was wrapped, at noon, sitting amid the green pine boughs which I had cut off, and to my bread was imparted some of their fragrance, for my hands were covered with a thick coat of pitch. Before I had done I was more the friend than the foe of the pine tree, though I had cut down some of them, having become better acquainted with it. Sometimes a rambler in the wood was attracted by the sound of my axe, and we chatted pleasantly over the chips which I had made. By the middle of April, for I made no haste in my work, but rather made the most of it, my house was framed and ready for the raising. I had already bought the shanty of James Collins, an Irishman who worked on the Fitchburg Railroad, for boards. James Collins' shanty was considered an uncommonly fine one. When I called to see it he was not at home. I walked about the outside, at first unobserved from within, the window was so deep and high. It was of small dimensions, with a peaked cottage roof, and not much else to be seen, the dirt being raised five feet all around as if it were a compost heap. The roof was the soundest part, though a good deal warped and made brittle by the sun. Doorsill there was none, but a perennial passage for the hens under the door board. Mrs. C. came to the door and asked me to view it from the inside. The hens were driven in by my approach. It was dark, and had a dirt floor for the most part, dank, clammy, and aguish, only here a board and there a board which would not bear removal. She lighted a lamp to show me the inside of the roof and the walls, and also that the board floor extended under the bed, warning me not to step into the cellar, a sort of dust hole two feet deep. In her own words, they were "good boards overhead, good boards all around, and a good window"--of two whole squares originally, only the cat had passed out that way lately. There was a stove, a bed, and a place to sit, an infant in the house where it was born, a silk parasol, gilt-framed looking-glass, and a patent new coffee-mill nailed to an oak sapling, all told. The bargain was soon concluded, for James had in the meanwhile returned. I to pay four dollars and twenty-five cents tonight, he to vacate at five tomorrow morning, selling to nobody else meanwhile: I to take possession at six. It were well, he said, to be there early, and anticipate certain indistinct but wholly unjust claims on the score of ground rent and fuel. This he assured me was the only encumbrance. At six I passed him and his family on the road. One large bundle held their all--bed, coffee-mill, looking-glass, hens--all but the cat; she took to the woods and became a wild cat, and, as I learned afterward, trod in a trap set for woodchucks, and so became a dead cat at last. I took down this dwelling the same morning, drawing the nails, and removed it to the pond-side by small cartloads, spreading the boards on the grass there to bleach and warp back again in the sun. One early thrush gave me a note or two as I drove along the woodland path. I was informed treacherously by a young Patrick that neighbor Seeley, an Irishman, in the intervals of the carting, transferred the still tolerable, straight, and drivable nails, staples, and spikes to his pocket, and then stood when I came back to pass the time of day, and look freshly up, unconcerned, with spring thoughts, at the devastation; there being a dearth of work, as he said. He was there to represent spectatordom, and help make this seemingly insignificant event one with the removal of the gods of Troy. I dug my cellar in the side of a hill sloping to the south, where a woodchuck had formerly dug his burrow, down through sumach and blackberry roots, and the lowest stain of vegetation, six feet square by seven deep, to a fine sand where potatoes would not freeze in any winter. The sides were left shelving, and not stoned; but the sun having never shone on them, the sand still keeps its place. It was but two hours' work. I took particular pleasure in this breaking of ground, for in almost all latitudes men dig into the earth for an equable temperature. Under the most splendid house in the city is still to be found the cellar where they store their roots as of old, and long after the superstructure has disappeared posterity remark its dent in the earth. The house is still but a sort of porch at the entrance of a burrow. At length, in the beginning of May, with the help of some of my acquaintances, rather to improve so good an occasion for neighborliness than from any necessity, I set up the frame of my house. No man was ever more honored in the character of his raisers than I. They are destined, I trust, to assist at the raising of loftier structures one day. I began to occupy my house on the 4th of July, as soon as it was boarded and roofed, for the boards were carefully feather-edged and lapped, so that it was perfectly impervious to rain, but before boarding I laid the foundation of a chimney at one end, bringing two cartloads of stones up the hill from the pond in my arms. I built the chimney after my hoeing in the fall, before a fire became necessary for warmth, doing my cooking in the meanwhile out of doors on the ground, early in the morning: which mode I still think is in some respects more convenient and agreeable than the usual one. When it stormed before my bread was baked, I fixed a few boards over the fire, and sat under them to watch my loaf, and passed some pleasant hours in that way. In those days, when my hands were much employed, I read but little, but the least scraps of paper which lay on the ground, my holder, or tablecloth, afforded me as much entertainment, in fact answered the same purpose as the Iliad. * * * * * It would be worth the while to build still more deliberately than I did, considering, for instance, what foundation a door, a window, a cellar, a garret, have in the nature of man, and perchance never raising any superstructure until we found a better reason for it than our temporal necessities even. There is some of the same fitness in a man's building his own house that there is in a bird's building its own nest. Who knows but if men constructed their dwellings with their own hands, and provided food for themselves and families simply and honestly enough, the poetic faculty would be universally developed, as birds universally sing when they are so engaged? But alas! we do like cowbirds and cuckoos, which lay their eggs in nests which other birds have built, and cheer no traveller with their chattering and unmusical notes. Shall we forever resign the pleasure of construction to the carpenter? What does architecture amount to in the experience of the mass of men? I never in all my walks came across a man engaged in so simple and natural an occupation as building his house. We belong to the community. It is not the tailor alone who is the ninth part of a man; it is as much the preacher, and the merchant, and the farmer. Where is this division of labor to end? and what object does it finally serve? No doubt another _may_ also think for me; but it is not therefore desirable that he should do so to the exclusion of my thinking for myself. True, there are architects so called in this country, and I have heard of one at least possessed with the idea of making architectural ornaments have a core of truth, a necessity, and hence a beauty, as if it were a revelation to him. All very well perhaps from his point of view, but only a little better than the common dilettantism. A sentimental reformer in architecture, he began at the cornice, not at the foundation. It was only how to put a core of truth within the ornaments, that every sugarplum, in fact, might have an almond or caraway seed in it--though I hold that almonds are most wholesome without the sugar--and not how the inhabitant, the indweller, might build truly within and without, and let the ornaments take care of themselves. What reasonable man ever supposed that ornaments were something outward and in the skin merely--that the tortoise got his spotted shell, or the shell-fish its mother-o'-pearl tints, by such a contract as the inhabitants of Broadway their Trinity Church? But a man has no more to do with the style of architecture of his house than a tortoise with that of its shell: nor need the soldier be so idle as to try to paint the precise color of his virtue on his standard. The enemy will find it out. He may turn pale when the trial comes. This man seemed to me to lean over the cornice, and timidly whisper his half truth to the rude occupants who really knew it better than he. What of architectural beauty I now see, I know has gradually grown from within outward, out of the necessities and character of the indweller, who is the only builder--out of some unconscious truthfulness, and nobleness, without ever a thought for the appearance and whatever additional beauty of this kind is destined to be produced will be preceded by a like unconscious beauty of life. The most interesting dwellings in this country, as the painter knows, are the most unpretending, humble log huts and cottages of the poor commonly; it is the life of the inhabitants whose shells they are, and not any peculiarity in their surfaces merely, which makes them picturesque; and equally interesting will be the citizen's suburban box, when his life shall be as simple and as agreeable to the imagination, and there is as little straining after effect in the style of his dwelling. A great proportion of architectural ornaments are literally hollow, and a September gale would strip them off, like borrowed plumes, without injury to the substantials. They can do without architecture who have no olives nor wines in the cellar. What if an equal ado were made about the ornaments of style in literature, and the architects of our bibles spent as much time about their cornices as the architects of our churches do? So are made the _belles-lettres_ and the _beaux-arts_ and their professors. Much it concerns a man, forsooth, how a few sticks are slanted over him or under him, and what colors are daubed upon his box. It would signify somewhat, if, in any earnest sense, he slanted them and daubed it; but the spirit having departed out of the tenant, it is of a piece with constructing his own coffin--the architecture of the grave--and "carpenter" is but another name for "coffin-maker." One man says, in his despair or indifference to life, take up a handful of the earth at your feet, and paint your house that color. Is he thinking of his last and narrow house? Toss up a copper for it as well. What an abundance of leisure he must have! Why do you take up a handful of dirt? Better paint your house your own complexion; let it turn pale or blush for you. An enterprise to improve the style of cottage architecture! When you have got my ornaments ready, I will wear them. Before winter I built a chimney, and shingled the sides of my house, which were already impervious to rain, with imperfect and sappy shingles made of the first slice of the log, whose edges I was obliged to straighten with a plane. I have thus a tight shingled and plastered house, ten feet wide by fifteen long, and eight-feet posts, with a garret and a closet, a large window on each side, two trap doors, one door at the end, and a brick fireplace opposite. The exact cost of my house, paying the usual price for such materials as I used, but not counting the work, all of which was done by myself, was as follows; and I give the details because very few are able to tell exactly what their houses cost, and fewer still, if any, the separate cost of the various materials which compose them:-- Boards.......................... $ 8.03-1/2, mostly shanty boards. Refuse shingles for roof sides... 4.00 Laths............................ 1.25 Two second-hand windows with glass.................... 2.43 One thousand old brick........... 4.00 Two casks of lime................ 2.40 That was high. Hair............................. 0.31 More than I needed. Mantle-tree iron................. 0.15 Nails............................ 3.90 Hinges and screws................ 0.14 Latch............................ 0.10 Chalk............................ 0.01 Transportation................... 1.40 I carried a good part -------- on my back. In all...................... $28.12-1/2 These are all the materials, excepting the timber, stones, and sand, which I claimed by squatter's right. I have also a small woodshed adjoining, made chiefly of the stuff which was left after building the house. I intend to build me a house which will surpass any on the main street in Concord in grandeur and luxury, as soon as it pleases me as much and will cost me no more than my present one. I thus found that the student who wishes for a shelter can obtain one for a lifetime at an expense not greater than the rent which he now pays annually. If I seem to boast more than is becoming, my excuse is that I brag for humanity rather than for myself; and my shortcomings and inconsistencies do not affect the truth of my statement. Notwithstanding much cant and hypocrisy--chaff which I find it difficult to separate from my wheat, but for which I am as sorry as any man--I will breathe freely and stretch myself in this respect, it is such a relief to both the moral and physical system; and I am resolved that I will not through humility become the devil's attorney. I will endeavor to speak a good word for the truth. At Cambridge College the mere rent of a student's room, which is only a little larger than my own, is thirty dollars each year, though the corporation had the advantage of building thirty-two side by side and under one roof, and the occupant suffers the inconvenience of many and noisy neighbors, and perhaps a residence in the fourth story. I cannot but think that if we had more true wisdom in these respects, not only less education would be needed, because, forsooth, more would already have been acquired, but the pecuniary expense of getting an education would in a great measure vanish. Those conveniences which the student requires at Cambridge or elsewhere cost him or somebody else ten times as great a sacrifice of life as they would with proper management on both sides. Those things for which the most money is demanded are never the things which the student most wants. Tuition, for instance, is an important item in the term bill, while for the far more valuable education which he gets by associating with the most cultivated of his contemporaries no charge is made. The mode of founding a college is, commonly, to get up a subscription of dollars and cents, and then, following blindly the principles of a division of labor to its extreme--a principle which should never be followed but with circumspection--to call in a contractor who makes this a subject of speculation, and he employs Irishmen or other operatives actually to lay the foundations, while the students that are to be are said to be fitting themselves for it; and for these oversights successive generations have to pay. I think that it would be better _than this_, for the students, or those who desire to be benefited by it, even to lay the foundation themselves. The student who secures his coveted leisure and retirement by systematically shirking any labor necessary to man obtains but an ignoble and unprofitable leisure, defrauding himself of the experience which alone can make leisure fruitful. "But," says one, "you do not mean that the students should go to work with their hands instead of their heads?" I do not mean that exactly, but I mean something which he might think a good deal like that; I mean that they should not _play_ life, or _study_ it merely, while the community supports them at this expensive game, but earnestly live it from beginning to end. How could youths better learn to live than by at once trying the experiment of living? Methinks this would exercise their minds as much as mathematics. If I wished a boy to know something about the arts and sciences, for instance, I would not pursue the common course, which is merely to send him into the neighborhood of some professor, where anything is professed and practised but the art of life;--to survey the world through a telescope or a microscope, and never with his natural eye; to study chemistry, and not learn how his bread is made, or mechanics, and not learn how it is earned; to discover new satellites to Neptune, and not detect the motes in his eyes, or to what vagabond he is a satellite himself; or to be devoured by the monsters that swarm all around him, while contemplating the monsters in a drop of vinegar. Which would have advanced the most at the end of a month--the boy who had made his own jackknife from the ore which he had dug and smelted, reading as much as would be necessary for this--or the boy who had attended the lectures on metallurgy at the Institute in the meanwhile, and had received a Rodgers' penknife from his father? Which would be most likely to cut his fingers?... To my astonishment I was informed on leaving college that I had studied navigation!--why, if I had taken one turn down the harbor I should have known more about it. Even the poor student studies and is taught only _political_ economy, while that economy of living which is synonymous with philosophy is not even sincerely professed in our colleges. The consequence is, that while he is reading Adam Smith, Ricardo, and Say, he runs his father in debt irretrievably. As with our colleges, so with a hundred "modern improvements"; there is an illusion about them; there is not always a positive advance. The devil goes on exacting compound interest to the last for his early share and numerous succeeding investments in them. Our inventions are wont to be pretty toys, which distract our attention from serious things. They are but improved means to an unimproved end, an end which it was already but too easy to arrive at; as railroads lead to Boston or New York. We are in great haste to construct a magnetic telegraph from Maine to Texas; but Maine and Texas, it may be, have nothing important to communicate. Either is in such a predicament as the man who was earnest to be introduced to a distinguished deaf woman, but when he was presented, and one end of her ear trumpet was put into his hand, had nothing to say. As if the main object were to talk fast and not to talk sensibly. We are eager to tunnel under the Atlantic and bring the Old World some weeks nearer to the New; but perchance the first news that will leak through into the broad, flapping American ear will be that the Princess Adelaide has the whooping cough. After all, the man whose horse trots a mile in a minute does not carry the most important messages; he is not an evangelist, nor does he come round eating locusts and wild honey. I doubt if Flying Childers ever carried a peck of corn to mill. One says to me, "I wonder that you do not lay up money; you love to travel; you might take the cars and go to Fitchburg today and see the country." But I am wiser than that. I have learned that the swiftest traveller is he that goes afoot. I say to my friend, Suppose we try who will get there first. The distance is thirty miles; the fare ninety cents. That is almost a day's wages. I remember when wages were sixty cents a day for laborers on this very road. Well, I start now on foot, and get there before night; I have travelled at that rate by the week together. You will in the meanwhile have earned your fare, and arrive there some time tomorrow, or possibly this evening, if you are lucky enough to get a job in season. Instead of going to Fitchburg, you will be working here the greater part of the day. And so, if the railroad reached round the world, I think that I should keep ahead of you; and as for seeing the country and getting experience of that kind, I should have to cut your acquaintance altogether. Such is the universal law, which no man can ever outwit, and with regard to the railroad even we may say it is as broad as it is long. To make a railroad round the world available to all mankind is equivalent to grading the whole surface of the planet. Men have an indistinct notion that if they keep up this activity of joint stocks and spades long enough all will at length ride somewhere, in next to no time, and for nothing; but though a crowd rushes to the depot, and the conductor shouts "All aboard!" when the smoke is blown away and the vapor condensed, it will be perceived that a few are riding, but the rest are run over--and it will be called, and will be, "A melancholy accident." No doubt they can ride at last who shall have earned their fare, that is, if they survive so long, but they will probably have lost their elasticity and desire to travel by that time. This spending of the best part of one's life earning money in order to enjoy a questionable liberty during the least valuable part of it reminds me of the Englishman who went to India to make a fortune first, in order that he might return to England and live the life of a poet. He should have gone up garret at once. "What!" exclaim a million Irishmen starting up from all the shanties in the land, "is not this railroad which we have built a good thing?" Yes, I answer, comparatively good, that is, you might have done worse; but I wish, as you are brothers of mine, that you could have spent your time better than digging in this dirt. * * * * * Before I finished my house, wishing to earn ten or twelve dollars by some honest and agreeable method, in order to meet my unusual expenses, I planted about two acres and a half of light and sandy soil near it chiefly with beans, but also a small part with potatoes, corn, peas, and turnips. The whole lot contains eleven acres, mostly growing up to pines and hickories, and was sold the preceding season for eight dollars and eight cents an acre. One farmer said that it was "good for nothing but to raise cheeping squirrels on." I put no manure whatever on this land, not being the owner, but merely a squatter, and not expecting to cultivate so much again, and I did not quite hoe it all once. I got out several cords of stumps in plowing, which supplied me with fuel for a long time, and left small circles of virgin mould, easily distinguishable through the summer by the greater luxuriance of the beans there. The dead and for the most part unmerchantable wood behind my house, and the driftwood from the pond, have supplied the remainder of my fuel. I was obliged to hire a team and a man for the plowing, though I held the plow myself. My farm outgoes for the first season were, for implements, seed, work, etc., $14.72-1/2. The seed corn was given me. This never costs anything to speak of, unless you plant more than enough. I got twelve bushels of beans, and eighteen bushels of potatoes, beside some peas and sweet corn. The yellow corn and turnips were too late to come to anything. My whole income from the farm was $ 23.44 Deducting the outgoes............ 14.72-1/2 -------- There are left.................. $ 8.71-1/2 beside produce consumed and on hand at the time this estimate was made of the value of $4.50--the amount on hand much more than balancing a little grass which I did not raise. All things considered, that is, considering the importance of a man's soul and of today, notwithstanding the short time occupied by my experiment, nay, partly even because of its transient character, I believe that that was doing better than any farmer in Concord did that year. The next year I did better still, for I spaded up all the land which I required, about a third of an acre, and I learned from the experience of both years, not being in the least awed by many celebrated works on husbandry, Arthur Young among the rest, that if one would live simply and eat only the crop which he raised, and raise no more than he ate, and not exchange it for an insufficient quantity of more luxurious and expensive things, he would need to cultivate only a few rods of ground, and that it would be cheaper to spade up that than to use oxen to plow it, and to select a fresh spot from time to time than to manure the old, and he could do all his necessary farm work as it were with his left hand at odd hours in the summer; and thus he would not be tied to an ox, or horse, or cow, or pig, as at present. I desire to speak impartially on this point, and as one not interested in the success or failure of the present economical and social arrangements. I was more independent than any farmer in Concord, for I was not anchored to a house or farm, but could follow the bent of my genius, which is a very crooked one, every moment. Beside being better off than they already, if my house had been burned or my crops had failed, I should have been nearly as well off as before. I am wont to think that men are not so much the keepers of herds as herds are the keepers of men, the former are so much the freer. Men and oxen exchange work; but if we consider necessary work only, the oxen will be seen to have greatly the advantage, their farm is so much the larger. Man does some of his part of the exchange work in his six weeks of haying, and it is no boy's play. Certainly no nation that lived simply in all respects, that is, no nation of philosophers, would commit so great a blunder as to use the labor of animals. True, there never was and is not likely soon to be a nation of philosophers, nor am I certain it is desirable that there should be. However, _I_ should never have broken a horse or bull and taken him to board for any work he might do for me, for fear I should become a horseman or a herdsman merely; and if society seems to be the gainer by so doing, are we certain that what is one man's gain is not another's loss, and that the stable-boy has equal cause with his master to be satisfied? Granted that some public works would not have been constructed without this aid, and let man share the glory of such with the ox and horse; does it follow that he could not have accomplished works yet more worthy of himself in that case? When men begin to do, not merely unnecessary or artistic, but luxurious and idle work, with their assistance, it is inevitable that a few do all the exchange work with the oxen, or, in other words, become the slaves of the strongest. Man thus not only works for the animal within him, but, for a symbol of this, he works for the animal without him. Though we have many substantial houses of brick or stone, the prosperity of the farmer is still measured by the degree to which the barn overshadows the house. This town is said to have the largest houses for oxen, cows, and horses hereabouts, and it is not behindhand in its public buildings; but there are very few halls for free worship or free speech in this county. It should not be by their architecture, but why not even by their power of abstract thought, that nations should seek to commemorate themselves? How much more admirable the Bhagvat-Geeta than all the ruins of the East! Towers and temples are the luxury of princes. A simple and independent mind does not toil at the bidding of any prince. Genius is not a retainer to any emperor, nor is its material silver, or gold, or marble, except to a trifling extent. To what end, pray, is so much stone hammered? In Arcadia, when I was there, I did not see any hammering stone. Nations are possessed with an insane ambition to perpetuate the memory of themselves by the amount of hammered stone they leave. What if equal pains were taken to smooth and polish their manners? One piece of good sense would be more memorable than a monument as high as the moon. I love better to see stones in place. The grandeur of Thebes was a vulgar grandeur. More sensible is a rod of stone wall that bounds an honest man's field than a hundred-gated Thebes that has wandered
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The Queen Killing Kings
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EverybodyWiki Bios & Wiki
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https://en.everybodywiki.com/The_Queen_Killing_Kings
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The Queen Killing Kings are an American rock band based out of New Haven, Connecticut. Originally a duo started in 2006 by lead singer/songwriter/pianist Coley O'Toole, the band has expanded into a four-piece with the release of their debut album, Tidal Eyes.
Biography[edit]
Growing up in Shelton, Connecticut, frontman Coley O'Toole cited the rock music of Neil Young, Elton John, Supertramp, and the Doors along with the energy of the mid- to late-1990s Connecticut music scene as having a great influence on him.[1]
The inspiration for the band's name came from O'Toole's realization that all things must come to an end. Starting the band in the midst of a broken heart, O'Toole used a Queen and a King to depict two very powerful forms of an alliance. The alliance would eventually end and the Queen and King would ultimately destroy each other.[2]
In 2006, after a decade of playing in various projects based in Connecticut, O'Toole formed the Queen Killing Kings with drummer Jon Scerbo. The duo was met with praise in the local venues and media.[3][4]
With performances in Los Angeles and New York City, the band's initial success was extended beyond the local area, gaining them industry attention. After entering the Manhattan's Pyramid Studios to record what would become their debut album, former Hot Rod Circuit member and O'Toole's childhood friend Joe Ballaro joined the band on bass. Scerbo left the band early in the recording process, prompting O'Toole to bring in former Hot Rod Circuit drummer Dan Duggins. After signing to Wind-up Records, Zac Clark joined to play Fender Rhodes and organ, making the band a quartet.[4]
The band's debut album, Tidal Eyes, was released digitally by Wind-up Records on July 14, 2009.[1]
Discography[edit]
Tidal Eyes (Wind-Up, 2009)
References[edit]
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https://www.ncpedia.org/anchor/life-and-death-blackbeard
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NCpedia
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https://www.ncpedia.org/anchor/life-and-death-blackbeard
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The 1710s have been called the "golden age of piracy." Pirate ships roamed the Atlantic Ocean, preying upon busy commercial ports in the West Indies and along the coast of North America. One of the most notorious of the pirates, Edward Teach, better known as "Blackbeard," was a frequent visitor to North Carolina and it was here, in November 1718, that he was captured and killed.
Edward Teach was from Bristol, England, a town on the Avon River in southwest England, which produced many pirates. Teach served on a privateer during Queen Anne's War (1701–1714). Privateering was, in a sense, legalized piracy. The British government authorized private ships to attack and capture enemy merchant vessels, with the proceeds divided between the Queen and the crew of the privateer. When the war ended, Teach was faced with the prospect of losing his livelihood and the great potential for adventure and profit that it promised. Along with many others in the same position, he turned to piracy.
Teach served for several years on a pirate ship under another captain before, in 1717, he stole a ship for himself and formed a crew of his own. Teach and his crew, aboard the "Queen Anne's Revenge," captured a number of valuable cargoes off of the coasts of Virginia and the Carolinas. In what would become one of his most famous acts, Teach sailed boldly into Charleston, South Carolina, captured several prominent citizens, and held them hostage until the city agreed to exchange them for costly medical supplies.
While he was terrorizing commercial ports along the coast of North America, Teach became known as "Blackbeard" and his reputation spread quickly. Blackbeard was widely feared for his violence and cruelty and cultivated a fierce appearance to intimidate his victims. This memorable description is from Charles Johnson's A General History of the Pyrates, published in London in 1726:
This Beard was black, which he suffered to grow of an extravagant Length; as to Breadth, it came up to his Eyes; he was accustomed to twist it with Ribbons, in small Tails, after the Manner of our Ramilies Wiggs, and turn them about his Ears: In Time of Action, he wore a sling over his Shoulders, with three Brace of Pistols, hanging in Holsters like Bandaliers; and stuck lighted Matches under his Hat, which appearing on each Side of his Face, his Eyes naturally looking fierce and wild, made him altogether such a Figure, that Imagination cannot form an Idea of a Fury, from Hell, to look more frightful.
Between adventures at sea, Blackbeard often returned to North Carolina. The shallow waters and complicated inlets of the Outer Banks provided a popular hiding place for pirates while they rested their crews and repaired their ships. Blackbeard favored Ocracoke Inlet and was rumored to have had a house in Ocracoke village. There is an inlet there today still known as "Teach's Hole." North Carolina was also a popular refuge for pirates because of its governor, Charles Eden, who was widely rumored to have ignored the illegal activities of the pirates in exchange for a share of the spoils. In the summer of 1718, Blackbeard lived in the coastal town of Bath, North Carolina, where he was known to have socialized with Governor Eden. After a few months on shore, Blackbeard had to return to piracy in order to maintain his lavish lifestyle. The people of North Carolina, tired of seeing their ships attacked and goods stolen, and frustrated at their own government's failure to act, turned to the governor of Virginia for help.
Governor Alexander Spotswood of Virginia gathered a crew of British Naval officers, led by Lieutenant Robert Maynard, and sent them to Ocracoke where Blackbeard was known to be hiding. In a fierce fight beginning at dawn on November 22, 1718, the British sailors attacked and defeated Blackbeard and his crew. After suffering twenty-five wounds, including five from gunshots, Blackbeard finally died. Lieutenant Maynard, needing proof of Blackbeard's death in order to claim the bounty offered by Governor Spotswood, beheaded the pirate and hung his severed head from the front of the ship as it sailed home.
Source Citation:
Nicholas Graham, "November 22, 1718 - The Death of Blackbeard," This Month in North Carolina History, November 2003.
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https://devorahostrov.blogspot.com/2017/05/
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Tales From a Former Fanzine Journalist
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] |
[] |
[] |
[
""
] | null |
[
"Devorah Ostrov",
"View my complete profile"
] | null |
In which I shall make an effort to organize and archive the hundreds of interviews, photos, and unpublished transcripts accumulated during my years working on fanzines and music magazines.
|
en
|
https://devorahostrov.blogspot.com/favicon.ico
|
https://devorahostrov.blogspot.com/2017/05/
|
Featuring a cast that included Jools Holland on keyboards, Lee Brilleaux on harp, and Linda McCartney on backing vocals, Thriller — the group's third album and its last on Island Records — wasn't issued until March 1979, a full 16 months after Life on the Line. Presumably, part of the delay was because its predecessor was still selling well.
"Life on the Line sold really well," Barrie emphasizes. "So, Island said take a bit of time with the next one. We'd recorded the first one at Jackson's really cheaply; the second one was recorded in a bleeding church. We said, 'Let's find a proper studio, and we want a proper producer.' So, they got us Peter Ker. He wore tweed jackets and things like that. Gawd!" (Best known for his work with Arthur Brown and Love Sculpture in the 1960s, Ker had recently produced Approved by the Motors).
Barrie continues, "We recorded it at Abbey Road... I know the Beatles used it, but it was built for orchestras. It was all wrong. And the daft thing is, when we did the rough mixes, it sounded like the fucking dog's bollocks! Really good! Even if I say so meself. That album, between mixes, is a real good album. An album I'd be proud to say, 'I did that.' But the finished product is well lame. I'm ashamed of it. I really am."
There's precious little documented information to be found about the Hot Rods' second US tour (even the band are unsure about the actual dates), but it ties in timewise here. "I have a feeling that it would have been the fall of '78, after the recording of Thriller," guesses Graeme in one of our email exchanges. "We played a few shows with the Police and Tom Petty but didn't get back out to the West Coast because we'd run out of money."
Barrie describes the second US tour as "Hard. Bloody. Work."
On his website, Graeme mentions that the Hot Rods were already beginning to splinter: "The band had not been playing together for some time, what with external commitments by Paul and Steve with various Yankee musos, and the edge was gone. What used to be tight was sloppy, although there were still the occasional nights where we performed well."
He's also aware that by then, they'd missed their opportunity. "The audiences were not there. Apart from good attendances when supporting Tom Petty and the Police, we were not earning enough to pay for the tour. We were driving 4-500 miles a day between gigs with no hope in hell of sticking to the 55 m.p.h. speed limit, and no money to pay the inevitable speeding fines. The only way to get paid was to get to the gig, and the only way to get to the gig was to charge the fines to my Visa card. We had to abandon the tour and fly back home."
Graeme models the latest in CBS SUCKS attire.
Photo from Graeme's website. Photographer is unknown (although it
might have been taken at the same photo session as the one in
Tommy Dean's office above).
In March 1979, the group toured the UK in support of Thriller. Opening for the Hot Rods were the Members, who had stormed to #12 in the UK singles charts with "The Sound of the Suburbs" a month earlier and were scoring again with "Offshore Banking Business."
On the punk77 website, Paul Gray states: "[The Members] were actually getting more airplay than us... Where we were starting to sound tired and, dare I say it, jaded, they were fresh and enthusiastic. Looking back on it now we were knackered, we'd been worked to the bone, and there was no fooling the punters. We were drinking loads — a bottle of Jim Beam for me, Southern Comfort for Bazza, Vodka for Dave — it would all be gone before we left the dressing room... What had once been a great adventure had ceased to be fun and, although we wouldn't have admitted it, we were going thru the motions."
The grind of incessant gigging and financial strain had taken its toll. They needed a break, but Barrie grumbles: "No one thought of saying, 'Let's send them to the Canaries for a couple of weeks and let 'em sit on the beach. Let 'em change color from white to bronze. Give 'em some food instead of cocaine.' That never happened. I mean, we had Graeme Douglas — he did tours of hospitals. Literally, out of one hospital, do the gig, then back into the hospital. Move into another hospital, do the gig, into another hospital. Paul Gray spit up blood every day for about a month. Steve was constantly shaking. He couldn't stop shaking for weeks. It was stupid."
Eddie and the Hot Rods in the centerfold of Look In magazine.
The magazine is dated 1978, however, this photo was most likely taken
on the roof of the K West Radio building in LA during the 1977 US tour.
In May, the Hot Rods were fighting rumors of a split. The Punk Diary entry for the 29th has all the details: "Talk of a breakup was fuelled by the band being dropped by Island. Their manager, Roger Harding explained that the band is maintaining a low profile while they work up new songs and new stage routines. Paul Gray is currently touring with the Members while Barrie and Steve are playing in a side group called Plus Support. It's uncertain if the Rods are really through or just in a holding pattern. What is clear is that in five short years, the world surrounding them has changed dramatically and they might not be able to compete as Eddie and the Hot Rods."
In August, the Hot Rods were still together (after a fashion) and signed to EMI — although Barrie asserts Island didn't drop the band. Instead, he indicates their manager instigated the move to a new label: "That's when Ed Hollis wasn't getting his own way at Island. Chris Blackwell [Island's founder] said to me, 'If you're gonna go, you have my blessing. I really hope you do well. But remember, you've always got a home here.'"
Eddie and the Hot Rods on the cover of Sounds
Poll Winners issue - February 19, 1977
In 1980, EMI half-heartedly issued the Al Kooper-produced Fish 'n' Chips. It was the Hot Rods' fourth (and final) major label LP, but Barrie calls it "a waste of time."
"EMI spent all this time and money recording it," he argues, "and then said they weren't gonna release it." When the album did "slip out" there was no publicity behind it, and it disappeared without a trace.
Barrie also concedes that they hadn't written enough material to fill the record. "There weren't enough songs. That's why there's some odd bits. That's the only thing I don't like. There's some funny old things!"
Was there any unreleased EMI material?
"There must have been because we were planning another album. It never got recorded, just demoed. I don't know how much there was now or what it was."
Harry Maloney had replaced Ed Hollis, and both Paul and Graeme had left before recording even started on Fish 'n' Chips.
In early 1980, Paul jumped ship and replaced Algy Ward in the Damned. Graeme exited a little earlier due to his deteriorating health. "My diabetic control was slipping," he writes on his website, "and I was experiencing more and more episodes of hypoglycaemia (low blood sugar). This made my judgement quite arbitrary and my behaviour quite weird."
Graeme made his departure during a gig at the London Lyceum when, halfway through the show, he handed his guitar to a photographer and crawled about the stage trying to bite the drummer's ankles. "The memory of Steve valiantly trying to keep time whilst simultaneously bashing Graeme on the head with his sticks is one that will live with me forever," muses Paul on the punk77 website.
Eddie and the Hot Rods — New Flag Poster
Official website: www.eddieandthehotrods.com
Barrie allows that "we did a few bits and pieces on our own for different firms" during the early '80s (such as his own long-term stint with the Inmates, and Steve Nicol spending time with One the Juggler), but he insists that the Hot Rods never really split up.
And really, the band is still going today — albeit with Barrie now the only original member. (Please see the update from Dipster Dean below.)
There's just time to ask a question about one of my favorite Hot Rods' tunes before Barrie has to go. Was the phone number in "Telephone Girl" (838-5924) anyone's actual number?
"Ha! When we wrote it, the number I chose happened to be someone's number in England. So we thought, we'll just find a number that ain't used. Well... that number ain't used in England. We didn't think about any other countries, did we? Oh my god, did we get into trouble! On the first American tour, every time I did an interview... 'We've got a few people who aren't very happy that you used their phone number.' I just kept saying, 'I'm sorry.' We didn't think the record was even gonna come out over there."
(Update: Dipster Dean has noted in the comments section that Barrie and drummer Simon Bowley restarted the Hot Rods in early 2000. The lineup which included Richard Holgarth and Chris Taylor on guitars, Simon Bowley on drums, and Dipster on bass continued to tour and record until Barrie’s death in October 2019.)
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https://www.rollingstone.com/tv-movies/tv-movie-lists/70-best-music-documentaries-24757/
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70 Greatest Music Documentaries of All Time
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] |
[] |
[] |
[
""
] | null |
[
"Tim Grierson",
"Sam Adams",
"Eric Hynes",
"David Fear",
"Jason Newman",
"Kory Grow",
"David Browne",
"Jon Dolan",
"Andy Greene",
"Hank Shteamer"
] |
2021-11-25T14:00:00+00:00
|
From meeting the Beatles to Hendrix burning guitars, here are the 40 greatest rock documentaries of all time.
|
en
|
Rolling Stone
|
https://www.rollingstone.com/tv-movies/tv-movie-lists/70-best-music-documentaries-24757/
|
The movies have always loved giving actors the chance to play rock star or impersonate an iconic musician/singer, recreating those famous “Eureka!” studio moments and greatest-hits shows for any number of music biopics. When it comes to historical musical moments, however, there’s nothing like seeing the real thing. A number of documentarians saw the advantage of capturing a number of legendary artists and bands in their heyday and/or once-in-a-lifetime performances — partially for posterity, partially for plain old reportage and partially for the second-hand high of it all. And thanks to new access to archives and updated technology, a whole generation of filmmakers have come up learning the art of docu-portraits and genre breakdowns that run the gamut from sub-subgenres to broad stem-to-stern histories of rock, jazz and country-and-western. It’s never been easier to make a music documentary these days. Not all of them, of course, are created equal.
So in honor of Peter Jackson’s Get Back — a new six-episode look back at the Beatles putting together the album Let It Be even as they were beginning to fall apart — we’ve compiled a list of the 70 greatest music documentaries of all time: the concert films, fly-on-the-wall tour chronicles, punk and hip-hop and jazz time capsules, and career assessments of everyone from Amy Winehouse to the Who that have set the standard and stood the test of time. The last time we did this was in 2014, and to say that the form has produced a number of classics since then would be an understatement. Play this list loud.
|
|||||
3704
|
dbpedia
|
3
| 98
|
https://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/europe/bilderberg-group-conspiracy-theories-secret-societies-new-world-order-alex-jones-a8377171.html
|
en
|
What is the Bilderberg Group and are its members really plotting the New World Order?
|
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"//cdn.jwplayer.com/players/8gvdYvNe-9ygSIn9G.html"
] |
[] |
[
"Bilderberg Group",
"Conspiracy Theories",
"Internal"
] | null |
[
"Joe Sommerlad"
] |
2019-06-04T07:30:03+00:00
|
Annual meeting of American and European elite attracts huge amount of suspicion and paranoia but is it really just an 'occasional supper club'?
|
en
|
/img/shortcut-icons/favicon.ico
|
The Independent
|
https://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/europe/bilderberg-group-conspiracy-theories-secret-societies-new-world-order-alex-jones-a8377171.html
|
Annual meeting of American and European elite attracts huge amount of suspicion and paranoia but is it really just an 'occasional supper club'?
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The secretive Bilderberg Group gathers for its annual meeting this week, which is taking place in Montreux, Switzerland.
A collective of elite North American and European politicians, business leaders, financiers and academics, the group has attracted a good deal of suspicion over the last half-century, with conspiracy theorists confidently asserting that its members are plotting the New World Order and are hell-bent on global domination.
Protesters who believe the Bilderbergers represent a “shadow world government” regularly picket their yearly meet-ups, creating a need for high security at all times, but attendees insist the group is simply a debating society taking place outside the glare of the political spotlight.
The group publishes its guest list the day before its annual get together – between 120 and 150 are invited by its steering committee – along with a list of the subjects they intend to discuss as a gesture towards transparency. This typically consists of broad issues like macroeconomic concerns, the threat of terrorism and cyber-security.
No minutes are taken, however, and the outcome of their discussions are not made public, hence the assumption that they are a sinister cabal of the rich and powerful with something to hide.
The Bilderberg Group take their name from the Hotel de Bilderberg in Oosterbeek, the Netherlands, where its members first convened on 29 May 1954 at the invitation of Prince Bernhard of Lippe-Biesterfeld.
World news in pictures
Show all 50
Its founders – including exiled Polish politician Jozef Retinger, ex-Belgian prime minister Paul van Zeeland and Paul Rijkens, former head of consumer goods giant Unilever – were concerned about a prevailing atmosphere of anti-American sentiment in post-war Europe in a moment when the US was enjoying a consumer boom while holding the fate of the recovering continent in its hands through the Marshall Plan.
The group hoped to revive a spirit of transatlantic brotherhood based on political, economic and military cooperation, necessary during the Cold War as the USSR tightened its iron grip on its eastern satellites.
Sixty-one delegates, including 11 Americans, from a total of 12 countries attended the inaugural conference, with candidates chosen to bring complimentary conservative and liberal points of view, future Labour leader Hugh Gaitskell among them. Its success meant subsequent meetings were held in France, Germany, Denmark before the first on American soil at St Simons Island in Georgia.
The Bilderberg Group’s primary goal has reportedly been expanded to take in a more all-encompassing endorsement of Western free market capitalism over the years, although the conspiracy theorists believe their agenda is either to impose pan-global fascism or totalitarian Marxism. They’re just not sure which.
Although members do not as a rule discuss what goes on within its conferences, Labour MP and onetime party deputy leader Denis Healey, a member of the steering committee for more than 30 years, did offer a clear statement of its intentions when quizzed by journalist Jon Ronson for his book Them in 2001.
“To say we were striving for a one-world government is exaggerated, but not wholly unfair,” he said. ”Those of us in Bilderberg felt we couldn’t go on forever fighting one another for nothing and killing people and rendering millions homeless. So we felt that a single community throughout the world would be a good thing.”
Other notable British politicians to have accepted the group’s invitation include Conservatives Alec Douglas-Home and Peter Carrington – who chaired the committee between 1977 and 1980 and between 1990 and 1998 respectively – and Margaret Thatcher, David Owen, Tony Blair, Peter Mandelson, Ed Balls, Ken Clarke and George Osborne. Princes Philip and Charles have also been.
Henry Kissinger is a regular, while Helmut Kohl, Bill Clinton, Bill Gates, Christine Lagarde and Jose Manuel Barroso have all attended among the billionaires and executives from leading banks, corporations and defence industry bigwigs. Perhaps most surprisingly, Ryanair’s Michael O’Leary attended 2015’s event in Telfs-Buchen in the Austrian Tyrol.
Rather than a SPECTRE-like organisation reinforcing its interests by choosing presidents and controlling public opinion through the media, the Bilderberg Group is nothing more sinister than “an occasional supper club”, according to David Aaronovitch, author of Voodoo Histories (2009).
But even if the Bilderberg Group are not David Icke’s slavering lizard men in silk hoods, the idea that they might be grouped in with the Illuminati has provided a convenient cloaking device, says journalist Hannah Borno.
“Conspiracy theories have served the group quite well, because any serious scrutiny could be dismissed as hysterical and shrill,” she said. ”But look at the participant list. These people have cleared days from their extremely busy schedules.”
American alt-right “shock jock” Alex Jones has been one of the loudest proponents of such theories, stating on air: “We know you are ruthless. We know you are evil. We respect your dark power”.
He appeared on Andrew Neil’s Sunday Politics show in 2013 to discuss the Bilderberg Group’s meeting at a hotel in Watford, ranting wildly about them as “puppeteers above the major parties” and insisting on their role in the founding of the EU. ”A Nazi plan”, according to Mr Jones.
He has more recently attended protest camps, sent InfoWars pundit Owen Shroyer to try and invade their 2017 gathering in Chantilly, Virginia, and accused them of plotting to overthrow US president Donald Trump.
That might all sound alarming but is fairly mild by Mr Jones’s standards. He also believes Barack Obama and Hillary Clinton are demons and that the Pentagon has a secret “gay bomb”.
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|
||||
3704
|
dbpedia
|
0
| 34
|
https://tomtommag.com/2011/01/5302-2/
|
en
|
Tom Tom Magazine
|
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[] |
[] |
[
"benefit show",
"dan duggins",
"new york"
] | null |
[] |
2011-01-15T17:43:45-05:00
|
Hey Tom Tom Mag, I was wondering if you'd be willing to publicize this event on your website/facebook page, etc. It's a show at Webster hall going to benefit
|
en
|
https://tomtommag.com/2011/01/5302-2/
|
Hey Tom Tom Mag,
I was wondering if you’d be willing to publicize this event on your website/facebook page, etc. It’s a show at Webster hall going to benefit drummer Dan Duggins. Dan was my drum teacher and a drum teacher to lots of female drummers in NYC. He’s also just an all-around awesome guy.
Here’s the link.
Dan suffered a massive stroke in April and has been paralyzed since. He is now living with his parents in Richmond, VA and going to physical therapy and speech therapy every day. He communicates by looking up for “yes” and down for “no” and his family has developed a quick way of getting through the alphabet so he can spell stuff out.
He has made a lot of progress since the stroke– he can breathe on his own now and chew and swallow. He’s managed to get out a few words and can sometimes move his hands and feet. He has a long way to go but everyone is expecting significant recovery.
When Dan had the stroke he didn’t have health insurance, so there has been constant fundraising to help the family with the medical bills and ongoing expenses. You all should go to this concert, and if you
can’t I hope you’ll send some money his family’s
way.
Donations can be sent to:
Stephen Duggins
1611 olde coalmine rd
midlothian va 23113
For more info on Dan.
Thanks!
Molly
Dan played the drums in several bands (Lazy Cain, Hot Rod Circuit, The Queen Killing Kings, and most recently Zigmat to name a few). You can also visit Dan’s website to learn more about his career. Please attend the event if you’re in New York and if not, please donate to help his cause.
|
||||||
3704
|
dbpedia
|
3
| 61
|
https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2018/feb/13/meet-the-sacklers-the-family-feuding-over-blame-for-the-opioid-crisis
|
en
|
Meet the Sacklers: the family feuding over blame for the opioid crisis
|
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2018-02-13T00:00:00
|
Philanthropic heirs to OxyContin fortune have a ‘moral duty to help make this right’ says the widow of one of Purdue Pharma’s founders
|
en
|
the Guardian
|
https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2018/feb/13/meet-the-sacklers-the-family-feuding-over-blame-for-the-opioid-crisis
|
The Sackler Drug Rehab Facility, unlike the prestigious Sackler art galleries of New York and London does not exist. Yet.
If lawyers have their way, however, or public opinion pricks a few consciences, it may soon.
The Sackler family, a sprawling and now feuding transatlantic dynasty, is famous in cultural and academic circles for decades of generous philanthropy towards some of the world’s leading institutions, from Yale University to the Guggenheim Museum in the US and the Serpentine Gallery to the Royal Academy in Britain.
But what’s less well known, though increasingly being exposed, is that much of their wealth comes from one product – OxyContin, the blockbuster prescription painkiller first launched in 1996.
The pill is stronger than morphine and sparked the opioid crisis that’s now killing more than 100 people a day in America and has spawned millions of addicts. It’s also attracted a wave of lawsuits alleging ongoing deception about the safety of OxyContin, which the company had previously admitted misbranding in a 2007 criminal case.
Two branches of the family control Purdue Pharma, which makes OxyContin but, unlike their company, none of the Sacklers are personally being sued over it.
Lawyers hope that might be about to change, however, as litigation engulfs the company, and the effects may end up rippling all the way to the society circles and venerable arts and science institutions where the billionaires spend the proceeds. What some call philanthropy, others, such as Stanford University ethics professor Rob Reich, call “reputation laundering”.
“The Sacklers have not been named as defendants but I know several of the firms working on these cases are doing a really deep dive to make that happen, working very hard to break through the corporate veil so they can name the owners,” Mike Moore, the former Mississippi attorney general told the Guardian. He’s one of the key attorneys in litigation brought by several states against Purdue and other pharmaceutical firms, collectively nicknamed Big Pharma.
“Greed is the main thing. The market for OxyContin should have been much, much smaller, but they wanted to have a $10bn drug and they didn’t tell the truth about their product,” he added.
In 2007 Purdue Pharma pleaded guilty to federal felony charges that the company misled regulators, doctors and patients about OxyContin’s risk of addiction and abuse. Sackler family members were not charged.
The family-owned Purdue, based in Connecticut, and with an arm in the UK called Mundipharma developing other markets for opioids, denies all wrongdoing amid the current litigation. But there are signs that a giant court settlement may be around the corner between Big Pharma and city, county and state authorities from across the US that are all suing. Mississippi lawyer Mike Moore is confident there will be a deal to help pay for a catastrophe that the US Centers for Disease Control and Prevention estimate is costing the US $78bn-plus a year.
Moore helped secure the historic $246bn so-called Big Tobacco settlement against cigarette companies in 1997 and the $20bn settlement against BP for the 2010 Deepwater Horizon oil spill.
He declined to name the law firms or discuss which family members might be targeted in any expansion of the pharmaceutical cases. And the OxyContin heirs don’t want to talk about any of it. It is known that seven members of the Sackler family are on the board of Purdue, but the company will not disclose who owns shares or how much individuals are worth. That only fuels the question: who are the Sacklers?
They are far from a harmonious clan. Their distinctive name is displayed at Harvard, the Smithsonian and the Metropolitan Museum, and behind research facilities and professorships at MIT, Columbia, Cornell, Stanford and others in the US. Sackler is also inscribed on British cultural altars such as the Serpentine Sackler Gallery, the new forecourt at the Victoria & Albert Museum, a bridge at Kew Gardens, the Tate, the National Gallery, the Royal Opera House and behind research centers at several UK universities.
But fortunes and reputations are not shared evenly between relatives of the three deceased Brooklyn brothers, Arthur, Mortimer and Raymond Sackler, who trained as psychiatrists, worked as pharmaceutical researchers and grew a tiny company, which specialised in laxatives when Arthur bought it in 1952, into a pharmaceutical empire.
Arthur’s family
The mere multi-millionaire branch of the family related to eldest brother Arthur is estranged from the other two multi-billionaire branches.
Arthur’s third wife, British-born, New York-based Jillian Sackler, who was made a Dame by the Queen for philanthropy, said she and his descendants haven’t benefited from OxyContin, which was invented years after Arthur’s 1987 death in New York.
Shortly after Arthur’s death, his estate sold his stock options on a third of Purdue for $22.4m to Mortimer and Raymond, who controlled the company.
Speaking out for the first time about the fissure between Arthur’s branch of the family and his brothers’ branches, Jillian Sackler told the Guardian: “I think he would not have approved of the widespread sale of OxyContin.”
She went on to say she didn’t know if the drug was the “root cause” of the opioid crisis but agreed it was “one important factor” and that Purdue Pharma’s “advertising was misleading”.
She said that the other branches of the family “have a moral duty to help make this right and to atone for any mistakes made” in relation to the opioid crisis.
Purdue under Mortimer and Raymond, and Raymond’s son Richard, sold OxyContin in the US as a revolutionary, slow-release narcotic, rooted in the opium poppy but approved by regulators as safe.
Via aggressive marketing to doctors and misleading use of research, according to the US government, Purdue promoted OxyContin to block out chronic pain. But it was addictive even when taken as instructed and was easily abused, as was their late 80s forerunner drug MS Contin.
“The regulators were asleep at the switch,” said lawyer Mike Moore.
Forbes magazine estimates that a core group of 20 Sacklers in the Mortimer and Raymond branches of the family are collectively worth $13bn.
Arthur’s daughter Elizabeth Sackler, 69, benefactor of an eponymous gallery at the Brooklyn Museum, called her aunts’ and cousins’ $13bn fortune “morally abhorrent”.
Raymond’s family
Raymond Sackler, who died in 2017 aged 97, was the youngest of the three brothers, but his branch of the family has been the most active in Purdue.
Made an honorary knight by the Queen, his widow Beverly was on the board of Purdue until recently and their two sons, Richard, 72, and Jonathan, 62, and Richard’s son David, 37, are on the board now. Richard and Jonathan fund a medicine professorship at Yale University, and give to other medical research.
Tax records for 2016 show that a foundation named after Richard and his ex-wife Beth donated to rightwing thinktanks, including $50,000 to the neo-conservative, fervently pro-Israel Foundation for Defense of Democracies.
David and his wife Joss are fixtures in New York charity and fashion circles and Raymond’s branch of the family has long been fond of skiing in Utah.
Jonathan Sackler advocates for conservative education reform and charter schools. His daughter, Madeleine Sackler, 34, is a film-maker and released a documentary highlighting charter schools, called The Lottery. The New Yorker just wrote about Madeleine’s forthcoming feature film shot in prison, only briefly reporting her dismissal of any moral conflict over her wealth. The same magazine dissected the Sacklers’ OxyContin fortune last October, shortly after a groundbreaking investigation by Esquire and work by Forbes began to make the connection.
Mortimer’s family
Mortimer Sackler, the middle brother, died in 2010 in Gstaad, at 93. He was the Europhile of the family and also an honorary knight. He and his third wife Theresa, who’s on the board of Purdue, lived in London, with additional houses in Berkshire, Switzerland and the French Riviera. She’s also English-born and a dame, and old images show them at charity events and the tennis.
Mortimer’s daughter Sophie married England cricketer Jamie Dalrymple at the family’s Berkshire estate in 2009 and Samantha married a coffee entrepreneur.
Mortimer Junior, 46, lives in New York and Vogue gushes about his and wife Jacqueline’s property in Amagansett. Ilene, 71, and Kathe, 69, are board members of Purdue and also arts and science benefactors, in the family tradition.
‘We are deeply troubled’
Exactly how wealthy each Sackler is or how their income and investments flow is private.
Mortimer and Raymond’s relatives in the US collectively declined to comment, via a public relations representative. A request for comment to a representative of Mortimer Sackler’s relatives in Britain was not returned.
Art photographer Nan Goldin, who is recovering from a dangerous opioid dependency, has called on the Oxy heirs to divert funds into rehab facilities and other efforts, saying in an exclusive Guardian interview that she doesn’t know “how they live with themselves”.
Goldin is among critics that claim Arthur’s side of the family, too, is not “off the hook” about their wealth. Arthur developed marketing tactics that were later adapted by Purdue to push OxyContin. And an advertising firm he owned made a fortune out of vigorously marketing another firm’s sedative – Valium, which became too widely prescribed, though is vastly less risky than opioids.
Jillian Sackler pushed back, however, saying any “assertion that Arthur’s marketing of Valium makes him culpable with his brothers is simply wrong”.
Few institutions benefiting from Sackler largesse contacted by the Guardian and other publications for recent reports have commented.
Hans Ulrich Obrist, artistic director at the Serpentine, sent a gallery statement to the Guardian, which read, in part: “The Serpentine, along with many cultural and educational institutions across the world, has benefited from the philanthropy of the Sackler Foundation” and went on to say that such funding helped the galleries remain free of charge and able to reach “the widest possible audiences”.
Purdue Pharma sent statements saying, in part: “We are deeply troubled by the prescription and illicit opioid abuse crisis” and described altering its marketing and putting resources into easing the crisis. This hasn’t stopped the lawsuits. New York City sued Purdue and other companies last month, claiming $500m and accusing Big Pharma of “deceptively peddling these dangerous drugs and hooking millions”.
And Purdue announced it halved its sales force last week and will no longer send out field representatives to promote OxyContin to health professionals.
Proceedings are now under way before a federal judge in Ohio, where more than 300 city and county federal cases against Purdue and others are bundled together. Fifteen states are suing separately and lawyer Mike Moore predicts that figure will reach 25 by summer, with all the others investigating.
Purdue has settled cases before on a relatively small scale, and in the 2007 prosecution was forced to pay $600m to the federal government. But current legal action eclipses what has gone before.
“Purdue Pharma could go bankrupt,” said Moore.
Pivotal in reaching Big Tobacco’s settlement were whistleblowers and a smaller cigarette company turning state’s evidence, Moore said, something he’s not counting out regarding Big Pharma.
Meanwhile, he said: “Let’s say someone gets a conscience inside the Sackler family and says ‘let’s fix this’. They could do that right now.”
|
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3704
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dbpedia
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https://www.calvertcountymd.gov/3604/News-Press-Releases
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en
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News & Press Releases
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https://www.calvertcountymd.gov/images/favicon.ico
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https://www.calvertcountymd.gov/images/favicon.ico
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3704
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dbpedia
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2
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https://www.arkansasonline.com/news/1997/oct/19/meth-and-murder-madison-county/
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en
|
Meth and murder in Madison County
|
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1997-10-19T00:00:00
|
From the first radio call two minutes before noon, panic was a partner in the investigation of Billie Jean Phillips' murder.
|
en
|
https://www.arkansasonline.com/news/1997/oct/19/meth-and-murder-madison-county/
|
— From the first radio call two minutes before noon, panic was a partner in the investigation of Billie Jean Phillips' murder.
The instant suspect was Howard "Rusty" Cain Jr., the county's lead prosecutor, who had a longtime, on-again, off-again affair with Phillips. The ranking police official was Madison County Sheriff Ralph Baker, a close friend of the slain convenience store owner.
Over the next three years, a score of new suspects would emerge. Cain would spend $100,000 trying to clear himself. Baker would be shouldered out of the investigation, then have it handed back to him.
As prosecutors and investigators sorted through clues obscured by mistakes at the crime scene and the state forensics laboratory, a changing cast of law enforcement officials sardonically wondered who hadn't slept with Billie Phillips -- and who in this rural county lacked a motive to kill her.
Her 7-year-old son discovered her body late on the morning of Sept. 3, 1994, a Saturday. The report of an "unattended death" went out from the Madison County sheriff's office dispatcher at 11:58 a.m.
Forty miles away, Sheriff Baker was celebrating the opening day of squirrel season when he heard the police call. He radioed his office at 12:27 p.m. for the telephone number of Arkansas State Police criminal investigator Doug Fogley and made a frantic call to Fogley's home.
Interviews with investigators indicate the conversation went something like this:
"Billie Phillips is dead," Baker told Fogley.
"So?" asked Fogley, not recognizing the name of a woman he knew better as Billie Jean McKnight.
"Billie Phillips, g****** it!" Baker responded. "Rusty Cain's been f****** her. Rusty could be a g******** suspect. How do you keep the deputy prosecutor out of the crime scene?"
Baker's concerns proved prophetic.
Cain, along with Phillips' brother and one of her sisters, beat the sheriff's office to her house. Cain was the last of the three to arrive, and he got there at least 10 minutes before Deputy Danny Livermore entered Phillips' blood-spattered bedroom to find the body of the pretty, 35-year-old Alabam woman lying against a wall.
Phillips had a strong dose of methamphetamine in her bloodstream. Her skull had been fractured with her son's T-ball bat, which lay by the bed, splintered. She had been strangled.
"Definitely foul play," Livermore called back to the dispatcher at 12:53 p.m. Referring to Baker, he said, "Send MC-1."
During the next four hours, Baker and Fogley would allow Cain to repeatedly enter the crime scene. Throughout the afternoon, they would ignore what officers later insisted were bloodstains on Cain's tennis shoes.
They would fail to note that a vacuum cleaner normally kept behind the bedroom door was in the middle of the room and would overlook the fact that its bag was missing. They would miss a black case partially hidden beneath Phillips' antique dresser. They would fail to ask about the curiously unmade bed in the upstairs loft, or to note that someone had thrown the curtain up over the rod at the window, as if to make it a better lookout post.
In the words of one person who viewed a videotape of the crime scene made at 4:30 that afternoon, the bed appeared to have been "wallered in." It was a bed, Phillips' family said later, in which no one ever slept. Police would never raise questions about the mussed bed or take the bedclothes that might have provided some evidence of a killer.
Three years later, authorities have not identified Phillips' killer.
A week after the murder, Cain was fired for interfering in the investigation. After eighteen months, Cain's former boss, Prosecuting Attorney Terry Jones of Fayetteville, assigned the case to a special prosecutor and an ex-FBI agent turned private detective. Now, Baker and the state police are back in charge.
The list of suspects has grown so long that attorneys and police involved in the complex investigation of drugs, sex and deaths uncomfortably joke that the murder produced "the suspect of the week."
Baker, sheriff since 1973, declines to discuss the case, which he says is one of only two unsolved murders in Madison County. He acknowledges that former Special Prosecutor John Everett and former investigator Jack Knox kept from him much of what they found during the 16 months they headed the investigation.
Under pressure from Baker, Everett and Knox resigned Aug. 7 from their unpaid positions. During a four-day legal fight over Knox's notes, the former FBI agent alleged that Jones had told him not to investigate allegations of corruption against a "local law enforcement official," and not to take his evidence to the FBI.
Jones returned control of the investigation to Baker and Fogley. Knox deleted references to confidential sources he said were afraid for their safety and gave Jones his notes on Sept. 29. Jones immediately took them to the FBI. A week later, Knox turned over his allegations and unabridged copies of his files to I.C. Smith, the special agent in charge of FBI operations in Arkansas.
Cain's attorney, John Lisle, had pushed for a year for an FBI investigation of the county's drug traffic and its ties to the murder. And Everett and Knox said problems with Baker reached the breaking point when they developed fresh leads involving drugs.
At the heart of the confrontation over drugs, investigators said, was Baker's reluctance to bring in a Madison County man for DNA testing, a man repeatedly identified as a methamphetamine dealer during Arkansas Democrat-Gazette interviews.
"The case will be solved when Ralph Baker wants it solved," Knox said when he resigned.
Baker insists it will be. "No one investigating this wants it solved more than me," he said.
More than three years after she was murdered, Billie Jean Phillips' death has done more than confound and divide law officers.
It has sharpened long-standing concerns over drug traffic and law enforcement in the Northwest Arkansas county of 12,943. And it has spurred some of the county's most industrious methamphetamine dealers to claim openly that they can operate unchecked as long as they don't steal to support their habits.
The Arkansas Democrat-Gazette has interviewed Northwest Arkansas lawmen and government officials, prison inmates, former and current Madison County drug dealers, and the friends and family of Billie Phillips -- more than 130 people in all. Most talked only reluctantly. Many asked that they not be identified. Almost to a person, they expressed a puzzling fear of Ralph Baker.
The newspaper reviewed dozens of court cases and other records, including documents detailing a past crime, a beating and more than 40 land transactions involving Baker.
It tracked the deaths of other Madison County people who died under mysterious circumstances.
What emerges is a tale of methamphetamine and murder in a place known to its residents as "Booger County."
The newspaper has learned:
Phillips paid off the drug debts of her brother, Robert McKnight. One man from whom McKnight bought, Steve Hathorn, beat him over a debt from drugs and building materials a year after Phillips died. But McKnight told investigators the incident had happened in the weeks before Phillips' death. Everett and Knox asked that Hathorn be required to undergo DNA testing, a request they say brought their feud with Baker to a head. Hathorn was finally tested Sept. 22, more than six weeks after Everett and Knox were off the case.
One former drug dealer, early considered a suspect in the Phillips murder, says he was involved in plans with Hathorn, Dennis Cordes, Rory Allen Gregory and Joe Benton Head to build a methamphetamine lab in a cave neighboring Phillips' house.
Cordes and a private investigator who helped him escape from the Washington County jail were later convicted of building the biggest methcathinone lab in U.S. history. Gregory has been convicted of attempting to manufacture methampetamine, Head of possession of drug paraphernalia.
Federal agents are now seeking to interview Cordes.
Cain worked as both a private attorney and a public official in a fatal automobile accident involving Phillips, with whom he began a long-running affair in the early 1980s.
Baker, 59, who shares Arkansas' longest tenure with Monroe County Sheriff Larry Morris, sometimes carries in his personal vehicle drugs seized as evidence. As a teen-ager, his daughter, Patricia Baker, and a friend, Sandra Harp, found some of them in the glove compartment of the sheriff's pickup on March 6, 1977. High on two joints of unusually potent marijuana, they had a wreck. Baker removed the drugs from his truck after the accident. No criminal charges were filed, despite Baker's acknowledgment that his daughter had perjured herself giving pretrial testimony in a civil suit he later filed.
Contrary to accepted practice among state and local police agencies, Baker maintains no inventory of drugs or other evidence seized by his office and keeps no log of the drugs he destroys. He also does not obtain court orders for the destruction of drugs, creating what other police officials say is the potential for theft. Baker dismissed that concern during a three-hour interview in June. "It don't happen here," he said.
Baker and his wife, sometimes in partnership with other family members, have bought or traded for at least 2,300 acres in Madison, Washington and Franklin counties. They have paid out about $484,250, including one $200,000 purchase. In that time, Baker has taken only one mortgage, for $8,000. Otherwise, he has paid cash.
Baker, who earns $31,000 a year as Madison County's sheriff and tax collector, declines to talk about his land deals. He ended the June interview when the subject came up. In the past two weeks, he has not returned the newspaper's telephone calls.
Baker owns at least 1,450 acres, according to tax records. He also owns a Chevrolet Corvette and a Honda Acura, two Harley Davidson motorcycles, five trucks and 19 cows. The 1991 black Corvette bears the license plate Booger1.
The father of a drug dealer in Madison County says he gave Baker two envelopes containing a total of $1,200 in hopes of easing his son's punishment after a 1986 arrest.
The former Madison County oil man, F.M. Minor, said he later negotiated through a Fayetteville attorney to pay another $10,000 to the Madison County Drug Eradication Fund to ensure that his son, Marshall Craig Minor, would not be sent to jail as a habitual felon. With at least four prior convictions involving drugs and violence, Minor got four years' unsupervised probation after the 1995 seizure of drugs and drug paraphernalia from his Madison County farm.
Between 1993 and August 1997, Baker and three of his deputies have withdrawn $24,950 from the Drug Eradication Fund for undocumented expenses. Madison County Clerk Wes Fowler said as far as he knew such money went only for the payment of confidential informants.
Drug dealers who acknowledge being paid by either Baker's agency or the federal Drug Enforcement Administration for help with Madison County drug busts say they never received payments of more than $100, and then no more often than a few times a year.
Indeed, Baker's internal records show that Baker and Chief Deputy Steve Treat paid a total of $835 to drug informants between 1993 and September 1997 in amounts ranging from $25 to $125. No other deputies were listed on copies of receipts provided by Baker in response to an Arkansas Freedom of Information Act request.
The state last audited the drug fund in 1996. An itemization in the auditor's working papers shows $4,511.93 was paid to confidential informants between July 14, 1995, and Oct. 23, 1996. Baker's receipts for the same period show $260 in payments.
Among the Northwest Arkansas law enforcement community, Baker has both detractors and defenders. The former won't speak for attribution. Terry Jones, the prosecuting attorney for Madison and Washington counties, is among the latter. He says he has personally investigated allegations involving Baker and the county's drug dealing and found no basis for them.
Fayetteville Police Chief Richard Watson and Steve Lowery, an agent in the Fayetteville office of the DEA, are motorcycle-riding buddies of Baker and among his closest friends. Both say he is above reproach.
Fogley is one of the sheriff's most emphatic supporters. "I've worked with Ralph Baker 21 years. ... I've never seen Ralph do anything that even started to be illegal," he said. "I'd go in any front door in the country with Ralph Baker."
USERS AND THE LAW: DIFFERENT PERSPECTIVES ON THE DRUG TRADE
As a teen-ager, Sandra Harp said, she and Baker's daughter moved freely through the sheriff's office and the jail. In an interview this summer, she said Baker asked her not to talk about the drugs she and Patricia used from his truck before their 1977 accident.
During a lawsuit filed by Baker and his daughter against the driver of the other vehicle, Rodney Nelson, Harp testified that the sheriff's glove compartment contained marijuana, pills and white powder she believed to be cocaine in bags marked "Property of Madison County."
Although Baker's daughter denied it, Harp said the two girls and Judy Maggard, Harp's sister, had smoked two joints and got "higher than I usually get off just pot. I mean just smoking a couple of joints."
In his own testimony, Baker acknowledged that his daughter had lied during her deposition when she denied ever smoking marijuana.
A jury rejected claims Patricia Baker and Nelson each made that the other had crossed the center line on Arkansas 23 a mile north of Huntsville near Withrow Springs State Park.
Baker said in the June interview that he had probably put the drugs into his truck to drive to the state Crime Laboratory in Little Rock for testing. Of Harp's insistence that he admonished her to keep silent, he said: "That's bull****."
Harp's relationship with the sheriff followed her into adulthood.
The convicted thief and drug dealer, now 34, said she refused when Baker asked her to set up his former son-in-law in a drug deal during a 1994 custody fight over Baker's granddaughter. Baker acknowledged that his former son-in-law may have been on a list of suspects he sought Harp's help catching. But Harp said she then ran afoul of the sheriff when she stole $80,000 from a home in the community of Hilltop.
She was already on probation for stolen-property and drug convictions in Benton County when she, former husband Roger Dale Harp and another couple broke into John Trudot's house Oct. 1, 1995. Trudot was in the hospital at the time.
Harp was sentenced on May 14, 1996, to seven years in prison after pleading guilty to burglary, theft of property and possession of drug paraphernalia.
She says the paraphernalia charge was incidental. The evidence was discovered when deputies picked her up for the burglary.
"I was dealing drugs over there for years and years and years ... and was never busted for drugs in Madison County," Harp said during a July interview at the Arkansas Department of Correction Tucker Unit, about a month before she was released on parole.
A young Huntsville man whose criminal record includes multiple convictions for stealing shares Harp's perception of how things work.
He said he doesn't worry about the criminal consequences of a crystal methamphetamine -- or "crank" -- habit that costs $4,800 to $6,000 a week. He usually makes the money back on drug sales, he said, and worries more about being killed by a supplier than about getting arrested by the sheriff.
He said that he once asked Baker to sell him drugs from the evidence closet. Instead, he said, the sheriff recruited him as an informant and handed him $50 from his wallet.
"Homebodies don't get in much trouble unless you're kicking down doors," the man said. "Then Ralph will put his foot down."
During interviews, Baker said he aggressively investigates allegations of drug dealing and denied that his county has a methamphetamine problem.
"Since I've been sheriff, we hadn't hardly got any meth at all," he said in June.
But Baker later solicited the Democrat-Gazette's help.
In August, during a conversation on the courthouse steps that included Madison County Treasurer Jerry Bolinger, Baker offered a reporter and an editor money in exchange for information on Madison County methamphetamine labs. "I don't know how much you boys make writing stories, but we pay pretty well," Baker said. "That goes for both of you."
And in the Sept. 4 edition of The Madison County Record, Baker posed with a gram-sized mound of sugar substitute and told the newspaper: "There is a certain circle of people using the drug."
BARE KNUCKLES, A DEFERRED SENTENCE AND QUESTIONS ABOUT AN ELECTION
Ralph Francis Baker was born Sept. 1, 1938, near the town of St. Paul, once a bustling banking, railroad and timber center in southern Madison County. He was one of three children of William McKinley Baker, a former vaudeville musician, and Evangeline Verruchi, the 1927 queen of the Tontitown Grape Festival.
Bill Baker had traveled with the Weaver Brothers, making a national name for himself on the steel guitar. Vaudeville's death sent him back to Arkansas in 1930, but not away from his music. He worked the regional circuit and opened a store and cafe amid the rolling hills along Arkansas 23. There he sold ice cream, ammunition and bait, and served up cheeseburgers and fries.
In 1977, he killed himself with a shotgun at the family store, which burned down soon after his death. Fogley, the state police investigator and a close friend, blames the Fourth of July fire on misdirected Roman candles.
Bill Baker's legacy to his only son was 6.23 acres of mountains and trees near the north end of the canopied highway that University of Arkansas fans know as the Pig Trail.
Ralph Baker would say little about his family or his early days in St. Paul, but friends say he grew up with two passions -- hunting and fighting. Baker's penchant for bare knuckles on the back roads won him the title the "Bull of St. Paul."
He married Noreta Mae Burrell, a St. Paul girl, in March 1956. He listed his age as 18, hers as 16.
The marriage apparently didn't settle him down. In fact, Baker was an outlaw before he was a sheriff.
A 1958 envelope that once held the details of two felonies still sits in the vault of the old courthouse in neighboring Washington County. It is empty. But an enterprising deputy circuit clerk found a docket sheet detailing the case of State of Arkansas vs. Ralph Baker and Eugene Masterson.
Baker pleaded no contest to burglary and grand larceny charges on April 2, 1958, and drew two years in the Arkansas Penitentiary. The judge deferred the sentence pending good behavior, and Baker never went to prison. Masterson, meanwhile, escaped from jail and was later arrested in Oklahoma, according to Washington County officials.
Fort Smith lawyer Matthew Horan once investigated the case in connection with a client he was defending. He tracked it back to a break-in at a south Fayetteville auto shop.
Baker declined to discuss the case, referring all questions to the empty court file.
"I confessed to nothing," he said.
Baker was driving a lumber truck and working as a bouncer at the Red Fox Lounge in Springdale when former Sheriff Fred Crumbley made him a deputy in 1971.
A year later, with Crumbley retiring, Baker won office as part of a slate of political newcomers, defeating Republican Johnny Reed 2,844-2,681.
It was a curious election, with allegations of widespread voter fraud. The ensuing court fight reached the Arkansas Supreme Court twice before Republicans accepted the ruling of Circuit Judge W.H. Enfield that there were not enough illegal votes to change the results.
Enfield discarded 79 absentee votes that Democratic campaign worker and then-state Rep. Steve Smith had gathered from the residents of the Meadowview Nursing Home. But Enfield rejected claims by Republican attorney Erwin L. Davis that Baker and first-term Treasurer Bolinger had gotten votes from Oklahomans and the dead.
Enfield also rejected a five-page "friend of the court" brief filed by William Jefferson Clinton, a young University of Arkansas law professor. Clinton argued that Smith was within the law when he circulated absentee ballots around the nursing home and then mailed them back to the courthouse.
Testimony showed that, in one precinct, 140 people signed in to vote, and 155 cast ballots. As the votes were being counted, Republican poll watcher Dorothy Hoskins swore in an affidavit, a Huntsville man conducted a dollar-a-chance gun raffle and a drunk wandered in and out of the room.
Another poll watcher, Derice Davis, signed an affidavit saying that Baker spent most of election day on the porch outside the Hilburn precinct. There, Davis said, one man arrived drunk, signed his ballot, and handed it to a Democratic judge to fill out.
In all, Enfield tossed out 150 votes, and Democrats admitted to 19 defective ballots.
Enfield, now retired in Benton County, said the election challenge was significant "only from the fact that Clinton ended up as governor and as president. That's after the fact. At the time, it didn't seem all that much of a case to me."
But Enfield did say the trial helped illustrate that Madison County is a "different world."
He said the most memorable testimony came from a man who said that Bolinger, who still serves as county treasurer, personally delivered forms to voters allowing Bolinger to take their ballots back the courthouse.
The man "had a brother out of his mind or a total drunk all the time," Enfield said. "The lawyer asked about his brother and whether he signed one too. He asked how come [his brother] couldn't go into town to vote, and the man responded, `Well, I tell you, friend, he were loud and drunker than hell.'"
TWO LAWSUITS, HINTS OF THE HIGH LIFE AND THE SHERIFF
Baker became sheriff Jan. 1, 1973. In the 12 elections since, he has been opposed only five times. He has won each contested race by a 2-1 margin or better.
He has also been sued twice.
On June 13, 1987, Baker and former Huntsville Police Chief Ed Sharp arrested a 19-year-old retarded Rogers man on allegations he had stolen two baseball cards during the annual "Hawgfest" on the town square.
The man, Joey Bingham, began kicking the patrol car before the two officers forced him into the car and drove him back to the sheriff's office, Baker testified in a subsequent civil lawsuit. There, Baker handcuffed Bingham to a prisoner's retaining ring in the lobby.
Bingham's attorneys alleged that Baker and Sharp then began hitting and kicking Bingham, who the attorneys said had a speech impediment and the mind of an 11-year-old.
The incident lasted 26 minutes.
With Bingham protesting that the baseball cards were his, Sharp tore up the citation he had written. Bingham's parents picked him up and drove him to the emergency room at St. Mary's Hospital in Rogers. There, Dr. Tanya Claytor noted that Bingham's left ear was swollen, bruised and scraped. The back of his head and his ribs were tender. The tops of both his feet had red semicircular marks, which Claytor attributed to boot heels.
Baker and Sharp adamantly denied the beating, and Baker told jurors he was unaware that Bingham was retarded.
"I realized that Joey Bingham had a speech problem at the time," Baker testified. "That's all I realized, and that he was a very small man."
Jurors cleared Sharp but ordered Baker to pay Bingham $100,320. The check was issued June 19, 1989, by a Michigan-based police insurance risk pool. With interest, it came to $125,829.76.
With Bingham's lawyer, Jim Rose III of Fayetteville, pressing hard, the two-day trial provided the first public glimpse of Baker's growing financial holdings. Baker testified that he earned a little less than $20,000 as sheriff, and that he owned 648 acres of forest and farm land in Madison and Franklin counties and a share of a lake lot in Missouri.
Baker now declines to discuss the Bingham case. But a friend and fellow law enforcement officer said Baker lost the case because of his choice of clothing. A Harley enthusiast given to wearing biker gear, Baker wore tan pants, a black shirt and gold chains to the federal courthouse.
Sharp, who now works for the U.S. Marshals Service in Fayetteville, also declined to talk about the case.
"I'm not going to give you the time of day," Sharp said. "I'm retired, I'm alive, and I plan to stay that way."
A bachelor party for a federal drug agent led to another allegation of brutality. Gary Wayne Johnson, a worker at a Wesley broom handle factory, sued Baker, Chief Deputy Steve Treat and former Deputy Steve Corkern, who is now Huntsville's police chief.
Johnson said they beat him up after he intervened in a squabble between Baker and a female employee at Fayetteville's Bottoms Up Club on March 4, 1993.
Johnson alleged that Baker, the two officers and an unidentified woman in biker's leather entered the club with guns and a "party ball" -- a plastic sphere of beer in a box that serves as a portable keg.
Baker argued with a female employee on behalf of the unidentified woman, Johnson said.
"Why don't you cool down? That's no way for a sheriff to be acting," Johnson said he told Baker.
Johnson said Corkern invited him outside, then grabbed him at the front door of the club. He said Baker hit him in the face, and that he was then pushed back inside the club, where Treat hit him in the face. Management broke up the fight. Johnson went to the hospital. No arrests were made.
One of Baker's fellow party-goers said recently that Johnson started the incident by attacking Corkern, and that Baker hadn't yet arrived.
But, in pretrial testimony, club owner Jeannie Ward cited three separate incidents involving Baker that night. She said Baker and other police there to celebrate the marriage of Drug Enforcement Administration agent Lance King got so rowdy she was forced to close the club.
Johnson dropped his lawsuit 12 days before it was to go to trial, saying his family couldn't stand the stress.
Rose, who represented Johnson, told the court he was "personally disappointed" with Johnson's decision. "We do not believe our case is less viable than we thought all along," Rose wrote the court on Aug. 4, 1993. "We are more convinced than ever that we have a lawsuit against all three defendants."
DRUG PROSECUTIONS, COURTHOUSE DOINGS AND THE MADISON COUNTY RUMOR MILL
An analysis of the state's circuit court computer files shows 69 cases involving drug charges were filed in Madison County between 1993 and last May. Fifty-eight reached disposition, yielding 51 convictions -- an average of about 10 per year.
One of those involved Craig Minor. It wasn't his first conviction.
On May 16, 1986, Baker and Treat arrested Minor and Jerry Samuelson with 75 marijuana plants in the back of their pickup. That came soon after Minor and Samuelson had taken one of Baker's informants into the woods and pulled four of his teeth with pliers.
Covered with blood, Frank Eytchenson made his way to a local veterinarian's house and then to the hospital. He moved to Florida shortly after, according to law enforcement officials. They haven't seen him since.
Neither has Minor. "I don't know where that boy is," he said. "But he ain't eating corn on the cob."
Minor and Samuelson got probation on the marijuana charge, but were sentenced to five years in prison on a first-degree battery conviction. As the case developed, Minor's father, Illinois oil well driller F.M. Minor, says he twice left envelopes with money on Baker's desk.
"I was police commissioner here for four years," he said last month in Olney, Ill. "I kind of found out how you do things."
He said one envelope contained $200, the other $1,000. Minor said Baker took the cash without question but that the two never discussed its purpose.
"I took all the serial numbers off 10 hundred-dollar bills," Minor said. "... But my lawyer told me I couldn't prove I'd given them to him."
The stakes had escalated by 1994, when Craig Minor and his wife, Dianne M. O'Delle, were arrested on charges of possessing marijuana and drug paraphernalia on their Madison County farm.
F.M. Minor said he called Baker to negotiate and was told things had changed, because Craig was classified as a habitual felon under Arkansas law.
"He said, 'F.M., he's in serious trouble, and they're going to try him as an habitual. And you'll never live long enough to see him out of the pen again,'" Minor remembers. "He said, 'He'll get 20 years for it.'"
Minor, who said he is speaking now because Craig, 44, is dying of cancer and living away from Madison County, said he asked Baker to make a deal.
"He said, 'Well, I really like your attorney. Any deals that's made will have to be made through your attorney,'" Minor said.
Minor hadn't yet hired an attorney, but he knew whom Baker meant. Fayetteville lawyer Terry Harper had handled some of his son's previous run-ins with the law. He called Harper, and Harper called Baker.
Harper first told Minor that he would have to pay Baker and the DEA $15,000 to keep his son out of prison. When Minor balked, the up-front demand was reduced to $10,000. Craig and his wife could pay out the remaining $5,000 at $200 a month.
Craig and his wife were sentenced to four years unsupervised probation -- despite Craig's lengthy criminal record.
Madison County records show the money was paid to the county's Drug Eradication Fund, $7,500 credited to Craig, $2,500 to his wife.
Harper told F.M. Minor that the payment distribution was intended to divert attention from Craig's good fortune, according to Minor's tape recordings of their conversations.
Harper told Minor that an important part of the deal was to ensure Craig did not have to report to a probation officer and undergo periodic drug testing. The two men agreed that could land him back in prison.
"The main worry about that is if they jerk him in there once a month, and he takes a hot piss test, and comes up ... they can revoke him and I don't want them to have to do that," Harper told Minor.
"What we're probably going to end up doing is allotting about 10 of it over on Craig and five on her just to make it look like we're doing it for both of them instead of just trying to buy Craig out," Harper told Minor.
"They're doing Craig and me and you and everybody one hell of a favor here," Harper reminded Minor. "I hope he appreciates it and takes advantage of it."
Harper says he doesn't remember the details of the case. But he said such deals weren't unusual among attorneys, police and prosecutors in Northwest Arkansas. He said that Baker had not contacted him until F.M. Minor asked him to get involved, and that all of the dealings with Baker and deputy prosecutor Billy Allred were aboveboard.
Nevertheless, F.M. Minor said, the case felt like a setup.
"I firmly believe that it was cut and dried, and they knew what was going to happen before it ever happened," he said.
Dealings at the courthouse have always provided plentiful fuel for Madison County's rumor mill, which went into overdrive when Diana Criss quit her 12-year job as an Arkansas Revenue Department cashier Aug. 26, 1996. Revenue Commissioner Tim Leathers said Criss submitted a "routine resignation" while she was under investigation by Baker for issuing phony driver's licenses and license plate stickers.
It came as no surprise to local drug dealers or to the family of Billie Jean Phillips.
"I sold to her. I never bought from her," said one convicted drug dealer, adding that Criss provided a valuable service for the county's outlaws, who didn't have insurance. "She'd get us stickers for your license plates. She'd trade those for drugs. ... We'd put them on our tags, and we'd just hope we wouldn't get stopped."
Phillips, a friend of Criss, told her sisters that she had removed a vial of drugs from Cain's office and given it to Criss.
Criss has declined requests for interviews. Speaking through a local drug user, she said Baker told her not to talk to the Democrat-Gazette a few days after reporters first questioned him about the investigation.
Baker said he doesn't know much about the case, because the state was handling it. But Leathers said Baker was in charge.
"We know the sheriff was doing an investigation," Leathers said. "It became a moot point when the employee resigned."
Allred, who replaced Cain as deputy prosecuting attorney, said he was unaware of drug allegations in the Criss case until after she resigned. Absent proof of the drug allegations, he said, there were insufficient grounds to bring criminal charges.
But the dealer who claimed to have traded drugs for bogus documents says the case typifies the way business is done in Booger County: "It's a very crooked county, yeah. I've lived there all my life. It's kind of scary."
FROM MOONSHINE TO CRANK, THE UNDERSIDE OF MADISON COUNTY
No one knows when Madison County got the dubious nickname Booger County. Residents mostly blame the label on their snobbish neighbors in Washington County to the west.
"I've never seen anything in writing. All I have is hearsay," said Joy Russell, the county's leading historian. "A lot of people call it that, but I don't know the origin."
Despite his license plate, the sheriff doesn't know either.
"Whether it's what you pick from your nose or what your grandmother told you came out of the woods," Baker said, "people don't seem to mind it."
Historians put Madison County's official age at 161. It split from Washington County and became a separate entity in 1836, the year Arkansas attained statehood and Huntsville became the county seat. Residents say it was a haven for bank robbers and other outlaws in the 1920s.
Six of every 10 of its adults have graduated high school. About 8 percent have graduated from college. The average family earns $24,776 a year, according to the 1990 Census.
One in every five Madison County residents lives below the poverty level. But the statistics may deceive. Some of the county's income always has come from illegal substances.
For much of the 20th century, the hill folk operated a thriving moonshine trade. Washington County Sheriff Kenneth McKee, who once was the area's only state trooper, said Madison County was a moonshine capital, distributing its top-quality white lightning through the Ozarks and into Oklahoma.
In the 1960s and 1970s, second-generation moonshiners switched crops and blanketed the county's deep woods with a particularly hearty breed of marijuana. By the late 1980s, they had turned toward the big money that methamphetamine could bring.
Crystal meth, known as "crank," is imported from California and Mexico. But it is also cooked around the knobby hills of Madison and Newton counties, say the people who sell it. With a handful of household chemicals and some ingredients used in hog feed, dealers can produce a drug that sells for $1,600 to $2,000 an ounce.
For one drug dealer who operates within a mile of downtown Huntsville, that means raising and spending as much as $6,000 a week. He talked about how he does it one day last summer.
He is in his mid-20s. His hair is graying. It is late morning, and he already has finished his seventh Budweiser while talking with reporters. But crank is his intoxicant of choice. He knows he will sell enough this week to support his habit and pick up a little sex with a neighbor woman along the way.
He started smoking marijuana at 10 and moved to harder drugs three years later. He dropped out of school after the ninth grade.
He isn't afraid of being arrested by the sheriff. He says Baker has told him the rules. But he expects to die by September. He peeks out the window at each passing car.
"You know you're talking to a dead man," he says. "One guy held a shotgun in my face for over an hour last week. He said I f****** owed him money, and I didn't. He thought I did. He said I'd be dead by September anyway."
The drug dealer is still alive in October, and he says he has no choice but to continue to deal crank from his family home. Although he has been committed for drug and psychiatric treatment, he says there's no way out from the crank.
"All I do all day is sit around this house and wait for them to come," he says. "Any minute, somebody could pull up here and come for me. I'm ready for them when they come, though. I've got a pistol back there, and -- if somebody comes for me -- I'm ready."
He isn't married. But live-in girlfriends aren't hard to find. They usually leave him when he uses their share of the crank. He just moves on to the next woman willing to trade sex for drugs.
In Huntsville's drug community, sex is just another form of currency.
He explains:
"This girl down the street here. If I got an ounce right now, I'd probably do half of it right away and put the rest up until this afternoon. Then I'd go on and after supper I'd probably halve it again and do a quarter. With what's left, I'd cut off one little corner and save it and then do the rest of that."
The remaining corner of the day's score buys sex -- with a little return on the investment -- about 9 p.m.
"I'd go down and say, 'Hey, look at what I've got. But it's going to cost you.' She'll say, 'OK.' What's left is about $10 worth, and I'll give it to her. But she'll have to give me half of it back."
He smiles at a 1996 FBI map of drug labs seized in Arkansas. It shows two methcathinone lab busts in Benton County. The DEA has identified one of them as the largest in U.S. history. It shows seven labs busted in Washington County and one in Franklin, Crawford and Carroll Counties. There are no busts in Madison County.
The drug dealer says the map doesn't surprise him.
"Ralph don't put up with any bull****. Ralph don't care if you use drugs. He's told me, 'If you want to mess up your mind, that's your fault.'
"But when you start breaking down doors, then Ralph gets mad," the dealer adds. "He doesn't like that."
Information for this article was contributed by staff writer Jeffrey Wood.
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"Rob McClellan"
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2021-03-03T06:21:16
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Writer of swashbuckling fantasy
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en
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https://decastell.com/
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Out beyond the shore of the Western Sea, a great abbey towers above the waves. Tall as any castle, Isola Sombra’s treasures are the envy of princes. Its six colossal spires, armoured in stone walls impervious to the buffeting winds and pelting rains, rise up as if to taunt the gods to which they were once consecrated. The relentless fury of the storms which lately assail the abbey suggests such impertinence has not gone unnoticed. Given those same gods were murdered two years ago, an inquisitive traveller to this once holy site might wonder whose outrage now summons the tempest?
The tiny islet upon which the abbey was built centuries ago is tethered to the mainland by a half-mile-long causeway barely wide enough for two carts to pass each other without one being shoved off the slippery cobbles and into the sea. During the winter months, thick fogs often blanket the causeway, blinding travellers to the unpredictable currents. Anyone foolish enough to attempt the crossing during a squall is likely to find themselves swept away beneath the ocean swells, horses, wagons and all.
Estevar Borros had neither wagon nor horse. He slumped heavily in the saddle somewhat precariously strapped to the mule he’d purchased six months ago at the start of his judicial circuit. He’d named the beast Imperious, though the ostentatious sobriquet wasn’t due to any regal bearing evinced by the mule, but rather for the way its rain-drenched muzzle would turn every few plodding steps so it could glare at its rider and remind him precisely who was to blame for their soggy predicament.
‘The fault isn’t mine,’ Estevar grumbled, his words drowned out by the sleet and rain currently hampering their approach to the causeway. ‘Bring suit against the First Cantor if you’re so aggrieved. It was she who assigned us this gods-be-damned judicial circuit that never ends.’
Imperious offered his own grunt in reply, which Estevar took as agreement that the responsibility did indeed lie some two hundred miles to the northeast with a woman barely nineteen years of age whom fate – and the execrable former First Cantor of the Greatcoats – had placed in charge of the King’s Travelling Magistrates.
Estevar’s ice-cold fingers reached beneath the dripping black braids of his beard to pull up the collar of his muddy crimson greatcoat in a hopeless attempt to protect his neck from the beating rain. Even this small movement drew a groan from him. That damned wound . . . The seven-inch gash just above the bottom rib on his left side showed no sign of healing. This particular ache could not, alas, be blamed on the new First Cantor, but rather on Estevar’s own temper.
Staring into the thick fog ahead of them, he could almost picture that suave, conceited duellist standing there: long and lean, his blade swift as a devil’s tail, his spirit unburdened by conscience. His employer, a wealthy lord caravanner charged with the murder of his own wife, had demanded an appeal by combat after Estevar had rendered his verdict. There had been no necessity to accept the challenge; the evidence had been incontrovertible, and King’s magistrates aren’t bound to cross swords with every belligerent who disagrees with the outcome of a trial. And yet . . . there was that smirk on the too-handsome face of the merchant’s champion, as if no one so wide of girth as Estevar could possibly score a touch against him.
In fact, Estevar had won first blood. His use of an unusual Gitabrian sword bind – rather clever, he’d thought at the time – had sent his smug opponent hurtling to the courtroom floor. A single clean thrust to the forearm with the tip of Estevar’s rapier – hardly more than a scratch – had been precisely the sort merciful and honourable declaration of victory expected of a Greatcoat. When the clerk of the court struck the bell to end the duel in Estevar's favour, he had even extended a hand to assist the man back to his feet.
Arrogance. Sheer, wanton arrogance.
His enraged opponent had pushed himself off the floor with one hand and delivered a vicious rapier cut with the other. Worse, at the instant of full extension, he’d added injury to insult by turning his wrist to add a vicious puncture to an already deep laceration, the sort of wound that invariably leads to infection and rarely heals properly.
The King’s Third Law of Judicial Duelling was unequivocal on the matter: Estevar was the victor. Unfortunately, the local viscount, no admirer of the king’s meddling magistrates, had taken advantage of Estevar’s public humiliation to overrule his verdict. The lord caravanner had ridden away unpunished. His murdered wife was buried in an unmarked grave the next morning, denied both justice and priestly blessings.
Estevar pressed a hand over the nagging wound. There wasn’t so much as a scratch on the leather. The bone plates sewn into the lining would have protected him, had he not been so vain that he’d consented to the duellist’s demand that he fight without it.
‘Surely so redoubtable a physique, one so voluminous in vigour, needs no armour to protect the many, many layers of valorous flesh beneath?’ the tall, sleek fellow had shouted mockingly before the entire court. ‘What use those silly bone plates sewn into the lining of that preposterous garment you “Greatcoats”’ – he’d imbued the word with such irony! – ‘insist on wearing when compared to the blubber straining its seams?’
Fool of a fool of a fool, Estevar’s mother would have chided him – which was nothing compared to the lashing he could expect to receive from the preposterously young First Cantor when this last stop on his judicial circuit was dealt with and he returned to Castle Aramor.
Voluminous, he thought bitterly, pressing even harder against the wound, but failing to ease the sting. Six days and a hundred miles since he’d cleaned and sewn up the cut, but the pain hadn’t abated one jot. Worse, it now felt hot to the touch, suggesting infection. Perhaps if I survive the fever I’ll name the scar ‘Voluminous’ as a reminder to have a thicker skin in future.
‘And now what shall we do, Imperious?’ he asked the mule. ‘We’re under no obligation to heed the abbot’s request for judicial arbitration between his unruly monks. As Venia so reliably reminded us in his letter, Isola Sombra does not consider itself subject to the King’s Laws. Why should we tarry here when we could already be on our way home?’
Despite his optimistic words, Estevar had no illusions about the welcome awaiting him at Aramor once the First Cantor learned that one of her magistrates had lost a judicial appeal he’d been under no obligation to grant in the first place, only to then take a grievous injury due entirely to his inexcusable pride rather than any skill of his opponent. He would be lucky if she didn’t immediately demand he relinquish his coat of office.
Imperious swivelled his sorrel head once again, this time in an attempt to bite his rider’s hand as punishment for bringing him to this hellish place. Evidently, it wasn’t only the First Cantor to whom Estevar owed profuse apologies.
‘Let us away home then,’ he declared, tugging gently on the reins to circle his mount back towards the mainland road. ‘We’ll leave the monks to their quarrels.’
He was about to give the mule’s flanks an encouraging nudge when a voice shouted out from the mists, ‘Hold where you are!’
Man and mule both turned. The grey haze between the mainland and the causeway had thickened, distorting the voice and making it difficult to locate its source. A less experienced traveller might have heard the command of an angry ghost come to exact revenge for some long-forgotten crime. Estevar, however, had investigated many supposed supernatural apparitions during his tenure as a Greatcoat, and quickly decided this one sounded more man than spectre. He patted Imperious’ neck to calm him, but the mule lowered his head and hunched his shoulders, as if determined to leap into battle against their unknown assailant.
‘Who approaches the cursed Abbey of Isola Sombra?’ the hidden figure demanded.
Estevar closed his eyes a moment, allowing the eerie echoes to surround him. The voice was deep, confident, but that gravitas was trained rather than natural. The accent – most notably the rising inflection on the last vowel of the abbey’s name, almost as if he were saying ‘Som–brae’ – suggested a commoner raised in this duchy, not highborn himself, but accustomed to being in the presence of nobles.
He reached back for the oilcloth bag strapped behind the cantle. He’d wanted to protect his rapier from the rain and hadn’t anticipated having to fight his way into an abbey famed almost as much for its hospitality as its wealth. With his fingers chilled to the bone, the knots were proving perniciously difficult to untie. His mind, however, was moving more nimbly, envisioning the unfolding scene from the perspective of the fellow who now sought to block his passage.
He sees only a fat man in a leather greatcoat slouched wearily upon a mule, Estevar thought, someone too slow to present a genuine threat. Someone he can bully as he pleases.
This was, regrettably, a common enough conclusion on meeting Estevar Borros. A magistrate’s first duty being to the truth, he decided it was incumbent upon him to cure this new acquaintance of a potentially fatal ignorance. He coughed briefly before allowing his own deep baritone to rumble across the sandy shore.
‘To you, stranger, is the privilege of greeting Estevar Valejan Duerisi Borros, often called the King’s Crucible. As one of His Majesty’s Travelling Magistrates, the duty of hearing appeals to the King’s Justice throughout the Seventh Circuit of Tristia falls to me. Any fool who stands in the way of that endeavour will soon find himself flat on his back, gazing up at the sky and asking the gods why they cursed him with such poor judgement as to challenge me.’
Not bad, Estevar mused, all thoughts of abandoning the monks to their own devices banished as he drew his rapier. The cadence was a little off, but melodious eloquence is surely too much to ask of a fellow in my feverish state.
At last, a tall figure emerged from the mists. First came the glint of steel, the position and angle suggesting a longsword held in a high guard. Next came the shimmer of a chainmail surcoat partly covered by a hooded cloak of pure white trimmed in silver and emblazoned with three azure eyes across the front.
A Knight of the March of Someil, Estevar reasoned, which explained both the accent and commanding tone.
The chainmail was going to be a problem. Estevar’s rapier was a duelling weapon meant for courtroom trials and back-alley ambushes, not squaring off on the battlefield against armoured knights. Tristian steel came in varying qualities, however, and a Greatcoat’s rapier was as fine a weapon as was ever forged in this benighted little country. Wielded with force and precision, the point could shatter the links of a mail surcoat to find the fragile flesh beneath. That was, of course, assuming its wielder was not already wounded and exhausted.
The wise move would be to fight from atop the mule. The added height afforded a superior position, and Imperious was no shy pony to cower in the face of danger. Should the need arise to flee, being already in the saddle would increase the odds of escape.
But my opponent is a man of war, Estevar reminded himself, trained to slash the throat of his enemy’s mount first to counter his advantage.
He dismounted, hiding his unsteadiness beneath a show of nonchalance. He patted his mule’s reddish-brown mane and whispered into one long, twitching ear, ‘No heroics, my friend. When the first blow is struck, turn tail and run. Find yourself a mare and – well, as I don’t suppose mules can reproduce, just enjoy yourself and think fondly of your old friend Estevar.’
Imperious ignored him, instead issuing a braying warning to the approaching knight. Running away clearly wasn’t the beast’s style.
‘Damned good mule,’ Estevar murmured, bringing his rapier up to a centreline guard suitable for initiating a deceptive flick at the eyes followed by a more powerful – and desperate – thrust to the narrow gap between helm and gorget, which would be his best hope of evading the mail surcoat.
‘Borros?’ the knight called out, coming into full view at last. A handsome devil, you had to give him that. The very portrait of a young chevalier: broad in the shoulder, narrow in the hips, square-jawed and golden-haired beneath a steel half-helm. Even the broken nose lent his otherwise smooth features a determined dignity. No doubt many a lad and lass had swooned over this one. At his side dangled a curved ivory horn. Estevar had known the blare of such instruments to carry for miles across flat terrain. ‘You are truly Estevar Borros, the King’s Crucible?’ the knight asked.
‘The storm is not so deafening that you failed to hear me the first time,’ he replied, widening his stance and raising the blade of his rapier. ‘Now, stop where you are. Inclement weather and poor soil make for arduous grave-digging, and I have more pressing business at the abbey.’
Without warning, the knight rushed Estevar. The fool might well have impaled himself, had not the combination of a magistrate’s quick judgement and a duellist’s quick instincts enabled Estevar to tilt his rapier blade off-line in time to stop the point sliding over the steel gorget and into the knight’s exposed throat.
‘My name is Sir Daven Colraig,’ the young knight declared, hugging Estevar with frantic relief. ‘I am Sheriff Outrider to His Lordship, Margrave Someil. It was he who commanded me to await you here these past seven days.’
‘Seven days?’ Estevar had to suppress a groan when the young man’s exuberant squeezing aggravated his wound. He shoved the fellow away, not quite as gently as he’d intended. ‘You expect me to believe you’ve been out in this storm for an entire week?’
Sir Daven nodded, water dripping from his helm onto the golden locks plastered to his forehead. ‘Indeed, Eminence. The margrave had hoped you would arrive sooner.’
‘My pace was perhaps more leisurely than anticipated,’ Estevar admitted.
Yet why would the Margrave of Someil be keeping abreast of a magistrate’s travels? And why would he make one of his knights camp out in the cold and wet until my arrival?
‘The Abbey of Isola Sombra is less than half a mile across the causeway,’ Estevar observed. ‘The monks are known for their gracious hospitality to all who arrive at their gates. Why await me here? Unless it was to prevent me from reaching them myself?’
Sir Daven slid a gauntleted hand into his cloak and withdrew a cylinder of black leather roughly eight inches long and barely an inch in diameter. The message sheath was banded in azure and bore a silver wax seal of a wasp shattering a shield: the hereditary insignia of the Margraves of Someil. ‘I know the Greatcoats have oft been at odds with the nobles of this duchy, Eminence, but my lord is no enemy to the new king, nor to his magistrates.’
Estevar eyed the black leather tube warily. Bribing magistrates was a common tactic for those with a vested interest in the outcome of a case. The lord caravanner had offered him a small fortune to avoid a trial. Was this some attempt by the Margrave of Someil to secure a ruling against the Abbey of Isola Sombra, whose legendary obstinance in refusing to pay taxes – either to the king or to the local nobility – rested upon the dubious claim that their tiny island was by tradition a sovereign nation unto itself?
‘Please,’ Sir Daven said, jabbing the message sheath at Estevar’s chest, ‘read my lord’s words and heed them, I beg you.’
Imperious attempted to bite off the knight’s hand. When that failed, he snatched the leather cylinder away from him.
‘Cease, you avaricious beast,’ Estevar growled, yanking the crushed tube from between the mule’s teeth. ‘Save your appetite for the abbey, where we shall shortly be feasted as befits visiting dignitaries.’
He undid the azure ties, unfurled the parchment and read quickly, before the rain smudged the ink, rendering the missive illegible. He checked the half-seal at the bottom of the parchment, comparing it with its mate on the other side, a security device. The rich purple-black ink he recognised as a rare mixture made of the iron-gall from an oak tree and the crushed seeds of a berry found only in this duchy: a concoction so carefully guarded by the margraves that even the finest forgers found it near-impossible to reproduce. All of which suggested the document was authentic, which made the five lines scrawled upon it all the more troubling.
From his Lordship Alaire, Margrave of Someil,
Warden of the March, Defender of the Faith,
To you, my friend, in earnest warning,
As you love life and value your soul,
you will not set foot on Isola Sombra.
A blaze ignited in Estevar’s belly, chasing away the cold and wet, even the ache of his wound. When bribery was deemed unlikely to succeed, the nobility all too often resorted to blackmail and bullying.
‘A threat?’ he demanded, crushing the parchment in his fist as the rain poured down even harder, the thunder in the sky above punctuating his outburst. ‘Your precious margrave would seek to intimidate a Greatcoat into abandoning his lawful mission? Does he so fear what the Abbot of Isola Sombra might reveal to me of his activities that he’d stoop to—?’
‘Abbot Venia no longer rules Isola Sombra,’ the knight said icily, his countenance darkening. ‘He who once defied kings now cowers beneath the covers inside his tower while madness and devilry reigns over that holiest of islands!’
Estevar could barely restrain his laughter. ‘Has the cold and damp frozen that helmet to your head, Sir Knight? You speak of two hundred pampered, petulant monks as if they were an army of invading soldiers!’
Sir Daven shook his head, sending splatters of rain onto Estevar’s face and beard. ‘Not soldiers, sir, but warlocks – heretics who dabble in curses and necromancy, perverting their bodies in unholy orgies—’
Estevar cut him off. ‘Enough. I am a Greatcoat, not some backwoods constable to be frightened off with childish tales of witchcraft. As the King’s Crucible, it falls to me to investigate cases suspected of supernatural intervention. I have witnessed hundreds of occult rituals all across this country – some genuine, most elaborate trickery, but none the preposterous pantomime you’re ascribing to the brethren of Isola Sombra.’ He handed the black leather cylinder to Sir Daven. ‘You call yourself a sheriff outrider? If the Margrave of Someil truly believes some nefarious demon worship to have taken hold of the abbey, surely he would have sent a contingent of his finest knights to investigate, rather than have you wait out here in the rain like an unwanted pup?’
The knight refused to take back the sheath, saying instead, ‘Look inside the cylinder, Eminence; a second document awaits your perusal.’
Estevar cursed himself for failing to notice the smaller piece of parchment tight against the inside of the case. He had to dig it out with his fingernail before unfolding what turned out to be an elaborate sketch of a naked man such as one might find in a medical text. What made it unusual were the strange markings covering the body: esoteric sigils in designs unrecognisable to Estevar despite his years of research into the esoteric traditions of Tristia.
‘My Lord did send a dozen of my fellow knights to investigate,’ Sir Daven said defiantly. ‘When they emerged the next morning . . .’ He paused, visibly shaken by whatever memories plagued him. ‘Twelve braver, steadier men and women I have never known, yet not one of them has uttered a word since their return. They sit in separate chambers within the margrave’s fortress, attended to by his personal physicians – not clerics, mind you, trained physicians – who claim their souls have fled their bodies.’
‘There has to be a logical explanation,’ Estevar murmured, returning the picture and the margrave’s message to the cylinder before placing it in a pocket of his greatcoat. ‘There is always an explanation.’
Steel returned to the younger man’s eyes as they locked on Estevar’s. ‘Theories and conjectures do not fall within my purview, Eminence, nor was I sent here merely to await your displeasure.’ He lifted the ivory horn strapped to his side and jabbed his other hand towards the six stone towers rising from the dense greyness. ‘Should anyone or anything come back across that causeway, my orders are to first raise the alarm, then fend off whatever chaos has been spawned in the cloisters of Isola Sombra until help arrives or death takes me!’
Holding the knight’s gaze, Estevar sifted through what clues he could discern in the younger man’s determined expression. Were the clenched jaw and stiff posture signs of the unyielding devotion to duty so often espoused by Tristian knights, or mere melodrama meant to frighten away one of the King’s Magistrates before he could interfere in whatever schemes were unfolding on Isola Sombra?
Estevar’s fever-addled brain rebelled against him, alerting him instead to the flush in his cheeks and the burning ache in his side. What business did he have setting foot upon the ill-fated isle at the end of that storm-drenched causeway armed with nothing but a rapier, his arrogance and a cantankerous mule?
‘Heed my liege’s warning, Eminence, I beg you,’ Sir Daven said, no doubt sensing Estevar’s wavering intentions.
How strange that only moments before, he’d been ready to abandon this place and ignore Abbot Venia’s plea for him to arbitrate the dispute between his contentious monks. Now that this same dispute had exploded into something far more unsettling, Estevar found himself unable to walk away.
He knew himself to be a ludicrous figure in the eyes of many: a foreigner to these shores who dared demand a place among the legendary Greatcoats; a fat, pompous buffoon who insisted on fighting his own duels when younger and fitter men would have refused; an eccentric who alone among the King’s Travelling Magistrates investigated crimes attributed to witches, demons and sundry other supernatural forces. In short, Estevar Borros was a silly fool, driven by his innate stubbornness as much as his affinity for the law. But there was yet one more failing to which he was ever subservient – the one that, even more than his arrogance, had led him to accept the most recent duel: the persistent, impossible-to-quiet voice that had brought him from his homeland across the sea to this strange, troubled nation. The addiction was more potent than any drug, a nagging need that could overpower even the pain of a festering wound in his side.
Looking towards the abbey in the sea, contemplating what chaos awaited, he murmured, ‘I am curious.’
‘What?’ asked Sir Daven, grabbing his arm.
Gently, he loosened the younger man’s fingers. ‘I thank you, Sir Knight. You have delivered your message, fulfilling this part of your mission. No one could fault your courage or your loyalty to your liege.’ He slid his rapier into the sheath ingeniously designed into the leather panel on the left side of his greatcoat, wincing at the sudden sting that was surely his stitches coming apart.
Sir Daven gaped at him as he if were mad. ‘Look at yourself,’ he cried, his frantic voice bubbling over with scorn and unease. ‘You can barely stand – yes, I see you, attempting to hide whatever injury ails you. But even after what I’ve told you, still you insist on crossing the most perilous causeway in the country during a raging storm while the tide rises? I have told you that death and worse await you on the other side – do you presume the rest of us to be gullible dolts deluded by some petty parlour trick?’
‘I think nothing of the kind,’ Estevar replied, taking the reins and tugging his reluctant mule towards the narrow cobblestone road ahead. ‘You claim the monks of Isola Sombra commit unspeakable crimes, dabbling in forbidden occult rituals and desecrating the oldest holy site in the country. Surely that calls for the intervention of a King’s Magistrate, no?’
‘You’re a fool,’ Sir Daven spat, no longer pretending at admiration, or even sympathy. ‘A mad fool! What will be left of you once the monsters prowling that cursed abbey have peeled away the last layers of your arrogance from your flesh?’
Estevar placed a hand on the mule’s neck to steady himself as the two of them began their crossing. Shouting over the wind and rain he replied, ‘According to my sainted mother? Only more arrogance.’
The second knock was louder than the first, a reprehensible criminal act so far as Mer’esan was concerned. Her meditations now fatally interrupted, she reached up a shaking hand to wipe at the undignified spittle at the corner of her mouth.
You were asleep, old woman. No sense pretending otherwise.
But was it really the second knock that had woken her? Or had this been the third? The fourth? How long had this trespasser been banging at her cottage door?
She waited, wondering now if perhaps it had been a dream – a memory of someone from years past: her husband, the new clan prince, slamming his fist against the door, the force of his magic tearing apart spell after spell that she’d so carefully woven upon the cottage.
‘Open up, ya old bag, you’re not dead yet!’
What a strange, incongruous voice . . . female, yet lacking the grace and precision nurtured by Jan’Tep women. Each syllable suffused with a distinctive – and annoying – frontier drawl, as though designed specially to offend the ears.
Certainly it was no way to speak to a dowager magus.
’Touch my door once more and your life is forfeit,’ Mer’esan warned, cursing the feeble wheezing of her own voice that undermined her threat.
A pause – not long enough to account for reflection or reconsideration – just long enough for theatricality. Then, another knock.
Oh, whoever you are, you have signed your own death warrant now.
Mer’esan drew herself up from her chair only to stumble, her legs too old and stiff to hold her steady. She grabbed onto one of the rough wooden posts that held up the cottage roof, the effort sending jarring pains through the joints in her hand, her wrist, her elbow and finally her shoulder.
Old. Too old to strike fear into anyone.
The dowager magus regained her balance and raised her arms. Even through the wrappings of black cloth, six tattooed bands on her forearms shimmered, the metallic inks still gleaming bright after three hundred years, an odd contrast to the withered skin beneath.
The interloper will not see me thus, she promised herself.
The glyphs of the second band on her left arm, those of sand magic, began to glow and swirl, each shape flowing into one of its many variations as she drew forth the source of power to manipulate time. Those of the third band on her right arm did likewise, igniting the magic of blood, and thus the manipulation of flesh.
Again the intruder banged on the door, brazenly, without any sign of contrition. ‘Come on, you crazy old bird,’ she called out. ‘Time you and me had a chat.’
Time. That was precisely what Mer’esan needed. Before facing this invader she must bring back the body that had been hers decades – no, centuries – ago. But to erase the ravages of time from her outward flesh she must first remove the years from muscle and sinew, and to do that, vitality had to be brought back to her bones; to the very marrow of her being.
With trembling fingers she formed the somatic shape of the first restoration spell. Her throat was dry, and the sound that came past her lips was like a faltering breeze across the arid desert. So be it. Such a voice suited sand spells. Her mind held firm to the spell’s mystical geometry, her will lent her dominion over the raw magic, and only then did she speak the seven-word incantation. Oh, how she wished that youth spells needn’t be so intolerably long. ‘An’heda ki’reth sula be’enath men’er inati pha’sha.’
Pain.
Deep inside her body, wasted bone and marrow shattered. The spell transformed the base elements and knit them anew, like an army of ants tearing her apart and remaking her. Relentless. Merciless.
Quickly now, she thought, the next one, before the torment saps your will.
The second spell brought life back to muscle and sinew. The discomfort subsided as aches that had been her constant companions departed, unresisting, knowing that they would soon enough return to their comfortable home.
At last Mer’esan cast the third spell, this one upon her skin. Wrinkles fled, banished by a youthful glow that spread across the canvas of her body. Her hair thickened, a deep chestnut colour flowing from the roots of her scalp to the very tips. Idly her hand came up to twirl a lock around one finger. She’d always loved playing with her hair – a girlish affectation that even power and rank had never seemed to extinguish.
With her youth restored, the dowager shifted her attention to the tattooed band for iron – so that she might bind the trespasser – and to ember, in case she decided to destroy her entirely.
Which she probably would.
‘Come in,’ Mer’esan said, the lightness and clarity of her own voice surprising her – as it always did when she performed these temporary restorations. With a flick of her hand, the seals upon her cottage door came away, giving entry to the woman on the other side.
Into the darkness of the cottage came a puff of smoke, soon followed by a tiny red glow like that of an autumn emberfly. A smoking reed? Mer’esan wondered. This foreigner dares to smoke in my presence as if my home were some travellers’saloon. What will she do next? Demand I serve her a drink and bring out comfort boys for her selection?
‘You always sit by yourself in the dark?’ the imprudent visitor asked.
Mer’esan sent a fraction of her will into the single glow-glass lantern hanging from the centre of the cottage’s ceiling. The light flared like a white-hot sun, forcing the intruder to cover her eyes as she struggled to adjust to the sudden brightness . A petty retaliation perhaps, but it gave the dowager magus time to examine this woman who’d somehow snuck into the palace grounds, entered the gardens and slipped past the guard, all to disturb the sanctity of Mer’esan’s cottage.
The girl . . . No, not a girl – she only seemed so because, well, everyone looked like a child nowadays. The woman wore a broad-brimmed frontier hat, as though she was some Daroman cow herder. Unruly red curls tumbled beneath it down to her jaw, framing a face that wasn’t displeasing, certainly, but whose beauty was subverted by the sharp lines of her features and, most of all, by a wide, self-satisfied smile. Damn the Argosi and their smugness.
‘Well, take a look at you,’ the intruder said, stamping her riding boots on the mat and straightening the black leather waistcoat she wore over a travel-stained linen shirt. She tilted her head as she peered at Mer’esan. ’Did you go and get yourself all made up just for little old me? Why, you look as pretty as a flower and younger than new rain falling on a mountaintop!’
The glib words might have been a compliment, had they been spoken by someone with less mischief in their eyes. ‘Better to say that I am the mountain,’ Mer’esan countered. ‘And you, Ferius Parfax, are in avalanche country now.’
The other’s smile softened, derision becoming something more respectful, though still without a trace of fear. She gave a slight bow of her head. ‘And what a remarkable country it is, ma’am.’
‘A dangerous one. I hope your reason for coming is worthy of the risk.’
’I’m here about the kid.’
‘A Jan’Tep matter.’
The humour in the Argosi’s eyes vanished. ‘Not any more.’
The dowager allowed more of her will to flow into the ember band on her forearm. Let this swaggering gambler see just how easily I could turn her to ash. But the Argosi’s face showed no concern.
‘A simple thought from me will bring my guard,’ Mer’esan warned. The instant the words were passed her lips, she regretted them. The threat was an admission of her own fear. With no way to back away from it, she added, ‘He is a mage of no small power himself – a tribulator, in fact. That is to say he—‘
Ferius Parfax waved a hand negligently. ‘He casts spells that hurt people. I get it.’
Mer’esan found the subtle contempt in the woman’s tone irksome. Few foreigners, even enemies, spoke so dismissively of Jan’Tep magic. So was this self-assurance, or bluff? ‘I wonder, how did you evade his awareness? His sentry spells are rather potent.’
The Argosi took a puff from her smoking reed, which Mer’esan recognized as a means of delaying an answer. Did she, perhaps, not want to reveal her secrets? A good sign then, for it signalled uncertainty. ‘Silk magic,’ the Argosi replied.
‘Silk magic? You mean to say that you—‘
‘Jan’Tep spells for detecting intruders are built on silk magic, ain’t they? What do y’all call it? “Dominion over the minds of others”?’
Mer’esan nodded, her eyes narrowing.
The Argosi put out her smoking reed with a pinch of her finger and thumb, then put it inside her waistcoat before leaning back against the cottage wall. ‘Try it on me.’ She put her hands up in submission. ‘I won’t resist.’
A daring gambit, and a foolish one. If Mer’esan chose, she could use silk spells to do whatever she liked to the Argosi: strip her thoughts bare, fill her with visions of unspeakable horrors, even combine it with iron magic to create a mind chain that would . . . No, never that.
Mer’esan closed her eyes and brought the fingertips of her left hand together as she envisioned the geometry of the spell. She sent her will sliding into the silk band on her right forearm, then uttered the invocation as she opened her fingers wide. A simple unlocking spell would suffice, enabling her to witness the surface thoughts of this woman who’d so brazenly challenged her.
Like a key turning in a well-oiled lock, the Argosi’s mind opened to her – far more easily than Mer’esan had expected. She played about Ferius Parfax’s thoughts as effortlessly as she might rifle through the pages of a book. Since the Argosi had mentioned the boy – what was his name again? He had been here only hours ago and yet already the memory had faded. Ke . . . Kellen? That was it: Kellen of the House of Ke. Mer’esan began there, drawing forth images from Ferius’s memories of him: seeing the boy duelling that little wretch of the House of Ra, defeating him without magic, being nearly killed by his younger sister – Mer’esan would have to keep an eye on that girl – and then Ferius herself, struggling to save Kellen. Other images came, too, but prudence called for focusing on more vital questions: what was Ferius Parfax’s purpose in coming to the Jan’Tep lands so soon after the death of Mer’esan’s husband, the clan prince? What was her mission?
Suddenly the Argosi woman’s thoughts disappeared, her mind completely gone. Somehow, while Mer’esan had been distracted, she had slipped away from the cottage.
The dowager magus opened her eyes, expecting to see an empty room, only to find the Argosi still standing there. ‘How . . .?’
Ferius shrugged, taking out her smoking reed and lighting it once again. ‘Your fancy silk magic is all about the mind, but it needs an ego to bind itself to, a sense of individuality.’ She took a puff from the reed, exhaling a ring of smoke that floated in the air between them. ‘Sometimes it’s healthy to forget yourself a little.’
‘Impossible,’ Mer’esan declared, a sudden tightness in her chest at the very thought of it. ‘No one can lose themselves so utterly as to evade the power of silk magic.’
Another puff of smoke, and another self-satisfied smirk. ‘Impossible for you Jan’Tep, maybe, on account of how you’re all obsessed with being in control of yourselves and everything around you.’
The dowager magus prepared a retort. The Argosi were known to love debate and philosophizing. Well, Mer’esan had lived three hundred years and knew more about rhetoric and philosophy than any wandering gambler could ever imagine. But before she could reply, Ferius Parfax added, ‘Kind of like the way you’re trying to control the kid.’
Ah. At last a weakness, or at least an admission. ‘So your reason for having saved his life is more than passing altruism.’
The Argosi shook her head. ‘See, that’s the problem with you Jan’Tep: you can only see one possibility at a time. I saved Kellen because I saw a boy about to die for no better reason than that he was born into a country so crazy they make children fight each other with magic to impress their parents. If saving his life makes him useful to me in other ways, well, that’s just the way the path twists and turns.’
‘And that path has led you to my door?’
The Argosi shrugged. ’You ordered the kid to spy on me. Just figured we could save time by talking face to face.’
‘The boy confessed to you.’ Mer’esan felt a stab of disappointment. She’d had such high hopes for him.
‘He didn’t say a word. Kellen’s a good kid, trying his best to figure out what’s right.’
The implied slight troubled Mer’esan more than she liked. ‘As are we all. So then, have you come to demand that I desist? Or is it something else? Why do the Argosi seek to meddle in Jan’Tep affairs, now of all times? When our great houses are divided over who will take the seat of the clan prince now that my husband is dead? Is that why you’re here? Because the wanderers sense weakness in us now that our most powerful mage is gone?’
‘Your husband was an idiot.’
The declaration was like a slap to Mer’esan’s face, and despite her own feelings, despite what he had . . . The memory wouldn’t even allow itself to form in her mind. ‘You would not dare to speak so of the clan prince if he was alive.’
Ferius Parfax took a step towards Mer’esan. ‘I know what he did to you.’
Mer’esan opened her mouth, but the words died. Even such a small, unintentional utterance triggered the spell, and the chains tightened themselves around her mind.
The Argosi was staring at her, anger, no . . . fury in her gaze. But tempered with other things too. Determination. Resignation. And one other thing: sympathy. ‘I know the secret you keep,’ Ferius Parfax said. ‘I would break the chain for you if I could.’
‘I don’t know what you’re talking about.’ Please, please, show me some new Argosi trick, unwrap this thing from my soul and prove how clever you are, I beg you!
But there was nothing the other woman could do for her, nothing that Mer’esan herself hadn’t tried hundreds of times. Nothing save look upon her with pity. It was that last that hurt the most. To be pitied by a wandering gambler with no more magic than a half-witted goatherd. How Mer’esan wanted to rage at her, to scream the frustration of almost three hundred years of binding! An atrocity committed by her own—
Even here, even this fleeting thought – not even a word spoken but merely the feeling behind it – and the iron and silk magics clamped down around her throat.
Ferius Parfax spoke softly, barely a whisper, as if in doing so her words might go unnoticed by the spell. ‘I would reveal the secret for you, Dowager Magus. I’d shout it to the world, but it wouldn’t help, would it? The only way around the chain is for the truth to come out through happenstance. That’s the real reason why you want the boy. You’re betting that Kellen will work out the truth on his own and break the binding that way.’
‘You seem confused,’ Mer’esan said. ‘There is no . . .’ She couldn’t even speak its name. Instead, after a gurgling gasp, the spell forced her to say, ‘. . . no point in idle speculation.’
The Argosi nodded. ‘Then we will speak of it no more.’
The constricting pressure around her throat faded, and it was as if Mer’esan was a free woman once again. Free so long as she never thought of it, never tried to speak it aloud. Free so long as the truth burned away at her insides forever.
Ferius Parfax produced a small leather bundle and proceeded to unroll it on Mer’esan’s small rickety table. Inside was a small quantity of blank playing cards, along with brushes and inks. ‘You wish to paint my card?’ Mer’esan asked. ‘That is why you’ve gone to all this trouble to sneak into my cottage?’
‘Why not?’ the Argosi asked, her sly grin back on her face. ‘It’s not like you’re gonna get any prettier with time.’
Suddenly Mer’esan understood. ‘You believe my days are numbered, that I will die soon.’
The Argosi nodded.
‘Then am I . . .’ Mer’esan reached for the word. She’d spoken it only hours before to the boy, Kellen. ‘Am I one of your so-called “Discordances”? Does my life change the course of history?’
The other woman looked up at her, hesitating before answering. ‘Every life has meaning, Dowager. Every life changes the world around it.’
‘Do not patronize me! Am I a Discordance or –‘
‘No, you’re not. I . . . think you would have been, if you hadn’t been . . .’ The Argosi stopped, thankfully, because already the chain was rattling warningly inside Mer’esan’s mind.
Despite the strength and vigour her magics had brought her, she suddenly found it difficult to stand. She made her way to her chair and sank down into it. A wetness on her cheeks surprised her, and Mer’esan realized she was crying. ‘Then why did you come, damn you? Why waste time painting a card of a foolish old woman who means nothing to her own people, never mind to history?’
The Argosi looked stricken, uncertain for the first time since her arrival. ‘It’s the only thing I can think of that I can do for you, Mer’esan of the Jan’Tep.’
And suddenly that was the most important thing in the world: to not pass unremembered, to not have suffered for so long without anyone—
Again the damned chain snapped tight, strangling her, forcing her to forget even the torment that keeping her people’s darkest secret inflicted upon her. Mer’esan had to force herself to push as hard as she could against the binding just to whisper, ‘I don’t want to be forgotten.’
She felt two hands wrapping around her own, and opened her eyes to see Ferius Parfax kneeling before her. ‘I’m going to paint your card, Mer’esan, and the world will remember you. Know why?’
‘Why?’ she asked.
There was steel behind the softness in the Argosi’s eyes. ’Because I will not let them forget.’
Like a thunderclap signalling rain to one who’d only known the desert, Mer’esan suddenly understood how important this was to her, how much fear had lain in the certainty of going unremembered. ‘You would do that for me? A stranger? An enemy?’
Ferius Parfax took her hands away from Mer’esan’s and used them to wipe the tears away before going back to open up the first bottle of ink and dip one of the brushes inside. ‘I will, and I promise to do one thing more for you, Mer’esan of the Jan’Tep.’
‘What is that?’ she asked.
The other woman looked up from her painting, the mischievous smile firmly back in place. ‘I’m going to miss you, you crazy old bird.’
Letter To Falcio
Dear Falcio,
A few hours ago a cleric came to my cell – a proper Venerati Magni, no less – asking whether I wished to make final confession to the Gods. The longer we spoke, the more apparent it became that what he mostwished me to confess was the location of any treasures I might have secreted away from the Dukes prior to their taking the castle. He assured me that unburdening myself would ease my passage into the arms of the Gods.
Having nothing else to divert me whilst waiting for the headman’s axe, I promptly broke down in tears and proceeded to reveal, in precise and exhaustive detail, the wondrously inventive places where I had hidden various jewels and caches of gold spirited away from the castle treasury . . . the list of hiding places includes dung heaps, dead bodies and roughly half the privies in the country. Should you ever meet the smelliest priest in all of Tristia, do, I beg you, apologise on my behalf.
It’s too much to hope that you’ll be allowed in to my cell before I am executed, so I have used what little gold I had squirrelled away to secure three blank casebooks from the library, in the hope that they will reach at least one of you three. Inside, you will find my last ruminations about this sad country that you and I have tried so hard to redeem. May they bring you more insight than they brought me.
And if, by some great chance, the Generals should let you see me one last time, know that I am sorry for the final service I will have asked of you.
Paelis
who was once called King of Tristia,
but was never more nor less than
your friend.
Letter To Kest
Dear Kest,
Were you here with me in this cell, I have no doubt that you would be informing me of the precise odds of these three little books ever reaching their intended readers. No doubt you would also find it necessary to remind me that the odds are only worsened by trying to get the books to you, Brasti and Falcio individually, rather than just sending them out via any other Greatcoats, who will surely have a lower price on their heads than you three will by this point. Please know that I always found your keen intellect in these matters to be at once astute and annoying.
There was something I always wanted to tell you but never seemed to find the right way to do so: there is no shame in love, no matter what others may tell you – and no matter what you may tell yourself. I write this because I am uniquely aware of the unfairness of my final command to you. Forgive me, if you can; there is simply no one else I can trust with such a burden.
Yours with admiration,
Paelis, King of Tristia
Letter To Brasti
Dear Brasti,
Should this book reach you, which is optimistic at best, you will find in its pages my last notes regarding the country and what forces the Greatcoats might encounter after my death. I doubt you will be any more interested in affairs of state after my death than the times when I had to literally command you to pay attention – but there is always some chance that this little book will slip out of whatever pocket you’ve lost it in and Falcio will notice it. Should the copy I’ve sent him not reach him, then perhaps he’ll find yours.
If you do happen to open the book, do try not to rip out the pages to wipe your arse with. I’ve coated them with something that will make that a most memorable experience.
You always were an annoying bastard, but I thank you for having forced me to laugh on occasion, especially now.
Yours in amity,
Paelis, King of Tristia (for a few more hours, anyway)
Old Man Tristia
Tristia is an old man, so starved for hope he has lost even the ability to feel its hunger and now forgets who he once was; he tries to climb one last hill where his feeble eyes can just make out a small, withered fruit tree at the top. He stumbles up that hill, driven by an urge, maybe some last vestige of a better humanity, that’s telling him if he can just get to that tree and taste its fruit, he will remember his name, who he was, for what purpose he had lived. But no matter how hard he climbs, he keeps sliding back down, tearing the skin of his fingers and knees as he struggles to find purchase on the loose shale of the hillside.
He can never make it to the top because he is weighed down by a pack full of useless things he should have shed long ago – things which outlived their purpose ages – centuries– ago. His burden cannot feed him when he hungers; it will not warm him when he is cold; it does not help him find his way when the light grows dim.
What is in that pack? you ask; what burden does the old man carry that keeps him from the tree at the top of the hill?
It is us.
It is the nobility: the Dukes and Lords, the burden of a crushing and brutal system of rule as unjust as it is ingrained.
It is all of us, even me.
The Trattari
When I first discovered that the word Trattariwas, in fact, not an insult but the name used centuries ago by the first order of Greatcoats, I nearly fell over laughing. The word that so torments Falcio that whenever he hears it I can almost see the blood boiling in his veins and smoke emerging from his ears was, in fact, proudly borne by those very men and women we now choose to emulate. I can’t count the number of times I considered revealing this choice little fact to Falcio, only to force the words back down, saving that revelation for another day. I suspect he must have thought me quite mad at times.
The earliest reference to the name comes from the dedication atop a crumbling scroll listing one of Tristia’s first set of laws: Et ellis solé trattari ven armé infirmi contris iniquita.
To save you the effort of looking up the words, that means: And with tattered cloaks will they shield the weakest from injustice.
It was as if, even then, those who made the laws understood the price that would have to be paid by those who enforced them.
Et ellis solé trattari ven armé infirmi contris iniquita.
I take strength in those words. They allow me to believe that the hundred and forty-four commands I have issued to my Greatcoats, these terrible and unfair demands I have made of you men and women who deserved so much better than the weak and foolish King you got, are somehow necessary, perhaps even justified.
Trattari. Tattered Cloaks.
It gives me hope.
The Honori
I have never quite been able to decide whether the word Knighthood is meant to refer to the ancient military orders or whether it’s the name of a rather severe mental disease. How did we ever manage to produce such a high number of men with the same perverse ideas of honour and loyalty? How does one get from, ‘My honour is my life’ to ‘Well, my Lord ordered me to beat that old man to death for his amusement so, here goes’?
To make it worse, most of my subjects appear to actively admire the Knights – or the Honori, as they were once known. I can’t help but think this has something to do with the fine shiny armour and the lovely embroidered tabards. Perhaps I should have asked my mother to sew little gold patches into the greatcoats.
However, as obscene as the Knights are now, the thought that terrifies me more is this: What happens when all these powerful men in armour decide to stop following the orders of their nobles?
The Dashini
I have lost twelve good men trying to root out the lair of those execrable bastards. How is a King supposed to establish any kind of order in his nation when anyone with enough money and influence can simply purchase the death of those they despise? What kind of country breeds such perfect dedication to the art of murder?
Ours.
I always believed the Dashini must have come from somewhere else – somewhere in the East, where it would be comfortable to believe such atrocities are welcomed. But I was wrong: the word Dashinicomes from the archaic Tristian: da, meaning final, and shini, meaning breath. The order of assassins started here, in our very own country.
I believe now that one of my predecessors set his armies the task of rooting out the Dashini; if the scant evidence I have found is correct, the Dashini fled, disgraced at being found. They retreated east, where they added to their already formidable skills the arts of the desert monks in their hidden monasteries: patience; silence; clarity; abandonment of the self. These all sound like fine virtues – until they are adopted by trained killers.
When the Dashini returned to Tristia to continue their Gods-forsaken mission, they were, quite simply, unbeatable in their arts.
There are a few scholars who believe that the Dashini serve a vital function, ensuring that those in power can never rest easy, never be completely assured of their invulnerability, which is, these scholars tell me, as necessary a force as justice itself in protecting a nation from tyranny.
All I know is that the bastards terrify me.
Twelve Greatcoats I lost in my vain quest to remove my fear of the Dashini. Perhaps it is hopeless to try. Twelve. You’d think I had learned my lesson.
Then I sent one more.
The Bardatti
The Bardatti confound me. Why would our ancestors have chosen singers and musicians to be the threads that tie the country together? Why should wandering troubadours be entrusted with carrying the land’s most secret and vital information?
I suppose it makes sense: that in a country like ours, where every nobleman is perfectly happy to murder the King’s messengers and spies if he thinks he can get away with it, there would need to be subtler ways of getting information and evidence safely from one end of the country to the other.
I have spent countless hours in the royal library trying to trace the origins and training of the Bardatti, to uncover their secrets, but of course, there is nothing: the Bardatti have made sure of that. They keep their ways hidden from others and though they swear to me up and down that they serve the monarchy, nonetheless they are not under my command.
It is a hard thing to be King of such an unruly country.
The Rangieri
Trattari, Dashini, Bardatti . . . they are all connected somehow, though we had thought them separate and distinct – after all, what connection could there possibly be between the Greatcoats, travelling judges enforcing the law, with the Dashini, who unleash such murder and mayhem upon the country? But you just have to listen: Trattari, Dashini, Bardatti . . . these words all trace their roots back to archaic Tristian. But there is more: students of such things will recognise the names share not just a time but a place too, placing them all within the same region and century. Does this not suggest more than just a connection but a relationship? And if such a connection did exist, is it also possible that these different orders shared a greater purpose?
When I first recognised this pattern, I began searching for more names in the ancient texts, expecting to find that the Cogneri, the Venerati and the other religious orders were part of it too – but they are not. At some point in ancient times there was a distinct moment when the religious and the secular split apart. The Trattari, the Dashini and the Bardatti have no connection to the churches. Somewhere in our distant past, we began creating orders of men and women whose purpose was to protect the country in ways both varied and baffling to me.
Recently, I found one more name to add to our ranks: the Rangieri.
As best I can tell, the word means ’far walkers’, or perhaps, ‘lost walkers’. However I have never met a Rangieri, nor do I know where to find them.
Perhaps they are indeed lost.
The Religious Orders
It would be easy to think that religion was dying out in Tristia these days – oh, sure, we make our prayers to the Gods and venerate the Saints. We hand out alms to roadside clerics and sit through interminable sermons when we can’t think of a good reason to be somewhere more interesting. But the churches are so fractured, so disorganised, that I wonder how they ever had such rigid and exacting orders defending them. Those few we encounter nowadays are generally old has-beens clinging to the tattered remnants of past glories.
There are two branches of the Venerati: the Venerati Magni, who preach to the wealthy and powerful, and the Venerati Ignobli, who tend to the poor. When I first took power I made some tentative moves to have the two combined – you will remember how well this went over with both the nobles and the Venerati Magni.
I met a Deator once. The man claimed that he could speak for the God War through his ecstatic trances; certainly his pronouncements regarding both the fate of the country and my own fate in particular were as dire as they were certain. I let him finish his speech before I replied, ‘Now tell me something I didn’t already know.’ It was worth it just to see his face.
The Quaestiappear to be the lowest of the low in the clerical ranks: monks clad in plain grey robes who travel our fair land waiting to be chosen by one of the Gods, who will call them to their colours. I wonder that they have such patience.
I might have backed down on the issue of the Venerati, but I did at least stay firm on the issue of the Admorteo. I refused to condone torture in the churches of Tristia; there would be no more mortification of the flesh under the guise of bringing a soul closer to the Gods. I suspect that despite my decree, a few of these remain – should you happen to encounter any Admorteo in your travels, I would be grateful if you would give them a sound beating and see if their souls get any closer to the Gods that way.
I don’t often pray, but Gods help us if the Fidericome back. The damned Honori create enough problems with their skewed notions of loyalty; how much worse are the Church Knights, believing that their violence is doing the work of the Gods themselves?
I had a lovely debate with an old Cogneri one evening in Hervor: over a very fine wine we argued over the question of precedence between religious and secular law, our fascinating discussions lasting into the early hours of the morning. At the end, I thanked the old Inquisitor for his patience, and he kindly informed me that the Gods would likely flay my soul once they finally got their hands on me.
The Sancti
he oddest thing about the Saints is that they do not appear to be connected to the religious orders in any way. Oh, the clerics refer to them often enough in their sermons, and some of their churches are actually dedicated to various of the Saints, but that seems to be the end of it.
The oldest religious texts don’t refer to the Saints, and the Saints themselves – those few I have had the pleasure (or not) of meeting – appear to be completely uninterested in religious affairs. They see themselves as serving some loftier purpose, though they would not reveal it to me for love or money. One of them (who I am almost positive was Saint Anlas-who-remembers-the-world) tried to kill me for having the temerity to ask.
The others I met were no more forthcoming, although undoubtedly friendlier. Saint Laina, in particular, was most accommodating . . .
The Nobli
In theory, the title given to all nobles in Tristia is Magni; however, given that those of lesser birth are called Ignobli, I always felt it more appropriate to think of the nobility as the Nobli. I rather like the word – it sounds small, and just close enough to ‘knobbly’ to give me a laugh as I think about those Dukes and Duchesses, Margraves and Margravinas, Viscounts and Viscountesses, Lords and Daminas, all of them drinking my wine as they await my execution.
I suppose I could have done a better job of explaining to you why simply fighting the Dukes’ army, or even killing the Dukes themselves would have done nothing to win our cause. The truth is, as powerful as they appear to be, the Dukes’ lives are as precarious as that of any ruler: beneath them there’s always a lesser noble eager and willing to take his throne away from him. As venal as they are, I do believe the Dukes are only half as bad as the minor nobles biting at the heels of our country and trying to drain every drop of blood they can from it. I would say they were like rats, but I don’t believe rats reproduce half as fast as nobles do.
As to the Dukes, here are a few final thoughts about them:
Erris, Duke of Pulnam: How that man hasn’t died yet is beyond me. Perhaps it’s because he spends so much time declaring his love for the Gods that they have decided it best to keep their distance from him?
Pulnam is a poor Duchy, but it has just enough farming to make both Hervor and Orison interested in annexing it. You will be able to secure Erris’ support for precisely as long as he believes it will keep dear Patriana off his back.
Hadiermo, Duke of Domaris: The self-styled ‘Iron Duke’ will betray you twice a day if he can, and three times on feast days. It’s odd, given that his Duchy is known for the sturdiness of its wood and iron mines, that its ruler should be so inconstant. Remember this about Hadiermo: his utter untrustworthiness makes him predictable. Once you understand this, despite his own efforts he may well serve as a useful ally in future.
Meillard, Duke of Pertine: I have never shared more than two words with Meillard. He is, by all accounts, a sensible and practical man. Coming from a poor and hard-to-defend Duchy, I suspect this explains why he’s never bothered to curry my favour: he guessed long ago that my rule would end in untimely and bloody fashion. I can’t say that endears him to me.
Ossia, Duchess of Baern: She is the closest thing you will have to an ally in the years to come. Trust her counsel, should she offer any. If things get rough, make for Chevor and from there get word to her. Ossia will help you as far as she can, and when she can no longer, she will, I believe, do you the courtesy of giving you a head-start before she betrays you to the others.
Roset, Duke of Luth: Roset wishes nothing more than for the world to leave him and his little Duchy alone. He likes women, plain food and reading old romances. I sent him a few books from the library once and he was genuinely touched. Mind you, that didn’t stop him from being the very first one to demand my execution at the highly theatrical little trial the Dukes held for me yesterday.
Perault, Duke of Orison: Ah, if only all my enemies were like Perault: handsome, well-spoken, powerful, and utterly stupid. Other than Brasti, I have never met a man who so clearly wanted to soundintelligent without ever intending to do any of the work required to become so. Stay out of Perault’s way, if you can, although I cannot imagine him being long for this world.
Orison is a dull place whose historic function has been primarily to provide the wall between Avares and Tristia. The people there have little love for the south and even less for me, but generally they have no desire to get involved in affairs outside their borders.
Isault, Duke of Aramor: I’ve always thought that being Duke of Aramor is a pretty unpleasant job. Given that the Duchy is home to Castle Aramor and the seat of the Kings of Tristia, being Duke is rather a poor second place. Of all the Dukes, I think I know Isault best. He often comes to swear at me and make demands, always knowing the answers ahead of time – it’s entirely possible he makes these trips simply because he likes the food here better than at home.
I worry that one of the other Dukes will see his Duchy as the easiest to take – and the most valuable. I have made some efforts to protect him and his young family. I hope they do some good.
Jillard, Duke of Rijou: It’s hard to convey my confusion and disappointment in Andreas Jillard. As a young man he was both wise and inquisitive. He travelled in the east for years specifically to expand his knowledge of the world beyond our borders. I remember him coming to Aramor, and my father giving him permission to sleep in the library so he could study old texts on government and the social order. My father thought him mad; I thought him perhaps the best of the next generation of Ducal rulers.
But when his own father died and Jillard took his seat in Rijou, it took very little time before he emerged as every bit as brutal and unscrupulous as his parent. What does it tell you about this country that a young man as promising as Andreas Jillard can become who he is today?
I can only hope that somewhere in there the idealistic young man who wanted so badly to be a great ruler still hides. Redeem him if you can.
Patriana, Duchess of Hervor: My darling Patriana. It will come as no surprise to you to learn that she is, without doubt, the most brilliant and daring of all the Dukes. I know Falcio would probably use different words to describe her. She once came to me with an offer of marriage. I asked her how long after the wedding I would remain alive. ‘Not long,’ she replied, ‘but better a brief and glorious honeymoon than what will await you if you refuse me.’
Beware Patriana. She is not like the others. She plots in years and decades, not in simple gambits, as the other Dukes do. She has known defeat, and she has overcome it, time and again. Every time you unwind one of her conspiracies, you will find another slowly wrapping itself around you.
Perhaps I should have agreed to marry her.
The Inlaudati
Inlaudati: a single word that appears to be almost devoid of meaning. Like so many of the other orders I have described, this one too can be traced back to archaic Tristian – but it is older, and it doesn’t actually appear to be connected to the Trattari and Bardatti.
No, this is something different and altogether terrifying to me.
Inlaudati, as best I can discern, means ‘the unrecognised’. Those few references I can find to it suggest that, unlike the orders of Honori or Cogneri or any of the rest, there have only ever been one or two Inlaudati at a time. In all the histories I have read, they appear almost as poetic devices: ‘Thus did the painter, with her brush most subtle, upon the world her colours place.’ Rubbish both as history and as poetry, if you ask me.
But there are other references too, which imply that there are those who can pull at the strings of the world at a far deeper level, much as I have tried to do. As a student of strategy I have worked to pull strings whose effects I believe will ripple through the next century – but I am no Inlaudati, so I shudder as I think on what actual long-term influence my meddling might have upon the future of this country.
As to the origin of the Inlaudati, I have no real clues. I am almost positive that the Tailor is one, but I know she was born a normal woman. She married a rather terrible man when she was young, and she paid a dreadful price for that. Now she is something utterly different – something her own son has trouble at times recognising.
Maybe that’s the point.
The Tailor's Name
It occurs to me, sitting here, waiting for the headsman, that this is the one time in my life when my mother is unable to cajole me with her usual exhortations about ‘where every thread began and where every thread will end.’
Ever since she began calling herself ‘The Tailor’, she has refused to use the name by which she was known before, nor will she abide having it spoken in her presence. So determined is she in this that, to my knowledge, there is no one now left who remembers her true name. But I do.
You were never a very conventional mother, but you were mine, and you never failed to astonish.
I love you, Margrit Denezia.
Nothing stinks like a capital city in the summer. Streets already crowded with courtiers, craftspeople, lords and labourers begin to burst as endless caravans of merchants, diplomats, and those impoverished by bad harvests or foreign raiders roll through the gates in search of profit or protection. Upon a gleaming white arch at the city’s entrance an inscription bearing the Daroman capital’s motto beckons visitors with a promise: ‘Emni Urbana Omna Vitaris’.
From The Imperial City Flows Prosperity.
Also, sewage.
That’s the thing about great cities: they can solve hunger with more food, security with more soldiers, and almost everything else with more money. But there’s only so much shit you can swirl around before the flagstones begin to reek.
‘This place stinks,’ Reichis chittered above me.
The soft flutter of fur-covered gliding flaps heralded a light thump against my shoulder as the squirrel cat made his landing. My two-foot-tall, thieving, murderous business partner sniffed at my face. ‘Funny, you don’t smell dead.’
‘I’m fine,’ I said, not eager to resume the lengthy argument begun in the early hours before dawn when I went off alone to face the mage who’d been sent to kill me. All I wanted now was a bath, some quiet, and maybe a few restful hours without any attempts on my life.
Reichis sniffed at me a second time. ‘You smell worse than dead, actually. Is that whisky?’ he asked, poking his muzzle in my hair and sounding more than a little intrigued.
A year of living in the capital city of Darome had afforded Reichis the opportunity to expand his list of unhealthy addictions, which currently consisted of butter biscuits, overpriced amber pazione liqueur, several vintages of Gitabrian wines – the expensive ones, naturally – and, of course, human flesh.
‘Did you remember to bring me the mage’s eyeballs?’ he inquired.
‘He wasn’t dead.’
‘That’s not what I asked.’
This is where having a squirrel cat perched on your shoulder perilously close to your soft, tasty human ears, gets dangerous. See, squirrel cats, with their tubby feline bodies, big bushy tails, coats that change colour depending on their mood and furry flaps that stretch between their front and back limbs enabling them to glide from the treetops (or “fly as well as any gods-damned falcon” as Reichis would insist), can – if you stare at them, squinty-eyed, from a distance and preferably through a drunken haze – look almost cute. They’re not, though. Puppy dogs are cute. Bunny rabbits are cute. Poisonous Berabesq sand rattlers are cute to somebody. Squirrel cats, though? Not cute. Evil.
‘Reichis . . .’ I began.
His breath is surprisingly warn when it’s less than an inch from your earlobe. ‘Go on, say it.’
Ancestors, I thought, noting in the periphery of my vision that Reichis’s shadowblack markings were swirling. A year ago he’d wound up with the same twisting black lines around his left eye as I had around mine. Unlike me, though, the possibility of one day becoming a rampaging demon terrorizing the entire continent didn’t trouble him in the least. The idea frankly delighted him.
Rescue from possibly fatal squirrel cat gnawing came in the form of a half-dozen pairs of heavy boots clomping up behind me, followed soon thereafter by the tell-tale click of a crossbow’s safety catch being released. ‘Kellen Argos, by order of Lieutenant Libri of the Queen’s Marshals Service, you are under arrest.’
I sighed. ‘This again?’
The first tentative rasp of the crossbow’s trigger grinding against its iron housing. ‘Get those hands up high, spellslinger.’
I hadn’t even noticed that my fingers had drifted to the powder holsters at my sides. Reflex, I guess, though by now you’d figure I’d’ve gotten used to being arrested on a weekly basis.
I raised my arms and slowly turned to find a half-dozen marshals wearing their customary broad hats and long grey coats armed with the usual assortment of short-hafted maces and crossbows – all trained on me. ‘Would you like me to read the warrant?’ Sergeant Faustus Cobb asked. Short, scrawny, narrow-shouldered and years past his prime, you’d think he’d appear comical next to his younger and more vigorous subordinates. But my experience with the Queen’s Marshals had taught me that age does nothing to diminish how dangerous they are – only how ornery they become when you resist.
Me? I was eighteen, wearier than my years ought to allow. My shirt was still soaked from the booze I’d used to disguise myself as a drunk back at the saloon, and I was feeling a little crabby myself. ‘What’s the charge this time?’
Cobb made a show of reading out the warrant. ‘Conspiracy to commit assault upon the person of a foreign emissary enjoying the protections afforded diplomatic representatives.’
Yep, that’s right: the old man who’d come to kill me, being a Jan’Tep lord magus, held ambassadorial status in Darome.
Cobb went on. ‘Grievous physical abuse.’
Not nearly grievous enough.
‘Theft.’
Knew I shouldn’t have kept any of the coins.
‘Acting against the vital interests of the Daroman Crown and the people it serves.’
That one they throw into almost every warrant. Spit on the sidewalk and you’ve technically ‘acted against the interests’ of the crown.
Cobb paused. ‘There’s something here about “unlawfully being an irritating, half-witted spellslinging card sharp who doesn’t do what he’s told”, but I’m not sure that’s an actual crime.’
And yet, I was pretty sure it was the only crime Torian was concerned about. ‘Funny how she had that warrant already drawn up before anyone found the mage,’ I pointed out.
Cobb grinned. ‘Guess the lieutenant’s got you pegged pretty good by now, Kellen.’
I was really starting to dislike Lieutenant Torian Libri. While there were no end of people in the Daroman capital intent on making my life hell, few displayed her raw determination and consistently lousy sense of humour. ‘You do realize that under Imperial law my rank as Queen’s Tutor prevents you from prosecuting me for any crime without four-fifths of the court first revoking my status, don’t you?’
One of the younger deputies gave an amiable chuckle. I’d let him win at cards with me last week in the vain hope I might win over some of the marshals to my side. ‘Don’t say nothin’ about you bein’ arrested, though.’
‘Let’s go, spellslinger,’ Cobb ordered, motioning for me to walk ahead of him.
Reichis gave a low growl. ‘You gonna take this crap, Kellen? Again? Let’s murder these skinbags. You owe me three eyeballs and this here’s an opportunity for you to pay up.’
‘Three? How many eyeballs did you think that mage had?’ I asked.
One of the marshals stared at me quizzically. She must’ve been new – the others were accustomed to hearing me talk to Reichis.
‘Who can tell with humans?’ the squirrel cat grumbled. ‘Your faces are all so ugly that every time I start counting, I lose track on account of needing to puke. Besides, two eyeballs was what you owed me an hour ago. The third is interest.’
Perfect. Because in addition to being a thief, a blackmailer, and a murderer, Reichis now wanted to add loan shark to his list of criminal enterprises.
‘Let’s pick up the pace,’ Cobb said. ‘You know how the lieutenant gets when you keep her waiting.’
Several of the deputies laughed at that – not that any of them would dare cross her. Reluctantly, I trudged along the wide flagstone street en route to my thirteenth jailing since becoming the queen’s tutor of cards.
‘Hey, what’s that?’ Reichis asked, his nose nodding in the direction of something small and flat floating on the breeze towards us, low to the ground. A playing card settled at my feet.
‘Keep walking,’ Cobb ordered.
I stayed where I was, staring down at the elaborate image on the card depicting a magnificent city on the top half. The bottom was a sort of mirror image, distorted as if reflected by a dark, shifting pool of black water.
‘You drop that?’ he asked, finally noticing the card.
‘Sergeant Cobb,’ I began. ‘Before this goes any further, I need to clarify a couple of things.’
‘Yeah? Like what?’
‘First, I had nothing to do with this card suddenly turning up.’
‘So what? It’s a playing card. Not like you’re the only gambler in the capital.’
As if to contest his banal explanation, a second card drifted down to land next to the first one. Then another and another, each one rotated a little more the the previous, gradually encircling me.
‘What are you playing at, spellslinger?’ Cobb asked, stepping back. I heard the safety catches on several crossbows unlock.
I was now standing in a ring of elaborately painted cards, their rich metallic hues of copper, silver and gold so vibrant they made the street look drab and lifeless by comparison. I turned to the half dozen well-armed men and women charged with escorting me to jail. ‘Marshals, allow me to offer my sincere apologies.’
‘For what?’ asked one as she raised her crossbow to train it on me.
The cards on the ground shimmered ever brighter, blinding me to everything but the coruscating play of colours that drained the light from the world around me.
‘For the inconvenience of my rescue,’ I replied.
I doubt anyone heard me. The city around me faded to a flat, colourless expanse; the buildings, the streets, even the marshals themselves looked as if they’d been carved out of thin sheets of pale ivory. Reichis slumped on my shoulder and began snoring. A figure walked towards me, a lone source of dazzling colour wrapped in the twisting golds of sand magic, the pale blues of breath, and the glistening purple of a silk spell.
A grandiose entrance like this is usually accompanied by the disappointed sigh of my sister Shalla, soon followed by an extensive commentary regarding my dishevelled condition and the annoyances my recent behaviour has caused our noble and much-admired family. Occasionally, though, it’s my father who appears to inform me of the latest crime I’ve committed against our people. That latter possibility was why my hands were now deep inside the powder holsters at my sides.
Ever since I’d left my people more than two years ago, I’d known the day would come when my father’s grand destiny could no longer tolerate my miserable existence. I’d been asked on many occasions by friends and foes alike if I had a trick – some devious ruse – saved up that could outsmart the mighty Ke’heops before he could kill me.
I did. I just wasn’t sure if it would work.
‘Kellen.’
The voice didn’t belong to my sister or father. In fact, I hadn’t heard it in such a long time that I didn’t recognize her. The bands of magical force began to settle, their brilliance diminishing enough that I could finally identify the apparition before me, and found myself standing there, the twin red and black powders I’d normally be using to cast a fiery explosion slipping through my fingers, with absolutely no idea what was going to happen next.
‘Mother?’
The figure gestured at the cards surrounding me. ‘Pick a card, Kellen,’ she said. ‘Any card.’
What is it with people and card tricks lately?
Chapter 2 - The Deck
As a child, I’d firmly believed Bene’maat was the finest mother any Jan’Tep boy could hope for. She had been an island of patience and calm in the otherwise stormy sea of my father’s unyielding ambitions and my sister’s pugnacious temper tantrums. My mother’s prowess as a mage was widely respected in our clan, yet her fascination with astronomy and healing revealed an inquisitive nature not solely consumed with the pursuit of magic as Ke’heops or Shalla were. Or me, for that matter.
If a parent’s second duty is to love their children equally, then Bene’maat had done so admirably in a society that valued Shalla’s raw talent for magic a thousand times more than my aptitude for clever tricks. And if a mother’s first duty is to protect her children, well, then Bene’maat done that pretty well, too – right up until the day she’d drugged me and then helped my father strap me down to a table, inscribing counter-sigils on the metallic tattooed bands around my forearms to forever deny me access to the magic that defined our people as I screamed over and over again for her to stop.
Now the woman I hadn’t seen for nearly three years was standing before me, placidly repeating, ‘Pick a card, Kellen. Any card.’
I considered telling my beloved mother to bugger off, but my family is nothing if not persistent, so I gently settled the slumbering Reichis down on the ground and considered the thirteen cards forming a spell circle around me. I reached for the first one, which depicted architecture in the style of the Daroman capital in which we stood and was titled “City of Glories”.
‘Not that one,’ she said.
‘Why not?’
I heard the answer inside my mind a fraction of a second before her lips moved. ‘That is the keystone. Picking it up would break the spell and end our meeting.’
I’d always been a belligerent child. Life as an outcast had done nothing to cure me of that fault. I reached for the City of Glories again.
‘Please,’ the voice in my mind said just before the apparition did. ‘Forgive the awkward fashion in which our conversation must take place, but I’ve been unable to properly recreate Shalla’s wondrous spell for long distance communication. I’ve had to rely on a much older spell your grandmother invented before you were born.’
For the third time she repeated the same instruction, exactly as she had before: ‘Pick a card, Kellen. Any card.’
She’s not really here, not even in spirit, I realized. Bene’maat must have used silk, sand, and breath magic to record her thoughts and convey them to me within the cards as a series of individual messages, like a bundle of letters tied together with string, the spell encoded with specific responses based on my actions.
The remaining twelve cards fell into four suits unfamiliar to me – which is saying something considering how many decks I’ve encountered. In an Argosi deck, each suit corresponds to a particular civilization on our continent. In more common sets of playing cards created for entertainment, the suits tend to represent symbols meaningful to the culture that created them. The standard Daroman deck, for example, like it’s people, embodies their obsession with military emblems: chariots, arrows, trebuchets, and blades. However the four suits of this new deck before me were unlike any I’d seen before: scrolls, quills, lutes, and masks.
Had my mother devised these suits herself? And if so, what did each one mean?
I selected the Seven of Lutes, reasoning that no one had ever been blasted out of existence by a lute.
The figure of Bene’maat smiled and an instrument appeared in her hands. She began to play a melody that pulled at my heart so unexpectedly I gasped out loud.
‘You always loved this song as a child,’ she murmured. ‘You used to make me play it for hours and hours whenever you were scared or sad.’
I dropped the card as if it were a spider crawling on my hand.
The figure of my mother nodded, somewhat sorrowfully, as if she’d known I would respond this way.
‘Pick a card, Kellen,’ she repeated. ‘Any card.’
I found one that depicted a man carefully arranging quills on a scale. The caption read “Enumerator of Quills”.
My mother’s apparition was now seated at a desk composing a letter. ‘My dearest Kellen. It’s close to two years since last I touched your face. I had never thought such a thing possible. I always assumed you would come ba—’
‘What is this?’ I demanded. ‘Nostalgia? Have you forgotten what you did to me, mother?’ I pulled back my sleeves to show the foul counter-sigils desecrating the tattooed bands on my forearms. ‘You destroyed any hope I had of becoming a mage like you and father and Shalla.’
I hadn’t expected a reply, but I felt an itch in the back of my mind and a moment later, she spoke again. ‘I know you’re angry with us, Kellen. You have every right.’
I was beginning to understand how the magic worked. I wasn’t communicating directly with my mother, but these messages were more than just words scrawled on a page. The spell was made from a more complete collection of her thoughts, capturing a single moment in time during which my mother had bound up all her contemplations on a particular topic and infused them into the card.
A spectral tear slid down my mother’s cheek. ‘It broke my heart, what we did. We believed we were protecting you, protecting the world from what you might become. We had no idea how wrong our actions were.’
You should’ve known, I thought bitterly. A mother is supposed to protect her child, not ruin him.
I didn’t say any it out loud, though. I knew it wasn’t really Bene’maat standing there in front of me, yet still I couldn’t bear to say such hurtful things to my mother.
‘I thank you for your gracious missive,’ I said finally. ‘Are we done now? I have an important appointment in a jail cell. So unless you have some miracle cure for—’
Bene’maat’s arm extended, pointing now to a different card.
I dropped the one I was holding and picked up the Nine of Quills. The expression on my mother’s face changed to a look of determination, and arranged all around her were sketches and diagrams and pages upon pages of esoteric formulae. ‘Every day since you left, I’ve tried to find a way to undo the counter-banding. I’ve searched every book of lore in our sanctums, consulted with spellmasters across the territories. I read every scrap of parchment your father brought back from the Ebony Abbey, hoping to find amidst their knowledge of the shadowblack’s etheric planes the means to repair your connection to the high magics. At times I thought I might be close . . .’
She stopped, squeezing her fists in frustration. The image of her fluttered and faded.
The spell must require perfect focus to imprint the message on the card, I thought. Every time she lost her concentration, she’d had to stop and start a new one.
‘What do you mean, “close”?’ I asked. ‘Are you saying there might be a cure?’
A different card began to glow brighter than the others. The Peddler of Masks. I picked it up.
‘So much of what I’ve been told has turned out to be lies, Kellen. False promises. Supposed secret methods for inscribing new sigils that resulted in nothing more than temporary illusions.’
‘Then it’s hopeless?’
I suppose I shouldn’t have been surprised. Of all the things I lost when I left my people, the one I knew I could never get back was my magic. I’d learned to live with that fact. With my one breath band, my blast powders, my castradazi coins, and all the other tricks I’d learned along the way, I sometimes even prided myself that I could outsmart my enemies without spells. But I still woke up in the middle of the night sometimes with every inch of my skin glistening with sweat, my fingers twitching through dozens of somatic forms I’d practiced thousands of times for spells I would never cast, so desperate for the taste of magic that no food or drink could satisfy me.
Like all my people, I was an addict. My addiction was inscribed in tattooed metallic inks around my forearms. I could never sate that desire. I doubted it would ever leave me.
The apparition of my mother gestured behind me, and I turned to see the Thief of Masks rising from the other cards, beckoning me to take it. When I did, her voice became a whisper.
‘There might be a way.’
I spun back around to see her, still standing where she’d been before. There was an uncertainty in her gaze, though, as if she were afraid someone else might burst into wherever she’d been when she’d created these messages for me.
‘What do you mean?’ I asked.
She looked as if she were struggling to get out the words without losing the concentration required to continue imprinting her thoughts onto the card. ‘Our people have been . . . Wrong about magic, Kellen. Wrong in so many ways and at costs we’re only now discovering. The fundamental forces are vastly more complex than we assumed and can be fashioned in ways we never imagined. There are traditions as old as our own, spread out across the cultures of this continent. Much of the knowledge has been lost even to their own people, but I’ve found traces of it within old songs and stories.’
No wonder she was having so much trouble holding the spell. To hear a Jan’Tep mage admit our people weren’t the only ones who could perform the true high magics was a kind of sacrilege that even I found troubling.
‘There is a place far from here where I believe I might acquire the means to rectify the crime your father and I committed against you, to give you back the chance to become a true mage of the Jan’Tep.’ The look of determination I’d seen in her so often as a child appeared in her features. ‘I swear to you, my son, there is no price I will not pay to buy back your future.’
I swallowed. My breathing was quick, my heart beat faster than it should. The prospect of what my mother was suggesting . . . But I’d travelled the long roads of this continent, seen and heard just about every kind of con game there was, performed half of them myself. Not everything is fake in this world, but nothing of value comes free.
I reached for the card depicting two figures exchanging goods as they stood beneath an open scroll. My people don’t use scrolls for spells or messages. We use them for contracts.
‘Come home,’ my mother said, her voice more a plea than an opening bid. ‘Come back to us. Your father is Mage Sovereign now. He has lifted the spell warrant against you.’
‘Too bad he didn’t mention that to the lord magus who just tried to kill me.’
The apparition of my mother gave no reply. She couldn’t, of course. She would’ve had no knowledge of this latest attempt on my life. Besides, it was a fair bet this guy had been hired by Daroman conspirators rather than my own people.
‘Return to us,’ Bene’maat went on. ‘And even if I fail to return your magic to you, still I can give you a home.’
Home. Such a strange word. I wasn’t sure I knew what it meant anymore.
‘I’ve been scrying you when I could, though you’re very difficult to track,’ Bene’maat said. ‘Not spying on you, I promise, but I needed to see you sometimes, through a mother’s eyes and not through the recounting of your sister and others.’ In the haze behind her, pictures formed and faded, images of events in my life since I’d left my homeland. Scenes of violence, of pursuit, of me sitting alone after the fight looking far more miserable than even I remembered. ‘The brave face you put on for those around you, this trickster’s guise you’ve taken on, it’s not you, Kellen. You weren’t meant for this life. You aren’t happy.’
Happy? I’d spent the past three years facing every mage, mercenary, or monster this continent had to offer. I’d survived them all. Saved a few decent people along the way. Wasn’t that enough? Was I supposed to be happy now, too?
My mother’s fingers were outstretched now, reaching towards me, a desperate hope in her eyes. ‘Come home, son.’
The card in my hand felt heavy. Clammy against my skin. I dropped to the ground and before another could glow or rise or otherwise demand my attention, I shuffled them all together, fully breaking the circle and ending the spell. The cards became dull and flat once again, and the world around me came back to life.
Goodbye, mother.
‘Move real slow now, spellslinger,’ Cobb said.
I heard the marshals shuffling behind me, fingers on the triggers of their crossbows. They seemed neither concerned nor even aware of the cards that had floated here and that I now held in my hand. Probably barely a second had passed for them and this whole event had taken place solely in my mind.
‘Hey,’ Reichis growled from where he was curled up on the ground. ‘Why’d you dump me down here?’
‘Sorry,’ I said to both him and the marshals, stuffing my mother’s strange herald cards into my pocket. I picked up the squirrel cat and settled him back on my shoulder. ‘Let’s get a move on. Time for Torian Libri to lock us up again.’
The marshals chuckled at that, and we all resumed our march to the palace.
‘You know where you went wrong with that Torian female?’ Reichis asked.
‘Don’t start,’ I warned.
There are only three solutions his species have to offer regarding the resolution of conflicts between humans: kill them, rob them blind, or – and this is the one where Reichis derives the most pleasure from devising elaborate and intensely nauseating suggestions – bed them.
‘Should’a mated with the lieutenant the day you met her,’ the squirrel cat said earnestly.
‘Mating works better when the other person doesn’t hate you,’ I said.
A couple of the marshals following behind me broke out laughing. Reichis took their mirth as encouragement – not that he needed any. ‘Nah, that Torian female wants you, see?’ He tapped a paw against his fuzzy muzzle. ‘Smelled it on her the day the queen introduced you two. I swear on all twenty-six squirrel cat gods, Kellen, the marshal’s in heat for you.’
It was, most assuredly, not true. Also, it’s highly doubtful that there are twenty-six squirrel cat gods. Times like these, though? It’s best not to contradict the little monster.
‘Now, here’s what you oughta do . . .’ Reichis tried – and failed staggeringly – to stifle his chittering laughter. ‘First, you’re gonna take off your trousers and perform a ceremonial dance. Human females love that. Next, you turn around and wiggle your bottom at her. Then all you have to do is drop to your knees and start making this sound . . .’
I’m not going to describe the noise he made. Suffice it to say that it was exactly as disgusting than you might imagine and he kept making it all the way to the palace.
Prologue – Tyrant’s Throne, Act 1
Author’s Note: These were the first words I wrote at 3am the night I came up with the central dilemma of the final novel in the series: the discovery of another heir.
Deleted because, while this might be a dramatic (and even enigmatic) introduction to the book, it didn’t fit with the style of the series, which usually opens with a second-person philosophical flourish rather than dark and sinister foreshadowing.
***
All the boy said was, “Oh, Falcio, I am so very sorry.”
The sound of my rapier clattering to the floor was followed by the sensation of falling and then a sudden pain in my knees as they struck the hard stone floor. My arms hung useless at my sides like withered vines from a dying tree.
Brasti was shouting behind me. “What’s wrong with him?”
The creek of his ironwood bow bending under the tension of its string was answered by the whisper of Kest’s blade leaving its sheath. An instant later, the sword’s tip nestled against the neck of the boy who had spoken.
“If this is magic,” Kest said, “I would suggest you stop it now.”
The boy said nothing. He didn’t need to.
“Maybe it’s not magic,” Brasti said, one eye on me even as he kept his arrow aimed at the child. “It’s probably poison. Falcio’s always getting poisoned.”
In fact, it was neither of those things.
It was the blood.
It’s always the blood.
Rhetan’s Statuary – Tyrant’s Throne, Act 1
Author’s Note: After making a deal with Falcio, Margrave Rhetan brings him to see his prized collection of statues, including one of a certain Greatcoat undergoing the infamous Lament.
Deleted for several reasons, first being that I’d originally thought of having this sequence in Saint’s Blood (which is set shortly after the Greatcoat’s Lament) and it didn’t make as much sense in Tyrant’s Throne. Also, it took Rhetan down a darker path and ultimately didn’t serve the story – it would have only made Morn’s argument about the need for a new regime more credible.
***
“I must say, Falcio, that was all rather clever of you,” Rhetan said, winding his way down a circular staircase down through floor after floor of the keep’s main tower.
Kest, Brasti and I followed along behind. “What is it exactly that you wish to show us?” I asked.
“You’ll see. It’s not far now.”
I stopped. “Forgive me, Margrave Rhetan, but if you’re about to take us on a tour of your dungeon so as to impress upon us just how powerful and dangerous you are, I’d just as soon skip the tour and go straight to the threats.”
“Dungeon? Goodness, no. There’s no dungeon here. We have an old one in the east tower which I’m sure you could go visit if that’s your interest.” When we reached a large iron door, he pulled a key from inside his coat. “I suspect you’ll find this much more impressive.”
Beyond the door awaited a great hall, laid out much like the ballroom of a palace with twenty-foot high ceilings and light coming from thick glass windows set in the upper sections of the outer wall. The floors were marble, which was wildly expensive and was odd to find here given how plain Rhetan’s own throne room had been in comparison. But it was the contents of the room that took our breath away. “Saint Gan-who-laughs-with-dice,” I said, lacking anything more sensible to say.
“Welcome to my statuary,” Rhetan said, and extended an arm to show us his collection.
What looked to be two dozen statues, some in stone, some marble, and a few in bronze, were on display throughout the room. The first one we encountered showed two men in battle, one a near-giant in armour holding an oversized battle-axe while the other was a young man with nothing in but a small rock in his hands and a look of determination on his face. I recognized the scene as the legendary fight between King Teorre and his uncle, the usurper Sen Varran.
The next statue showed a woman, her arms laden with food, feeding starving peasants. “That’s the Lady Phan,” Kest said. “Whose new methods of agriculture saved the former duchy of Bijalle and gave it its current name.”
“Imagine what it must have been like,” Rhetan mused, “to see this simple peasant girl coming with that first harvest? To realize that this young woman, uneducated and illiterate, had devised the means to save an entire people? It’s no wonder they changed the name of the duchy to honour her, is it?”
I looked around at the rest of the statues. Each was similarly impressive both in design and in what it represented. “It’s like walking through the history of Tristia’s legends.”
“Wouldn’t a decent book be cheaper?” Brasti asked.
Rhetan laughed. “I suppose, but this isn’t about history, really.”
“Then what is it about?” Kest asked.
Rhetan led us down the centre of the room. “It’s about what I call the Great Acts. Those moments where a man or woman has done something that was simply inconceivable before.”
“Impressive,” Kest said, “but Brasti’s right. It seems a rather expensive hobby.”
Rhetan didn’t answer but rather walked to the end of the room. There, beneath the light of a circular window set in the wall, was what I presumed was another statue, this one obscured in a large grey cloth.
“It’s more than a hobby,” Rhetan said. “To be honest, it’s something of an obsession with me. I come here sometimes and look at these statues and imagine myself being there, in that moment, bearing witness to these magnificent acts…you have to understand, I’m an old man now, and old men rarely get to see anything that truly impresses them anymore.”
“I take it you have a new statue to add to your collection?” I said, pointing to the object covered in the grey cloth.
“Ah, yes. This is quite new. It’s the pride of my collection, really. Cost me an absolute fortune.”
Kest tilted his head as he examined the shape underneath the cloth. “It’s not any larger than the others.”
“Smaller, in fact,” Brasti added.
“Ah, it wasn’t the stone that cost the money, nor even the sculptor’s services, though that wasn’t cheap. No, the expense went into the fate scribes I had to pay.”
“Fate scribes?”
“From the monastery of Saint Anlas-who-remembers-the-world,” Rhetan replied. “I paid them to work with an artist who drew hundreds of sketches from their description. You see, only a few people are still alive who saw the event, and none of them were likely to provide me with the detail required such that the sculptor could do the scene justice.”
“And you’re only unveiling it now?” I asked.
Rhetan smiled. “I’ve viewed it, of course, but you are the first people outside of myself and the sculptor to see it.”
“I would have thought you’d prefer a more august assembly for the unveiling.”
“Ah,” Rhetan said, “there could be no more appropriate audience for this particular statue.”
“Well, what is it supposed to show then?” Brasti asked.
Rhetan’s face took on a look of almost religious awe. “A moment that should have been impossible. An act of unparalleled valour.” He walked behind the statue and picked up a length of rope which was attached to the cloth. “Do you believe that some things are simply beyond the realm of men, and even to tread lightly risks our souls? That for them to occur is a kind of miracle?” He held onto the rope as if waiting for a signal from us.
“I’m bored,” Brasti said. “Is this supposed to be a history lesson? Because if so, it’s working because I feel myself falling asleep.
In one swift motion Rhetan pulled on the rope, and the covering came away, revealing the statue underneath. To me he said, “I was hoping you could tell me if the work is accurate to the original event.”
“Gods…” Brasti whispered.
I said nothing, having lost the use of my wits.
The statue showed a man bound to a tree with branches ru
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A Connecticut-based Internet publication devoted to local music news, focusing on independent music, including indie rock, folk, pop, hip hop, electronic and experimental music.
|
http://www.ctindie.com/favicon.ico
|
http://www.ctindie.com/2011/10/
|
Halfway through You Scream I Scream’s show last night at BAR in New Haven, opening for White Arrows, the light sabers came out. Yep, instead of glow sticks, the Hartford based band had people brandishing light sabers and getting into mock fights with each other. It was all part of the fun, party vibe the band exudes.
Led by Floyd Kellogg on bass and vocals, the band laid down a danceable and slightly fuzzed out sound, which was equally influenced by grungy, quiet loud dynamics (especially from the rumblings of Kellogg’s bass), the simple yet effective robotic rock drum beats of Audrey Sterk and the psychedelic tinged keys of Jake Vohs. They delivered an inspired set of indie rock that had all the hipsters dancing, with or without light sabers.
They opened with the new wave gone grunge of “Tiny Reward” and kept the indie kids dancing all the way til their final song “Adios Pantalones”, whose title is a cheeky reference to one of Kellogg’s previous bands.
If I were to describe them I would say they sound mostly like a guitar-less grunge band, in that many of the songs are short, snappy and concise, where they start out slow and build to an anthemic chorus. There is a new wave influence too, in the almost simple, but sublime Kraut rock-like drum beats that feature a lot of cymbal rides from Sterk. It’s uncomplicated and catchy, which is quite a refreshing take from a form a music that is getting more baroque, complicated and pretentious every day. (Do we really need any more hipstercana bands?)
So, it was a fun night of unpretentious indie rock. You should definitely check them out.
Nov. 1st @ Cafe Nine
9 PM
Michael Beach is a San Francisco-based musician who writes, records, and performs under his own name, and as a member of Melbourne-based trio Electric Jellyfish. Since 2008, he has put out records on the Thurston Moore/Byron Coley colab label, Ecstatic Yod, and others such as Twin Lakes and Spectacular Commodity.
‘Mountains + Valleys,’ Beach’s latest solo release, comes on the eve of a second US tour for 2011, a year that also saw him tour Europe and Australia in support of his previous single, ‘A Horse.’ This time around, Beach assembled an all-star cast of West Coast musicians, including drummer Utrillo Kushner (Comets On Fire) and Raymond Raposa (Castanets) on guitar and vocals. Recorded by Trans Am’s Phil Manley, Mountains + Valleys will be released as a limited edition cassette to accompany Beach’s Autumn US Tour. Officially out on November 8th, you can grab one early at this show.
michaelbeach.bandcamp.com
Michael Beach - Straight Spines by CTINDIE
Dwight Smith writes introspective songs that call to mind a stripped-down Sufjan Stevens and Jeff Magnum. His debut single "Plumed Serpent" will be out on Twin Lakes in November (TBD).
Jay Russell of Diamond J and the Rough and Hot Rod Circuit is a local treasure in the New Haven music scene. He says he just likes to play music. Pretty understated, given the depth of his music.
www.myspace.com/diamondjandtherough
NEBC's Final Friday w/ M.T. BEARINGTON
FINAL FRIDAY is NEBC's monthly tribute to its patrons and local artists. Each month, NEBC has a local musician perform and invites one and all (over 21 years of age, of course) to come by and share the proverbial fruits of their labor.
$5 gets you a few glasses of NEBC beer as well as an opportunity to hear local music and rub elbows with other fellow beer enthusiasts. Both the beers served and the bands change each month, so keep stopping by for a glimpse at what the general New Haven area and NEBC has to offer!
This month's performer:
Local act M.T. BEARINGTON has been performing since 2007. Having released the 'A Cloak of Nouns & Loss' and 'Love Buttons' LPs on local label Safety Meeting Records, M.T. Bearington offers "an upbeat collection of sonic musings on various forms of love - from the traditional to the twisted."
For a look at what M.T. BEARINGTON is all about, check out the title track off their newest release ('Love Buttons') at http://www.mtbearington.com/
Safety Meeting presents:
Ferocious Fucking Teeth,
Murder Van,
Wrists Like This,
& Wry
Friday, Oct 28th
$5 cover
at the El n Gee
86 Golden St, New London, CT
Ferocious Fucking Teeth
http://ferociousfuckingteeth.bandcamp.com/
Heavy Stoney Jams from the New London area! New LP coming this Winter from Safety Meeting. Come check these guys out and get psyched up to grab the record. Bring something put in your ears cause it's gonna get loud.
Murder Van
http://www.murdervan.com
Three piece rock n roll. Heavy, sweaty, a lot of fun from start to finish. Murder Van doesn't fuck around and you should know this before getting in front of them.
Wrist Like This
https://www.facebook.com/pages/Wrist-Like-This/103543909732061
These guys are in Fatal Film. I love Fatal Film. Even though I don't know much about this new project, I got a good feeling that this is going to be awesome. Also, people who've seen them have raved about them. So leave your socks at home, unless you don't mind having them blown off.
Wry
http://wrymusic.bandcamp.com/
Keith used to be in Shiv. Shiv was incredible. Keith is still pretty awesome. The other guys are pretty cool too. This is his newest project. Loud, aggressive, rock n roll for your earhole.
My reputation as a cynical curmudgeon notwithstanding, I take no pleasure in breaking the spirits of aspiring children. So, imagine my concern when I received an email from the fine folks at CTIndie, requesting I review the musical styling of Weston’s own Chillingsworth, a cadre of five teens not yet old enough to drive. Admittedly, I found myself less than enthusiastic to accept this particular review. What if this band – this Chillingsworth – was simply terribad? Could I publicly criticize a cadre of aspiring kids? If I wound up discouraging them completely, could I deal with it?
I can be cruel, but a man has to draw that line in the sand somewhere.
Luckily, the problem solved itself. I listened to Chillingsworth’s four –track EP “Sir Roger”, and, as it turns out, these youngsters from Fairfield County are surprisingly good. So, I’m making an exception here. Today, Rob beats up on kids.
Perhaps it is because I first listened “Sir Roger” knowing full well it was recorded by musicians too young to collect a paycheck in the State of Connecticut, but what was immediately most noticeable to me was the superb sound quality of the recording. The guitars jangle, the vibes glisten, and the drums are full and free of distortion. I can only conclude these kids have access to a professional studio of some kind, and, let’s be honest here, when it comes to reviewing indie music, an album that does not sound like it was recorded with a tin can and a length of string makes the job that much easier.
Still, we all know professional sound does not mean professional music. A noise gate or a compressor won’t fix bad songwriting. In Chillingsworth’s case, whatever newfangled technology they have at their disposal is entirely deserved. Despite their age, they have a keen grasp of songwriting which eludes even older, more established acts. From the opening metallic jangle of “Cloud” to the frenetic, Latin-esque finale of “Stay Fly”, these songs toe the line between the amateur and the professional.
<p>&amp;amp;amp;amp;amp;amp;amp;amp;amp;amp;amp;amp;amp;amp;lt;a href="http://chillingsworth.bandcamp.com/track/settle"&amp;amp;amp;amp;amp;amp;amp;amp;amp;amp;amp;amp;amp;amp;gt;Settle by Chillingsworth&amp;amp;amp;amp;amp;amp;amp;amp;amp;amp;amp;amp;amp;amp;lt;/a&amp;amp;amp;amp;amp;amp;amp;amp;amp;amp;amp;amp;amp;amp;gt;</p>
Still, Chillingsworth is a band of youngsters, and like youngsters, they’ve made a few youngster mistakes. Most noticeable amongst said errors are the occasional moments when the band falls out of tempo. This is hardly a deal breaker, however, as the drift is rarely extreme.
Also to the band’s detriment is a noticeable lack of sonic continuity. Chillingsworth draws heavily from indie pop and funk, but rather than fusing the two genres into a cohesive sound, the band recorded what amounts to two indie tracks (“Cloud”, “Settle”), and two funkier tracks (“R.A.C” , “Stay Fly”). A more uniform sound – in either direction – would have made a more cohesive EP, but again, the songs are good on their own merits.
Paramount amongst Chillingsworth’s freshman stumbling, however, is their handling of vocal duties. Despite a dearth of vocal hooks, the lyrics are well composed. The problem is, they are not always well performed. More often than not, the lead vocals are off-key, sometimes, severely so. With an otherwise near-flawless effort, the amateurish singing is somewhat more pronounced. The band would do well to consider vocal training, perhaps taking on a trained vocalist, or at the very least compose vocal melodies more appropriate their skill-level.
Overall, however, Chillingsworth’s “Sir Roger” is still very much worth a listen to anyone who favors pop over experimentation. They can write, they can record, and they can perform. With a few years more experience, and a little practice, these kids are going to go places.
Keep an eye out, Connecticut.
Come to Freight Street Gallery on Monday (HALLOWEEN) for a fun night of folk music, courtesy of The Loom, The Grim Generation, and Lys Guillorn!
According to the Freight Street Gallery folks:
"Two great reasons to go out on a Monday night.
1. It's Halloween, so dress up silly, cause your next chance is a whole year away.
2. A great band from Brooklyn is stoping by our fair city to play some amazing tunes.
featuring:
The Loom
"Teeth: the part of you that outlast you longest once you’re gone. That hold a record of what you’ve done with your time, tribute or rebuke. In comparison to their longevity, time for the rest of you is short. So, then – what to do with that time?
For the members of Brooklyn five-piece The Loom, the answer to this question – the reason that they choose to play music together in the first place – is the simple search for joy. It’s a concern that both far outdates, and is reflected in, the searching folk, intricate percussion, and psych-influenced dissonance and atmospherics that they love and wind into their music. But Teeth, their debut, is not all joyful. Like the music that inspires them, it focuses more closely on the myriad hurdles that ensnare us along the way."
https://www.facebook.com/theloommusic
The Grim Generation
" Lyrics are worth paying attention to, as in the closer “End of the World” when Champagne sings, “Remember the day your brother was killed, we were up in your bedroom with a shoebox full, your mom sat downstairs reading magazines and her TV Guide.” That got my attention instantly."
– New Haven Advocate
https://www.facebook.com/pages/The-Grimm-Generation/349516682318
and the little cowgirl herself, Lys Guillorn
"I was quickly drawn into the world of this talented singer-songwriter-musician, all three of which she excels at. Rather than try to define her, or stamp a genre on her, I will instead say…find her!" – The Village Voice
https://www.facebook.com/l ys.guillorn
$7 Suggested Donation
All Ages/BYOB for 21+"
True Believers All by TheLoom
Since their formation in 1992, Japan’s Melt Banana have been blowing the minds of audiences worldwide with their hyper speed take on noise rock, which incorporates elements of punk, metal, J-pop, electronica and even hip-hop. It’s a bug eyed crazy sound, one that is full of energy and sends their fans into fits of joy whenever they play out.
Though not for everybody, the people who love them, love them intensely and it has lead the band to collaborate with such artists as Merzbow, John Zorn, Discordance Axis and Mike Patton. They have even opened for prog metal heavyweights Tool in the United States.
It’s been a long strange trip for the band, one that has seen them grow a sizable fan base among connoisseurs of way out aggressive music in both the United States and Europe. In fact, they end up touring these parts of the world more than their native Japan. One big reason could be the reaction they get from the audiences here and in Europe.
“When we started, we met K.K.Null from Zeni Geva. He gave us a chance to record our first album with Steve Albini in Chicago as well as play shows in Chicago and San Francisco. Our first show in the United States was in Chicago and we liked it a lot. It was totally different from shows we had done in Japan during that period. The audience was loud and told us what they thought about our music and our show. These days the Japanese audience is changing and I think they are getting similar to people in the United States. But it is still fun to play in different countries. So the reason to tour the United States, the UK, or Europe a lot is that we like it and fortunately we have very good people to help us to play shows in those countries,” said guitarist Ichirou Agata, who along with vocalist Yasuko Onuki and bassist Rika Hamamoto form the nucleus of the band. “As far as the fan base goes, we are not sure. The number of people who show up to our concerts, in the US or UK are bigger than the ones who show up in Japan. But we play more than 15 shows in Tokyo every year, so if we only play once every 2 years in Tokyo, then there might be more people showing up to our Tokyo shows,” he added.
As mentioned before, their music is a mish-mash of styles, one that is played with lightning speed and manic energy. Though earlier records have more of a lo-fi sound (recorded with Steve Albini) the newer ones have a clearer, cleaner production. But this doesn’t mean that the music is any less vicious. You can definitely say that the band doesn’t sound like anyone else out there and they wouldn’t want to have it any other way. In fact, that was their intention all along.
“When we started the band, actually we were not really good at playing instruments or singing. We were beginners. But we knew very well about the sound we liked. For example we liked feedback a lot more than just playing the "E" note or "G" note. We liked strange drums rather than normal rock or hip hop drums. So we were very bad at playing normal music, but we practiced a lot, playing our own thing. We wanted to control an obscure, noise sound. So we practiced again and again to play that same obscure, noise sound. It's like when you practice to sneeze again and again to make exactly the same sound every time you sneeze. While playing these sounds, we met many good bands at our shows and on tour and got influenced by them on how to use the "E" note or "G" note, or normal rock or hip hop drums. It's like when you practice saying words the same way every time you speak,” said Agata.
But for them, it’s just not about recording the music. It’s about getting out there and throwing down for their fans. People tend to go batshit crazy during their sets, and they would not have it any other way. But instead of being violent and destructive it’s a way for the band and audience to connect with each other. They form an unbreakable bond with their audience.
“The best thing about playing live is that I can share Melt Banana music with the audience. We are enjoying the music together. We can express and convey our music not only to people’s ears but also their eyes and all of their senses. Also it is nice to see people's faces from the stage. If they look like they are having fun during the show, I become happy too,” said Onuki.
With each tour, usually means they bring out a new drummer. For this current United States trek they have turned to old friend who will be returning to the throne after a little hiatus from the music business.
“Our live drummer for this tour is Takiya Terada. Actually he was with us when we toured with the Fantomas in 2004 and when we went to Europe with us in 2005. After that, he stopped playing music for private reasons, so I won’t talk those here. But, he started playing drums again, so we asked him if he can play with us again. He is a very good person and practices so hard. And since we had already played with him many times and knew about his skills, it was natural decision to ask him to can play music with us again,” said Agata.
Playing music has to be a release for them, because Japan has been a country plagued by a whole bunch of disasters over the past year. The country is hurting and according to Onuki it’s been rough on the people who live there.
“We are still in bad condition; disaster areas are still on the long way to recover, and also nuclear plant problems have been not solved yet and we are even having a hard time living in Tokyo. It is hard to see the truth too, unfortunately. But we need to go forward and solve all problems clearly. I really hope this happens,” said Onuki.
But if there is one thing that lifted the spirits of the Japanese, it was their women’s soccer team winning the World Cup this past summer. The band was in Finland to play a festival, but once they found out, they were quite proud of their fellow countrywomen.
“When I knew about their victory, I thought it was great. It seems like people in Japan got excited and they talked about the team members a lot in the media. But I did not know that there was a professional football league in Japan, so it was big news to me. But I think it is good that their winning brought a good mood to Japan,” said Agata.
After they finish their current North American tour the band is going to head into the studio to record another album for release on the band’s own A-Zap label in the spring or summer, as well doing a whole bunch singles too. They also plan to some things with Melt Banana lite, too.
“There are many things that we want to do!” said Onuki.
So, it looks like the band will be keeping busy, spreading manic, crazy, happy music to all that will be willing to hear it. This is an excellent time to catch the band at the Space. Last time the show sold out and I heard they had to remove all the furniture to make way for the crowd and their “dancing”. Once again, this is another can’t miss show. See you there.
Manic Productions Presents:
Melt Banana
Tera Melos
Fugue (Last Show)
Friday, October 28
The Space
295 Treadwell Street
Hamden, CT
$14 ($12 advance) – All Ages and 21+ to drink at the Outer Space – 7pm
BUY TICKETS NOW or pick them up at Redscroll.
We (and by “we” I mean “me”), here at CT Indie, love Nightbitch, especially the way they are bringing traditional heavy metal back to Connecticut’s musical landscape. They play it the old way, and should be a must see for any one who likes their metal classic and catchy. When we found out they were playing a strip bar around Halloween, we thought it was the perfect time to sit one of them down and get the scoop on what’s going on in their twisted little world. So we put a few questions to drummer/vocalist Chris Taylor Beaudette, who in addition to Nightbitch plays in a wide variety of bands, and these are the answers we were given.
Warning: If you are easily offended or false, please don’t read this.
So, why decide to play a nudie bar again, especially around Halloween?
The better question Tom, is in fact, “why not?”
Do you think the atmosphere in this type of establishment is the perfect atmosphere for Nightbitch’s music?
We love boobs and naked ladies. And we also love the whole sleazy feel of a strip club. The dark atmosphere, moody lights and the aura of sexuality that is literally writhing about in front of you, it’s all very rock and roll, very metal. It makes some people uncomfortable, like they’re doing something wrong, and that’s what we try to do with our tunes but at the same time, obviously having fun with and embracing it. Sleaze, gritty metal, booze and naked girls are Americana, and we’re an American band.
You played there before. I’m assuming it went well, because here you are, back again. Did it go as well as you expected? Any good stories to tell about that first gig there? Did the strippers, I mean “adult entertainers,” get into the music and bump n grind to such ‘Bitch staples as “Ritual Of Self” and “Sex & Magic”? (I know “Disrober” wasn’t part of your repertoire back then, but I’m sure you’ll play it now! It’s tailored made for this.)
The band has a great friend who works at this fantastic club Ruby 2’s in Bridgeport and with some convincing from the owner we were able to get in there and do our thing. They have a secondary room there they mostly use for parties, with a stage, all mirrored, with 2 poles on it and the girls don’t usually work in there since there’s no dudes. They don’t really have bands in there and we really weren’t sure how it was gonna turn out. It went amazing. We had a big screen TV playing satanic porn the whole show, great crowd and the girls were really receptive (we did some backbreaking pre-show screenings with some of the ladies at the club before hand, strictly business, I assure you). They came up on stage and danced for both sets. I had a hard time playing drums as I set my kit up between the poles, and was often pleasantly distracted by their totally pro pole work. One girl even came up and did this trick with lit matches in her… Well, it was decadent.
Or do you have any stories that won’t get you into trouble with your respective wives, girlfriends and the moral majority of this state?
One of the cool parts was that there was NO photography allowed (club) rule that ended up making it like a stag party. Kinda “hush hush.” Made for a better story too when somebody asked, “how’d it go, sorry I couldn’t make it. It was great to say, “You’ll never know how awesome it was cuz you weren’t there, pal”. And anything that might get anyone into trouble was more likely to have come from the bands significant others than any of us. Hahahhaa. We like ‘em wild.
The band also went into the studio recently to cut a new 7” (“Chainmaker”, right). How did that go? When can we expect to see it? And on what label?
Yup, the “Chainmaker” 7” was recorded just a few weeks ago, at Sonic Environments in Bloomfield, CT. Jeff Weed was at the helm, the same gentleman and studio who recorded the last Ipsissimus record for Metal Blade. He’s a phenomenal dude and we had a blast. It went really well, quite different than the first which was more a slow process. I actually recorded and mixed the Sex and Magic EP myself and it was extremely labor intensive as I’m no professional just a guy who knows a bit and has had a bunch of experience at the helm of a recorder for over 10 years. We did the music first, but at different times with the same mic configuration set up and Phil recorded vocals on his own and I added his parts. I then spent many hours mixing the songs, so it was a bit of a solitary thing for all of us. Also, I was just on the kit for the last record. When NB and Phil Swanson parted ways, we came to a crossroads and had to make the decision to bring in new blood or handle it ourselves. Before I started anything, I was a singer so I asked the guys if I could give it a shot when Phil suggested it to me and said I had his blessing. He said he thought a singer/drummer is badass. Especially for a man of my stature those are BIG shoes to fill but range wise, Phil and I are quite similar so I knew I could sing the tunes, I just had to wait and see if the boys dug it, haha. I’m happy to say they do and so I now have a different job on this one. We recorded live and used one guitar track giving this more much more of a vintage sound. it’s a little more retro, and my voice tends to be a bit more arrogant and saucy than Phil’s, sort of a poor mans Danzig meets a poor man’s Glenn Hughes but a Glenn Hughes who smokes tons of cigarettes. But we’re real happy with what we captured. It’s obviously a little different than S&M, but it without a doubt retains the Nightbitch balance of evil, sleaze and melody. We’re in talks with a few labels now, but its going to be released in the next few months for sure. It’s in the mixing stages so it’ll be a hot minute before it hit’s the streets, but I’m guessing a January release.
You also recently played bass with Kingdom Of Sorrow on three dates of this summer’s Mayhem Festival. How did that come about? And how did it go? But more importantly how did you get Kirk Windstein to wear one of your shirts at the hometown Hartford gig?
One of my oldest friends and band mates, a kid I grew up with, Charlie Bellmore plays for KoS and I just got the call. I actually got confirmation at a Nightbitch gig after we played so I partied extra hard that night. Chuck writes a lot with Jaime (Jasta) and his brother, another of my oldest friends Nicky Bellmore who plays drums for Toxic Holocaust and owns a killer studio called Dexter’s Lab in Milford. They did the most recent KoS record there and were going out on the road for Mayhem. A few different bass players were doing the gig, problem was the first bassist Bubble from Devildriver, threw out his back and couldn’t do the last 3 gigs before his replacement came in. That left them with no bassist. Chuck trusted in me knowing I could handle the tunes and do it quickly with no actual practice so he suggested me and they agreed. I did the Comcast Center in Mansfield Mass, Day 1 of “Heavy MTL” in Montréal and The Meadows (I’m not calling it anything else) in Hartford. It was an amazing experience and the first time I’ve done something that big and commercial. Montreal was the best, amazing food, gorgeous women, and a absolutely amazing Island park that it was held on. Really felt like a Euro-fest. Met a ton of great people, and got to see a few great performances by Megadeth, In Flames, Cryptopsy, Machine Head and Red Fang. Now Kirk, Kirk is amazing… I had more in common musically with him than anybody on the bus, probably because I shoulda been born the year he was. Chuck played him NB before I got on the bus so he knew what I did, and he was into it. We got along real well and I gave him a shirt and he rocked it in Montreal and Hartford. I still don’t know if he wore it so much because he liked it, or because clean laundry is hard to come by on tour. Either way I couldn’t wipe the smile off my face.
How many other bands are you in besides Nightbitch? I’m counting at least 500, but I could be wrong. Here’s a chance to set the record straight.
Oh Christ, this is already wordy so I’ll try and be to the point….
Treebeard- I’m the singer and bassist. Stoner metal with clean vox and mystical themes. It’s a lot of fun and with dudes I went to high school with who came from the ashes of another band Covin, which played out for years. Charlie Bellmore plays live 2nd guitar for us. Soon to release a 7 song mini-LP.
The Black Noise Scam- drums. Punk rock/crossover band I joined a couple years ago. Really fast Black Flag style tunes, with a killer guitar player, Warren Brelsford of The Vultures and Old Man Lady Luck. He’s a monster. All the guys are great friends, it keeps my chops up and is a blast to play.
Kings and Liars- Live bass. Charlie Bellmore’s rock project that I help him out on, with bass and backing vocals. Really great stuff, a mix of modern rock with some serious riffage. Just enough to make it true but not too much to scare off a lighter crowd. Soon to be releasing the 8 song record Charlie just finished.
And finally my oldest band, Garbage Barge, which I’ve been in with Reverend George since 1998. Primus, Gwar and SOD thrown into a blender. Offensive and caustic. Also featuring Charlie Bellmore, and Al Chavez from Ipsissimus… a tangled mess of inbred bastardized sons of metal. Too lazy to push forward and too stubborn to quit we have been releasing, recording and playing for 13 years cuz it still makes US laugh and I’m sure the band will outlive me.
What are the future plans for the band?
Well after this 7” we’re trying to finish up 2 more tunes and we have enough for a LP. We want to get these tunes tight and that’s a lot of practices from a band that can’t seem to actually practice at practice for more than an hour or so at a time. We need breaks to drink beer, smoke cigarettes, watch terrible films from the 70’s and listen to Judas Priest. Once we get that recorded we plan for an indie release and another trip back over to Ireland and Europe and visit some buddies we made at Dublin Doom Day 2. We would like to get out there after promoting the record at home for a bit. Got a few mini-tours in the works for 2012, and we’ll be rocking selected shows November-March but we’ll really be hibernating through the winter. Besides, after the show at Ruby’s we’re going to need a few months to recover…
Ruby’s 2 Halloween Bash Featuring:
Nightbitch
Thrillhouse
Saturday, October 29
Ruby’s 2
2362 Fairfield Avenue
Bridgeport, CT
10 pm - $10 (free admission with costume) – 21+ - BYOB
Go represent Indie Rock on the Apocalypse. Show 'em what life is really all about!
Elm Bar
Friday Oct 21st @9PM
$3 cover
Tyburn Saints don't sound anything like saints, that's for sure. They actually sound quite like the opposite: maudit artists. Johnny Gimenez's deep, tenebrous tenor knows how to scream at us ("oh Sable"), but also how to lure us with vicious whispers or charming dark ballads ("Bells"). This is well executed dark rock that will find fans among those who revere Mr. Nick Cave's musical output.
-NYC Artists on the Rise, The Deli Magazine
http://tyburnsaints.bandca mp.com/
Ghost of Chance are an experimental rock band based in New Haven, Connecticut. The group’s distinctive style is characterized by subtle time signature changes and sonically open experimentation set to surrealist lyrics. Ghost of Chance’s sound takes its influence from 1960s
psychedelica, math rock and post punk while maintaining the shimmer of classic pop sensibilities.
http://www.facebook.com/pa ges/Ghost-of-Chance/283039 401524?sk=info
http://www.ghostofchance.c om/
The Invisible Hand
http://www.facebook.com/in visiblehands?sk=info
http://www.myspace.com/ada msmith
touring about, come support!
Check out the Facebook Event: https://www.facebook.com/event.php?eid=221076487955896
You don't send for me, I send for you by Tyburns Saints
Heavy Breath (CT Easy Listening, Get Young Records)
http://www.heavybreath.com /
...
Living Laser (Poughkeepsie, NY, ex-Robots and Empire. awesome)
http://soundcloud.com/glac ialpk/sets/living-laser
Cold Snap (CT Damaging Lyrical Launchers, Get Young Records) (split 7" release show!)
http://thecoldsnap.tumblr. com/
Brass Caskets (CT, members of Cold Snap, Phantoms) (split 7" release show!)
http://www.mediafire.com/? b1v30qbd6nl67g0 -> Nothing Is Sacred Anymore
Misfits Cover Set
(featuring members of Stomped on Sight + Submission)
Night Owls (CT, ex-Don't Say I Won't)
debut EP coming soon! http://nightowlsct.tumblr. com/
Last year I booked a very successful Halloween show at the Branford VFW (so successful that the venue was shut down shortly after) and am looking forward to hopefully spreading the same kind of Halloween cheer this year. There's a lot to like about this gig; it's Living Laser's first show in Connecticut, there's an exclusive Misfits set from various members of Stomped on Sight and Submission, and we're celebrating the release of the great Brass Caskets/Cold Snap 7" on Redscroll Records (http://redscrollrecords.blogspot.com/2011/09/brass-caskets-cold-snap-7-out-now.html). And to round out the lineup we have Heavy Breath (who recently released their debut 12" on Get Young Records) and Night Owls (who should have a new EP ready in the next couple of weeks).
Facebook Event Page
Doors @ 6:30, show @ 7
$8 at the door, $6 in costume
This hall has been home to numerous shows over the past four months and attendance has been great. The only thing we ask is that people don't drink in the hall or parking lot, this is by request of the veterans who run the Legion. There is a bar inside the building that sells cheap beer and has darts and billiards if those happen to be your thing. Let's not lose another hall to mindless drinking.
Wednesday night 9PM @ BAR
Manic Production presents: White Fence and Suicide Dolls
White Fence
"Tim Presley is a member of the bands Darker My Love and the Strange Boys, which do variations of dirtied-up psychedelic pop. White Fence is his third band and much more idiosyncratic. It’s just Mr. Presley making songs as complicated as he wants, with his multitracked asthmatic voice and his gift for weird, wayward song hooks. On “White Fence,” just released on CD by Woodsist, drum rhythms stumble and recohere; chord changes are half-forgotten or blown altogether. Audio quality changes from track to track or even in the middle of a song, and so does the music’s speed. The album sounds as if it were mastered on a cassette machine with failing batteries. This whole enterprise is way, way moth eaten: the Syd Barrett/1960s Los Angeles garage-punk influences, the dirty-on-purpose sound quality, the overmodulated guitar leads.
By a certain logic it should be a stone loser. But so much in music comes down to conviction. There’s something ritual about these songs, as if Mr. Presley had been carrying them in his head, with all their details, for a long time. Listen even once, and they’re hard to shake. All of Mr. Presley’s strange touches start to seem significant and obsessively desired: a short background sigh, a few seconds of harmonica or xylophone, a new strain plopped into the middle of a song that leads nowhere, a guitar solo that’s longer than it needs to be. It’s mannered and indirect music, but he’s a poet of that." - BEN RATLIFF (NY Times)
Woodsist Records
Suicide Dolls
From the ashes of a mid-90's all-noise band, Brian Albano and Michelle Montavon took their new form as the Suicide Dolls in early 2002. Blending the far out, experimental noise jams of their earlier incarnation with familiar and catchy rock/punk structures, the Suicide Dolls recorded their 1st demo in 2003 and have been growing ever since. Matt Covey began drumming with the 'Dolls in 2006, and again in 2009 after a brief departure. The current lineup is at it's strongest to date, and are releasing their full length album "Prayers In Parking Lots' in September of 2011.
Hartford's The Wadsworth Antheneum had the pleasure to host some of the best current French-Canadian Indie rock bands in Montreal's Malajube and The Besnard Lakes last weekend. Before launching into a discussion of this excellent show hosted by New Haven based Indie promoting staple Manic Productions, allow me to discuss the venue, which, I think, is as good as any that I've been to in CT (at the very least). The Wadsworth's downstairs theater is a ~300 soft-seater with a full stage and incredible sound system. The walls of the theater were adorned with murals of soldiers and horses (which really fit quite nicely with The Besnard Lakes' "...Are The Dark Horses" 2007 album vibe). Outside of the theater, there were small circular tables with ~5 seats/table, a small bar (where I had my first Hooker Octoberfest of the season), a large merchandise stand and large realist paintings with a distinctive French Revolutionary War feel. It's really quite the rare jewel in a mostly barren city for live Indie music (I lived in Hartford for 8 years, so I am speaking from experience not prejudice).
Although the show was originally slated for three bands including the local outfit Smoke Signals, the Facebook invite was changed several days before to just feature two bands. My fiancé and I arrived in media res to find Malajube already in the middle of their set. I knew nothing about the band going into the performance, but I was initially struck by the high pitched vocals and mostly incomprehensible lyrics. I took me a few songs to realize that they were singing in French! The band had an excellent stage presence, and their songs adhered closely to what I've come to identify as a Canadian Indie sound in the vein of Arts and Crafts bands like Broken Social Scene and Stars but with a more post-punk influence than those aforementioned bands. Overall, I thought that their set was up-and-down, but there were definitely a few stand-out tracks. Subsequent research revealed that Malajube is on Dare to Care (Canada) with U.S. distribution by MB3. After being nominated for two Polaris Awards (a Canadian music award for original artistic achievement with a price tag attached), they are touring the U.S. with The Besnard Lakes in support of 2011’s “La Caverne,” which is their 4th full length. Check out some of the live footage that I captured below:
Between sets, several friends were interviewed by a Montreal-based video news crew on tour with the bands. The questions seemed focused on the American perception of the many great Montreal-based Indie bands that have hit the airwaves since the late 90s, e.g. godspeed you! black emperor, The Dears and Arcade Fire. After this brief intermission, The Besnard Lakes hit the stage. The most notable feature was the guitar rack with 5+ guitars and lead singer’s Jace Lasek’s distinctive attire replete with aviator-style transitions and floral pattern button down shirt (a staple of their live performances). Before going on, I just wanted to give a disclaimer that I enjoy most of the bands on the psych rock-heavy Indiana-based label Jagjaguwar, and The Besnard Lakes are no exception. I first heard their sophomore 2007 release “…Are the Dark Horses” and immediately enjoyed their admixture of psych, prog and bombastic stadium rock, which they pull off seamlessly. I was then expecting to be disappointed with their 2010 release “…Are The Roaring Night,” and was pleasantly wrong. Both albums capture a certain flair and bravado that is totally lost in contemporary Indie, i.e. the desire to be rock stars, and they do it in a way that is not at all cloying or cheesy. Some of the closest comparators in this respect are not American or Canadian but 90s British rock bands like (The) Verve and Oasis, who unfortunately were sometimes (or often in the case of Oasis) cloying or cheesy in their path to rockdom.
The Besnards immediately launched into their ~60 minute set with a few choice tracks from “…Are The Roaring Night,” and those in attendance familiar with their sound immediately rose from their soft seats in support to gawk and dance. The climaxes were punctuated by an impressive light show that varied between straight white, straight red, strobe and admixtures of swirling red-and-white (see the videos below). After clipping through many tracks off of the aforementioned album, they returned to some hits off “…Are the Dark Horse,” which the crowd was eager to receive. Before playing “Disaster,” Jace called out to someone expected to be in attendance to clap, and, when they received no reply, he offered, “He’s stoned…he can’t clap that fast,” which received audience laughter. Nevertheless, the medley of “Disaster” into “Devastation” had no one laughing. Instead, most were struggling to keep their jaws closed as the band totally hit their stride at this juncture in a powerfully climactic cacophony. After some slow claps of encouragement, The Besnards returned to the stage to play a two song encore that was also well-received. My sole complaint with the show was that it was often difficult to hear bassist and singer, Olga Goreas’, vocals in the mix, especially during the first few songs. However, the performance and the sound was otherwise perfect.
As we were leaving, The Besnards were outside having a cigarette, and they proved to be an affable lot. We provided some history on the Wadsworth by informing them of the oft-cited contention that it is the first established art history museum in the U.S. They then asked, “Is it haunted?” and explained that, during their set, they heard someone(thing) called the drummer’s name without anyone on stage speaking the word. In true October spirit, we replied that the museum may be haunted. They also had some great merchandise for sale, and I picked up this awesome unidentifying shirt of a kitty astronaut in space. Olga said, “Yeah, the Cat-stronaut,” which is how I will refer to this shirt from now on.
In sum, this was another incredible booking by Manic Productions at what is currently the most underrated venue in CT. I am also posting some footage of The Besnards’ set, but, unfortunately, I did (and am still kicking myself for) not capture “Disaster” into “Devastation.” Yet, you’ll hear just how great the mix was even on these iPhone4 captures:
Photo by Joshua Black Wilkins
There are many bands out there today that merge traditional American roots music such as country, bluegrass and the blues with punk rock, but few do it better than Th’ Legendary Shack Shakers. Over the course of six albums, this Kentucky based band has shown that they stand head and shoulders above all the pretenders out there.
Maybe it has to do with the fact that they manage their musical alchemy with seamlessness, sincerity and authenticity or maybe it’s their high live shows, which has earned frequently shirtless and sweaty front man J.D. Wilkes comparisons to such people as Iggy Pop, and has even been called one of the best front person’s out there by the likes of Jello Biafra and Hank III. They have developed into a force to be reckoned with.
“We’re completely different from when we first started out. Originally we were more of a rockabilly band but since then we have become this Frankenstein that incorporates punk rock and blues into the mix. It’s a crunching sound and one that takes us farther away from the core, but at the same time the music is more in the spirit of what we are aiming for, in getting the rhythm of the train and other rural machinery into our sound,” said Wilkes.
The capturing of these rural industrial rhythms are in full display on the band’s new record, which is appropriately titled “Agri-dustrial”. On this one, the band is joined by Jesus Lizard guitarist Duane Denison and his noisy skronks give the music an extra jolt of electricity. (Just check out his slide work on the album’s first track “Sin Eater,” to show this is a perfect musical marriage.) What would seem like an odd pairing at first to many roots rock purists, works wonderfully. (And, yes, he is touring with the band.)
But don’t think this happened at the spur of the moment. The roots of this album and the partnership with Denison go way back. In fact, when the band first started out, Denison and his wife would go out and check out the band, enjoying what they saw and heard. They eventually became friends, and Wilkes actually lived in a room above the garage in Denison’s house for a while. During this time they came up with the concept for this record.
It was all set to go, but then Mike Patton came calling, and Tomahawk was formed. But they didn’t give up on the idea, and about nine years later they were able to put this collaboration into effect.
“It was nice to see the seed we planted all those years ago come to fruition,” said Wilkes.
While this new album is killer and it could be argued that there are no weak links in the band’s catalog, they are known as a fearsome live act. It’s a high energy spectacle that leaves the band covered in sweat. When a band has such a reputation as this, one can’t help but wonder how they keep the energy up, night after night.
It’s very easy, in fact, according to Wilkes.
“It’s always automatic. There is a switch that gets turned on once the music starts. You just get into it and start to move,” said Wilkes.
Actually what irks Wilkes more is some of the crowd reactions to the band, which also features upright bass player Mark Robertson and drummer Brett Whitacre. He can’t see why people just stand still when faced with such high energy music. After all, good music should connect with the hips and the Shack Shakers play some great hip shaking music, so it should be a no brainer to get up and dance. The spirit will move you at one of their shows.
Upcoming future plans for the band include another full length album for the summer 2012, as well as more touring with Europe in their sights and Wilkes plans to do more videos and documentary film making. He made a critically acclaimed documentary called “Seven Signs”, which is about eccentric southern people and culture that won an award at the Rain Dance Film Festival in England a few years back.
We have an acclaimed band with a great live reputation playing on Friday in Connecticut. Here is another show that you should not miss. I keep saying this about most of these, but seriously this is some good shit. Don’t miss out.
Manic Productions Presents:
Th’ Legendary Shack Shakers
Lushlife
The Proud Flesh
Friday, October 21, 2011
Daniel Street
21 Daniel Street
Milford, CT
8:00pm – 21+ - $12 ($10 in advance)
Buy tickets now or pick them up at Redscroll.
The first thing that hits you are the guitars, which are thick, fast and dirty. Then the drums and bass come along, synching in lock step with the guitars, continuing the onslaught. Finally the vocals hit, they are low, guttural and acid flecked. Such are the joys of Landmine Marathon, a death/grind band from Arizona that features some bulldozing music as well as the fierce pipes of Grace Perry.
For those of you still living in a timewarp, yes they are a death metal band and yes, their vocalist is female. This shouldn’t be a big deal in this day and age because there are tons of women who have contributed to extreme metal over the years, without having to use their gender as a selling point. If it is a big deal to you, respect her, because she kicks ass, pure and simple.
“I have no idea if I am a role model but I do have a lot of girls that tell me I inspire them, which is one of the most flattering things to hear. It's the 2011, not 1950, and if people still think women have to abuse their sexuality in order to be in a successful band they are idiots. Whenever people compare me to other singers it's not to other females, it's to other singers, male, female, you name it. I want to inspire girls to see that although the metal scene is very much male dominated it should never make a difference,” said Perry. “The good thing about this genre of metal is that politically correct bands still exist and draw influence from bands like Napalm Death who have always had higher moral grounds. I carry myself in a way that doesn't attract that type of behavior and now that our fourth record is coming out it's a joke to think anyone would actually believe I can't hold my own,” she added.
She didn’t start out as a metal singer, she was recruited and found out she loved it. You see originally she played in a screamo band whose sole reason was to piss people off and it did, but (bassist) Matt Martinez saw her perform and liked her screams and growls so much, he asked her if she wanted to start a band. It’s been seven years since that encounter and the rest is history.
“Well let's just say if I didn't have my band all that intensity and aggression might just pour out into my everyday life. It's not that I'm an angry person, we just happen to live on an insane planet that should inspire everyone to create an outlet of their own,” said Perry.
This aggression shows itself in her live performances, where she has been described as a she-demon, throwing herself fearlessly into the performances. It’s a go for broke mentality that has won her many admirers and respect, but it’s also been the cause of various injuries, but to Perry that’s all just part of the game.
“Yes I definitely have my share of injuries; a broken nose, more black eyes and bloody lips than I can count and I most recently sliced my head open on a shitty microphone that had wires jutting out,” said Perry.
And for someone who has a very extreme vocal style, you would think she does exercises or take some type of special liquids to keep her vocal chords in top shape, but actually you would be dead wrong, because you see, just like her personality was made for metal, so is her voice.
“People always ask me this and I'm being honest when I say I do nothing. No special teas, cough drops, warming up, just water. When I am recording my voice will start to get weak after a few hours but the next day I'm ready to go all over again. Just lucky I guess,” said Perry.
But before we forget, Landmine Marathon is a band and a really good one, and this skill is on display on their new album “Gallows”, which came out on September 27 on Prosthetic Records. They have trimmed the fat and tightened their sound, delivering a just under 30 minute blast of exhilaration and brutality. It’s dirty, filthy, dark and easily their best album. Perry credits the band’s commitment to deliver their best album and the acquisition of a new member as the reasons to the album’s face ruling-ness.
“Having our new drummer, Andy York, has definitely changed and improved the dynamic of the band. He is a walking metronome and the most talented drummer I have ever worked with. Vocally I focused on singing mainly lower, more guttural vocals which gave the album an even darker feel than previous Landmine records. (Guitarist) Ryan Butler has recorded all of our albums at Arcane Digital and he spent more hours and hard work on “Gallows” than ever before. We are not trying to break new ground in this genre, just write music we love and hopefully everyone else does too,” said Perry.
The new album also deals with the darkness in the folk tales that have been passed down from generation to generation. To some people this might seem like weird subject matter for a death metal record, but after listening to Perry explain it, it is a perfect fit. After all, remember how dark the original Brothers Grimm fairy tales were, and then this lyrical theme doesn’t seem so out of left field.
“Many of these stories have transformed over hundreds of years into the common the fables we grew up with. When I was in college I took many literature classes that explored this and it opened my eyes to something entirely different. During this era they were not the G-rated family friendly stories we know but in fact brutally graphic,demonic, and downright terrifying. The more research I did the more inspiring it became, countless books depicting self mutilation and the constant death of woman and children, along with evil folkloric creatures always devouring humans. From this I wrote some of my darkest and favorite lyrics to date,” said Perry.
So there you have it. Not only is the band, which also features Dylan Thomas on guitar, a must see live act, they have also released the best record of their career. So there really should be no reason why you shouldn’t get down to the Webster Underground early on October 20 and catch their set. After all, seeing, and hearing, is believing.
Warbringer
Lazarus AD
Landmine Marathon
Diamond Plate
Prime Evil
Shallow Ground
Thursday, October 20, Webster Underground
31 Webster Street
Hartford, CT, 06114
6:00 pm – All Ages - $12 advance/$14 day of show
400 Blows exists in that strange nether realm where punk collides with metal and saddles up with noise rock without really belonging to any of these genres. You can hear traces of each of these aggressive genres in their vicious music which is topped off by the snotty vocals of Skot Alexander, who just happens to sound a little like another infamous punk singer. (But more on that later.)
After a six year absence, the Los Angeles-based band, which features new members Scott Martin, of Big Business and Crom, on guitar, along with drummer Kevin Fitzgerald just released its first new album with this new line-up, “Sickness & Health” earlier this year on Org Music and the band is hitting the road to bring their patented in your face live show to the masses. This tour will take them to Daniel Street in Milford on October 17.
The big question concerning a band that takes this long a hiatus is why it took so long to follow up their last record 2005’s “Angel's Trumpets & Devil’s Trombones” with this year’s album.
“Being prolific has never been a strong point for this band. Most of the previous albums have all come out about 5 years apart. So we are right on schedule. In fact, we already have stuff ready for a new album so it won’t be that long a wait for the next one,” said Alexander.
That’s the short version of the story. The long story deals with two former members leaving the band for various reasons. One was having a baby and wanted to start a family, while other decided to not continue on. So, Alexander, the band’s sole original member and guiding force needed to find new members. He found them in Martin and Fitzgerald.
But the band took their time, writing new material and developing their personality. Alexander said he didn’t want the new version of the band to turn into a cover version of the previous one.
All this waiting paid off because “Sickness & Health” (which by the way fits Alexander’s MO of titling the band’s album with two words that are the complete opposite of each other) is a 34 live wire minute ride through the dark recesses of Alexander’s mind. It is filled with his twisted adult nursery rhymes and totally kills it musically, as Martin and Fitzgerald destroy on their instruments, laying down a dense, energetic racket behind Alexander. The band is in perfect synch on this record making it one of the best loud rock releases of the year.
In fact, Alexander in a way knew it would be good, because he can’t stop singing the praises of his instrumental cohorts.
“They just bring fucking awesomeness to the band. I could just hang out in the audience and watch them play and it would be a great show,” said Alexander adding jokingly, “plus we’ve become a lot more handsome.”
But now back Alexander’s voice. The dude sounds a little like Dead Kennedys lead singer Jello Biafra. If you listen to the new album you can hear it. In fact, one critic remarked that it was a “less annoying” version of Jello Biafra’s voice. (Ouch!) You would think this might annoy him but it doesn’t at all.
“There is a big difference between how the Dead Kennedys and 400 Blows sounds, but if you have to compare me to Jello, I don’t mind. I happen to know him. Jello is okay with me,” said Alexander.
But the band really kills it in the live arena. Based on former performances they definitely have the right attitude to deliver the goods live. To paraphrase one of their songs, they kill like champions.
“We don’t do this to suck. We like to leave blood on the stage,” said Alexander. “Not literally, though,” he added.
Based on the above quote you can see that the band is committed to giving awesome performances that are filled with the proverbial blood, sweat and tears that makes great live bands great. So there really is no reason to miss this show if you’re a fan of the loud stuff. After all, it’s only $5 and though it’s on Monday, what better things do you have to do on a Monday in Connecticut?
Nothing. So be there. Here’s another one you’ll be kicking yourself over if you miss.
Manic Productions Presents:
400 Blows
Red Blade
Monday, October 17
Daniel Street
21 Daniel Street
Milford, CT
7pm - $5 – 21+
Buy tickets now or pick them up at Redscroll.
I am not sure when it began or why. In the late 80s and early 90s, which is my remembered youth, I recall coming to the assumption that as technology grew fidelity and quality would grow with it. Over time this assumption was challenged on many fronts with the "art vs. commercial" war of the past 30 years. Automation and machines gave us Kraftwerk but they also gave us Dee-Lite. "Laptop music" ranges from the most predictable disco to the most impromptu experimental drone noise. There is truly no way to accurately measure how technology has affected the many ways we experience and participate in life.
This becomes especially interesting when you see how people use their computers to make music that harnesses the power and fidelity we were "promised" with technologies growth, as well as the less polished, even intrusive sounds that we always seem to gravitate toward. Perhaps it's another constant struggle, this time between our need to achieve "perfection" and our ultimate desire to conquer/destroy it.
D. Gookin is a man who makes musical creations operating out of new haven. For years he has been busting out seriously energetic live shows. His bio says he is a drummer and vocalist, and that the remaining sounds of his band are "lovingly crafted backing tracks".
His newest set of recordings, Spiral Style, was released September 23rd via Moodgadget and EXPLODES into your ears with infectiously sugary electro pop.
Combining 8bit sounds with glossier synth samples, the listener is caught between decades of technology all while celebrating the pulsing thump of the natural pop music we all share instinctively. The drums are expertly played and programmed, and while auto-tune is definitely a cliche in terms of music fashion, the use of it in these enjoyably cliched pop songs feels fitting.
Opener "Way 2 Grow" makes no mistakes about its sound, coming right into being with an intense musical optimism that carries all the way to the closing number "Stealing Sunchips", with no breaks to relax.
I got a chance to ask D. Gookin's Mike Birnbaum a few questions about his music and tastes recently via email, here's what he had to say:
So, what's the big idea with you anyway?
No big deal. I'm just this screwy dude.
How has your perspective on music changed growing up in an increasingly technological world?
My perspective has continuously changed for the better as technology has progressed. As the internet and music making tools have together become easier to maneuver and more uniform, music for me has become de-mystified in a good way. It all makes it easier to have big ideas on a small scale and vice versa. Before having your own solo act vision seemed like a way too personal endeavor for lots of people to care about. But now this kind of "putting out your personalized vibes and doing you" mentality is fully embraced. Whats the most fun and immediate about making music and being creative in general has become what matters the most.
You seem to make infectious pop while simultaneously mocking it, who's side are you on?
My intention has never been to mock pop music. A giant realization for me though at some point was that music I didn't have a choice to listen to ruled my mind and emotions the same as, if not more so, than music I sought out on my own. I'd say also in the scheme of pop music my stuff is too weird to truly be pop. I think my music ends up being laced with poppy feels sounds and melodies because I want my music to come from a really raw and exciting place. And for me that place is usually some kind of overindulgent sugary wasteland.
What is your opinion of "atom and his package"?
Ya know, you asking me this promptly reminded me that it is my duty to finally check that out. My first listen impressions - I am not really a "clever one man act" enthusiast and him laying on the pseudo nerd core vibes is a turn off but some that "worms going into holes posi synth sound meets some big chords" going on in some of those tracks is awesome! Can't hate on that!
What is your dream gig?
Try this one out - Tobacco, Paramore, Millionaires, Super Cat, Andrew W.K., New Boyz, Unicorn Kid, Lady Gaga only performing 'eh eh' and.......Incubus. Secret show too. Ahahah you asked!
Which of your influences would surprise your fans/friends the most?
KELLEY CLARKSON! & as of recent Shwayze & Cisco :)
How do you harness inspiration for songs?
Occasionally I'll go after the "I'm gonna make a song in this style" mentality but mostly looping things that contain vibes I enjoy, trying to hear a melody in it, and staring at something like a recycling symbol or certain girls' facebook photos........YOOOO JUST KIDDING
Learn more about D. Gookin at his website: www.dgookin.com
Also check out his Facebook Page and Bandcamp
Way 2 Grow by DGOOKIN
Wednesday, October 12 at 8:00pm
The fine people of Freight Street Gallery are putting on What Folk Festival tonight!
Featuring
Kath Bloom ~ http://www.myspace.com/kat hbloomchapter
Levi Strom ~ http://www.myspace.com/lev istrom
Colby Nathan (of Hyena) ~ http://www.laughablerecord ings.com/
Cranston Dean ~ http://www.reverbnation.co m/cranstondean#!
John Muccino ~ http://www.facebook.com/jo hnsounds
$7 Suggested donation
All ages BYOB for 21+
Kath Bloom is an American singer-songwriter based in Litchfield, Connecticut, whose sad voice often accompanies simple folk melodies.
The daughter of oboist Robert Bloom, Kath grew up in New Haven, where she studied the cello as a child and started playing the guitar when she was a teenager. She collaborated with Bruce Neumann in the early '70s, but it wasn't until she met avant-garde guitarist Loren MazzaCane Connors in 1976 that she started recording. Bloom and Connors recorded multiple albums of fragile, simple folk and blues melodies, the majority of which were written by Bloom herself. Their collaboration ended in 1984 with the release of their final album, Moonlight, of which only 300 copies were pressed.
Friday, October 7, 2011, Indie Night @ the Oak presents
Charter Oak Cultural Center
21 Charter Oak Ave
Hartford, CT
All Ages - 8 PM - $6 or only $5 w/ a canned vegetarian good donation for Hartford Food Not Bombs
FB Event page
Farewood is husband and wife songwriters Lou Lorenzo and Leah Booker. Joining them for live performances is soundscaping guitarist Ed Diaz along with veteran drummer and musical instructor Bob Hill. The band finds inspiration for their tunes against the backdrop of their hometown of Meriden, CT. The desolate feel of the city surroundings consistently finds its way into the subconsciousness of their songs, yielding a sound that at times is shadowy, desperate and lonely. But like many Connecticut towns, once you venture out of the emptiness of its downtown center, the back roads can unfold into beautiful, almost country roads. That duality, or contrast if you will, can be found throughout their music. Their songs can be dark, but underneath it all lies a certain unmistakable beauty.
Bright Red Reason is a teenage trio based out of a combination of Medford and Tyngsboro, MA. They have been together since the summer of 2009, and have been writing and independently recording demos, booking, and playing shows since. The group loves performing with lots of energy and has been recognized for their eye-catching, yet comical stage presence. A wide variety of shows have been played in the Greater Boston area as well as New Hampshire, and this fall the band will be expanding on road trips further around New England. With two EPs currently out and a third on the way, their music carries a very individual sound, ranging from straight punk rock jams to catchy, dancey tunes. Bright Red Reason has been compared to groups such as The Runaways and The Ramones, and some influences include: Paramore, My Chemical Romance, Green Day, The Beatles, The Thermals, and The Distillers.
Give up the Ghost by Bright Red Reason
a minor Apocalypse - unfortunately not much out there on the interwebs on these dudes, but I noticed that there is the eponymous Polish novel about someone that "has been asked to set himself on fire in front of the Communist Party headquarters in Warsaw in an act of protest. He accepts the commission, but without any clear idea of whether he will actually go through with the self-immolation. He spends the rest of the day wandering the streets of Warsaw, being tortured by the secret police and falling in love." Maybe that kid from the cover of Bad Religion's Suffer started this band?
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Chivalrous competition or mock fight from the Middle Ages
This article is about medieval tournaments. For tournaments in general, see tournament. For other uses, see tournament (disambiguation).
A tournament, or tourney (from Old French torneiement, tornei), was a chivalrous competition or mock fight that was common in the Middle Ages and Renaissance (12th to 16th centuries), and is a type of hastilude. Tournaments included mêlée, hand-to-hand combat, contests of strength or accuracy, and sometimes jousts. Some considered the tournaments to be frivolous pursuits of celebrity, even a potential threat to public order.[1] But the shows were popular and often put on in honor of coronations, marriages, or births; to celebrate recent conquests or peace treatises; or to welcome ambassadors, lords, or others considered to be of great importance. Other times tournaments were held for no particular reason at all, simply for entertainment. Certain tournaments are depicted throughout the Codex Manesse.
Etymology
[edit]
Further information: Hastilude
The word tournament evolved from the Middle English tornement which entered the English lexicon from the Old French torneiement around the 12th century. That noun and its associated verb, tornoier, ultimately derive from the Latin tornare ("to turn") which also gave rise to the Italian torneo, the modern French tournoi, and modern English's tourney. Tournament and its derivates had been adopted in English (via Anglo-Norman) by 1300.
The Old French tornoier originally meant "to joust and tilt", but came to refer to the knightly tournament more generally while joster, meaning "approach, meet"[2] (also adopted before 1300), came to refer to jousting specifically.
By the end of the 12th century, tornement and Latinized torneamentum had become the generic term for all kinds of knightly hastiludes or martial displays. Roger of Hoveden writing in the late 12th century defined torneamentum as "military exercises carried out, not in the knight's spirit of hostility (nullo interveniente odio), but solely for practice and the display of prowess (pro solo exercitio, atque ostentatione virium)."[3]
Origins
[edit]
Medieval equestrian warfare and equestrian practices hark back to Roman antiquity, just as the notion of chivalry goes back to the rank of equites in Roman times.[4] There may be an element of continuity connecting the medieval tournament to the hippika gymnasia of the Roman cavalry, but due to the sparsity of written records during the 5th to 8th centuries this is difficult to establish. It is known that such cavalry games were central to military training in the Carolingian Empire, with records of Louis and Charles' military games at Worms in 843. At this event which was recorded by Nithard, the initial chasing and fleeing was followed by a general mêlée of all combatants.
Documentation of equestrian practice during the 9th to 10th centuries is sparse, but it is clear that the tournament was a development of the High Middle Ages. It is recognized by several medieval historical sources: a chronicler of Tours in the late 12th century attributes the "invention" of the knightly tournament to an Angevin baron, Geoffroi de Preulli, who supposedly died in 1066. In 16th-century German historiography, the setting down of the first tournament laws is attributed to Henry the Fowler (r. 919–936); this tradition is cited by Georg Rüxner in his Thurnierbuch of c. 1530 as well as by Paulus Hector Mair in his De Arte Athletica (c. 1544/5).[5]
The earliest known use of the word "tournament" comes from peace legislation by Count Baldwin III of Hainaut for the town of Valenciennes, dated to 1114. It refers to the keepers of the peace in the town leaving it "for the purpose of frequenting javelin sports, tournaments and such like."[citation needed]
A pattern of regular tournament meetings across northern France is evident in sources[who?] for the life of Charles, Count of Flanders (1119–27). The sources of the 1160s and 1170s portray the event in the developed form it maintained into the 14th century.[citation needed]
During the High Middle Ages
[edit]
Tournaments centered on the mêlée, a general fight where the knights were divided into two sides and charged at each other, fighting with blunted weapons. Jousting, a single combat of two knights riding at each other, was a component of the tournament but was never its main feature.[6]
The standard form of a tournament is evident in sources as early as the 1160s and 1170s, notably The History of William Marshal and the Arthurian romances of Chrétien de Troyes.[7][citation needed] Tournaments might be held at all times of the year except the penitential season of Lent (the forty days preceding the Triduum of Easter). The general custom was to hold them on Mondays and Tuesdays, though any day but Friday and Sunday might be used. The site of the tournament was customarily announced a fortnight before it was to be held. The most famous tournament fields were in northeastern France (including between Ressons-sur-Matz and Gournay-sur-Aronde near Compiègne, in use between the 1160s and 1240s) which attracted hundreds of foreign knights from all over Europe for the 'lonc sejor' (the tournament season).
Knights arrived individually or in companies to stay at one or other of the two settlements designated as their lodgings. The tournament began on a field outside the principal settlement, where stands were erected for spectators. On the day of the tournament one side was formed of those 'within' the principal settlement, and another of those "outside."
Parties hosted by the principal magnates present were held in both settlements, and preliminary jousts (called the vespers or premières commençailles) offered knights an individual showcase for their talents. On the day of the event, the tournament was opened by a review (regars) in which both sides paraded and called out their war cries. There was then a further opportunity for individual jousting carried out between the rencs, the two lines of knights. The opportunity for jousting at this point was customarily offered to the new, young knights who were present.
At some time in mid-morning the knights would line up for the charge (estor). At the signal which was usually a bugle or herald's cry, the two knights would ride at each other and meet with levelled lances. Those remaining on horseback would turn quickly (the action which gave the tournament its name) and single out knights to attack. There is evidence that squires were present at the lists (the staked and embanked line in front of the stands) to offer their masters up to three replacement lances. The mêlée would tend then to degenerate into running battles between parties of knights seeking to take ransoms, and would spread over several square miles between the two settlements which defined the tournament area. Most tournaments continued until both sides were exhausted, or until the light faded. A few ended earlier, if one side broke in the charge, panicked and ran for its home base looking to get behind its lists and the shelter of the armed infantry which protected them. Following the tournament the patron of the day would offer lavish banquets and entertainment. Prizes were offered to the best knight on either side and awarded during the meals.[8][page needed]
Melee
[edit]
Melee ( or /ˈmeleɪ/, French: mêlée [mɛle]; in English frequently spelled as mêlée, melée, or simply melee) is a term for a type of mock combat in medieval tournaments.[11][12][13] The "mêlée" was the "mass tournament" where two teams, either on foot or horse, clashed in formation. The aim was to smash into the enemy in massed formation, with the aim of throwing them back or breaking their ranks. Following a successful maneuver of this kind, the rank would attempt to turn around without breaking formation (widerkere or tornei); this action was so central that it would become eponymous of the entire tradition of the tourney or tournament by the mid-12th century.[citation needed] Weapons were often blunted before fights in order to prevent serious injury.
The Middle High German term for this type of contest was buhurt (adopted in French as bouhourt); some sources may also make a distinction between mêlée or mass tournament and buhurt, as the latter could refer to a wider class of equestrian games not necessarily confined to the formal tournament reserved to nobility.[clarification needed]
The Old French meslee "brawl, confused fight; mixture, blend" (12th century)[14] is the feminine past participle of the verb mesler "to mix" (ultimately from Vulgar Latin misculāta "mixed", from Latin miscēre "to mix"; compare mélange; meddle, medley). The modern French form mêlée was borrowed into English in the 17th century and is not the historical term used for tournament mock battles.[clarification needed] The term buhurt may be related to hurter "to push, collide with" (cognate with English to hurt) or alternatively from a Frankish bihurdan "to fence; encompass with a fence or paling").
Tournaments often contained a mêlée consisting of knights fighting one another on foot or mounted, either divided into two sides or fighting as a free-for-all. The object was to capture opposing knights so that they could be ransomed, and this could be a very profitable business for such skilled knights as William Marshal.
The mêlée or buhurt was the main form of the tournament in its early phase during the 12th and 13th centuries. The joust, while in existence since at least the 12th century as part of tournaments, did not play the central role it would acquire later by the late 15th century.
Jousting
[edit]
Main article: Jousting
As has been said, jousting formed part of the tournament event from as early a time as it can be observed. It was an evening prelude to the big day, and was also a preliminary to the grand charge on the day itself. In the 12th century, jousting was occasionally banned in tournaments. The reasons given are that it distracted knights from the main event, and allowed a form of cheating. Count Philip of Flanders made a practice in the 1160s of turning up armed with his retinue to the preliminary jousts, and then declining to join the mêlée until the knights were exhausted and ransoms could be swept up.
But jousting had its own devoted constituency by the early 13th century, and in the 1220s it began to have its own exclusive events outside the tournament. The biographer of William Marshal observed c.1224 that in his day noblemen were more interested in jousting than tourneying. In 1223, we have the first mention of an exclusively jousting event, the Round Table held in Cyprus by John d'Ibelin, lord of Beirut. Round Tables were a 13th-century enthusiasm and can be reconstructed to have been an elimination jousting event. They were held for knights and squires alike. Other forms of jousting also arose during the century, and by the 14th century the joust was poised to take over the vacancy in aristocratic amusement caused by the decline of the tournament.
Popularity
[edit]
The first English mention of tourneying is in a charter of Osbert of Arden, Lord of Kingsbury of Warwickshire, which reveals that he travelled to both Northampton and London, but also crossed the English Channel to join in events in France. The charter dates to the late 1120s.[15] The great tournaments of northern France attracted many hundreds of knights from Germany, England, Scotland, Occitania, and Iberia. There is evidence that 3000 knights attended the tournament at Lagny-sur-Marne in November 1179 promoted by Louis VII in honour of his son's coronation. The state tournaments at Senlis and Compiègne held by Philip III in 1279 can be calculated to have been even larger events.[citation needed]
Aristocratic enthusiasm for the tournament meant that it had travelled outside its northern French heartland before the 1120s. The first evidence for it in England and the Rhineland is found in the 1120s. References in the Marshal biography indicate that in the 1160s tournaments were being held in central France and Great Britain. The contemporary works of Bertran de Born talk of a tourneying world that also embraced northern Iberia, Scotland and the Empire. The chronicle of Lauterberg indicates that by 1175 the enthusiasm had reached the borders of Poland.
Despite this huge interest and wide distribution, royal and ecclesiastical authority was deployed to prohibit the event. In 1130, Pope Innocent II at a church council at Clermont denounced the tournament and forbade Christian burial for those killed in them. The usual ecclesiastical justification for prohibiting them was that it distracted the aristocracy from more acceptable warfare in the defense of Christianity elsewhere. However, the reason for the ban imposed on them in England by Henry II was most likely because of its persistent threat to public order.[16] Knights going to tournaments were accused of theft and violence against the unarmed. Henry II was keen to re-establish public order in England after the disruption during the reign of King Stephen (1135–1154). He did not prohibit tournaments in his continental domains, and indeed three of his sons were avid pursuers of the sport.
Tournaments were allowed in England once again after 1192, when Richard I identified six sites where they would be permitted and gave a scale of fees by which patrons could pay for a license. But both King John and his son, Henry III, introduced fitful and capricious prohibitions which much annoyed the aristocracy and eroded the popularity of the events. In France, Louis IX prohibited tourneying within his domains in 1260, and his successors for the most part maintained the ban.
Equipment
[edit]
It is a debated issue as to what extent specialized arms and armor were used in mêlée tournaments, and to what extent the military equipment of knights and their horses in the 12th and 13th centuries was devised to meet the perils and demands of tournaments, rather than warfare. It is, however, clear from the sources that the weapons used in tournaments were initially the same as those used in war. It is not by any means certain that swords were blunted for most of the history of the tournament. This must have changed by the mid 13th century, at least in jousting encounters. There is a passing reference to a special spear for use in jousting in the Prose Lancelot (c. 1220).[citation needed] In the 1252 jousting at Walden, the lances used had sokets, curved ring-like punches instead of points. Edward I of England's Statute of Arms of 1292 says that blunted knives and swords should be used in tournaments.[17]
Late Middle and Early Modern Ages
[edit]
The tournament had a resurgence of popularity in England in the reign of the martial and crusading king, Edward I (r. 1272–1307), and under his grandson, Edward III (r. 1327–1377), yet nonetheless the tournament died out in the latter's reign. Edward III encouraged the move towards pageantry and a predominance of jousting in his sponsored events. In one of the last true tournaments held in England (in 1342 at Dunstable), the mêlée was postponed so long by jousting that the sun was sinking by the time the lines charged.
A tournament took place in Norwich in 1350 which was attended by Edward III's son, commonly known as the Black Prince. The tournament, held at the expense of the citizens of Norwich, cost £37.4s.6d.;[18] approximately 5 years' wages for a skilled craftsman. The tournament survived little longer in France or Burgundy. The last known tournament at Bruges took place in 1379. That same year the citizens of Ghent rioted when the count of Flanders announced a tournament to be held at their city. The cause of their discontent was the associated expense for them.
By using costumes, drama, and symbolism tournaments became a form of art, which raised the expenses for these events considerably. They had political purposes: to impress the populace and guests with their opulence, as well as with the courage of the participants. Loyalty to a lord or lady was expressed through clothes and increasingly elaborate enactments. Tournaments also served cultural purposes. As the ideals of Courtly Love became more influential, women played a more important role in the events. Events often took place in honor of a lady, and ladies participated in the playacting and symbolism.
Edward III of England regularly held tournaments, during which people often dressed up, sometimes as the Knights of the Round Table. In 1331, the participants of one tournament all wore green cloaks decorated with golden arrows. In the same year at a tournament at Cheapside, the king and other participants dressed as Tartars and led the ladies, who were in the colors of Saint George, in a procession at the start of the event. Edward III's grandson, Richard II (r. 1377–1399), would first distribute his livery badges with the White Hart at a tournament at Smithfield.[21]
Mythology and storytelling were popular aspects of tournaments. An example of this is the tournament in 1468 that Duke Charles the Bold of Burgundy organised to celebrate his marriage with Margaret of York. The tournament was supposedly at the bidding of the 'Lady of the Hidden Ile'. A golden tree had been erected with all the coats of arms of the participating knights. They were dressed like famous figures from legend and history, while their squires were dressed as harlequins. A notable example of an elaborate costume was that of Anthony of Luxembourg. Chained in a black castle he entered the lists. He could only be freed with a golden key and approval of the attending ladies.[22]
In Florence, the military aspect of the tournaments was secondary to the display of wealth. For a tournament honoring his marriage to Clarice Orsini in 1469, Lorenzo de' Medici had his standard designed by Leonardo da Vinci and Andrea del Verrocchio. He also wore a large amount of jewelry, including the famous Medici diamond 'Il Libro'.[23]
Royalty also held tournaments to stress the importance of certain events and their nobility's loyalty. King Henry VII of England and his queen Elizabeth of York presided over a series of tournaments when their infant son Henry became Duke of York in 1494. These tournaments were noted for their display of wealth. On the first day, the participants showed their loyalty by wearing the King's colors on their bodies and the Queen's colors on their helmets. They further honored the royal family by wearing the colors of the King's mother, Margaret Beaufort, on the next day.[24]
In 1511, at the court of King Henry VIII of England, a tournament was held in honor of the king's wife Catherine of Aragon. Charles Brandon came out of a tower which was moved onto the battlefield, dressed like a pilgrim. He only took off his pilgrim's clothes after the queen had given him permission to participate.[25] In 1559, King Henry II of France died during a tournament when a sliver from the shattered lance of Gabriel Montgomery, captain of the Scottish Guard at the French Court, pierced his eye and entered his brain. The death of Henry II caused his 15-year-old son Francis II to take the throne, beginning a period of political instability that ultimately led to the French Wars of Religion.
Spanish knights in the 16th century also practised a team fight known as the "cane game".[26] In Spanish Italy, tournaments could include an equivalent gioco de canne.[27]
The decline of the true tournament, as opposed to the joust, was not a straightforward process, although the word continued to be used for jousts until the 16th century - forced by the prominent place that tourneying occupied in popular Arthurian romance literature.
See also
[edit]
Pas d'Armes
Horses in the Middle Ages
Knight
Melee
Historical medieval battles
Mock combat
Hastilude
Battle of the Nations
References
[edit]
Bibliography
[edit]
J.R.V. Barker, The Tournament in England, 1100–1400 (Woodbridge, 1986) ISBN 0-85115-942-7
R. Barber and J.R.V. Barker, Tournaments: Jousts, Chivalry and Pageants in the Middle Ages (Woodbridge, 1989) [ISBN missing]
J. Bumke, Höfische Kultur: Literatur und Gesellschaft im hohen Mittelalter (Munich, 1986) English Translation by Thomas Dunlap: Courtly Culture: Literature and Society in the High Middle Ages, New York: overlook Duckworth, 2000, ISBN 0-7156-3273-6, section 4.3 "Tournaments".
Louis Carolus-Barré, 'Les grand tournois de Compiègne et de Senlis en l'honneur de Charles, prince de Salerne (mai 1279)', Bullétin de la société nationale des antiquaires de France (1978/79) [ISBN missing]
Crouch, D (2005), Tournament, London .
Mortimer, Ian (2008), The Perfect King The Life of Edward III, Father of the English Nation, Vintage, pp. 88–89
S. Muhlberger, Jousts and Tournaments: Charny and Chivalric Sport in the Fourteenth Century (Union City, Calif.:The Chivalry Bookshelf, 2003) [ISBN missing]
——— (2005), Deeds of Arms: Formal Combats in the Late Fourteenth Century, Highland Village, TX: The Chivalry Bookshelf .
Murray, Alan V.; Watts, Karen, eds. (2020). The Medieval Tournament as Spectacle: Tourneys, Jousts and Pas d'Armes, 1100-1600. Woodbridge, UK: Boydell and Brewer. ISBN 9781783275427.
S. Nadot, Rompez les lances ! Chevaliers et tournois au Moyen Age, Paris, editions Autrement, 2010. (Couch your lances! Knights and tournaments in the Middle Ages) [ISBN missing]
E. van den Neste, Tournois, joutes, pas d'armes dans les villes de Flandre à la fin du moyen âge, 1300–1486 (Paris, 1996) [ISBN missing]
M. Parisse, 'Le tournoi en France, des origines à la fin du xiiie siècle, in, Das ritterliche Turnier in Mittelalter: Beitrage zu einer vergleichenden Formentund verhallengeschichte des Rittertum, ed. J. Fleckenstein (Göttingen, 1985) [ISBN missing]
J. Vale, Edward III and Chivalry: Chivalric Society and its Context, 1270–1350 (Woodbridge, 1983). [ISBN missing]
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[
""
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[
"Contributors to NoPixel Wiki"
] |
2024-07-12T14:06:28+00:00
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Chang Gang (CG) is an organized crime syndicate founded on August 17th, 2017. Said to be the most powerful gang in Los Santos, they usually gain power by way of force and influence. CG has a large footprint in the criminal underworld, assisted by their consistent flow of money and weapons. Other...
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en
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https://static.wikia.nocookie.net/nopixel/images/4/4a/Site-favicon.ico/revision/latest?cb=20240114113957
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NoPixel Wiki
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https://nopixel.fandom.com/wiki/Chang_Gang
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Jan 29th 2024 - Vinny vs Mary turns into CG vs the Guild/Mosley’s
Mary Mushkin and the Guild hired Hydra, to kidnap Joseph Arrowhead and bring him to her. They cut off his pinky after killing him. After a few weeks, Vinny got a few calls from Yaeger, threatening him, upon which Vinny goaded him. After Mr. K woke up, Vinny called to speak with him as soon as possible. At the meeting, Vinny explained the situation, where Mary and the Guild were targeting Popular and Arrowhead regularly to cause problems for their shop. Mr. K agreed to help Vinny for a hefty payment of $20,000 to teach Mary a lesson, so they got started, Mr. K and Ramee hid outside Mosleys repair shop to surveil it. They eventually resorted to burning down Mary's home. They sent the picture to Irwin Dundee, who posted it to Twatter, telling all of them, "Dundee did this." While watching the house, Mr. K and Ramee spotted Yaeger and tried to hold him up. When Mr. K did so, he was ambushed by five others in Yaeger’s group and downed. They planted the gun on him. When the cops arrived on scene, they checked him for gunshot residue, and came back negative. They then proceeded to frisk him, and found the gun. He was then taken to MRPD, and while they turned him loose for some time, Captains Leonardo Slacks and Brooke Ruth, and Mr. Karen and Ramee met outside and had a few arguments over conduct. After leaving MRPD, Mr. K got the gang together, and told them that he was out for blood for The Guild and Mary Mushkin, and they should target them whenever they saw them.
He was later arrested and put to a bench trial. He was sentenced to some months in prison at Bolingbroke Penitentiary, but was able to bargain for an enclave from the city, which he dubbed ‘K-town’. He set up a Prison Bus Blockade to prevent all entry from PD. He eventually opened it up to host Maximilian Thoroughbred and Siobhan Fitzpatrick’s wedding on January 30, 2024, presided over by Alan Crane. After the wedding, he was chased while driving a bus by Leo Slacks, and was eventually caught after getting blocked by other buses driven by PD, hence ending the first ever vehicle PD chase inside the prison.
Febuary 1st 2024 - K's Vengeance continues
Mr K woke up, and was immediately on the warpath again; After doing his daily chores of collecting rent; K eventually got a call from Vinny, that he was talking to a cop about a report against people attacking Popular; Vinny told K that Slacks was at popular (no one else heard), to which K hung up, and immediately headed to the repair shop fully disguised. After smashing Slacks' car when he arrived, he walked up to the Popular office and intimidated everyone there; no one recognized him (Vinny did not acknowledge that he knew who it was), he then "left"
Instead of leaving, K jumped into Slacks' trunk secretly, he stayed hidden for a number of minutes until Slacks was alone and parked; He jumped out and shot him in the head 4 times, then ran away. Slacks was taken to teh hospital, where he was repaired; he had a face full of bandages, and was walking with a Cane. The police found Dundee's blood on scene (likely from a prior event); but have no evidence of Mr Ks involvement.
After meeting up with Ramee; they proceed to mess around with Den and Cornwood, who are the only 2 patrolling officers; after some chases, they attempt to set them up at the Wind Turbine field, Den and Cornwood did not take the bait; and instead stayed in the city. Eventually, Cornwood got annoyed that they were the only patrolling officers; he went off-duty, and proceeded to run into Juno outside of MRPD. Cornwood spoke his thoughts about how PD is failing, who should be the COP (turner), there should be 1 captain (slacks), and Ruth should be immediately fired; he particularly mentioned that PD is in shambles, and is on the verge of total collapse; Juno was less than pleased, and was slamming her steering wheel.
Mr K and Ramee end up meeting up with X and Benji, and they proceed to form a plan to have 2 cops come up north, and shoot and rob them. They eventually succeeded; having 2 cops come up North, one being Frost (who is on Mr Ks list). Benji was being bait at the scene, after a few moments, X runs up to try and stab the cops; after failing, K stands up and shoots both cops down instantly; X and Benji rob them and they successfully escape. The police found Benji's DNA on scene, as well as the bullet casings, but no other DNA linking others to the crime.
At one point, Ramee and K find themselves outside City Hall speaking to Juno; After again reiterating a lot of what Cornwood spoke to her about earlier, Juno was extremely mad, she was going to immediately go talk to the Mayor (max); as well as Nekoda and other council members about finding a way to hold PD accountable and attempt to fix the problem occuring.
Ramee, and K, meet up with X again, as well as Cornwood; they have a full blown ERP session to lighten the mood and enjoy the rest of the evening before bed.
During the week, Richard stalked Yeager and was downed multiple times, Ramee and Yeagar shanked each other at the hospital, Ramee knocked out Yeager at Legion square park, and multiple Mosley employees were killed.
Febuary 5th 2024 - The War comes to and End
After a week of hiding and back and forth, Yeager got tired of it and offered Mr.K anything to end it. Mr.K asked for 50k towards a Buffalo STX, to which Yeager was hesitant and made a counter offer of 30k. Mr.K remained firm on 50k however, and Yaeger relented by using all his 30k and getting the rest from Mary. Right after this deal was agreed to, Ramee ran over Yeager one last time as he was unaware of the situation, and Mr.K rolled up to take him to the hospital.
Mar 7th 2024 - CG rob 10F Terry
Ramee, JP and Taco pulled up to the hospital and spotted Terry Linkston in his 10F. Seeing Terry, Ramee started joking around with Terry, who he calls 10F Terry, and in doing so took 1500 jewellry parts out of his car before putting them back. However, when Ramee went into the hospital, he radioed Jean Paul and Taco telling them that Terry had jewellry in his car and to take it if they wanted to. Not really knowing who Terry was, Taco stole the jewels in front of Terry and put them into his own car before eventually driving away with JP. Terry thinking it was originally a joke asked for them back but once Taco and JP refused he realised he had been robbed. Terry then proceeded to follow the car to the Pawnshop where Taco and JP again refused to give the jewels back. Eventually Terry followed them to a gas station and again asked for the jewels back. Annoyed by Terry's persistence, Taco held Terry up with a gun and stole his car. Taco later returned the car to Grove Street undamaged.
As Terry realized he was not getting his jewels back, he started to call some other members of CG in hopes of sorting out the issue. He first called Ramee, who pretended that he had no involvement in the incident and asserted repeatedly that it was nothing to do with him, and that Terry should sort it out with JP and Taco. Terry then decided to call Mr. K, who was at this point running K-Town in Prison. On the phone, Mr K. came across disinterested in finding a resolution but said he would call Terry back once he had looked into it. Mr. K never ended up reaching out and at this point, Terry and the Manor came to the conclusion that CG did not respect them at all and and that they could not keep ignoring the robberies and disrespect they were showing them. After hearing about the incident, Sparky Kane decided that the Manor would go after Taco. The original plan was to catch Taco on his own, not harm him, but rob him for whatever he had on him, hopefully a gun.
On March 10th, after seeing that Taco had been selling lockpicks the past couple days, Matt, Ste, James, Terry, Kenny and Ricky devised a plan in which Matt would meet Taco to buy a lockpick, and then they would all swoop in and rob him. Unfortunately, due to miscommunication, the initial attempt to rob Taco failed as Matt's deal for the lockpick was completed before the others had time to set up. However, during the deal, Matt had heard that Taco and the group he was with were headed to the meat processing facility as they had just been hunting. The Manor therefore decided to lay an ambush for the group as they came out the facility. Ste and James were positioned on the highway above with the guns, and the rest swarmed in to hold CG up as they left the facility. Unfortunately, as Terry tried to hold up Taco, Vinny pulled out his gun. Ste and James seeing this shot Vinny down and as a result all hell broke loose. In the chaos, Ste shot Peanut and Terry hit Taco with a wrench. As Terry was moving Taco to rob him, Hazel then came up behind them and knocked him and Kenny out, after which Ste and James shot her down. Zolo, who hid as soon as the ambush started, then came back and hit Ricky, before again being shot down by STE. After escaping from the cops, with the majority of the bodies the Manor robbed 3 guns from Peanut, Taco and Vinny.
After everyone had received treatment at the Hospital, Vinny, Taco, Zaceed and Peanut had a meeting with Terry, Ste, James and Matt to talk about the situation and how to resolve it. In the meeting, Taco said that during the initial robbery he had no idea who Terry was, but revealed that it was Ramee that had told him to rob him, so he did. After some back and forth, Vinny and Taco offered to end it there and then by returning Terry's jewels in trade for getting the guns back. Unsure about what to do and another retaliation, the Manor refused the terms and said they would not return anything until Mr. K and Sparky had met the next day to talk about it.
K got told about the CG and Manor conflict and he ran into Matt at the Fleeca bank and held him up. SK arrived at the bank and asked to have a talk later but K wanted it then and there. Vinny walked into the bank, which gave SK the chance to hold him up and gain leverage. K agreed to let Matt go and have a talk later, if Vinny is let go, so both sides walked away.
A group meeting between Chang Gang and the Manor was held in the centre of Grove Street. After a lengthy back and forth between Mr K. and Sparky, Sparky made it clear that he would not be returning the guns as he was unable to trust the word of CG following the spate of robberies and other incidents. Angered by this, Mr K stabbed Sparky and the other 10 Chang Gang members present managed to take down the 6 Manor members (Sparky Kane, Terry Linkston, Matthew Antov, James Malding, Gigi Costello, and Ricky Lafleur). On the orders of Mr K., the downed Manor members were loaded into the back of their vehicles and taken to the Oil Fields. Mr K. then informed Sparky and the others that they were in possession of 4 PD Glocks and were intending to plant them on their bodies if they did not now come to a compromise. Having spoken to Solomon Walker earlier on in the day, Sparky knew the legislation was worded in a way that would almost certainly lead to successful charges of upwards of 100k and a raid of their main property, which was in Sparky's name. After consulting with the others, he realised that this plant would also result in them losing the 3 guns they stole anyway, as they were carelessly stashed in some of their apartments. Strong-armed by Mr K., Sparky eventually agreed to return the 3 firearms in trade for the original jewels stolen from Terry as well as assurances from Mr. K himself that none of CG would rob members of the Manor or continue the conflict, and that they would look to strengthen their relationships. Mr K. also offered reduced rates on Magazines, Ammo and Lockpicks, whether for the intents of purchase or re-sale.
Mar 18th 2024 - Tensions with Lang Buddha
On the 9th of March, Lang protects Santana while Chris King is at the yard. Lang makes fun of his blue hair, calls him Ninja. Chris calls Lang Mr. Miyagi, and drives off. Lang wants to rob Chris, but Santana tells him that Luci and others have robbed him before.
March 18th-
Lang and Luci spot Larry outside Aunties house, they pulled up. Larry, Jamal, Chris King and a few other people were at the house, Lang talked shit to Chris, Chris talked shit back, Lang said he's gonna shoot him, left to get a gun, came back and shot him.
Ramee arrived before Lang and pressed Lang for shooting Chris, not understanding that there was context missing. Lang survived a swing, but Luci went down in the scuffle. Lang left in Kaz's car, but bled out by the MP house, where Harry eventually arrived and picked them up. Harry waits with Lang and Luci to call doctors they know, but nobody seems to be awake. Lang doesn't want to rush to the hospital incase CG or the cops are there, especially since he's GSR positive.
They finally go to the hospital, get patched up, and head back to the MP house. Lang says he would never let a person like Chris King talk shit to him without him doing something about it.
K calls and asks for Lang's story, Lang gives the minor details and repeats the fact that he didn't know Chris King was with CG, but he wouldn't back down from a 'no-balls'. Lang tells the boys again, before heading to bed.
The next day, K calls Lang to meet, Lang calls up Harry, Luci, and Arush for the meeting. Lang and Harry head over to the meeting with K at the Cypress spot.
K asks Lang about what happened, saying that Chris wouldn't have been shot if CG was there - the same goes for his group. Lang argues that CG shoots everyone in Lang's crew, K pops the trunk and threatens a kidnapped sanitation worker (Ash), and threatens that Harry might lose a knee cap. Lang says that he'll shoot Chris again, he has no issue with it. K turns the conversation towards material prices, asking Lang if he would consider lowering the price. Lang doesn't think anyone will work sanitation anymore if they lower the buying price, K takes the sock out of Ash's mouth and she confirms what Lang is saying.
K gets a full break down of sanitation, K asks Lang to team up so they can lower the price. Lang says that his workers aren't around as much after being robbed everyday, and the other jobs in the city pay more now. K asks Harry what he wanted to talk about the other day, but Harry says it's unrelated so he wants to do it another time. K asks Lang if they're moving guns and extendos, but Lang tells him Tony lost one they got from Polish gang. K circles the meeting back around to respect and materials, and offers enforcement on the price if they drop it.
Lang and K shake hands, K hands off Ash, and everyone leaves.
Later in the day, K calls back with a complete plan to hit other jobs to drive people back to sanitation, which should help lower the price back down. Lang says he'll talk to his people.
March 27th-
CG kidnap Luci, Vito, Tommy, and Alfredo while they are doing sanitation and take them to the airport docks.
March 28th-
Lang and Mr.K go at it on twatter, after Taco tweeted buying 6 for and Lang bumped it with 7 per.
March 29th-
Mr.K and Lang go at it again on twatter, with K trolling Lang saying he got a sanitation business approvedd, lang saying imitation is a form of flattery, and K responding with "I am the blueprint".
April 1st-
Ramee and Mr.K run into Lang and Luciano in their black van infront of Legion Square Bank. They proceed to taunt him by clutching their ballsack and making slapping sounds.
April 10th-
Mr.K threatens Lang after he threatens Kermy for selling materials for $4 per.
April 24th-
Martin radios in that he was robbed by Peanut at the Mirror Park gas station, Martin follows them and gives comms that Peanut's car got stuck heading into the canals. Lang and Tony head over, but Lang waits for more back up. Martin aggresses with his vehicle, but they shoot at his car. Lang hops out of his car and tries to find an angle, but stumbles after getting shot and goes down. Tony hides with Lang behind the car for cover, and shoots at someone, losing the fight and going down. Peanut and CG rob Lang and Tony of their guns and money, Luciano arrives and takes out two people, but goes down in the car. Martin intervenes and bumps the CG vehicles. Cops chase CG as Vito arrives and confirms that Lang and Tony are down. The cops GSR test Lang, Tony and Martin who are downed, as well as the other CG members that are there. They deal with local scuff, so they move to a triage in the casino parking lot. The cops finally take everyone to the hospital to recover. Officer Shiesty takes Lang's statement: He was shot and robbed by Peanut and his hench-people, they stole his legal gun, 11k in cash, and magazines. Lang wants to press charges on every single person involved. Martin arrives and adds to the statement providing Peanut's legal name and stating that he was 'mistaken for the mayor'. The officers let them leave, Martin confirms that he lost the original 21k for the money run. Mary shows up after the police leave and find Luci in the car, Clark circles back and they hand Luci off for Clarke to take him to the hospital. Lang heads over to talk to the cops about his gun, but a suspect in one of the cars interrupts them and shit talks Lang. Luci and Clark arrive, but they enter the hospital. Lang waits for them outside, Yuno drives by, K and Ramee hold up Lang and tell him to get in Zaceed's car. Saleem is with CG, but Luciano shoots Ramee. Luci and Clark shoot at CG, Lang runs back to the police screaming for help. Flash gets killed and Zaceed kills Luciano. Arush arrives and Lang tells him to take out CG. Zaceed chases and shoots down Luci, Clark gets shot down by the police. Peanut walks out of the hospital, Lang notices and points out that he's not cuffed, Lang thanks Saleem for helping him. Lang asks Slacks to handle the Peanut situation, and Slacks gets distracted by CG kidnapping Martin. Slacks doesn't stop them from driving off.
Lang leaves after being disappointed in the police, but calls Luci and Arush to check in. Arush picked Luci up after he got shot down, and is going to drop him off somewhere safe before coming back to get Lang. Lang runs into Larry who is coming out of the hospital, Larry threatens Saleem as he's being held up. Saleem stabs Larry outside the hospital.Ramee then kidnaps Marty, and K questions him about hacking CG before Maze Bank and twatting "sit". Marty denies the twat and says that he won't hack CG anymore. Ramee takes Marty's phone and sends some texts to other OB members.
May 15th -
Arush calls to let Lang know that he's going to hit the pushers on La Puerta (CG's turf) because he believes Peanut robbed the pushers. They pop by the prison to pick up Apple. Luci confirms that Tommy heard Peanut, they're not sure why CG is involved, but it seems like two different fights. They stop by the house to get Apple a gun, Gigi calls to inform Lang that Arush was getting picked up by CG from being down in Cypress. Bubbles tells Clark over the phone that Loco is at the hospital, not Arush. They think Gigi may have been confused. The boys pull up to Cypress and attempt to bait plan CG, Lang and others find overlooking positions, Apple stays on the road below. They wait for a very long time, but Lang sees a convoy of cops roll by, so he brings Luci over to 'have a meeting' so they don't look sus.
CG pulls up and the shooting begins, but Lang was talking to the voices and missed it. Lang, Luci, Vito, and Zeek regroup in the construction site, Lang tries to tell them to scatter. Lang sees someone on a roof and shoots them down, he heads to the corner of the site and calls Gigi for a pick up. She pulls up, Lang jumps down and into her car and they drive off. The cops watch Lang get into Gigi's car and chase after them, but Lang pulls over to get keys and swap seats. Conan recognizes 'Frank' from the shop earlier, but Lang flees.
May 16th -
Lang arrives at Frank's to take over a shift, Clark tries to leave. Lang is upset with Marlo and tries to fire him, but CG pulls up and takes Lang hostage. Ramee forces Lang into the trunk, they drive to the airport as Lang pings Luci and calls the cops from his phone. They use Lang as a hostage as they get to the airport roof, the cops begin shooting as Ramee goes down. Lang wants to know who the masked and voice changed person is (Suarez). Lang and Ramee chat basketball while they're waiting. Lang presses the masked person to see who he is, but 'The Terminator' shoots him.
Lang is on the ground for a long time while they chat about basketball, Lang makes fun of Vinny and tries to get the other members of CG to reveal the hidden person's identity. CG shoots down a few cops, but eventually the cops push and take everyone out. Lang and all the other downed people get escorted to the triage outside the airport building, some of the cops welcome Lang back (because he's been down so many times today).
Apr 6th 2024 - CG hit Maze Bank
Chang Gang's First Attempt at a Maze Bank Robbery
Squad:K, Ramee, Taco, Chris, Peanut, Zolo, and Jean Paul (X)
CG attempted to hit the Maze Bank today, after exploring the area around the bank they found a door with a keypad on it, generators in the canal entrance and the well known opening vent. They decided to send the RC car down the vent in reverse in the hopes of finding a code for the door, as no one has been able to figure out how to drive the RC car forward. The RC car got stuck in the vents and was unable to move. The boys decided to go explore the generators in the canal entrance which they were able to disable with a rather simple chopping hack. This unlocked a door that allowed to hit a electrical box which had a new hack that K got closest to solving with a 18/24. After failing this hack 3 times an alarm was triggered and the police were notified.
Attempt #3 of Maze Bank
About and hour prior to the Maze bank contract being purchasable CG started getting ready setting up boats and getting a car. They arrived at the bank with the getaway plan in place and got to work. When they arrived, X found out that with an electric car, you were able to drive the RC car forward, after voicing that it worked for him they checked the roof, but the vent would not open.
They started at the back door, they scanned the G6 PNY card and got a lock to open the back door, after 1 fail, K opened the door; inside the garage they found an inner door that also required a PNY card, but they did not have a 3rd, or could they find a 3rd by calling people. After searching around, they found the vault area, they are unable to open any of the gated doors, but they know where it is located. After being unable to find a card, and them hearing an alarm, they decide to rush to the sewer entrance to see if they can enter from there.
Ramee and X one shot both the generators at the door and they went inside, there they found that they were unable to hit the thermite hack. The 1 hour limit was over, after going up the ladder, they see a server hack which they assume is the next step, after searching around they find the other PNY door that they found in the other entrance. After learning that the heist is done they start to come up with ideas, Ramee thinking that if they have enough PNY cards, they will be able to sneak through the locked doors through those hacks and not have to go through the generator room in the sewers.
Attempt #4 of Maze Bank
Mr K woke up and saw that the Maze Bank heist was available, but they did not have enough BTC to hit it; after a few calls, and The Manor coming in clutch, they got enough btc and purchased the heist. After setting up for about 1 hour they started. They started with hitting the doors with the G6 PNY cards, after unfortunately failing once they got the first door, they then barely failed the inside garage door. They then learned that cops have arrived on scene and they need a hostage.
Mr K successfully completes the Thermite and both Ramee and Mr K get into the server room, they try to hit the server but they need a code. When searching for codes, Vinny went to the roof to see if the vent was open, to which it was not; perhaps they need to hit thermite and it opens for 10 seconds? They tried the multiple codes that they had available, but none of them work... the working theory is that they need to get into the security room which will have the code they need.
Mr K then went down the ladder, but set off the laser and the alarm went off. Peanut leaves before hitting the thermite to get a hostage and returns with 2 hostages for the bank, after some pressing from the cops they bring the hostages inside the bank doors. Ramee and Mr K escape through the boat in the canals, being chased by the cops, after beaching the boat, Ramee gets chased on foot to get picked up by Vinny on a bike. Mr K was not chased and was able to evade the cops. Vinny escaped rather easily, and after exchange of hostages Taco and Peanut were able to escape pursuit.
Attempt #5 of Maze Bank
During the day, Ramee and other CG members came in clutch and got 4+ PNY cards. After successfully hacking the 2 PNY doors, the boys arrive at the security room; here you are able to look at all the cameras in the Maze Bank (to see the door codes to open them via PC hack at the server); after learning they can see the codes, Mr K and Ramee head to the sewers to get to the Laptop hack, Mr K after failing the Thermite twice, clutched up the 3rd attempt, Ramee went up to the server room. Mr K went back toward the vault area, after telling Ramee the first code, he begins his first hack (seen below). A number of shapes pop up, they need to remember the shapes in each sequence and colors then input them in order, 4 successful inputs opens the door (only the door with the code). After successfully opening the first door, Mr K after some discussion with Taco and Tuggz, finds a thermite hack to take down lazers in the vault room. After getting into the 2 side rooms (without lazers blocking), they get around 60k.
With 30 minutes left to finish the heist, they open the last door, Mr K starts to hack the lazers inside the vault room, he needs to correctly match 28 instead of 24 earlier. This proves to be very difficult, and failed 5 times. With 20 minutes to go in the heist, they are in a rush to get to thermite; Peanut comes in clutch and gets 4 thermite from Future. Peanut rushes back to the bank, Mr K clutches the Thermite hack in 1 try, but they notice that there is an even bigger vault door in the back, there are 3 big bars above the door, 1 is green, 2 are red. Ramee thinks that you will be able to fingerprint the scanners by the door, as well as scramble stuff in the security room.
Mr K does the thermite again, after one fail he successfully does it, they use the fingerprint scanners on the 2 fingerprint readers; They need 4 codes per fingerprint scanner. You get the code from the security room, you are able to descramble a system to receive codes (tuggz, taco and ramee think this) When ramee goes back upstairs the server has locked down and they are unable to continue the heist. After discussing, They have 2 options moving forward; The security room cameras are able to give Ramee (laptop hack) a code for the last door; when the security people look at the camera, they see a scrambled code, once ramee completes the laptop hack the code descrambles. They need to enter 2, 4 digit codes into the fingerprint scanners to successfully enter the hack. They need to do this in coordination because there are lazers that turn back on at the fingerprint scanners. (Laptop Hack x2; and Vault, Money trays and Gold bars inside the last vault) The boys then escape with all the marked cash they could get; around 100k in Marked Bills.
Attempt #6 of Maze Bank
They get prepared outside the bank and get hostages, once everyone arrives, K calls Taco to start the heist; Mr K quickly hacks the tech spot to get the codes for the PNY cards; Ramee after failing twice to get warmed up ace's the 2 PNY card doors. Ramee and K head down to the sewers. Mr K starts the thermite, after failing once to get warmed up, he just gets the 2nd thermite, Ramee heads up to the server room, Mr K turns around and heads back to the main bank to go downstairs In the meantime, Peanut is with the 2 hostages, Vinny and Tuggz go to the security room, as they dont want to screenshot, they pre-write the codes to each door on a notepad in game. Once Ramee is at the server and ready he starts opening the doors, Ramee is on fire today, he has 1 shotted every hack since the 2 PNY card fails. While Ramee is hacking the doors, Mr K tries to do one of the 2 thermite hacks that are necessary, he just barely fails at 27/28. They open the doors and begin to get the loot from the side rooms. Vinny starts ferrying the loot upstairs while Tuggz and Ramee open doors, and Taco and K start to think about the plan of attack.... 16 minutes in, 44 minutes to go.
Tuggz had to go to sleep and wake back up due to scuff. During this, they were planning, K is gonna hit the thermite, Vinny and Tuggz will both watch the door; once he completes after 2 fails, they see the SAME code on the door; they tell this to Ramee. Ramee tries the laptop hack, it is a harder version of the original door hack (3 symbols instead of 2 per line) (See picture below). After Ramee fails the first try, Mr K wants to test the theory if there are different door codes, he tries the thermite again, after failing 3 times, he hits the thermite and Ramee gets the door code to hack; he barely failed the hack, they have to try again... After a few try's on the Thermite, the bank alarm goes off. Ramee escapes to the boat and finds 4 cops sitting there; Meta wise, the cops started going into the tunnels and set of the lazers and caused the boys to fail after 44 minutes. They escape with all the loot, similar numbers to the last time.
Attempt #9 and #10 of Maze Bank
After a quick fail for attempt #9 on the PNY card doors; they begin attempt 10. Crew: Mr K, Ramee, Peanut, Zaceed, Zolo, Arya Downstairs: K, Zaceed, Arya, Laptop: Ramee Sewer door: Peanut (believed to be the 3rd hack they are missing Camera's: Zolo Arya wakes up and they get ready to hit the heist... Mr K wants Arya to do the RC car, so they make sure she is able to use it... after some complication she is easily able to control it. Mr K goes to Tech Support to unlock the vent, and Arya begins her hacks... she gets both the easy pincracker hacks for the door codes... Ramee quickly aces the first PNY door, he fails the first hack on the 2nd door, but Aces the 2nd hack. Mr K, Peanut, and Ramee all head to the generator area,
while Zolo and Arya bring the van inside and get to the cameras. Ramee and Peanut both quickly do the generator hack, Mr K goes inside and gets ready for thermite... HE IS ON FIRE! he ACES that 24 thermite and Ramee goes upstairs; Zolo calls him to start giving codes and unlock the doors while Mr K heads back to the main bank and heads downstairs to begin the lower part of the heist... while Ramee is quickly hacking through the doors, Arya, Zaceed and K begin to collect the money in the side vaults. Approx: 15 minutes in; 45 minutes to go.... Now they test there theory of the door Peanut is at, opens when K hits thermite.
Mr K after a few fails, successfully hits the thermite, Arya and Zaceed go to hit the pincracker; BOTH succeed on their first try; Ramee unfortunately fails the laptop hack.... The important part, the door in the sewers DID NOT open for Peanut, he came back inside the bank and headed for Ramee for a second theory; they are going to look for a vent like the roof that opens once the Thermite is hit; They see 2 vents on either side of the vault room, they think that those will be one of the hacks; but they need to find the entrance.
2nd attempt, after 1 fail, K successfully hits the hack; The next idea for the 3rd hack area did not open, they look upstairs near the teller desk... K starts his 3rd try, while Peanut is waiting in the lobby area to see if the door opens, the door does not open, but Ramee thinks he spotted something at the desk near the G6 turn in NPC; Peanut heads back downstairs for Ks 4th time doing the thermite... They find that the Computer at the G6 worker when Mr K hits the thermite, you can bypass the vault security via that computer. Everyone gets geared up, they know all the hacks and how to get into the vault; they continue to try.... 38 minutes down.... 22 minutes left...
When they try the next hack, the bank alarm starts going off; They are unsure about how the lasers went off; Mr K went outside and saw a cop running around, he thinks it was the cops; Ramee didnt see a PD boat directly outside of the sewer entrance, after searching around, Ramee steals the PD boat; everyone escapes in cars/vans and they deposit the money in the house.... They are extremely disappointed that the alarm went off, but have no idea why... They have the entire heist figured out.
Attempt #14 of Maze Bank
Mr K, Ramee, Zolo, Zaceed, Arya, Tuggz.
After the usual hacking into the bank, they quickly get to the basement and open all the doors; After thermiting the downstairs 28 thermite, Arya, Zaceed, Ramee all 1 shot there hacks, Tuggz hits the computer and the vault opens. In a rush for time, as they think that the gold bar doors are timed before they cannot be opened.... Tuggz finds a hack for the Teller door in the main lobby of Maze Bank.... After Zaceed opens the door, they find 3 computers they have to hack (must hack all 3 of them); Ramee quickly does 2, Zaceed tries to do the last one and ACES the hack. THE CODES HAVE STOPPED!
Zolo tells Ramee the code to the gold bar door.... after a successful hack the doors open! Mr K quickly gets the gold bars, and a 9090 GPU blueprint. While everyone is looting, Mr K and Ramee have the idea of leaving the bank early with the BP and the Gold Bars. They are going to stash the loot and return to help the other 4 to escape cops. Cops arrive shortly after Mr K and Ramee leave; The cops say they will not pursue, they do not believe them, so are being safe.... Zaceed calls Mr K and says that he also escaped with gold bars.
The CG group collected 15+ gold bars of different weights, plus all the cash in the bank (approx 150k), as well as the 9090 GPU BP.
Mr.K called Bruce to let him know the news, and Bruce gave him a Speech of congratulations in return.
May 15th 2024 - CG war with Cypress/Lang Gang/Oldbois
May 14th -
Arush calls to let Lang know that he's going to hit the pushers on La Puerta (CG's turf) because he believes Peanut robbed the pushers. They pop by the prison to pick up Apple. Luci confirms that Tommy heard Peanut, they're not sure why CG is involved, but it seems like two different fights. They stop by the house to get Apple a gun, Gigi calls to inform Lang that Arush was getting picked up by CG from being down in Cypress. Bubbles tells Clark over the phone that Loco is at the hospital, not Arush. They think Gigi may have been confused. The boys pull up to Cypress and attempt to bait plan CG, Lang and others find overlooking positions, Apple stays on the road below. They wait for a very long time, but Lang sees a convoy of cops roll by, so he brings Luci over to 'have a meeting' so they don't look suspicous.
CG pulls up and the shooting begins, but Lang was talking to the voices and missed it, he almost kills Mr.K. Lang, Luci, Vito, and Zeek regroup in the construction site, Lang tries to tell them to scatter. Lang sees someone on a roof and shoots them down, he heads to the corner of the site and calls Gigi for a pick up. She pulls up, Lang jumps down and into her car and they drive off. The cops watch Lang get into Gigi's car and chase after them, but Lang pulls over to get keys and swap seats. Conan recognizes 'Frank' from the shop earlier, but Lang flees.
May 15th -
Lang arrives at Frank's to take over a shift, Clark tries to leave. Lang is upset with Marlo and tries to fire him, but CG pulls up and takes Lang hostage. Ramee forces Lang into the trunk, they drive to the airport as Lang pings Luci and calls the cops from his phone. They use Lang as a hostage as they get to the airport roof, the cops begin shooting as Ramee goes down. Lang wants to know who the masked and voice changed person is (Suarez). Lang and Ramee chat basketball while they're waiting. Lang presses the masked person to see who he is, but 'The Terminator' shoots him.
Lang is on the ground for a long time while they chat about basketball, Lang makes fun of Vinny and tries to get the other members of CG to reveal the hidden person's identity. CG shoots down a few cops, but eventually the cops push and take everyone out. Lang and all the other downed people get escorted to the triage outside the airport building, some of the cops welcome Lang back (because he's been down so many times today).
May 16th -
Lang puts down a new weapon rack, scuffs out, and comes back to the group heading to Cypress to protect Ilya from CG. Lang gets a radio and bitches out Arush for rushing. Lang regroups with everyone and circles around Cypress for a bit, Arush goes down and claims he was shot by a Tesla and confused it for Clark and Apple. Ilya doesn't have a gun, so he hops off radio, Martin joins. Lang gets Arush to the hospital to get patched up, he buys bandages and communicates with the boys while they wait. They get Sakura off the radio and call in Loco as a 6th. Martin picks up Loco, they need fuel and battery recharge, so they go to Vinewood.
Loco waves around his gun in the car, the cops pull up and press Clark and Apple for the local calling in the gun. Lang tells them to Karen they're way out of it. The cops turn to Martin and Loco who are nearby, but they eventually get into a chase. Lang and Arush go to pick up a lockpick and Lang grabs a boat. Lang picks up Loco and Martin and escapes the cops, heading over to Clark and Apple at Chumash, but decides to double back and meet Arush at the docks for the car. Martin heads to Mosley's to get his car, they convoy with him to help. Martin's car is at the old redline garage, so they pick it up. Lang compliments Martin's car (it's really nice and a cool colour). They run into CG at Taco Bomb, across the street of Snr Buns. Clark and Apple get pinned down, Martin get's taken out, Lang takes down someone and Loco finds Bobby Brown and takes him to Rockford Plaza to rob. The cops arrive, Lang tries to spin back for Clark and Apple, but they are down. Peanut gets arrested.
May 17th -
Tanner tells Lang about CG convoying around the hospital. While dealing with a large rush of customers, Liya returns and tells them to close the gate, but Lang get's shot down. A few of the workers get shot and trapped behind the counter as CG airs out the food court. John takes Lang to the car and Nekoda let's him take Lang to the hospital. Lang gives his statement to the cops that arrive at the hospital. Lang and Luciano press Chris King as he's leaving the hospital. Peanut and Ramee do most of the damage, Ramee goes down to Locco at the end. Mr.K shoots Larry outside the hospital and dumps him and sneaky off a bridge.
Teddy calls to get 60k, but Lang wants to hand off 250k. Teddy agrees to meet at the MP house, Lang and Liya wait there for him. Lang calls Luci and Ilya to help guard them, just incase. Lang hands off the money and tells Teddy to get out of there asap. Luci notes that Lang paid Teddy in the notes downstairs. Lang, Liya, and Luci load into the car, and mere seconds pass before the CG convoy pulls up and shoots them all down. Ramee pulls Lang over the bush next door and robs him, the cops arrive and don't find Lang for a while.
Tanner helps patch everyone up and they get taken to the hospital. Lang and Luciano give their statements, Lang asks for the gun that was kept for more than 30 days, the cops will look into it. Lang heads back outside, and talks shit to CG who is waiting for K who went down in a car accident. Lang 911s that CG is outside, he asks why the cops aren't chasing them, but they say they'll 'look into it'.
CG shoot down a couple more cypress pushers, and another one of Marty's crew near the casino.
Luci wants to try and end things with CG, Lang doesn't care to try. Lang tells Luci that he can try to do it, but Luci thinks he isn't respect like Lang is. Lang tells him that he should try anyways, because they are equally leaders. They argue about it, Lang tells Luci to try right now. Harry goes to get K's number, but he doesn't have it. Luci tells Lang about Leon finding CG's warehouse. Lang doesn't care, Luci argues about being shut down every time he has information, but Lang stresses if they're trying to end things or shoot them still. Luci gets K's number from Pigeon and calls, K doesn't want to talk to anyone but Lang. Lang presses Luci to be more assertive, Luci calls back and says that he's a leader and can communicate on behalf of all the people at Cypress.
K calls back with demands: Ramee wants a free meal for his YouTube channel, Peanut wants to work at Frank's, even as a mascot, to stop hacking CG, and to stop snitching to the cops. Luci tells him he'll speak to his people and decide. Luci repeats the terms to Lang and Harry. They want to be hopeful, they don't think it'll work out though. Luci calls back and offers the counter offer, Lang doesn't want to wait around to settle things, so he heads to bed.
June 12th 2024 - CG rob the Art Asylum
Chang Gang's First Attempt at Art Asylum Robbery
Crew: Mr K, Vinny, Ramee, Zolo, Zaceed, Peanut
After waking up and doing there usual thing, the boys find that the new Art Gallery Heist is coming off cooldown, K tells Ramee to go to the computer and purchase the heist, as they have 2 hours to prepare anyway. They Gather a crew together, and begin trying to hit the heist.
Mr K calls Bobby to get ready to start the heist on the computer, Vinny, Ramee, K, and Zaceed go and try to figure out a direction to the heist. They think there will either be something with the wire connections, one of the doors on the side, or starting in the sewer. After Vinny takes Ramee to the hospital to get him up, K calls Bobby to start the heist... Immediately they notice that there is a noise level meter, they need to talk quietly, and walk slowly to make sure they dont set off any alarms. After searching inside and around the building, they find a door with a keypad to hack. K talks to the boys, and calls Ramee to the door to try and open it... He tries the hack, it is the PNY card hack from Maze Bank, after failing, the Alarm level goes up slighty, looking like a natural fail mechanic for the entire heist... After 2 tries, Ramee aces the hack, they enter a small room with printers and computer, and 2 doors with keypad hacks, after chatting with Ramee for a bit, Ramee does the hack where they find another hallway with a few numberpads doors... Ramee aces another Memory keypad, and they enter a security rooms with Camera's etc. There are 13 total camera's they can look at, all over the Gallery, they learn they can open the garage, there are lower rooms, vaults, auction house, elevators, stairs etc. After searching through the camera's, they are able to hack the noise sensors within the rooms, K tries to hack one, where its a variation to the Roof Running hack, you need to make all the colors the same color instead of maek them disappear... It seems that the Alert level slowly goes down. After playing with the Camera's and K trying to disable some noise sensors, they start searching elsewhere. Ramee and K head to the sewers to check if there are other things they can access... Zaceed is there and they try to take out the generator, it is the same hack as the sewers/wifi. Zaceed/Ramee, after getting tazed a few times, disable the generator. They find a grate at the bottom, that is openable, but they need to figure out how to open it.... after searching around, they try a few ideas to no luck... eventually the Alert level spikes once, then a second time to set off the alarm. They continue to search around a few times, Ramee finds a door and they start escaping. Cops are pretty quick on scene... Ramee goees and talks to them and starts to delay for everyone to escape. Ramee and K start driving away in a big truck, the cops end up blowing up and they escape for a bit, until the cops get back on them. After a chase and a few switches and solo escapes.
Attempt #2 of Art Asylum
Crew: Mr K, Ramee, Vinny, Peanut, Zolo, Arya
After getting set up, Mr K calls the crew at the computer to start the heist. Ramee gets started on the door, After 2 tries, Ramee aces the hack and opens the first door to access the Gallery. Ramee quickly heads into the hallway, after asking Arya to keep an eye for any doors to hack, he hacks the Camera room door, 1 shotting it. Peanut, Zolo, and Arya, stay upstairs in the gallery; while Ramee, K, and Vinny head down into the sewers. When Vinny heads down into the sewers, he sees a masked up person heading down there. After a quick interaction, he finds out it was OB/Larry crew, he notices that 2 of the scuba tanks were missing. Larry quickly calls Vinny apologizing, they return shortly later to bring the scuba tanks back. While Mr K comes back from a headpop, Peanut, Zolo, and Arya work on hacking things via the camera's, They were able to successfully hacking some of the camera hacks, they are not sure what they do yet. Ramee finally arrives in the sewers, where he hacks the generator hack (wifi), after successfully doing the hack, K returns and heads down into the sewers. After heading through the door and checking (in the sewers), Vinny has the idea to check the Water treatment plant, after breaking a leg, he wobbles his way over there.... The valves that they saw yesterday, appeared once again, and he calls the boys (Common Vinny W ). Ramee heads over and finds out they need to hack Thermite, calling Mr K. After finding out they dont have to be careful about noise level when outside of the bank, K heads over and tries the Thermite... it is much more difficult, needing 30 points, with a timer of around 25 seconds. This is extremely difficult, after a few tries, K does the hack, but the water level goes down. So he tries to hack it a few times, but they are unable to get the water level to go higher than normal. After searching around the heist, and trying some hacks, the alarm goes off after 1 hour and they are forced to retreat.
Attempt #3 of Art Asylum
Crew: Mr K, Ramee, Zaceed, Zolo, Tuggz, Peanut
After starting the heist, Ramee begins the G6 Door hacks, after a few fails, he completes both hacks and opens the doors to the camera room. K and Ramee then head outside to head to the water treatment plant to begin the very difficult thermite hack, they are going to try and hit them both at the same time. Zaceed also radios that he has successfully hacked the generator in the sewers and gained access to the sewer drain. While Ramee and K try to complete the thermite hacks, Peanut and Zolo are inside at the computer, they are trying to hack various things and look for things inside the Gallery area. Peanut is able to easily do the color hacks, to turn off something they do not know yet (possibly a spotlight?) He was able to target a Noise scanner, but it was the wifi hack, which he is unable to do. After a few tries, K aces his hack, the water levels didnt change; after doing the other hack, they notice it hasnt changed again, so Zaceed and K start trying to hit it together.... After they try for a while, but unable to complete the hacks together. Tuggz asks someone to bring him a torch so he can try to do the grate hack.... Zaceed heads over, while K keeps trying the Thermite. After K and Zaceed try a few more times, the boys run out of thermite, and head back to the heist. They have confirmed that they need to hit both the thermite together, Zaceed now knows a better strategy for completing the thermite, leaving hope for next time. Heading back to the Art Gallery, they meet up with Tuggz to explore more.
Attempt #4 of Art Asylum
Crew: K, Ramee, Vinny, Tuggz, Zolo, Arya After a hiccup when starting the heist, they begin... Ramee quickly 1 shots both the g6 doors, Vinny and Tuggz head to the sewers, and K and Ramee head over to water treatment to try and hit the thermite. After failing Thermite a bunch of times, they run out and the heist is over for this try.
Attempt #5 of Art Asylum
Crew: K, Ramee, Vinny, Zolo, Arya, Chris
After starting the heist, Ramee quickly hits both the G6 Doors. Zolo and Chris head inside to the camera room. Vinny gets pulled over by the cops that are teaching on his way back to the Art Gallery. Ramee then heads into the sewers and does the Generator hack to let them into the sewer grate room. Mr K and Ramee head over to the water treatment plant to start trying the thermite. After the cops eventually let Vinny go, he heads back to the bank while the impound the stolen car. After a few tries, they both complete the hack at the same time... Vinny heads into the grate area and tries to do the Grate hack to see what it is... the good news is that Vinny didn't die, and he was able to see the hack... Ramee and K head over, and peak over his shoulder to see the hack. Vinny tries the hack a few times, he is actually half decent at a hack, after 4 or 5 tries, he explodes.... Ramee and K try the hack a few times, but did not explode yet.... they Call Arya.... K and Ramee both end up dieing, Arya arranges for K and Vinny to be taken to the hospital, while others continue to do the hacks. The Fish hack is not extremely difficult, but after a number of tries, it seemed that they were exploding after 1 fail... You are supposed to click the correct side of the middle fishy... see below for an image. After getting Smoked by Fishies Ramee and Arya both have a pretty good understanding of the hack and are confident they can do it... Vinny though not doing it entirely properly, will likely learn to do this hack. After a 10 - 12 tries, K is able to hack the grate, he heads further into the tunnel... to see another grate to hit... he gets to 29/30 but then fails and blows up, letting Arya to come and 1 shot it. They take K to the hospital, while the rest start waiting for him... both grates are open now, Ramee heads forward and finds another generator hack. Ramee finds out that they need to loser the water level back down, so after getting K up at the hospital, they head over to the water treatment facility once again, after 1 hack, the alarm goes off at the bank.
Attempt #6 of Art Asylum
Crew: K, Ramee, Arya, Peanut, Zolo, Paris
After the usual opening, Mr K and Ramee head to the water treatment plant, they only fail a few times before raising the water level.... Arya goes WARYA mode, she quickly does both the grate gold fish hacks to get them to the point they were yesterday. Mr K and Ramee both 1 shot there thermite to lower the water level back down and head into the sewers to meet up with Arya. After Ramee opens the generator, Mr K heads upstairs into the Gallery... he tells Peanut that this is likely where they gonna need the camera's, after some chatting, they start hacking the camera's and leading K across the room. Mr K comes across an auction house room, where he finds an "elevator unlock" button, and an elevator in the room next door. He presses the button to find that the elevator opened. After exploring some more, they find another door, Ramee gets called into the heist and lead across the room to K, they find that its a Fingerprint scanner hack, this allows them to enter an office with a safe and a decryption computer. They quickly hit the safe and learn that the decryption computer is similar to Maze Bank Laptop hack. Mr K continues to explore and he finds a 2nd fingerprint hack door, this one has 5 numbers and althought K was close, he admits he is to forgetful to do the hack consistently.... This tells them they need Arya. After getting through the door, they try to open the Vault door, but the alarm goes off.
Attempt #7 of Art Asylum
Crew: K, Ramee, Arya, Zolo, Bobby, Ellie
K and Ramee get the crew together, and make sure everyone joins the group, they head over to the bank and prepare to start the heist. They start the heist, Ramee quickly does the 2 g6 doors and they head over to the thermite. Arya and Bobby have some trouble doing the Generator hack, so they call Ellie down, who quickly 1 shots the hack. Ramee and K quickly start there Thermite, they ace the hacks and raise hte water level. Arya 1 shots the first grate, and then quickly does the second grate. Ramee and K 1 shot the Thermite once again to lower the water back down. and head back to the bank.... Zolo and Ellie are on the camera's, Zolo is explaining what to do while everyone heads to there spots for the rest of the heist. Ramee and K head through the tunnel with Arya and head upstairs into the Gallery. Zolo and Bobby do the hacks on the cameras to move them along to the elevator room and the Curator's office. Ramee tries the Fingerprint scanner hack, but they need Mother Arya, so they get her and complete the hack, they head into the office. They clear the office and go ahead and unlock the safe and get ready for the laptop hack. After opening everything up, they look around for something new that they will have to do to get into the vault room. Ramee hits the laptop, Arya does the fingerprint hack, while people are set up in different spots to check for buttons to press... After doing the hacks, K notices that there are 2 computers that he can decrypt again, they are the colored squares, the same as the lights/noise sensors. They head back into position to hit it one more time... Bam, they all aces their hacks and the vault opens, the light turns on, everyone goes to grab what duffle bags that they have and fills them up with all the money, goes into the van/car trunks. CG complete the heist. Loot: 342k and 2 Art Pieces. Art Pieces price has not been found.
June 2024 - ADMC snitches?
June 20th -
CG find out Ziggy is snitching to the PD, and that the ADMC attacked Ursula. Chang Gang sends their quiet member Richard Woytkiw into the Yard to secretly plant a spy camera. The ADMC catch him, take his phone and ID, and Shang slices him up. In retaliation, CG kidnaps and shoots down Benny exiting the hospital. Then they chase and shoot down four ADMC by the City Vault. Sean negotiates with Mr. K to trade Richard's phone for Benny's but the deal is not finalized.
June 21th -
CG rob two ADMC members, run their pockets, read their phones, and beat them down.
June 23th -
Simmering tensions between CG and the ADMC over TJ's murder erupt into war when Shang is kidnapped by Mr. K, interrogated in the Vagos torture room, then shot by a firing squad and thrown off the same cliff Barry pushed Ursula off of five days prior. Barry rallies the club and goes hunting in Vespucci for CG. This ends in a major shootout in CG's La Puerta turf against nine CG members and their associates. The ADMC take down seven of them before being overcome. Ellie takes out the final ADMC member.
June 24th -
Day two of the ADMC vs. CG war involves a lengthy shootout in the gray carpark outside Snr. Buns. Ed takes first blood by shooting Ramee down, but Mr. K and Zolo successfully make the final push on Barry and Ed. Barry loses his big toe.
June 25th -
CG robs Remedy and shoots down Ivy while they are laying low working Grime. When cops arrive on the scene, Remedy points out which car is shooting at them and tells the cops to chase after it. When HC finds out what she has done, they immediately call a Reaper vote and remove her as a prospect. The club shoot her at the Catfish View pier, filming it as proof they take care of snitches. Day three of the ADMC vs. CG war begins with a shootout in Lower Pillbox, where Patched member Jessi Adler guns down a three-man squad led by Ramee, with Nana wrenching Zolo. Later in Murrieta Heights a street fight breaks out when ADMC stops to fix a vehicle. Shang shoots down Mr. K and Ramee and the club picks off the rest, including Paris Argo. Barry declares they have avenged "TJ's honor" and the loss of his big toe. CG makes a late night push on the Aztecas block, but retreats after they see they are outnumbered. Later while hunting for CG, ADMC run across BBMC at LSIA, who open fire on them. ADMC wipe the BBMC squad, leaving them for police to find.
June 26th -
Day four of the ADMC vs. CG war has Ramee vowing vengeance against his "kryptonite" Jessi and forming a squad to hunt her. A shootout breaks out at Colorful Garage, with Finn and Jessi shooting down two of CG's squad before a police chase with Air-1 ensues. The club is discovered by CG while reconvening, and Ramee shoots everyone down but Jessi. To seek his thwarted revenge, Ramee sends his car into the prison and finally shoots her six times in the head in the cafeteria kitchen. While Jessi is in ICU, the club attempts to arrange a marriage between Jessi and Ramee to unite the houses.
June 27th -
Day five of the ADMC v. CG war involves a stealth campaign by CG to take out Ed and Kelly while they are doing a $67,000 money run in Paleto. Kelly headshots and downs Ramee before they are overwhelmed by CG's squad. Ed loses his gall bladder.
June 28th -
Day six of the ADMC v. CG war starts with a street fight in front of Snr. Buns again, this time in the lower car park. Jessi takes out her arch-nemesis Ramee, while Shang shoots down Franny and Barry domes Mr. K. In the middle of the fight, the Saints approach the scene and get winged by a bullet. They start popping off shots and down Lil Cap before retreating. The BBMC roll up and attempt to rescue Ramee, but retreat when the police arrive. As ADMC is retrieving bodies, the lone CG member up starts shooting, causing the cops to shoot back. In the chaos Kelly is downed. Cora rescues Barry before escaping with the rest of the club and one new Glockatron. Barry suggests to Ramee he go on a date with Jessi as an end term for the war. Negotiations fail.
June 29th -
A skirmish with CG ends in Jessi shooting down Hazel Luna and her associate Justin DeMarco at the ADMC block in front of cops. Shang takes Hazel to the hospital, but DeMarco, a known snitch, is left lying on the train tracks for the cops to retrieve.
July 3, 2024 - War Ends
July 1st -
The second week of the ADMC v. CG war dawns with Mr. K solo'ing ADMC block and taking out Shang and two other unarmed ADMC members. A second skirmish breaks out while resupplying, with Finn downing Chris King and Carmella Corset after Chris shoots Shang and Kelly in their car. Shang forms a war party to begin hunting, and a cat and mouse game across the city ends in the Jewelry District when CG and ADMC run into each other. Lil Cap manages to shoot down Curtis Swoleroid before the squad is downed.
July 2nd -
CG releases a diss track against ADMC and plays it at their block. They shoot down two unarmed ADMC members pushing weed. Benny later retaliates with Prospect Eddie Baker by robbing and downing Carmella and Paris, who keep using TJ's name in vain in Twatter posts.
July 3rd -
Lil Cap produces his own diss track with Jessi and sends it to CG. Mr. K calls and proposes an end to the war: help CG storm the courthouse following the failed impeachment proceedings against the mayor. Shang accepts the terms, saying the government failed TJ following his death and Max had the audacity to ask for a transplant of TJ's heart. After occupying the courthouse with over 50 other criminals, they convoy to MRPD and Kael Soze negotiates a truce with the Department of Justice.
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Artist Directory
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https://www.nationalarchives.gov.uk/help-with-your-research/research-guides/criminal-trials-assize-courts-1559-1971/
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Criminal court cases: assize courts 1559
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2015-03-20T14:54:02+00:00
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1. Why use this guide?
Use this guide for advice on how to find records of criminal trials held at the assize courts in England, from 1559 to 1971, and Wales, from 1831 to 1971. For information on Welsh trials...
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en
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The National Archives
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https://www.nationalarchives.gov.uk/help-with-your-research/research-guides/criminal-trials-assize-courts-1559-1971/
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1. Why use this guide?
Use this guide for advice on how to find records of criminal trials held at the assize courts in England, from 1559 to 1971, and Wales, from 1831 to 1971. For information on Welsh trials from 1543–1830, consult the National Library of Wales website. Their Crime and Punishment database contains records of criminal trials as well as other information relating to criminals, punishment and crime in Wales.
Assize courts tended to deal with the more serious criminal offences, although this was not always the case. Cases heard by assize courts typically included homicide, theft, rape and assault among other crimes.
Up to 1733 most assize court records are in Latin.
2. What were assize courts?
Assize courts were the foundation, along with the courts of quarter sessions, of the criminal court system in England and Wales up until 1971. Based in the main county towns in England and Wales, cases were only heard at the courts twice yearly, when judges from the higher courts in London visited and presided over cases.
Often known simply as ‘the assizes’, the courts originally dealt predominantly with property disputes, but their remit soon widened to include criminal cases as well as cases passed on from the central Westminster courts. By about the mid-13th century the courts were dealing with cases of:
homicide
theft (stolen goods were often under-valued as worth less than 12d to avoid making it a capital offence)
highway robbery
rape
assault
coining
forgery
witchcraft
trespass
vagrancy
recusancy
infanticide
Assize courts also heard civil cases, the records of which are covered in our civil assizes guide.
2.1 The timetable
For much of their history the assize courts sat twice yearly, for Lent and Summer assizes. Typically, Lent assizes, also referred to as Spring assizes, were heard in March/April and Summer assizes in July/August, although there could be variations. By the 19th century and into the 20th century the courts sat more regularly, with Spring, Summer, Autumn and Winter assizes.
2.2 Judges’ circuits
England and Wales were divided into judicial circuits, each circuit making up the areas covered by the visiting judges. Up until 1876 there were six circuits. They were:
Home, Norfolk and South-Eastern circuits
Midland circuit
Northern and North-Eastern circuits
Oxford circuit
Welsh circuits including Chester
Western circuit
3. Record types and the information they contain
Not all assize records have survived as the assize clerks sometimes destroyed them when they ran out of space. Earlier records are less likely to have been kept than later ones.
In terms of information about people, assize records, most commonly, give details of the accused. Typically this includes the name, occupation and place of abode of the accused, but some or all of this information can be unreliable as aliases were often used and other false details were given. The place of abode mentioned is often where the crime took place rather than where the accused lived.
3.1 Crown and gaol books (aka minute books or agenda books)
The best place to begin a search in the assize records is in the Crown and gaol books, also known as minute books or agenda books. These usually list:
names of the accused
charges against the accused
plea
verdict
sentence
There may be a separate series of minute books for offences such as the failure of local communities to keep local roads and bridges in a good state of repair. These kinds of ‘public office’ offences were considered criminal offences.
3.2 Indictments
These are the formal statements of the charge against the accused, usually annotated with plea, verdict and sentence.
Indictments were filed in large unwieldy bundles together with other related records, depending on the period and the circuit. Bundled in with indictment records you may also find details of jury panels, coroners’ inquisitions, examinations and depositions, gaol calendars, trial minutes, commissions, presentments of non-criminal offences and recognizances (which give names, parishes of residence and occupation and are usually far more accurate than those given on the indictments themselves).
Each indictment usually gives:
name of the defendant together with any aliases
his or her occupation
a parish of residence
the date of the alleged offence (by regnal year)
details of the alleged offence, together with the name of the victim
a list of prosecution witnesses
The details of the defendant should be treated with caution, especially before the late 19th century. The defendant’s occupation was normally given as ‘labourer’ and the parish of residence is invariably the parish in which the alleged offence took place. The alleged offence is defined by lengthy and formal phrases and some, especially in cases of serious misdemeanour, such as perjury or libel, are several membranes long.
Until 1916, assize indictments were either handwritten or partly printed and partly written on parchment. After 1916 all indictments were prepared using standard, usually pre-printed, forms. These give the jurisdiction and venue, the name of the defendant, the plea, a summary statement of the charge or charges and particulars of the charges.
3.3 Depositions and examinations
Depositions, sometimes known as sessions papers, consist of pre-trial witness statements. However, the survival rate for these records is relatively poor and those that do survive have been heavily weeded. Only depositions in capital cases, usually murder and riot, tend to survive.
Deposition files, especially those from the mid-20th century or later, may also contain items used as trial exhibits, including:
photographs
maps
appeal papers
3.4 Transcripts
Transcripts of what was actually said in court do not normally survive with the records held at The National Archives. A collection of contemporary pamphlet accounts of what was said in court during mostly celebrated trials for the period 1660-1908 is available on microfiche in the reading rooms at The National Archives.
The Old Bailey Online website provides detailed proceedings (although not complete transcripts of what was said) for trials at the London central criminal court.
3.5 Other records
Other assize records can include:
pleadings
statements of claim, defence and counterclaim
draft minutes of trials
correspondence of the assize clerks, mostly administrative
coroners’ inquisitions
jury lists
financial business including fees and costs
estreats (records of fines and forfeits)
4. How to search for records
As most assize court records remain available only in their original paper or parchment form (copies are not available online), to search for them and see them you will need to visit us at our building in Kew. Alternatively, if you can establish the record series and document references within the series, you can use our record copying service to have copies sent to you for a charge. Either way, you will need to follow these steps to locate records:
Step 1: Establish where and when the trial took place
If you do not know the date or at least the year of a trial and the county in which the trial took place, you may find your search hits a dead end very quickly. Consult our criminal court cases overview guide for advice on using newspapers, criminal registers and calendars to try to establish these facts.
Step 2: Decide which type of record to look for
Usually, the best place to begin a search in the assize records is the crown and gaol books. To decide which kind of record will be most useful for your research see the information on record types in section 3.
Step 3: Identify the record series
All assize court records at The National Archives are identified by the department code ASSI. You will also need a series number (each circuit has its own set of series) to narrow your search. To find the right record series refer to the keys in the appendices of this guide. For English counties use Appendix 1; for Welsh counties use Appendix 2.
By searching or browsing the right series you will hopefully find a piece number that covers the records of the trial in question. Once you have the piece number you can view the original records in person at The National Archives in Kew or pay for copies to be sent to you.
Appendix 1: Key to records of criminal cases in the English assizes 1559-1971
Click on the links in the table to search or browse through the respective series in our catalogue. See section 4 for detailed advice on how to search. For advice on whether to browse or search, see our Discovery help pages.
Of the pre-19th century depositions that have survived, most are from northern counties. Of the pre-19th century Midland circuit records, most that survive are from after 1818.
Bristol assize records prior to 1832 are held by Bristol Record Office.
In 1830 the palatinate of Chester (Cheshire) joined the assizes court system. Durham and Lancaster (Lancashire) merged into the assizes system in 1876. Prior to these years you will need to consult the Palatinate of Chester court records, the Palatinate of Durham court records or the Palatinate of Lancaster court records.
County Crown & Gaol Books Indictments Depositions Other Bedfordshire 1863-1876
1734-1863
1876-1945 ASSI 32
ASSI 33
ASSI 11 1658-1698
1693-1850
1851-1971 ASSI 16
ASSI 94
ASSI 95 1832-1876
1876-1971 ASSI 36
ASSI 13 ASSI 34, ASSI 38, ASSI 39, ASSI 15, ASSI 90 Berkshire 1657-1971
1847-1951 ASSI 2
ASSI 3 1650-1971 ASSI 5 1719-1971 ASSI 6 ASSI 4, ASSI 9, ASSI 10, ASSI 93, ASSI 89 Bucks 1863-1876
1734-1863
1876-1945 ASSI 32
ASSI 33
ASSI 11 1642-1699
1695-1850
1851-1971 ASSI 16
ASSI 94
ASSI 95 1832-1876
1876-1971 ASSI 36
ASSI 13 ASSI 34, ASSI 38, ASSI 39, ASSI 15, ASSI 90 Cambridgeshire 1902-1943
1863-1971
1734-1863 ASSI 31
ASSI 32
ASSI 33 1642-1699
1692-1850
1851-1971 ASSI 16
ASSI 94
ASSI 95 1834-1971 ASSI 36 ASSI 34, ASSI 38, ASSI 39, ASSI 90 Cheshire 1532-1831
1831-1938
1835-1883
1945-1951 CHES 21
ASSI 61
ASSI 62
ASSI 79 1341-1659
1831-1945
1945-1971 CHES 24
ASSI 64
ASSI 83 1831-1944
1945-1971 ASSI 65
ASSI 84 ASSI 59, ASSI 63, ASSI 66, ASSI 67, ASSI 91 Cornwall 1730-1971
1670-1824 ASSI 21
ASSI 23 1801-1971 ASSI 25 1861-1971
1951-1953 ASSI 26
ASSI 82 ASSI 24, ASSI 30, ASSI 92 Cumberland 1714-1873
1665-1810 ASSI 41
ASSI 42 1607-1876
1877-1971 ASSI 44
ASSI 51 1613-1876
1877-1971 ASSI 45
ASSI 52 ASSI 43, ASSI 46, ASSI 47, ASSI 93 Derbs 1818-1945 ASSI 11 1868-1971
1662,67,87 ASSI 12
ASSI 80 1862-1971 ASSI 13 ASSI 15, ASSI 88 Devon 1746-1971
1670-1824 ASSI 21
ASSI 23 1801-1971 ASSI 25 1861-1971
1951-1953 ASSI 26
ASSI 82 ASSI 24, ASSI 30, ASSI 92 Dorset 1746-1971
1670-1824 ASSI 21
ASSI 23 1801-1971 ASSI 25 1861-1971
1951-1953 ASSI 26
ASSI 82 ASSI 24, ASSI 30, ASSI 92 Durham 1770-1876
1753-1858
1858-1944 DURH 15
DURH 16
ASSI 41 1582-1877
1876-1971 DURH 17
ASSI 44 1843-1876
1877-1971 DURH 18
ASSI 45 DURH 19,
ASSI 46, ASSI 47, ASSI 87, ASSI 93 Essex 1734-1943
1826-1971 ASSI 31
ASSI 32 1559-1688
1689-1850
1851-1971 ASSI 35*
ASSI 94
ASSI 95 1825-1971 ASSI 36 ASSI 34, ASSI 38, ASSI 39, ASSI 90 County Crown & Gaol Books Indictments Depositions Other Glos 1657-1971
1847-1951 ASSI 2
ASSI 3 1662-1971 ASSI 5 1719-1971 ASSI 6 ASSI 4, ASSI 9, ASSI 10, ASSI 89, ASSI 93 Hampshire 1746-1971
1670-1824 ASSI 21
ASSI 23 1801-1971 ASSI 25 1861-1971
1951-1953 ASSI 26
ASSI 82 ASSI 24, ASSI 30, ASSI 92 Herefordshire 1657-1971
1847-1951 ASSI 2
ASSI 3 1627-1971 ASSI 5 1719-1971 ASSI 6 ASSI 4, ASSI 9, ASSI 10, ASSI 89, ASSI 93 Hertfordshire 1734-1943
1826-1971 ASSI 31
ASSI 32 1573-1688
1689-1850
1851-1971 ASSI 35
ASSI 94
ASSI 95 1829-1971 ASSI 36 ASSI 34, ASSI 38, ASSI 39, ASSI 90 Hunts 1902-1943
1863-1971
1734-1863 ASSI 31
ASSI 32
ASSI 33 1643-1698
1693-1850
1851-1971 ASSI 16
ASSI 94
ASSI 95 1851-1971 ASSI 36 ASSI 34, ASSI 38, ASSI 39, ASSI 90 Kent 1734-1943
1826-1971 ASSI 31
ASSI 32 1559-1688
1689-1850
1851-1971 ASSI 35
ASSI 94
ASSI 95 1812-1971 ASSI 36 ASSI 34, ASSI 38, ASSI 39, ASSI 90 Lancashire 1524-1843
1686-1877 PL 25
PL 28 1660-1867
1877-1971 PL 26
ASSI 51 1663-1867
1877-1971 PL 27
ASSI 52 PL 28
ASSI 46, ASSI 53, ASSI 93, ASSI 86 Leics 1818-1864
1864-1875
1876-1945 ASSI 11
ASSI 32
ASSI 11 1653, 1656
1864-1875
1876-1971 ASSI 80
ASSI 35
ASSI 12 1862
1863-1875
1876-1971 ASSI 13
ASSI 36
ASSI 13 ASSI 15, ASSI 34, ASSI 38, ASSI 39, ASSI 88 Lincolnshire 1818-1945 ASSI 11 1868-1971
1652-1679 ASSI 12
ASSI 80 1862-1971 ASSI 13 ASSI 15, ASSI 88 London & Middlesex 1834-1949 CRIM 6 1834-1957
1833-1971 CRIM 4
CRIM 5 1839-1971
1923-1971 CRIM 1
CRIM 2 CRIM 7, CRIM 8, CRIM 9, CRIM 10, CRIM 11, CRIM 12, CRIM 13 Monm 1657-1971
1847-1951 ASSI 2
ASSI 3 1666-1971 ASSI 5 1719-1971 ASSI 6 ASSI 4, ASSI 9, ASSI 10, ASSI 89, ASSI 93 Norfolk 1902-1943
1863-1971
1734-1863 ASSI 31
ASSI 32
ASSI 33 1606-1699
1692-1850
1851-1971 ASSI 16
ASSI 94
ASSI 95 1817-1971 ASSI 36 ASSI 34, ASSI 38, ASSI 39, ASSI 90 Northants 1818-1864
1864-1876
1876-1945 ASSI 11
ASSI 32
ASSI 11 1659-1660
1864-1675
1876-1971 ASSI 80
ASSI 95
ASSI 12 1862
1864-1875
1876-1971 ASSI 13
ASSI 36
ASSI 13 ASSI 15, ASSI 34, ASSI 38, ASSI 39, ASSI 88 County Crown & Gaol Books Indictments Depositions Other Northumberland 1714-1944
1665-1810 ASSI 41
ASSI 42 1607-1971 ASSI 44 1613-1971 ASSI 45 ASSI 43, ASSI 46, ASSI 47, ASSI 87, ASSI 93 Notts 1818-1945 ASSI 11 1868-1971
1663-4, 82 ASSI 12
ASSI 80 1862-1971 ASSI 13 ASSI 15, ASSI 88 Oxford 1657-1971
1847-1951 ASSI 2
ASSI 3 1661-1971
1688 ASSI 5
PRO 30/80 1719-1971 ASSI 6 ASSI 4, ASSI 9, ASSI 10, ASSI 89, ASSI 93 Rutland 1818-1864
1864-1876
1876-1945 ASSI 11
ASSI 32
ASSI 11 1667, 1685
1864-1875
1876-1971 ASSI 80
ASSI 95
ASSI 12 1862
1864-1873
1876-1971 ASSI 13
ASSI 36
ASSI 13 ASSI 15, ASSI 34, ASSI 38, ASSI 39, ASSI 88 Shropshire
(Salop) 1657-1971
1847-1951 ASSI 2
ASSI 3 1654-1971 ASSI 5 1719-1971 ASSI 6 ASSI 4, ASSI 9, ASSI 10, ASSI 89, ASSI 93 Somerset 1730-1971
1670-1824 ASSI 21
ASSI 23 1801-1971 ASSI 25 1861-1971
1951-1953 ASSI 26
ASSI 82 ASSI 24, ASSI 30, ASSI 92 Staffs 1657-1971
1847-1951 ASSI 2
ASSI 3 1662-1971
1662 ASSI 5
ASSI 80 1719-1971 ASSI 6 ASSI 4, ASSI 9, ASSI 10, ASSI 89, ASSI 93 Suffolk 1902-1943
1863-1971
1734-1863 ASSI 31
ASSI 32
ASSI 33 1653-1698
1689-1850
1851-1971 ASSI 16
ASSI 94
ASSI 95 1832-1971 ASSI 36 ASSI 34, ASSI 38, ASSI 39, ASSI 90 Surrey 1734-1943
1826-1971 ASSI 31
ASSI 32 1559-1688
1689-1850
1851- ASSI 35
ASSI 94
ASSI 95 1820-1971 ASSI 36 ASSI 34, ASSI 38, ASSI 39, ASSI 90 Sussex 1734-1943
1826-1971 ASSI 31
ASSI 32 1559-1688
1689-1850
1851-1971 ASSI 35
ASSI 94
ASSI 95 1812-1971 ASSI 36 ASSI 34, ASSI 38, ASSI 39, ASSI 90 Warw 1818-1945 ASSI 11 1868-1971
1652, 1688 ASSI 12
ASSI 80 1862-1971 ASSI 13 ASSI 15, ASSI 88 Westmor 1714-1873
1718-1810 ASSI 41
ASSI 42 1607-1876
1877-1971 ASSI 44
ASSI 51 1613-1876
1877-1971 ASSI 45
ASSI 52 ASSI 43, ASSI 46, ASSI 47, ASSI 53, ASSI 86, ASSI 93 Wilts 1746-1971
1670-1824 ASSI 21
ASSI 23 1729
1801-1971 ASSI 25
ASSI 25 1861-1971
1951-1953 ASSI 26
ASSI 82 ASSI 24, ASSI 30, ASSI 92 Worcs 1657-1971
1847-1951 ASSI 2
ASSI 3 1662-1971 ASSI 5 1719-1971 ASSI 6 ASSI 4, ASSI 9, ASSI 10, ASSI 89, ASSI 93 Yorks** 1658-1811
1718-1863 1864-1876 1876-1944 ASSI 42 ASSI 41
ASSI 11 ASSI 41 1607-1863 1868-1875
1876-1971 ASSI 44 ASSI 12
ASSI 44 1613-1863 1868-1875 1876 1971
1877-1971 ASSI 45 ASSI 13 ASSI 45
ASSI 52 ASSI 15, ASSI 43, ASSI 46, ASSI 47, ASSI 87, ASSI 93
* You can search by name and the term ‘assize’ for the calendars of Essex Assizes indictments in ASSI 35 (1558-1714) on the Essex Record Office catalogue.
** For Yorkshire there are two series of Crown & Gaol Books for the earlier period so you will need to check both.
Appendix 2: Key to records of criminal cases in the Welsh assizes 1831-1971
Click on the links in the table to search or browse through the respective series in our catalogue. See section 4 for detailed advice on how to search. For advice on whether to browse or search, see our Discovery help pages.
County Crown & Gaol Books Indictments Depositions Other Anglesey 1831-1938
1835-1883
1945-1951 ASSI 61
ASSI 62
ASSI 79 1831-1945
1945-1971 ASSI 64
ASSI 83 1831-1944
1945-1971 ASSI 65
ASSI 84 ASSI 59, ASSI 63, ASSI 66, ASSI 67 Breconshire 1841-1842
1844-1946
1945-1951 ASSI 74
ASSI 76
ASSI 79 1834-1945
1945-1971 ASSI 71
ASSI 83 1837-1971
1945-1971 ASSI 72
ASSI 84 ASSI 73, ASSI 77 Caernarvonshire 1831-1938
1835-1983
1945-1951 ASSI 61
ASSI 62
ASSI 79 1831-1945
1945-1971 ASSI 64
ASSI 83 1831-1944
1945-1971 ASSI 65
ASSI 84 ASSI 59, ASSI 63, ASSI 66, ASSI 67 Cardiganshire 1841-1842
1844-1946
1945-1951 ASSI 74
ASSI 76
ASSI 79 1834-1945
1945-1971 ASSI 71
ASSI 83 1837-1971
1945-1971 ASSI 72
ASSI 84 ASSI 73, ASSI 77 Carmarthenshire 1841-1842
1844-1946
1945-1951 ASSI 74
ASSI 76
ASSI 79 1834-1945
1945-1971 ASSI 71
ASSI 83 1837-1971
1945-1971 ASSI 72
ASSI 84 ASSI 73, ASSI 77 Denbighshire 1831-1938
1835-1883
1945-1951 ASSI 61
ASSI 62
ASSI 79 1831-1945
1945-1971 ASSI 64
ASSI 83 1831-1944
1945-1971 ASSI 65
ASSI 84 ASSI 59, ASSI 63, ASSI 66, ASSI 67 Flint 1831-1938
1835-1883
1945-1951 ASSI 61
ASSI 62
ASSI 79 1831-1945
1945-1971 ASSI 64
ASSI 83 1831-1944 1945-1971 ASSI 65
ASSI 84 ASSI 59, ASSI 63, ASSI 66, ASSI 67 Glamorganshire 1841-1842
1844-1946
1945-1951 ASSI 74
ASSI 76
ASSI 79 1834-1945
1945-1971 ASSI 71
ASSI 83 1837-1971
1945-1971 ASSI 72
ASSI 84 ASSI 73, ASSI 77 Merionethshire 1831-1938
1835-1883
1945-1951 ASSI 61
ASSI 62
ASSI 79 1831-1945
1945-1971 ASSI 64
ASSI 83 1831-1944
1945-1971 ASSI 65
ASSI 84 ASSI 59, ASSI 63, ASSI 66, ASSI 67 Montgomeryshire 1831-1938
1835-1883
1945-1951 ASSI 61
ASSI 62
ASSI 79 1831-1945
1945-1971 ASSI 64
ASSI 83 1831-1944
1945-1971 ASSI 65
ASSI 84 ASSI 59, ASSI 63, ASSI 66, ASSI 67 Pembrokeshire 1841-1842
1844-1946 1945-1951 ASSI 74
ASSI 76
ASSI 79 1834-1945
1945-1971 ASSI 71
ASSI 83 1837-1971
1945-1971 ASSI 72
ASSI 84 ASSI 73, ASSI 77 Radnor 1841-1842
1844-1946
1945-1951 ASSI 74
ASSI 76
ASSI 79 1834-1945
1945-1971 ASSI 71
ASSI 83 1837-1971
1945-1971 ASSI 72
ASSI 84 ASSI 73, ASSI 77
Appendix 3: Latin abbreviations still used in the records after 1733
Until 1733 (with the exception of the period of the interregnum), records were written in Latin and in distinctive legal scripts. The annotations on indictments are often in Latin abbreviations which remained in use even after 1733.
|
||||
3704
|
dbpedia
|
0
| 8
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https://ohnotheydidnt.livejournal.com/46404854.html
|
en
|
HOT ROD CIRCUIT DRUMMER SUFFERS STROKE, IN INTENSIVE CARE
|
http://altpress.com/images/news/news-danduggins_photo.jpg
|
http://altpress.com/images/news/news-danduggins_photo.jpg
|
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2010-04-30T00:00:00
|
Dan Duggins , former drummer of Hot Rod Circuit and Lazycain and current drummer of the Queen Killing Kings, suffered a stroke on April 27 due to a blood clot in his neck, according to fellow former HRC drummer Mike Poorman. Poorman writes in part: [Duggins] is currently in a 'locked in'…
|
en
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https://ohnotheydidnt.livejournal.com/46404854.html
|
D:
wtf :(
recently i've been hearing about a lot of really young people getting strokes :(
get well soon, guy
(no subject) - (Anonymous)
omg i should not have read this!!!!
my friend's boyfriend had a stroke recently. he's 20.
this is insane, and I hope he gets well soon.
Oh jesus. Fucking love Hot Rod Circuit. Hope he gets better!
i agree, jesse.
Oh no D: Hope he's going to be okay.
Hot Rod Circuit was an awesome band.
Hot Rod Circuit was one of the first bands I ever saw live.
I hope he will be okay :(
daaamn 34?
Shit that's sad.
oh maaaan, no way. :( hope he gets better soon.
but the HRC with the RGE ;_;
"'[Duggins] is currently in a 'locked in' state in intensive care, which means that he can not move and cannot communicate, except with eye movement'"
jesus, that is fucking terrifying
this shit terrifies me so bad. especially being so paranoid about my health lately.
:( fuck.
♥
oh my goodness! this makes me upset...hrc is my all time fave...
Holy fucking shit. 34???? And the "locked in" part...as if I don't have enough panic attacks about my health. That is truly insanely scary. I hope he recovers asap.
This is sad, especially for being so young. I met him a few years back before HRC broke up and he was a really cool guy.
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3704
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dbpedia
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1
| 55
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https://medium.com/%40elitaylor/objective-subjectivity-album-list-e7c6b84625cc
|
en
|
Objective Subjectivity Album List
|
https://miro.medium.com/v2/5d8de952517e8160e40ef9841c781cdc14a5db313057fa3c3de41c6f5b494b19
|
https://miro.medium.com/v2/5d8de952517e8160e40ef9841c781cdc14a5db313057fa3c3de41c6f5b494b19
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2019-07-01T12:03:53.003000+00:00
|
*if you see an album that you think should be considered for a Top 100 Contender slot, let me know and I’ll toss it back in the mix. A.M. — Wilco
Abandon Your Friends — From Autumn to Ashes
Abbey…
|
en
|
https://miro.medium.com/v2/5d8de952517e8160e40ef9841c781cdc14a5db313057fa3c3de41c6f5b494b19
|
Medium
|
https://medium.com/@elitaylor/objective-subjectivity-album-list-e7c6b84625cc
|
Albums in bold are Top 100 Contenders. Albums in italics are “On Second Thought…” or “Surprise Non-Contenders” and will be given another chance at earning a spot on the list. Albums in bold and italics are “challenges*” from others.
*if you see an album that you think should be considered for a Top 100 Contender slot, let me know and I’ll toss it back in the mix.
A
A.M. — Wilco
Abandon Your Friends — From Autumn to Ashes
Abbey Road — The Beatles
Absolution — Muse
Accelerate — R.E.M.
Accidental Gentleman — Piebald
Achilles Heel — Pedro the Lion
Achtung Baby — U2
Acid Tongue — Jenny Lewis
Acid Westerns — Acid Westerns
Act I: The Lake South, The River North — The Dear Hunter
Act IV: Rebirth in Reprise — The Dear Hunter
Act Your Age — Home Grown
Action — Punchline
Ænima — Tool
After Laughter — Paramore
After the Eulogy — Boysetsfire
After the Gold Rush — Neil Young
After the War — Sleep Station
The Afterman: Ascension — Coheed and Cambria
The Afterman: Descension — Coheed and Cambria
Aftertaste — Helmet
Ágætis Byrjun — Sigur Ros
The Age of Adz — Sufjan Stevens
The Age of Octeen — Braid
Agony & Irony — Alkaline Trio
Aha Shake Heartbreak — Kings of Leon
Aijuswanaseing — Musiq Soulchild
Aim and Ignite — fun.
Ain’t Ain’t Ain’t — Tim Fite
Ain’t Too Bright — Electric Owls
Aja — Steely Dan
Album of the Year — The Good Life
The Alchemy Index Vols. I & II: Fire & Water — Thrice
Alice — Tom Waits
Alice In Chains — Alice In Chains
All Ears, All Eyes, All the Time — Piebald
All Hell — Vanna
All Killer No Filler — Sum 41
All Systems Go! — All Systems Go!
All That We Needed — Plain White T’s
All the Kids Agree — Animal Chin
All the Nation’s Airports — Archers of Loaf
All the Pain Money Can Buy — Fastball
All the Stars and Boulevards — Augustana
All This Useless Beauty — Elvis Costello & The Attractions
All We Got Iz Us — Onyx
Alligator — The National
Allroy’s Revenge — All
Almost Here — The Academy Is…
Almost Killed Me — The Hold Steady
Alone in a Crowd — Catch 22
Alright, Still — Lily Allen
Alter the Ending — Dashboard Confessional
The Alternative To Love — Brendan Benson
Always Foreign — The World is a Beautiful Place & I Am No Longer Afraid to Die
Always Strive and Propser — A$AP Ferg
The Amazing Jeckal Brothers — Insane Clown Posse
America Must Be Destroyed — Gwar
(America’s) Dirty Little Secret — Schleprock
American Beauty — Grateful Dead
American Football (1999) — American Football
American Football (2016) — American Football
American Football (2019) — American Football
American Gangster — Jay-Z
American Hi-Fi — American Hi-Fi
American Idiot — Green Day
American IV: The Man Comes Around — Johnny Cash
American Nervoso — Botch
American Slang — The Gaslight Anthem
American Standard — Seven Mary Three
American Teen — Khalid
American Thighs — Veruca Salt
Amnesiac — Radiohead
Amputechture — The Mars Volta
Anarchy, My Dear — Say Anything
The Anatomy of Tongue and Cheek — Relient K
Anchors Away — The Bouncing Souls
Ancient Open Allegory Oratorio — Post Provost
And — Jonah Matranga
…And Justice For All — Metallica
And Now… — Asamov
…And Out Come the Wolves — Rancid
…and take it with a grain of salt — An Angle
…And the Battle Begun — RX Bandits
…And the Ever Expanding Universe — The Most Serene Republic
…and the sadness prevails — No Motiv
And We Are Bled of Color — Stutterfly
Angel Dust — Faith No More
Angel Youth — Last Days of April
Anhedonia — The Graduate
Anodyne — Uncle Tupelo
Another Intervention — Down to Earth Approach
Antenna — Cave In
anthem. — Less Than Jake
ANThology — Alien Ant Farm
Antichrist Superstar — Marilyn Manson
Antics — Interpol
Antifogmatic — Punch Brothers
Anything Else But The Truth — The Honorary Title
…Anywhere But Here — The Ataris
Aoxomoxoa — Grateful Dead
Apathy and Exhaustion — The Lawrence Arms
Apollo 18 — They Might Be Giants
Appeal to Reason — Rise Against
Appetite For Destruction — Guns N’ Roses
Aquemini — Outkast
The Archandroid — Janelle Monáe
…are coming! — The Chinkees
are we really happy with who we are right now? — .moneen.
Are You a Dreamer? — Denison Witmer
Are You Experienced — The Jimi Hendrix Experience
Are You Gonna Go My Way — Lenny Kravitz
Are You Nervous? — Rock Kills Kid
Around the Fur — Deftones
Around the Sun — R.E.M.
Around the World in a Day — Prince and the Revolution
Arrivals & Departures — Silverstein
The Art of Disappointment — Benjamins
The Art of Losing — American Hi — Fi
Art Official Intelligence: Mosaic Thump — De La Soul
The Artist in the Ambulance — Thrice
Arular — M.I.A.
As Cruel as School Children — Gym Class Heroes
As Good As Dead — Local H
As the Eternal Cowboy — Against Me!
Ashes & Fire — Ryan Adams
Astral Weeks — Van Morrison
Astray — Samiam
Astro Lounge — Smash Mouth
ASTROWORLD — Travis Scott
At Ease — The Gadjits
At Funeral Speed — Automatic 7
At Home We Are Tourists — Settle
At Home With Owen — Owen
At Night We Live — Far
At the Foot of My Rival — The New Amsterdams
At. Long. Last. A$AP — A$AP Rocky
ATLiens — Outkast
Atomic — Lit
Attack & Release — The Black Keys
Attention! Blah Blah Blah. — Atom & His Package
August — The Standard
August and Everything After — Counting Crows
Augustana — Augustana
Australia — Howie Day
Autobiography of Mistachuck — Chuck D
Automatic City — Controlling the Famous
Automatic for the People — R.E.M.
B
B Room — Dr. Dog
B.O.A.T.S. II#METIME — 2 Chainz
B.O.B. presents The Adventures of Bobby Ray — B.O.B.
B’Day — Beyonce
B4.DA.$$ — Joey Bada$$
Babel — Mumford & Sons
Bacdafucup — Onyx
Bachelor №2 or, the last remains of the dodo — Aimee Mann
Back For the First Time — Ludacris
Back to Black — Amy Winehouse
Background — Lifetime
Backsides — Riverboat Gambler
Bad — Michael Jackson
Bad As Me — Tom Waits
Bad Books — Bad Books
Baduizm — Erykah Badu
bakesale — Sebadoh
Ballads — John Coltrane Quartet
The Band — The Band
The Band Geek Mafia — Voodoo Glow Skulls
A Band In Hope — The Matches
Bandwagonesque — Teenage Fanclub
Bargainville — Moxy Fruvous
Based On A True Story — The Starting Line
Batee L’ganee “I’ve Entered My Garden.” — Rabbi Aryeh Hirschfield
Bayside — Bayside
Bazooka Tooth — Aesop Rock
Be — Common
Be Here Now — Oasis
Be My Thrill — The Weepies
Be Your Own Pet — Be Your Own Pet
The Beatles — The Beatles
Beats, Rhymes and Life — A Tribe Called Quest
Beaucoup Fish — Underworld
Beautiful Charade — Camber
Beautiful Freak — eels
Beautiful Midnight — Matthew Good Band
The Beautiful Struggle, — Talib Kweli
Becoming All Things — Zookeeper
The Bedside Drama: A Petite Tragedy — of Montreal
Before Everything & After — MxPx
Before the Blackout — Allister
Before the Robots — Better Than Ezra
Before These Crowded Streets — Dave Matthews Band
Beggar’s Life — Automatic 7
Beggars Banquet — The Rolling Stones
Begin to Hope — Regina Spektor
Behind the Front — Black Eyed Peas
Being There — Wilco
The Believer — Rhett Miller
Belle and Sebastian Write About Love — Belle and Sebastian
The Belle Brigade — The Belle Brigade
Ben Folds Five — Ben Folds Five
The Bends — Radiohead
Beneath Medicine Tree — Copeland
Beneath the Surface — GZA
The Best in Town — The Blackout
Better Oblivion Community Center — Better Oblivion Community Center
Better Than Knowing Where You Are — Spitalfield
a better version of me — Rainer Maria
Betty — Helmet
Between The Concrete & Clouds — Kevin Devine
Between the Heart and the Synapse — The Receiving End of Sirens
Between The Never And The Now — Vendetta Red
Between Two Shore — Glen Hansard
Beware and Be Grateful — Maps & Atlases
Beyoncé — Beyoncé
Big City Sin and Small Town Redemption — Roy
[big red letter day] — Buffalo Tom
Billy — Samiam
bitter tongues — Ann Beretta
Bivouac — Jawbreaker
The Black Album — Jay-Z
Black Cherry — Goldfrapp
Black City — Division of Laura Lee
Black Earth Tiger — Emanuel
Black Holes and Revelations — Muse
Black Listed — Neko Case
Black Love — The Afghan Whigs
Black Market Music — Placebo
Black Messiah — D’Angelo and the Vanguard
Black on Both Sides — Mos Def
Black Out — The Good Life
The Black Parade — My Chemical Romance
Black Sails in the Sunset — AFI
Black Sheep Boy — Okkervil River
Blackberry Belle — The Twilight Singers
Blackenedwhite — MellowHype
Blackhawks Over Los Angeles — Strung Out
Blackout! — Method Man and Redman
(blank wave arcade) — The Faint
Blanket Warm — Lullaby for the Working Class
Blazing Arrow — Blackalicious
Bleach — Nirvana
Bleed American — Jimmy Eat World
Bless the Martyr and Kiss the Child — Norma Jean
Blind — The Sundays
Blind Faith — Blind Faith
Blind Melon — Blind Melon
blink-182 — blink-182
blinking lights and other revelations — eels
Blonde — Frank Ocean
Blonde On Blonde — Bob Dylan
Blood Money — Tom Waits
Blood Mountain — Mastodon
Blood on the Tracks — Bob Dylan
Blood Sugar Sex Magik — Red Hot Chili Peppers
Blood, Sweat & Tears — Blood, Sweat & Tears
Bloodflowers — The Cure
Blowback — Tricky
Blue — Joni Mitchell
Blue — Third Eye Blind
Blue Collar — Rhymefest
Blue Earth — The Jayhawks
Blue Room — Unwritten Law
Blue Scholars — Blue Scholars
Blue Skies, Broken Hearts…Next 12 Exits — The Ataris
Blue Sky Noise — Circa Survive
The Blueprint — Jay-Z
The Blues and the Abstract Truth — Oliver Nelson
Blunderbuss — Jack White
Blur — Blur
Blurred in Six — Friction
Bon Iver — Bon Iver
Bone Palace Ballet — Chiodos
Book of Thugs: Chapter A.K., Verse 47 — Trick Daddy
Borders and Boundaries — Less Than Jake
Born Sinner — J. Cole
Born to Quit — Smoking Popes
Born to Run — Bruce Springsteen
Bossanova — Pixies
Boxcar Racer — Boxcar Racer
Boxer — The National
Boy — U2
A Boy Named Goo— Goo Goo Dolls
The Boy with the Arab Strap — Belle & Sebastian
Boys and Girls in America — The Hold Steady
Boys Life — Boys Life
The BQE — Sufjan Stevens
Brain Salt — Brain Salt
The Brave and The Bold — Tortoise & Bonnie “Prince” Billy
(Breach) — The Wallflowers
Bread & Circus — Toad the Wet Sprocket
Break of Day — Roark
Break the Cycle — Staind
Brian Vander Ark — Brian Vander Ark
Brian Wilson Presents SMiLE — Brian Wilson
Bridges to Babylon — The Rolling Stones
Brighten the Corners — Pavement
Bring It On — Gomez
Bring Your Own Stereo — Jimmie’s Chicken Shack
Bringing Down the Horse — The Wallflowers
Broadcaster — Divit
Broadcaster — Tripl3fastaction
Broadway Calls — Broadway Calls
Broken Bells — Broken Bells
Broken Boy Soldiers — The Raconteurs
Broken Social Scene — Broken Social Scene
Broken Star — The Broadways
brother, sister — mewithoutYou
Brother’s Blood — Kevin Devin
Brotherhood — New Order
Brothers and Sisters — The Allman Brothers Band
Brown Sugar — D’Angelo
The Bruce Lee Band — The Bruce Lee Band
Brushfire Fairytales — Jack Johnson
BTNHRessurection — Bone Thugs-N-Harmony
Bubblegum — Kevin Devin and The Goddamn Band
Build and Structure — Safety in Numbers
Building — Sense Field
Building a Better ___________ — Park
The Bull, The Balloon, and The Family — Reubens Accomplice
Bulletproof — Hush
Burn Burn — Our Lady Peace
…Burn Piano Island, Burn — The Blood Brothers
Burritos, Inspiration Point, Fork Balloon Sports, Cards in the Spokes, Automatic Biographies, Kites, Kung Fu, Trophies, Banana Peels We’ve Slipped On and Egg Shells We’ve Tippy Toed Over — Cap’n Jazz
Bury the Hatchet — The Cranberries
Business as Usual — EPMD
Business Casual — Beep Beep
Butch — The Geraldine Fibbers
…buy our intention; we’ll buy you a unicorn — Kaddisfly
Buying the Lie — Death on Wednesday
By The Way — Red Hot Chili Peppers
C
Calculating Infinity — The Dillinger Escape Plan
Calendar Days — The Rocket Summer
The Californian — Sunday’s Best
Californication — Red Hot Chili Peppers
Calling Albany — Vermont
Camp — Childish Gambino
Can’t Love, Can’t Hurt — Augustana
Can’t Slow Down — Saves the Day
Candy Apple Grey — Hüsker Dü
Cannon to a Whisper — Breaking Pangaea
Capital Punishment — Big Pun
Car Button Cloth — The Lemonheads
Car Wheels On A Gravel Road — Lucinda Williams
Cardinology — Ryan Adams
Carnavas — Silversun Pickups
The Carnival — Wyclef Jean
Carnival Vol. II, Memoirs of an Immigrant — Wyclef Jean
Carpal Tunnel Syndrome — Kid Koala
Carrie & Lowell — Sufjan Stevens
Cassadaga — Bright Eyes
Castaways and Cutouts — The Decemberists
Casting For Funerals — Farewell My Enemy
Catalyst — A New Found Glory
Catastrophe Keeps Up Together — Rainer Maria
Catch A Fire — Bob Marley
Catch For Us The Foxes — mewithoutYou
Catch Without Arms — dredg
Catherine Avenue — Biirdie
Cattlemen Don’t — Triple Fast Action
Caution — Hot Water Music
The Cautionary Tales of Mark Oliver Everett — Eels
Cee-Lo Green And His Perfect Imperfections — Cee-Lo
Cee-Lo Green…Is the Soul Machine — Cee-Lo
Celebration Rock — Japandroids
Cellar Door — John Vanderslice
Ceo — Princess Superstar
Ceremonials — Florence + The Machine
Cerulean Salt — Waxahatchee
Challengers — The New Pornographers
Change — The Dismemberment Plan
Change of Heart — Tim Fite
Change of Living — The Only Children
Changes — A Cursive Memory
channel ORANGE — Frank Ocean
Charmer — Aimee Mann
Chase This Light — Jimmy Eat World
Cheap Thrills — Big Brother & The Holding Company
Cheer Up — Reel Big Fish
Cheshire Cat — Blink 182
Chicken & Beer — Ludacris
Child is Father to the Man — Blood, Sweat and Tears
Chixdiggit — Chixdiggit
Chocolate and Cheese — Ween
Chopstick Bridge — Avoid One Thing
Chroma — Cartel
Chuck — Sum 41
Chutes Too Narrow — The Shins
Circa: Now! — Rocket From the Crypt
A City By The Light Divided — Thursday
C I V I L W A R — Dillinger Four
Clarity — Jimmy Eat World
The Clash — The Clash
Clean Your Room — Engine 88
The Closer I Get — Hayden
Closing Time — Tom Waits
CLPPNG — clipping.
Clumsy — Our Lady Peace
Clumsy — Samiam
Coast to Coast Motel — G. Love & Special Sauce
Cody — Joyce Manor
Coil — Toad the Wet Sprocket
Cold Roses — Ryan Adams & The Cardinals
Collapse Into Now — R.E.M.
Collection — Mr. Moo
A Collection of Short Stories — Houston Calls
A Collection of Songs Written & Recorded 1995–1997 — Bright Eyes
Collective Soul — Collective Soul
The College Dropout — Kanye West
The Color Before the Sun — Coheed & Cambria
Color (N.) Inside the Lines — Schematic
Coloring Book — Chance the Rapper
Colors — Beck
Colors of Home — Kill Creek
Colossal Head — Los Lobos
The Colour and the Shape — Foo Fighters
Combat Rock — The Clash
Come — Prince
Come Around Sundown — Kings of Leon
Come Away With Me — Norah Jones
Come Back to You — Down To Earth Approach
Come Clean — Puddle of Mudd
Come Feel Me Tremble — Paul Westerberg
Come Find Yourself — Fun Lovin’ Criminals
Come On Feel the Illinoise — Sufjan Stevens
Come On Feel The Lemonheads — The Lemonheads
Come On Now Social — Indigo Girls
Come Pick Me Up — Superchunk
Come Tomorrow — Dave Matthews Band
Comfort Eagle — Cake
The Comfort of Home — Rufio
Coming Home — A New Found Glory
Commit This To Memory — Motion City Soundtrack
Commitment — Lucky Boys Confusion
Common Existence — Thursday
Common Market — Common Market
The Composition of Ending and Phrasing — My Hotel Year
Computer World — Kraftwerk
Conditions — The Temper Trap
Conductor — The Comas
Confidence Man — Matt Pryor
Congratulations I’m Sorry — Gin Blossoms
Connected — The Foreign Exchange
Conor Oberst — Conor Oberst
Contender — Forever Came Calling
Control — Pedro the Lion
Control — Janet Jackson
Controversy Loves Company — The Audition
Conversations — Roses Are Red
Cop and Speeder — Heatmiser
Cope — Manchester Orchestra
Copper Blue — Sugar
Core — Stone Temple Pilots
Country Grammer — Nelly
Country Life — Roxy Music
Court and Spark — Joni Mitchell
Crack the Skye — Mastodon
Crash — Dave Matthews Band
Crazysexycool — TLC
Creator — The Lemonheads
The Creek Drank The Cradle — Iron & Wine
Crimes — The Blood Brothers
Criminal Minded — Boogie Down Productions
Crimson — Alkaline Trio
Crooked Rain, Crooked Rain — Pavement
Crosby, Stills & Nash — Crosby, Stills & Nash
Ctrl — SZA
The Curtain Hits The Cast — Low
Curve — Our Lady Peace
CVA — Paint It Black
D
Daily Operation — Gang Star
Daisies of the Galaxy — Eels
Daisy — Brand New
Daisy — Dog’s Eye View
Damage — Jimmy Eat World
Damaged — Lambchop
DAMN. — Kendrick Lamar
DAMN. COLLECTORS EDITION — Kendrick Lamar
Damn the Torpedoes — Tom Petty & The Heartbreakers
Damnesia — Alkaline Trio
Dancehall Apocalypse — Firescape
Dangerously in Love — Beyonce
Danse Macabre — The Faint
Dap-Dippin’ With Sharon Jones & The Dap Kings — Sharon Jones & The Dap Kings
Dare Iz A Darkside — Redman
Dark Light Daybreak — Now It’s Overhead
Dark Side of the Moon — Pink Floyd
Das Not Compute — Division of Laura Lee
David Comes To Life — Fucked Up
The Day the Sun Went Out — Boysetsfire
Day Three of My New Life — Knapsack
Daydream Nation — Sonic Youth
Daylight Breaking — No Motiv
Days Are Gone — HAIM
Daytona — Pusha T
De-loused in the Comatorium— The Mars Volta
De La Soul is Dead — De La Soul
De Stijl — The White Stripes
Dead Ends and Girlfriends — Allister
Dead FM — Strike Anywhere
Dead Man’s Party — Oingo Boingo
Dead Man’s Shake — Grandpaboy
Dead Reckoning — Small Brown Bike
Dear Diary, My Teen Angst Has a Bodycount — From First to Last
Dear Science — TV on the Radio
Debut — Björk
Decadence — Head Automatica
Decomposer — The Matches
The Deconstruction — Eels
A Deeper Understanding — The War on Drugs
Define the Great Line — Underoath
Definitely Maybe — Oasis
Deja Entendu — Brand New
Deliverance — Bubba Sparxxx
The Delivery Man — Elvis Costello & The Imposters
Deltron 3030 — Deltron 3030
Deluxe — Better Than Ezra
Demolition — Ryan Adams
Demure — Engine Down
Denali — Denali
Departures and Landfalls — Boys Life
Deserter’s Songs — Mercury Rev
Designing for a Nervous Breakdown — The Anniversary
Desire — Bob Dylan
Desire — Pharoahe Monch
Desperate Glow — Wedding Dress
Destination Failure — Smoking Popes
Destination: Beautiful — Mae
The Devil and God are Raging Inside Me — Brand New
Devil’s Night Out — The Mighty Mighty Bosstones
Devils and Angels — Melee
Diagram for Healing — No Motiv
Diamonds and Pearls — Prince & The New Power Generation
Diary — Sunny Day Real Estate
The Diary of the Madmen — Len
The Difference Between Me and You is That I’m Not On Fire — Mclusky
Different Damage — Q and Not U
Dig Your Own Hole — The Chemical Brothers
Digital Ash in a Digital Urn — Bright Eyes
Direction — The Starting Line
Dirt — Alice In Chains
Dirty — Sonic Youth
Dirty Computer — Janelle Monáe
The Dismemberment Plan is Terrified — The Dismemberment Plan
Distortion — The Magnetic Fields
The Division Bell — Pink Floyd
Dizzy Up The Girl — Goo Goo Dolls
DNA — Backstreet Boys
Do You Feel — The Rocket Summer
Do You Know Who You Are? — Texas Is The Reason
Do You Want More?!!!??! — The Roots
Doc’s Da Name 2000 — Redman
Document — R.E.M.
Dog Problems — The Format
Doggystyle — Snoop Doggy Dogg
Domestica — Cursive
Don’t Believe the Truth — Oasis
Don’t Cut Your Fabric To This Year’s Fashion — Action Action
Don’t Know How To Party — The Mighty Mighty Bosstones
Don’t Panic — All Time Low
Don’t Shoot Me I’m Only the Piano Player — Elton John
Don’t Try This at Home — Billy Bragg
Donny Hathaway — Donny Hathaway
Doo-Wops & Hooligans — Bruno Mars
Dookie — Green Day
Doolittle — The Pixies
The Doors — The Doors
Doppelgänger — The Fall of Troy
Doris — Earl Sweatshirt
Double Plaidinum — Lagwagon
Down on the Upside — Soundgarden
Downward is Heavenward — Hum
The Downward Spiral — Nine Inch Nails
Dr. Octagonecologyst — Dr. Octagon
The Drama of Alienation — J. Church
Dream To Make Believe — Armor For Sleep
Dreaming Out Loud — OneRepublic
Drop Out of Life — This Time Next Year
Drops of Jupiter — Train
Drums and Wires — XTC
Drunk Enough To Dance — Bowling For Soup
Drunk Like Bible Times — Dear And The Headlights
Dry — PJ Harvey
Duck and Cover — Mad Caddies
Dude Ranch — Blink-182
Dulcinea — Toad the Wet Sprocket
Dummy — Portishead
Dusk and Summer — Dashboard Confessional
Dysfunction — Staind
E
E. Von Dahl Killed the Locals — The Matches
E.L.E. (Extinction Level Event): The Final World Front — Busta Rhymes
Eager Seas — Watashi Wa
Eardrum — Talib Kweli
The Earth Sings Mi Fa Mi — The Receiving End of Sirens
Easy Tiger — Ryan Adams
Eat, Sleep, Repeat — Copeland
Echoes, Silence, Patience & Grace — Foo Fighters
The Ecleftic: 2 Sides II a Book — Wyclef Jean
Eight Arms to Hold You — Veruca Salt
El Camino — The Black Keys
El Che — Rhymefest
El Oso — Soul Coughing
Electric Circus — Common
The Electric Lady — Janelle Monáe
Electric Version — The New Pornographers
Electro-Shock Blues — Eels
Elevator — Hot Hot Heat
Elva — Unwritten Law
Embrace — Embrace
Emergency & I — The Dismemberment Plan
Emotion is Dead — The Juliana Theory
Emphasizing Function Over Design — Christiansen
Empty Bottles Broken Hearts — The Murder City Devils
End is Forever — The Ataris
End of Amnesia — M. Ward
The End of an Error — Houston Calls
The End of the Ring Wars — The Appleseed Cast
End on End — Rites of Spring
End Times — Eels
EndSerenading — Mineral
Enema of the State — Blink-182
Energy — Operation Ivy
Enter The Wu-Tang (36 Chambers) — Wu-Tang Clan
Entroducing….. — DJ Shadow
Envy — Eve’s Plum
Erotica — Madonna
Errortype:11 — Errortype:11
Euphemystic — Son, Ambulance
Eve 6 — Eve 6
Even If It Kills Me — Motion City Soundtrack
The Ever Passing Moment — MxPx
The Everglow — Mae
Every Famous Last Word — Miracle of 86
Every Solution Has Its Problem — Start Trouble
Everybody Else is Doing It, So Why Can’t We? — The Cranberries
Everybody Knows — Trisha Yearwood
Everyday Behavior — Melee
Everynight Fire Works — Hey Mercedes
everything I ever wanted to say… — Eleventeen
Everything I Long For — Hayden
Everything in Transit — Jack’s Mannequin
Everything Sucks — Descendents
Everything Sucks — Reel Big Fish
Everything Will Be Alright in the End — Weezer
Everything You Ever Wanted to Know About Silence — Glassjaw
Everything You Thought You Knew — Orange Island
Everything You Want — Vertical Horizon
Everywhere At Once — Lyrics Born
Evil Empire — Rage Against the Machine
Evolver — John Legend
Evolver — 311
Example — For Squirrels
The Execution of All Things — Rilo Kiley
An Exercise in Humility— Canterbury Effect
Exile in Guyville — Liz Phair
Exile on Main St. — The Rolling Stones
Exister — Hot Water Music
Expansion Team — Dilated Peoples
Extraordinary Machine — Fiona Apple
Eyes Open — Snow Patrol
Eyewitness — Shades Apart
F
Fables of the Reconstruction — R.E.M.
Factory Showroom — They Might Be Giants
Fail You Again — Can’t Swim
Fair Ain’t Fair — Tim Fite
Faith — George Michael
Faithless Street — Whiskeytown
Fall Back Open — Now It’s Overhead
Fallen Star Collection — Brandtson
Fallow — The Weakerthans
False Cathedrals — Elliot
Familiar, Forgotten — Walleye
The Family Sign — Atmosphere
Famous — Super Deluxe
Fantastic Damage — El — P
Far — Regina Spektor
Fashion Nugget — Cake
Faso Latido — A Static Lullaby
The Fat of the Land — The Prodigy
Fear — Toad the Wet Sprocket
Fear of a Black Planet — Public Enemy
Feedback — Jurassic 5
Feel Good — The Internet
Feelin’ Sorry…For all the Hearts We’ve Broken — Jeffries Fan Club
Feeling Strangely Fine — Semisonic
Feelings — David Byrne
Feels — Animal Collective
Feels Like Home — Norah Jones
Fellow Workers — Ani DiFranco & Utah Philips
Felt Mountain — Goldfrapp
Fenix TX — Fenix TX
Ferociously Stoned — Cherry Poppin’ Daddies
Fever To Tell — Yeah Yeah Yeahs
Fever You Can’t Sweat Out, A — Panic! At the Disco
Fevers and Mirrors — Bright Eyes
The Fiction We Live — From Autumn to Ashes
Field Manual — Chris Walla
Fielding — Fielding
Fifty Reason to Explode— Schatzi
Fight Songs — Old 97′s
Final Straw — Snow Patrol
Finders Keepers — Dynamite Boy
Finding Forever — Common
The Fire Theft — The Fire Theft
Fireworks and Alcohol — August Premier
First Impressions of Earth — The Strokes
FishScale — Ghostface Killah
Flashlights — So Many Dynamos
Fleet Foxes — Fleet Foxes
A Flight and a Crash — Hot Water Music
Float — Flogging Molly
Flood — They Might Be Giants
Floored — Sugar Ray
Fly — Dixie Chicks
Flyer — Nanci Griffith
The Flying Club Cup — Beirut
Fold Your Hands Child, You Walk Like A Peasant — Belle & Sebastian
Follow the Leader — Korn
Fome is Dape — Little-T & One Track Mike
Foo Fighters — Foo Fighters
Food & Liquor II: The Great American Rap Album Pt. 1 — Lupe Fiasco
Foolish — Superchunk
Foot in Mouth Disease — Gob
For Emma, Forever Ago — Bon Iver
For Monkeys — Millencolin
For the Love of Music — Mike Park
For Your Own Special Sweetheart — Jawbox
Forever and Counting — Hot Water Music
Forever Broken — Dexter Danger
Forget the World — The Hippos
Forget What You Know — Midtown
The Forgotten Arm — Aimee Mann
Forty Hour Train Back to Penn — The Movielife
Found in the Flood — The Bled
Four Cornered Night — Jets to Brazil
Four Minute Mile — The Get Up Kids
Fox Confessor Brings the Flood — Neko Case
The Fragile — Nine Inch Nails
Frame & Canvas — Braid
Francis the Mute — The Mars Volta
Frankie Welfare Boy Age Five — Braid
Freak Show — The Residents
Freedom — Neil Young
Freewheelin’ — Tuesday
Friction Baby — Better Than Ezra
Friend and Foe — Menomena
Friend or FOE? — The Forces of Evil
Friendship Often Fade Away — Audio Learning Center
Frigid Forms Sell — Milemarker
Frogstomp — Silverchair
From Beale St. to Oblivion — Clutch
From First To Last — From First To Last
From Here to Infirmary — Alkaline Trio
From the Hut, To the Projects, To the Mansion — Wyclef Jean Aka Toussant St. Jean
Fuck with Fire — Planes Mistaken for Stars
Fuel for the Hate Game — Hot Water Music
Full Collapse — Thursday
Full Moon Fever— Tom Petty
The Full-Custom Gospel Sounds of The Reverend Horton Heat — The Reverend Horton Heat
Funeral — Arcade Fire
Funeral at the Movies — Shudder to Think
Funeral Car — Desert City Soundtrack
Funky Kingston — Toots & The Maytals
Furnace Room Lullaby — Neko Case & Her Boyfriends
The Fury of the Aquabats!— The Aquabats!
Fush Yu Mang — Smash Mouth
Futures — Jimmy Eat World
FutureSex/LoveSounds — Justin Timberlake
G
G. Love & Special Sauce — G. Love & Special Sauce
Ga Ga Ga Ga Ga — Spoon
The Game of Monogamy — Tim Kasher
Game Theory — The Roots
Ganging Up on the Sun — Guster
Garbage — Garbage
Garth Brooks — Garth Brooks
The Gentle Art of Making Enemies — Near Miss
A Gentle Reminder — The Jealous Sound
Gentlemen — The Afghan Whigs
Get a Taste — Sprung Monkey
Get Away From Me — Nellie McKay
Get Behind Me Satan — The White Stripes
Get Born — JET
Getting Into Sinking — amfm
Ghetto Music: The Blueprint of Hip Hop — Boogie Down Productions
Ghost in the Machine — The Police
A Ghost is Born — Wilco
Giant Step/De Ole Folks At Home — Taj Mahal
Gimmie Fiction — Spoon
Girlfriend — Matthew Sweet
Give Blood — Bane
Give Up — The Postal Service
Glass Floor — Maritime
Glass House — Dropa
Glass Houses — Billy Joel
The Glass Passenger — Jack’s Mannequin
Glitter Lung — Jesse R. Berlin
Gnarwolves — Gnarwolves
GNV FLA — Less Than Jake
Go — Motion City Soundtrack
Go Girl Crazy! — The Dictators
Go Slow Down — BoDeans
God Bless Satan — Mephiskapheles
God Doesn’t Care — Instruction
Goddamnit! — Alkaline Trio
Gold — Ryan Adams
The Gold Record — The Bouncing Souls
Golden Delicious — Mike Doughty
Goldfinger — Goldfinger
Goldfly — Guster
Gone Ain’t Gone — Tim Fite
Gone Quite Mad — Gone Quite Mad
Goo — Sonic Youth
Good Apollo, I’m Burning Star IV, Volume One: Fear Through the Eyes of Madness — Coheed and Cambria
Good Apollo, I’m Burning Star IV, Volume Two: No World For Tomorrow — Coheed and Cambria
Good Bad Not Evil — The Black Keys
Good Girl Gone Bad — Rihanna
good kid, m.A.A.d city — Kendrick Lamar
{Good-Luck} — Big D & The Kids Table
Good Morning Aztlán — Los Lobos
Good Mourning — Alkaline Trio
Good News For People Who Love Bad News — Modest Mouse
The Good Son — Nick Cave & The Bad Seeds
The Good, The Bad & The Queen — The Good, The Bad & The Queen
Goodbye Yellow Brick Road — Elton John
Gossamer — Passion Pit
GP — Gram Parsons
Grace — Jeff Buckley
Graceland — Paul Simon
Graduation — Kanye West
A Grand Don’t Come For Free — The Streets
The Grand Theatre Volume One — Old 97′s
Grassroots — 311
Gratitude — Gratitude
Grave Dancers Union — Soul Asylum
Gravity — Our Lady Peace
The Great Adventures of Slick Rick — Slick Rick
Great Danger — The Audition
The Great Depression — DMX
The Great Destroyer — Low
The Great Escape — Blur
Greatest Hits 84’ — 87' — Reggie & The Full Effect
The Greatest Story Ever Told — David Banner
The Greatest — Cat Power
Green — R.E.M.
The Green World — Dar Williams
Greetings from Michigan: The Great Lakes State — Sufjan Stevens
Grievous Angel — Gram Parsons
Grippe — Jawbox
Guero — Beck
The Guest — Phantom Planet
Guilt Show — The Get Up Kids
Gulag Orkestar — Beruit
Gutterflower — Goo Goo Dolls
H
Hadestown — Anais Mitchell
Half the Time — Pablo
Halfway Between Here and There — RX Bandits
Hall of Fame — Big Sean
Halos and Lassos — Half-Handed Cloud
Ham Fisted — Local H
Hand Me Down — Falling Forward
Handshakes and Heartbreaks — Roses are Red
Hang-Ups — Goldfinger
Happiness Is — Taking Back Sunday
Happiness is Not a Fish You Can Catch — Our Lady Peace
Happy First — Kill Me Tomorrow
Happy Hollow — Cursive
Happy Nowhere — Dog’s Eye View
Hard Candy — Counting Crows
A Hard Day’s Night — The Beatles
Hard Rock Bottom — No Use For A Name
Hard Times are in Fashion — Koufax
The Hardest Way to Make an Easy Living — The Streets
Harmlessness — The World is a Beautiful Place and I Am No Longer Afraid to Die
The Harsh Light of Day — Fastball
The Hate Yourself Change — Neva Dinova
Haughty Melodic — Mike Doughty
Have A Ball — Me First & The Gimme Gimmes
The Hazards of Love — The Decemberists
Head First — Goldfrapp
The Head on the Door — The Cure
The Headphone Masterpiece — Cody Chesnutt
Headphones — Headphones
Heads are Gonna Roll — The Hippos
A Healthy Distrust — Sage Francis
Healthy in Paranoid Times — Our Lady Peace
Heartbreaker — Ryan Adams
Hearts on Parade — American Hi — Fi
Heathen — David Bowie
Heaven is Whenever — The Hold Steady
Hee Saw Dhuh Kaet — Rye Coalition
Height— John Nolan
The Heist— Macklemore & Ryan Lewis
Hell Among the Yearlings — Gillian Welch
Hell Hath No Fury — Clipse
Hell on Earth — Mobb Deep
Hellbilly Deluxe: 13 Tales of Cadaverous Cavorting Inside the Spookshow International — Rob Zombie
Hello — Poe
Hello Bastards — Lifetime
Hello Echo — Maxeen
Hello Nasty — Beastie Boys
Hello Rockview — Less Than Jake
Hello, Control — Brandtson
Help Wanted Nights — The Good Life
Help! — The Beatles
Helplessness Blues — Fleet Foxes
Her Majesty The Decemberists — The Decemberists
Here Comes the Zoo — Local H
Here’s to Shutting Up — Superchunk
Here’s Where the Strings Come In — Superchunk
Heresy and the Hotel Choir — Maritime
Heroine — From First to Last
Hi-Teknology 2 — Hi-Tek
Hi, Everything’s Great — Limbeck
Hide Nothing — Further Seems Forever
High As Hope — Florence + The Machine
High Contrast Comedown — Fluorescein
High Violet — The National
High/Low — Nada Surf
Highly Evolved — The Vines
Highly Refined Pirates — Minus the Bear
Highway 61 Revisited — Bob Dylan
His Band and the Street Choir — Van Morrison
Hit Man Dreams — No Knife
Hitting the Ground — Gordon Gano
Hold On Love — Azure Ray
Holding a Wolf by the Ears — From Autumn to Ashes
Hollywood Town Hall — The Jayhawks
Hombre Lobo: 12 Songs of Desire — Eels
Hometowns — The Rural Alberta Advantage
Homogenic — Björk
Honest — Future
Honest Racket — Sandpeople
Honey I’m Homely! — Dance Hall Crashers
Honeycomb — Frank Black
Hootenanny — The Replacements
Hope — Manchester Orchestra
Hopeless Romantic — The Bouncing Souls
Horehound — The Dead Weather
Horrorscope — Eve 6
Horses — Patti Smith
Hospital Blossoms — The Wailing Wall
Hostage and the Meaning of Life, A — Brazil
Hot Fuss — The Killers
Hot Mess — Cobra Starship
The Hot Rock — Sleater-Kinney
Hot Sauce Committee Part Two — Beastie Boys
The Hour of the Bewilderbeast — Badly Drawn Boy
House of GVSB — Girls Against Boys
Houses of the Holy — Led Zeppelin
How Does Your Garden Grow? — Better Than Ezra
How Far Shallow Takes You — Gob
How I Got Over — The Roots
How It Feels To Be Something On — Sunny Day Real Estate
How It Works — Bodyjar
How Memory Works — Joan of Arc
How To Clean Everything — Propaghandi
How To Meet Girls — Nerf Herder
How To Start A Fire — Further Seems Forever
Human Being — Seal
Human the Death Dance — Sage Francis
A Hundred Million Suns — Snow Patrol
The Hunter’s Lullaby — Raine Maida
Hurley — Weezer
The Hurt Process — Boxer
I
i — The Magnetic Fields
I Am A Bird Now — Antony & The Johnsons
I Am An Elastic Firecracker — Tripping Daisy
I Am The Avalanche — I Am The Avalanche
I Am The Movie — Motion City Soundtrack
I Am… — Nas
I Am… Sasha Fierce — Beyoncé
I and Love and You — The Avett Brothers
I Can Make A Mess Like Nobody’s Business — I Can Make A Mess Like Nobody’s Business
…I Care Because You Do — Aphex Twin
I Do Perceive — Owen
I Don’t Like Shit, I Don’t Go Outside: An Album By Earl Sweatshirt — Earl Sweatshirt
I Hate Music — Superchunk
I Know Your Troubles Been Long — Mayday
I Learned the Hard Way — Sharon Jones & The Dap-Kings
I Wish My Brother George Was Here — Del the Funky Homosapien
I’ll Be Your Girl — The Decemberists
I’ll Sleep When You’re Dead — El-P
I’m Like A Virgin Losing A Child — Manchester Orchestra
I’m Wide Awake It’s Morning — Bright Eyes
I’m With Stupid — Aimee Mann
I’m Your Man — Leonard Cohen
Identikit — Burning Airlines
Identity Crisis — Thrice
The Idiot— Iggy Pop
Idler Wheel Is Wiser Than The Driver Of The Screw And Whipping Cords Will Serve You More Than Ropes Will Ever Do, The — Fiona Apple
Idlewild — Outlast
If Arsenic Fails, Try Algebra — Pop Unknown
If I Knew Now What I Knew Then — Hot Rod Circuit
If It Weren’t For Venetian Blinds It Would Be Curtain For Us All — Piebald
If It’s Cool With You, It’s Cool With Me — Hot Rod Circuit
If They Move… Kill Them — Fairweather
If You Speak Any Faster — June
If You’re Feeling Sinister — Belle and Sebastian
If You’re Reading This It’s Too Late — Drake
Ill Communication — Beastie Boys
Illadelph Halflife — The Roots
Illmatic — Nas
Illumination Ritual — The Appleseed Cast
Imbue — The Early November
The Impossibles — The Impossibles
In A Million Pieces — The Draft
In Casino Out — At the Drive-In
In Currents — The Early November
In Defense of the Genre — Say Anything
In Formal Introduction — The City on Film
In Keeping Secrets of Silent Earth: 3 — Coheed and Cambria
In My Lifetime: Vol. 1 — Jay-Z
In On The Kill Taker — Fugazi
In Rainbows — Radiohead
In Reverie — Saves the Day
In Search Of… — N.E.R.D.
In the Aeroplane Over the Sea — Neutral Milk Hotel
In the Dark — Toots & The Maytals
In The Drink — Justin Courtney Pierre
In the Foul Key of V — Flu Thirteen
In the Shadow of Two Gunmen — The Forecast
In Through the Out Door — Led Zeppelin
In Utero — Nirvana
In With the Out Crowd — Less Than Jake
In Your Honor — Foo Fighters
in•ter a•li•a — At the Drive-In
The Incredible Sinking Feeling — Still Life
Indigo Girls — Indigo Girls
Indoor Living — Superchunk
The Inevitability of a Strange World— Halifax
Infiltration — Assassin
The Information — Beck
The Inhuman Ordeal of Special Agent Gas Huffer — Gas Huffer
Innervisions — Stevie Wonder
Insomniac — Green Day
The Instigator — Rhett Miller
Internal Affairs — Pharoahe Monch
Interpol — Interpol
Interventions and Lullabies — The Format
Invented — Jimmy Eat World
Ire Works — The Dillinger Escape Plan
Ironman — Ghostface Killah
Irresistible Bliss — Soul Coughing
Is — Princess Superstar
…is a Real Boy — Say Anything
Is This It? — The Strokes
Is This Thing Cursed? — Alkaline Trio
Isn’t This Supposed to be Fun!? — Farewell
It Had to do with Love — Koufax
It Means Everything — Save Ferris
It Still Moves — My Morning Jacket
It Takes a Nation of Millions to Hold Us Back — Public Enemy
It Was Written — Nas
It Won’t Snow Where You’re Going — Park
It’s a Calling — The Plus Ones
It’s a Shame About Ray — The Lemonheads
it’s all crazy! it’s all false! it’s all a dream! it’s alright — mewithoutYou
It’s All In Your Head — Eve 6
It’s Always Darkest…Before the Dawn — Turning Point
It’s Dark and Hell is Hot — DMX
It’s Hard to Find a Friend — Pedro the Lion
J
A Jackknife to a Swan — The Mighty Mighty Bosstones
Jacksonville City Nights — Ryan Adams & The Cardinals
Jagged Little Pill — Alanis Morissette
Janet Jackson’s Rhythm Nation 1814 — Janet Jackson
Jawbox — Jawbox
Jealous Me was Killed by Curiosity — Moros Eros
Jersey’s Best Dancers — Lifetime
“Joan of Arc, Dick Cheney, Mark Twain…” — Joan of Arc
John Wesley Harding — Bob Dylan
The Joshua Tree — U2
Jubilee — Grant Lee Buffalo
Junior High Anthems — Smoochknob
Jupiter — Cave In
Juslisen — Musiq
Just Because — The Belle Brigade
Just Enough Bright — Time Spent Driving
Justified — Justin Timberlake
K
The K.G.B. — The K.G.B.
Keasbey Nights — Catch-22
Keep It Going — Mad Caddies
Keep It Like A Secret — Built To Spill
Keep Your Heart — The Loved Ones
Keeper of Youth — The Only Children
Kerplunk! — Green Day
ΚΕΦΑΛΗΞΘ — Ministry
Kick — INXS
Kid A — Radiohead
Kids on the Street — Cherry Poppin’ Daddies
Kill ’Em All — Metallica
Kill Them With Kindness — The Jealous Sound
Kill Your Television — The Reunion Show
Killed For Less — Sense Field
Killed or Cured — The New Amsterdams
Killingtons, The — The Killingtons
Kind of Blue — Miles Davis
The King is Dead — The Decemberists
Kings of Pop — Home Grown
Kiss Each Other Clean — Iron and Wine
Kiss Me, Kiss Me, Kiss Me — The Cure
Kiss Your Ass Goodbye — The Blue Meanies
Kneebody — Kneebody
KOD — J. Cole
Korea Girl — Korea Girl
L
L’ Homme Robotik — Spark Lights The Friction
La Cucaracha — Ween
The Lady Killer — Cee Lo Green
Lady Melody — Audio Karate
Land Air Sea — The Special Goodness
Lasers — Lupe Fiasco
Last Days of August — Last Days of August
Last Night On Earth — Noah And The Whale
Last of the Sharpshooters — Down By Law
Last Splash — The Breeders
Last Stop Suburbia — Allister
Last Stop: Crappy Town — Reggie & The Full Effect
Late Night Conversations — The Forecast
Late Registration — Kanye West
Lateralus — Tool
Laughing Gallery — Ruth Ruth
LAX — The Game
Lazaretto — Jack White
LCD Soundsystem — LCD Soundsystem
Leave Your Name — Statistics
Leave Your Sleep — Natalie Merchant
Leaving Through The Window — Something Corporate
Leche Con Carne — No Use For A Name
Lechuza — Fenix TX
Led Zeppelin — Led Zeppelin
Led Zeppelin II — Led Zeppelin
Led Zeppelin III — Led Zeppelin
Led Zeppelin IV — Led Zeppelin
Left And Leaving — The Weakerthans
Leisure — Blur
Leitmotif — dredg
The Lemon of Pink — The Books
The Lemonheads — The Lemonheads
Let England Shake — PJ Harvey
Let It Be — The Replacements
Let it Bleed — The Rolling Stones
Let It Enfold You — Senses Fail
Let It Rest — Sorry About Dresden
Let Love In — Nick Cave & The Bad Seeds
Let Me Come Home — Limbeck
Let’s Face It — The Mighty Mighty Bosstones
Let’s Get It On — Marvin Gaye
Let’s Get Ready — Mystikal
Let’s Go — Rancid
Letterbox — Brandtson
Letters Home — Defeater
Letting Off The Happiness — Bright Eyes
Lex Hives — The Hives
Libido — Buck-O-Nine
Licensed To Ill — Beastie Boys
Lies For The Liars — The Used
Life After Death — The Notorious B.I.G.
Life and Death of an American Fourtracker — John Vanderslice
Life as a Spectator — Crosstide
Life Gone Wrong — Landscapes
Life in 1472 — Jermaine Dupri
Life in Cartoon Motion — Mika
Life in Dreaming — Hidden in Plain View
Life in General — MxPx
Life Lessons — Handguns
The Life of Pablo — Kanye West
Life Won’t Wait — Rancid
Life’s Rich Pageant — R.E.M.
Lifetime — Lifetime
Lifted or The Story is in the Soil, Keep Your Ear to the Ground — Bright Eyes
Light Music for Dying People — Sordid Humor
Lightweight Holiday — Lightweight Holiday
Like the Exorcist but More Breakdancing — Murder by Death
Like Water for Chocolate — Common
Like You Like An Arsonist — Paris, Texas
Limbeck — Limbeck
Limblifter — Limblifter
Lincoln — They Might Be Giants
Lines in my Face — Chronic Future
Liquid Skin — Gomez
Liquid Swords — GZA
Liquor in the Front — The Reverend Horton Heat
Little Daggers — Val Emmich
Little Hell — City and Colour
Live and Learn — House of Fools
Live Fast Diarrhea — The Vandals
Live Through This — Hole
Living Together — Vermont
Living Well is the Best Revenge — Midtown
Lock-Sport-Krock — Nikola Sarcevic
Lockjaw — Dance Hall Crashers
Logic and Loss — Pushover
London Calling — The Clash
Lonely Avenue — Ben Folds and Nick Hornby
Lonely Runs Both Ways — Alison Krause & Union Station
The Lonesome Crowded West — Modest Mouse
Long Knives Drawn — Rainer Maria
Long Live A$AP — A$AP Rocky
Look Back and Laugh — Sissies
Look Now Look Again — Rainer Maria
Lookit! — Slapstick
Lord Willin’ — Clipse
Loses Control — Hey Mercedes
Losing Streak — Less Than Jake
Lost a Few Battles…Won the War — Watashi Wa
Lost and Gone Forever — Guster
Lost and Safe — The Books
Lost Dogs + Mixed Blessings — John Prine
Lost in America — The Gathering Field
Lost in Space — Aimee Mann
Lost Somewhere Between the Earth and My Home — The Geraldine Fibbers
A Loud Bash of Teenage Feelings — Beach Slang
The Loud Wars — So Many Dynamos
Louder Now — Taking Back Sunday
Love in the Fascist Brothel — The Plot to Blow Up the Eiffel Towel
Love is Hell — Ryan Adams
The Love Movement — A Tribe Called Quest
The Love of Life — Watashi Wa
Love. Angel. Music. Baby. — Gwen Stefani
Loveless — My Bloody Valentine
The Low End Theory — A Tribe Called Quest
The Low Hanging Fruit — The Wailing Wall
Low Level Owl: Vol 1 — The Appleseed Cast
Low Level Owl: Vol 2 — The Appleseed Cast
Lucero — Lucero
The Luck of the Draw — Bonnie Raitt
Lucky — Fifteen
Lucky Thumbs — Brandon Butler
Lullabies to Paralyze — Queens of the Stone Age
Lunch for the Sky — Socratic
Lungs — Florence + The Machine
Lupe Fiasco’s Food and Liquor — Lupe Fiasco
Lupe Fiasco’s The Cool — Lupe Fiasco
Lust For Life — Iggy Pop
M
Made in the Dark — Hot Chip
Madvillainy — Madvillain
The Maggot — Melvins
Magic — Bruce Springsteen
Magnetic Bodies/Maps of Bones — Maritime
Magnetic North — Hopesfall
Majesty Shredding — Superchunk
Make Up the Breakdown — Hot Hot Heat
Making Moves — Biology
Maladroit — Weezer
Mama Said — Lenny Kravitz
Mama, I’m Swollen — Cursive
A Man Called (E) — E
Man on the Moon: The End of Day — KiD CuDi
Mandala — Rx Bandits
Mantra — Shelter
March 16–20 1992 — Uncle Tupelo
March on Electric Children — The Blood Brothers
Mare Vitalis — The Appleseed Cast
Marquee Moon — Television
Marshall Mathers LP — Martha Wainwright
Mary’s Voice — The Music Tapes
Maryland Mansions — Cex
Mass Romantic — The New Pornographers
The Massacre — 50 Cent
Master of Puppets — Metallica
Matters — Pulley
Maxeen — Maxeen
Maxinquaye — Tricky
Maxwell’s Urban Hang Suite — Maxwell
Maybe I’ll Catch Fire — Alkaline Trio
Maybe You’ve Been Brainwashed Too — The New Radicals
McLusky Do Dallas — McLusky
MCMLXXXV — Rufio
The Meadowlands — The Wrens
Mean Everything to Nothing — Manchester Orchestra
Meantime — Helmet
Meat Puppets II — Meat Puppets
Mechanical Animals — Marilyn Manson
Media — The Faint
Meditations — John Coltrane
Medusa — Annie Lennox
Mellon Collie and The Infinite Sadness — The Smashing Pumpkins
Memories…Do Not Open — The Chainsmokers
Mermaid Avenue — Billy Bragg & Wilco
Message for Albert — Five For Fighting
Metallica — Metallica
Metals — Feist
Mezmerize — System of a Down
Mic City Sons — Heatmiser
Middle Cyclone — Neko Case
Midnight Marauders — A Tribe Called Quest
Midnight Vultures — Beck
Midwestern Songs of the Americas — Dillinger Four
The Milk-Eyed Monster — Joanna Newsom
Mind, Body & Soul — Joss Stone
Minnesota Hotel — Pinehurst Kids
Minority of One — Day Nasty
The Minstrel Show — Little Brother
The Miracle of 86 — The Miracle of 86
Mirrored — Battles
The Miseducation of Lauren Hill — Lauren Hill
Miss Machine — The Dillinger Escape Plan
The Missing Link — Jeremy Enigk
The Missing Years — John Prine
A Mission, A Mark, A Brand, A Scar — Dashboard Confessional
Mission: Control! — Burning Airlines
Mmhmm — Relient K
Modern Guilt — Beck
Modern Life is Rubbish — Blur
The Moldy Peaches — The Moldy Peaches
The Monitor — Titus Andronicus
Monkeys for Nothin’ and the Chimps for Free — Reel Big Fish
Mono — Grandpaboy
Monster — Killer Mike
Monster — R.E.M.
Monsters of Folk — Monsters of Folk
Monte Carlo — Digger
The Moon and Antartica — Modest Mouse
The Moon is Down — Further Seems Forever
Moondance — Van Morrison
Moonlight Revival — Ponderosa
More Adventurous — Rilo Kiley
More Betterness! — No Use For A Name
More Noise and Other Disturbances — The Mighty Mighty Bosstones
More Talk, Less Rock — Propagandhi
More Than You Thought You Knew — Matchbox Twenty
The Morning Light — The Morning Light
Morning Phase — Beck
Mos Def & Talib Kweli Are Black Star — Black Star
The Mother, The Mechanic, and The Path — The Early November
Mother’s Milk — Red Hot Chili Peppers
Motorcade of Generosity — Cake
The Mouse & The Mask — Danger Doom
Moving Pictures — Rush
Mr. Bungle — Mr. Bungle
Mr. Funny Face — Sprung Monkey
Mule Variations — Tom Waits
Murmur — R.E.M.
Murs 3:16: The 9th Edition — Murs & 9th Wonder
Muse Sick — N — Hour Mess Age — Public Enemy
Music From Big Pink — The Band
Music Tapes for Clouds and Tornados — The Music Tapes
musicforthemorningafter — Pete Yorn
Musicology — Prince
Must We Call Them Rad Trads? — The Rad Trads
Mutations — Beck
Mute Print — A Wilhelm Scream
MUTEMATH — MUTEMATH
Mutilate Us — amfm
My Aim is True — Elvis Costello
My Beautiful Dark Twisted Fantasy — Kanye West
My Brother’s Blood Machine — The Prize Fighter Inferno
My Dinosaur Life — Motion City Soundtrack
My Shame is True — Alkaline Trio
N
Narrow Stairs — Death Cab For Cutie
Nashville Skyline — Bob Dylan
Nasty Little Thoughts — Stroke 9
Naturally — Sharon Jones & The Dap-Kings
Naveed — Our Lady Peace
Nebraska — Bruce Springsteen
Needle Bed — John Ralston
The Needles The Space— Straylight Run
Neighborhood Watch — Dilated Peoples
The Neighborhood — Los Lobos
Neighborhoods — Blink-182
Nellyville — Nelly
Neon Bible — Arcade Fire
Nerf Herder — Nerf Herder
Never Mind the Bollocks Here’s the Sex Pistols — Sex Pistols
Never You Mind — The New Amsterdams
Nevermind — Nirvana
New Adventures in Hi — Fi — R.E.M.
New Beginning — Tracy Chapman
The New Danger — Mos Def
New Found Glory — New Found Glory
New Miserable Experience — Gin Blossoms
New Multitudes — Jay Farrar, Will Johnson, Anders Parker, & Yim Yames
New Old Friends — Dolour
New Parade — The Sheila Divine
A New Tide — Gomez
New Wave — Against Me!
The New What’s Next — Hot Water Music
Nimrod — Green Day
No Coast — Braid
No Code — Pearl Jam
No Country for Old Musicians — Reggie & The Full Effect
No Depression — Uncle Tupelo
No Devolución — Thursday
No Division — Hot Water Music
No Good, No Time, No Pride — River City Rebels
No Joke! — Meat Puppets
No Kill No Beep Beep — Q And Not U
No Need to Argue — The Cranberries
No News is Good News — Liars Academy
No Pocky For Kitty — Superchunk
No Really, I’m Fine — The Spill Canvas
No Signal — Park
No Traffic — The Stereo
Nobody’s Darlings — Lucero
North — Something Corporate
Not Without A Fight — New Found Glory
Notes From Underground — 1997
Nothing Feels Good — The Promise Ring
Nothing Gold Can Stay — A New Found Glory
Nothing Was The Same — Drake
Nothing’s Shocking — Jane’s Addiction
Novelty — Jawbox
Novena on a Nocturn — The Good Life
Now It’s Overhead — Now It’s Overhead
Now You See Inside — SR — 71
Now’s the Time — Charlie Parker
Nowhere Fast — Link 80
NYC Ghosts and Flowers — Sonic Youth
O
O — Damien Rice
Observatories — Blue Cranes
The Ocean and the Sun — The Sounds of Animals Fighting
Ocean Avenue — Yellowcard
The Odd Couple — Gnarls Barkley
Odelay — Beck
Of Someday Shambles — Jebediah
Off The Wall — Michael Jackson
Often Lie — Statistics
Oh Mercy — Bob Dylan
Oh, Inverted World — The Shins
Oh! Calcutta! — The Lawrence Arms
OK Computer — Radiohead
Old — Danny Brown
Old Blood — Mayday
On — Imperial Teen
On A Wire — The Get Up Kids
On How Life Is — Macy Gray
On My Way — Ben Kweller
On The Impossible Past — The Menzingers
On The Mouth — Superchunk
on the Strength of all Convinced — Daphne Loves Derby
Once Fierce Beer Coaster — The Bloodhound Gang
One Beat — Sleater-Kinney
One Cell in the Sea — A Fine Frenzy
One Foot in the Grave — Beck
One For The Kids — Yellowcard
One Hot Minute — Red Hot Chili Peppers
One Wrench — Avail
The One — Elton John
Only Built 4 Cuban Linx — Raekwon
Oracular Spectacular — MGMT
Orange Rhyming Dictionary — Jets To Brazil
Original Pirate Material — The Streets
Our Endless Numbered Days — Iron & Wine
Our Own Wars — Small Brown Bike
Our Time in Eden — 10,000 Maniacs
Out of Business — EPMD
Out of Exile — Audioslave
Out of the Shadow — Rogue Wave
Out of the Vein — Third Eye Blind
Out of Time — R.E.M.
Outer South — Conor Oberst & The Mystic Valley Band
Outlandos d’Amour — The Police
Owen — Owen
Owls — Owls
Oxymoron — ScHoolboy Q
Oz Factor — Unwritten Law
P
Pack Up the Cats — Local H
Page Avenue — Story of the Year
Paging Mr. Proust — The Jayhawks
Paid in Full — Eric B. & Rakim
Painted Shut — Hop Along
Pallelujah! — MC Paul Barman
Palm Trees and Power Lines — Sugarcult
Palomino — Trampled by Turtles
Pandora — Somerset
Panic Stations — Motion City Soundtrack
Paper Trail — T.I.
Para Toda Vida — The New Amsterdams
Parachutes — Coldplay
Paradise in Me — K’s Choice
Parallel Lives — Gates
Paranoid — Black Sabbath
Parklife — Blur
Parts of Speech — Dessa
Party Music — The Coup
The Party’s Over — Smoking Popes
Pass the Flask — The Bled
Patent Pending — Heavens
Paul’s Boutique — Beastie Boys
Pay Attention — The Mighty Mighty Bosstones
Payola — Desaparecidos
Pearl — Janis Joplin
Pedals — Rival Schools
Pedestrian Life — Jay Leibowitz
Penny Black — Further Seems Forever
Pennybridge Pioneers — Millencolin
People and Things — Jack’s Mannequin
People’s Instinctive Travels and the Paths of Rhythm — A Tribe Called Quest
The People’s Key — Bright Eyes
Peregrine — The Appleseed Cast
Perfecting Loneliness — Jets To Brazil
perhaps, i suppose… — Rufio
Personal Journals — Sage Francis
Pessimism & Satire — Logan Square
Pet Sounds — The Beach Boys
Pet Your Friends — Dishwalla
Pete Yorn — Pete Yorn
Peter Gabriel — Peter Gabriel
Pezcore — Less Than Jake
Phantom Planet — Phantom Planet
Philadelphia Songs — Denison Witmer
The Photo Album — Death Cab for Cutie
Photographs — Mest
Phrenology — The Roots
Physical Graffiti — Led Zeppelin
Picaresque — The Decemberists
Pieces of You — Jewel
The Pillage — Cappadonna
Pinkterton — Weezer
Pixel Revolt — John Vanderslice
A Place in the Sun — Lit
Places Like This — Architecture in Helsinki
The Places You Have Come to Fear the Most — Dashboard Confessional
Planet of Ice — Minus the Bear
Plans — Death Cab For Cutie
The Platform — Dilated Peoples
Play — Moby
Pneumonia — Whiskeytown
Poised to Break — Sunday’s Best
Poison I Drank From — Bryan Free
Pokinatcha — MxPx
Poly Sci — John Forté
Pony Express Records — Shudder To Think
Popaganda — Head Automatica
Porcelain — Sparta
Pork Soda — Primus
Poses — Rufus Wainwright
Post — Björk
Post-Nothing — Japandroids
Power — Q and Not U
The Power of Failing — Mineral
The Pre-Fix For Death — Necro
The Predator — Ice Cube
Presence — Led Zeppelin
The Presidents of the United States of America — The Presidents of the United States of America
Press — Mu330
Pretty Hate Machine — Nine Inch Nails
The Pretty Toney Album — Ghostface Killah
Pretty. Odd. — Panic! At the Disco
Pretzel Logic — Steely Dan
The Pride of Chester James — Sleep Station
Prince — Prince
A Prince Among Thieves — Prince Paul
Pro Tools — GZA
Progress — Clowns For Progress
Progress — RX Bandits
Progression Through Unlearning — Snapcase
Prolonging the Magic — Cake
Promotional Copy — Reggie And the Full Effect
Protection — Face To Face
Provincial — John K. Samson
Provisions, Fictions and Gear — Moth
Pull Me Up…Drag Me Down — Silver Jet
Pull the Thorns From Your Heart — Senses Fail
Punk In Drublic — NoFX
Purple — Stone Temple Pilots
Purple Rain — Prince & The Revolution
Pushing the Salmanilla Envelope — Jimmie’s Chicken Shack
Put Your Ghost to Rest — Kevin Devine
Putting the Days to Bed — The Long Winters
Puzzle — Biffy Clyro
Q
Quality — Talib Kweli
Quality Control — Jurassic 5
Question the Answers — The Mighty Mighty Bosstones
The Question — Emery
The Quickening — The Vandals
The Quilt — Gym Class Heroes
R
Rabbit Fur Coat — Jenny Lewis with The Watson Twins
Radio Music Society — Esperanza Spalding
Radiosurgery — New Found Glory
Rage Against The Machine — Rage Against The Machine
Rainy Day Music — The Jayhawks
Raising Sand — Robert Plant & Alison Kraus
Ramones — Ramones
Rapid City Muscle Car — Cherry Poppin’ Daddies
Rave Un2 the Joy Fantastic — Prince
Ray of Light — Madonna
RE: Dereliction — Acrobat Down
reachin’ (a new refutation of time and space) — Digable Planets
Read Music / Speak Spanish — Desaparecidos
Reading, Writing and Arithmetic — The Sundays
Ready To Die — The Notorious B.I.G.
Ready… Break — Something Corporate
Readymades — Chumbawamba
Real Gone — Tom Waits
Realism — The Magnetic Fields
Reality vs. The Optimist — Kiss Kiss
Reality’s Coming Through — Hot Rod Circuit
Rebel, Sweetheart — The Wallflowers
Rebels, Rogues & Sworn Brothers — Lucero
Reckoning — R.E.M.
Reconstruction Site — The Weakerthans
Recovering The Satellites — Counting Crows
Recovery — Loudon Wainwright III
Red House Painters — Red House Painters
The Red Sea — The Shondes
The Red Tree — .moneen.
Redefining Music — Atom & His Package
Redemption — Useless I.D.
Reggatta De Blanc — The Police
Regretfully Yours — Superdrag
Rei Momo — David Byrne
Relapse — Eminem
Relationship of Command — At The Drive-In
Release the Stars — Rufus Wainwright
Relief — Vacationer
Relief — My Iron Lung
Remember Right Now — Spitalfield
The Reminder — Feist
Repeater — Fugazi
Repetition — Unwound
The Resignation — RX Bandits
Resolution — Hidden in Plain View
Resurrection — Brian Vander Ark
Resurrection — A New Found Glory
Return — The Impossibles
Return of Saturn — No Doubt
Return of the Boom Bap — KRS-ONE
Return of the Frog Queen — Jeremy Enigk
Return To Cookie Mountain — TV On The Radio
Return To The 36 Chambers: The Dirty Version — Ol’ Dirty Bastard
Return to the Sea — Islands
Reunion Tour — The Weakerthans
Rev — Ten Foot Poll
Reveal — R.E.M.
Revolutions Per Minute — Reflection Eternal
Revolver — The Beatles
Rewind+Record — The Stereo
Rewiring the Electric Forest — Darla Farmer
Rhythm of the Saints — Paul Simon
Richard D. James Album — Aphex Twin
Rid Of Me — PJ Harvey
Ride The Lightning — Metallica
Right Now, You’re in the Best of Hands. And If Something Isn’t Quite Right, Your Doctor Will Know in a Hurry — Bear Vs. Shark
Ringing in the Dawn — Trial By Fire
Ringside — Ringside
Rio — Duran Duran
Riot! — Paramore
Rise and Fall of Ziggy Stardust and The Spiders From Mars, The — David Bowie
Rise and Run — The Honor System
Rise or Die Trying — Four Year Strong
Rising Down — The Roots
The Rising Tide — Sunny Day Real Estate
The Rising — Bruce Springsteen
Ritual de lo Habitual — Jane’s Addition
The River Bed — Small Brown Bike
Riverfenix — Riverfenix
Roadkill Overcoat — Busdriver
Robyn — Robyn
Robyn is Here — Robyn
Rock N Roll — Ryan Adams
Rock Steady — No Doubt
Rocket — Primitive Radio Gods
Rockin’ the Suburbs — Ben Folds
The Rocking Chair Years — Day At The Fair
…rocks your lame ass — Hagfish
Rodeo and Picasso — Recover
Romance is a Slowdance — Crumb
Room For Squares — John Mayer
Room Noises — Eisley
Room on Fire — The Strokes
The Room’s Too Cold — The Early November
Rooney — Rooney
Rubber Factory — The Black Keys
Rubberneck — The Toadies
Ruby Vroom — Soul Coughing
Rufus Wainwright — Rufus Wainwright
Ruiner — A Wilhelm Scream
Rumors and Headlines — One Man Army
Rumours — Fleetwood Mac
Rump Shaker — Suburban Legends
Run It Up the Flagpole — Farewell
Run the Jewels — Run the Jewels
Run the Jewels 2 — Run the Jewels
Run the Jewels 3 — Run the Jewels
Run To Be Born — Walking Concert
The Runners Four — Deerhoof
Rush — Rush
S
S/T — Rainer Maria
Sad Sappy Sucker — Modest Mouse
Sagarmatha — The Appleseed Cast
Sailing the Sea of Cheese — Primus
Sam’s Town — The Killers
Samiam — Samiam
Santi — The Academy Is…
Satanic Panic in the Attic — of Montreal
The Satellite Years — Hopesfall
Saturday Nights and Sunday Mornings — Counting Crows
Saturnalia — The Gutter Twins
Save It — Shades Apart
Save the World, Lose the Girl — Midtown
Say Anything — Say Anything
Say Hello To Sunshine — Finch
Say It Like You Mean It — The Starting Line
Scenic — Denver Harbor
Science Fiction — Brand New
The Score — The Fugees
Sea Change — Beck
Seal — Seal
Seal — Seal
Seasick — Imperial Teen
The Sebadoh — Sebadoh
Second Stage Turbine Blade — Coheed and Cambria
Secret Name — Low
Secrets and Lies — The Æffect
Section.80 — Kendrick Lamar
Security — Mind Over Matter
See the Light — Less Than Jake
See You Around — I’m With Her
Seeing Sounds — N*E*R*D
Separation Sunday — The Hold Steady
Set Sail the Prairie — Kaddisfly
Set Your Goals — CIV
Seven Swans — Sufjan Stevens
Seven’s Travels — Atmosphere
Seventeen Seconds — The Cure
Seventh Tree — Goldfrapp
Severed — Severed
Sgt. Pepper’s Lonely Hearts Club Band — The Beatles
Sha Sha — Ben Kweller
The Shade of Poison Trees — Dashboard Confessional
Shake the Sheets — Ted Leo & The Pharmacists
The Shape of Punk to Come: A Chimerical Bombation in 12 Bursts — Refused
She Loves You — The Twilight Singers
Shed Some Skin — Slow Gherkin
The Shepherd’s Dog — Iron & Wine
Shh, Just Go With It — Every Avenue
Shhh — Chumbawamba
Shine A Light — Constantines
Shootenanny! — Eels
Short Bus — Filter
Show Off — Show Off
Siamese Dream — Smashing Pumpkins
Sigh No More — Mumford & Sons
The Sign — Ace of Base
The Silence Party — When Walls Are Built
Silent Alarm — Bloc Party
silent sober and sound — Outsmarting Simon
The Silver Gymnasium — Okkervil River
Silver Sweepstakes — Knapsack
Sing the Sorrow — AFI
Single File — The Honor System
Singularity — Mae
Sir Lucious Left Foot…The Son of Chico Dusty — Big Boi
Siren Song of the Counter Culture — Rise Against
Sister — Sonic Youth
Sisters of the Red Death — Vendetta Red
Situationist Comedy — Dillinger Four
Sixteen Stone — Bush
Skankin’ Pickle Fever — Skankin’ Pickle
Skittish — Mike Doughty
Sky Blue Sky — Wilco
Sleepwalker — JamisonParker
Sleepy Eyed — Buffalo Tom
Slim Shady LP, The — Eminem
Slip — Quicksand
Slippery When Wet — Bon Jovi
Slow Down Kid — Val Emmich
Slow Motion Daydream — Everclear
Slowly Going the Way of the Buffalo — MxPx
Slowreader — Slowreader
Small Change — Tom Waits
Small Steps, Heavy Hooves — Dear and the Headlights
Smash — The Offspring
Smile — The Jayhawks
The Sneak Attack — KRS-ONE
Snowman — Engine 88
So — Peter Gabriel
So Beautiful or So What — Paul Simon
So Divided — …And You Will Know Us By The Trail of Dead
So Far From Home — Reach the Sky
So Long, Astoria — The Ataris
So Much For the Afterglow — Everclear
So So Glos, The — The So So Glos
So, You Think it’s Hot in Here? — Paris, Texas
So…How’s Your Girl? — Handsome Boy Modeling School
Soar — Samiam
Social Life — Koufax
The Soft Bulletin — The Flaming Lips
Solea — Solea
Solid State 14 — My Superhero
Some Are Lakes — Land of Talk
Some Nights — fun.
Some of You Will Like This, Some of You Won’t — Four Year Strong
Something About Airplanes — Death Cab For Cutie
Something To Write Home About — The Get Up Kids
Sometimes — City and Colour
Somewhere in America — Dynamite Boy
Somewhere Under Wonderland — Counting Crows
Song — Lullaby for the Working Class
Songs About Jane — Maroon 5
Songs about Polarbears — Snow Patrol
Songs For Silverman — Ben Folds
Songs from an American Movie Vol. 1: Learning How To Smile — Everclear
Songs from an American Movie Vol. 2: Good Time for a Bad Attitude — Everclear
Songs in A Minor — Alicia Keys
Songs in the Key of Life — Stevie Wonder
Songs of Leonard Cohen — Leonard Cohen
Songs of Love and Hate — Leonard Cohen
Songs to Not Get Married to — Reggie and the Full Effect
The Sophtware Slump — Grandaddy
Sorry About Tomorrow — Hot Rod Circuit
Sorry Vampire — John Ralston
Soul Caddy — Cherry Poppin’ Daddies
Soul Food — Goodie Mob
Souljacker — Eels
The Sound and the Fury — Mothermania
Sound of Lies — The Jayhawks
Sound of Silver — LCD Soundsystem
The Sound of the Life in the Mind — Ben Folds Five
Sound the Alarm — Saves the Day
Soundsystem: — 311
Soundtrack for a Generation — Student Rick
Soundtrack to a Headrush — Emanuel
Source Tags & Codes — …and you will know us by the trail of dead
Southern Rock Opera — Drive By Truckers
Southern Weather — The Almost
Southernplayalisticadillacmuzik — OutKast
Soviet Kitsch — Regina Spektor
Space Camp — Audio Karate
Sparkle and Fade — Everclear
Speak in Code — Eve 6
Speakerboxxx / The Love Below — OutKast
Speaking in Tongues — Talking Heads
Speedin’ Bullet 2 Heaven — Kid Cudi
Spiritual Machines — Our Lady Peace
Split the Country, Split the Street — Kevin Devine
Spoke — Spoke
Sporting Life — The Muckruckers
Spread the Rumors — Socratic
St. Elsewhere — Gnarls Barkley
Stadium Arcadium — Red Hot Chili Peppers
The Stand Ins — Okkervil River
Standing on the Shoulders of Giants — Oasis
Stankonia — OutKast
Stars and Satellites — Trampled by Turtles
Start Here — The Gloria Record
Start Static — Sugarcult
Start Today — Gorilla Biscuits
A Static Lullaby — A Static Lullaby
Static Prevails — Jimmy Eat World
Stay Positive — The Hold Steady
Stay What You Are — Saves the Day
Steal This Album — The Suicide Machines
Steal This Album! — System of a Down
Steel Train — Steel Train
Stereo — Paul Westerberg
Sticks and Stones — New Found Glory
Sticky Fingers — The Rolling Stones
Still Crazy After All These Years — Paul Simon
Still Feel Gone — Uncle Tupelo
Still Life — Strike.Fire.Fall
Still Searching — Senses Fail
Stillmatic — NaS
Stop Doing Bad Things — Spitalfield
Stop, Drop, and Roll — Foxboro Hot Tubs
Stories and Alibis — Matchbook Romance
Stories from the City, Stories from the Sea — PJ Harvey
The Storms of Early Summer: Semantics of Song — Cursive
Story Like A Scar — The New Amsterdams
The Story So Far — The Story So Far
Straightaways — Son Volt
Strange Clouds — B.o.B
Strange Distress Calls — Tourmaline
Strange We Should Meet Here — Idiot Pilot
Stranger to Stranger — Paul Simon
Strangers Almanac — Whiskeytown
Strangeways, Here We Come — The Smiths
Straylight Run — Straylight Run
Strays — Jane’s Addiction
Street’s Disciple — NaS
Streetcore — Joe Strummer & The Mescaleros
The Streets of San Francisco — Swingin’ Utters
Strictly 4 My N.I.G.G.A.Z. — 2Pac
Stripped — Christina Aguilera
Strugglers — Koufax
Sublime — Sublime
Subliminal Plastic Motives — Self
Suburban Hymns — The Life and Times
Suburban Teenage Wasteland Blues — Strung Out
Suburbiac — Dolour
Such Blinding Stars For Starving Eyes — Cursive
Suffer — Bad Religion
The Sufferer and the Witness, The — Rise Against
The Suicide Machines — The Suicide Machines
Suicide Medicine — Rocky Votolato
Suicide Season — Bring Me the Horizon
Sumday — Grandaddy
Summer Bones — Hit The Lights
Summer in Abaddon — Pinback
summerteeth — Wilco
The Sunlandic Twins — of Montreal
Sunny Day Real Estate — Sunny Day Real Estate
Supa Dupa Fly — Missy “Misdemeanor” Elliot
Superchunk — Superchunk
Superfast — Dynamite Hack
Supergrass — Supergrass
¡$Uper! Mercado! — 2 Skinnee J’s
Supernature — Goldfrapp
Superunknown — Soundgarden
Supply and Depend — Warship
Supposed Former Infatuation Junkie — Alanis Morrisette
Surf — Donnie Trumpet & The Social Experience
Surfer Rosa — Pixies
Surprise — Paul Simon
Surrealistic Pillow — Jefferson Airplane
Survival is for Cowards — The Casket Lottery
Survivor — Fifteen
Sweet Baby James — James Taylor
Sweet Oblivion — Screaming Trees
Sweet Water — Sweet Water
Sweetheart of the Rodeo — The Byrds
Swingin’ with Raymond — Chumbawamba
Swirl — Sprung Monkey
The Swiss Army Romance — Dashboard Confessional
Swoon — Silversun Pickups
Symptoms of a Leveling Spirit — Good Riddance
System of a Down — System of a Down
T
Take Care — Drake
Take Off Your Pants and Jacket — Blink-182
Taken In — Pave The Rocket
Takeoffs and Landings — Rilo Kiley
Taking Back Sunday — Taking Back Sunday
Tales from the Punchbowl — Primus
Talking Heads: 77 — Talking Heads
Talking is Hard — Walk the Moon
Tallahassee — The Mountain Goats
Taller Children — Elizabeth & The Catapult
Tapestry — Carole King
Taste of Chocolate — Big Daddy Kane
Tattoo You — The Rolling Stones
The Teaches of Peaches — Peaches
Teen Idols — Teen Idols
Tej Leo(?), Rx/Pharmacists — Ted Leo & The Pharmacists
Tell All Your Friends — Taking Back Sunday
Telling Secrets to Strangers — Self Against City
Tempest — Bob Dylan
Temple of the Dog — Temple of the Dog
Ten — Pearl Jam
Ten Spot — Shudder to Think
Terrible Things — Terrible Things
Terror Twilight — Pavement
Tetsuo & Youth — Lupe Fiasco
TEXT_BOMB — Blueline Medic
Tha Carter — Lil Wayne
Tha Doggfather — Snoop Dogg
that dog. — that dog.
That Much Further West — Lucero
That Within Blood Ill-Tempered — Shai Hulud
The Theory of Harmonial Value — .moneen.
There Are Rules — The Get Up Kids
There is Nothing Left To Lose — Foo Fighters
There’s Nothing Wrong With Love — Built to Spill
They Might Be Giants — They Might Be Giants
They’re Only Chasing Safety — Underoath
Things Fall Apart — The Roots
The Things We Do To Find People Like Us — Beach Slang
Think Tank — Blur
Third Eye Blind — Third Eye Blind
Third/Sister Lovers — Big Star
This Addiction — Alkaline Trio
This Afternoon’s Malady — Jejune
This Chapter Is Called Titles — Limbeck
This Conversation is Ending Starting Right Now — Knapsack
This Desert Life — Counting Crows
This is a Long Drive for Someone With Nothing to Think About — Modest Mouse
This is Who You Are — The Beautiful Mistake
This May Be the Year I Disappear — Recover
This Night — Destroyer
This Side — Nickel Creek
This Time Next Year — The Movielife
This Time — Los Lobos
This Town’s Disaster — Blackpool Lights
This Unknown Science — Joy Kills Sorrow
This Vicious Cycle — Junction 18
This Will Be Laughing Week — Ultimate Facebook
This=Everything — National Skyline
Those Who Tell the Truth Shall Die, Those Who Tell the Truth Shall Live Forever — Explosions in the Sky
Three Cheers for Sweet Revenge — My Chemical Romance
Three Hundred — The Stereo
Threes — Sparta
Thriller — Michael Jackson
Thriller — New End Original
Through Being Cool — Saves the Day
Throwing Copper — Live
Throwing the Game — Lucky Boys Confusion
Thunder, Lighting, Strike — The Go! Team
Tical — Method Man
Tical 2000: Judgement Day — Method Man
Tidal — Fiona Apple
Tigerlily — Natalie Merchant
Till We Have Faces — Noise Ratchet
Tim — The Replacements
Time to Discover — Robert Bradley’s Blackwater Surprise
The Times They Are A-Chagin’ — Bob Dylan
Tin Cans with Strings to You — Far
Tiny Music…Songs from the Vatican Gift Shop — Stone Temple Pilots
The Tipping Point — The Roots
Title of Record — Filter
To All Our Fallen Heroes — Ann Beretta
To All We Stretch the Open Arm — Mirah & The Black Cat Orchestra
To Bring You My Love — PJ Harvey
To Pimp A Butterfly — Kendrick Lamar
To the 5 Boroughs — Beastie Boys
Today’s Empires, Tomorrow’s Ashes — Propaghandi
Together — The New Pornographers
Tomorrow Morning — Eels
Tomorrow the Green Grass — The Jayhawks
Tonight and Forever — Sense Field
Too Bad You’re Beautiful — From Autumn to Ashes
Too High to Die — Meat Puppets
Too Late…No Friends — Gob
Toxicity — System of a Down
Trace — Son Volt
Tracy Chapman — Tracy Chapman
Tragedy — The Vehicle Birth
Tragic Kingdom — No Doubt
Train of Thought — Reflection Eternal
Train — Train
Trainwreck — Boys Night Out
Trampoline — Steel Train
Trans-Continental Hustle — Gogol Bordello
Transatlanticism — Death Cab for Cutie
Transistor — 311
Traveling Without Moving — Jamiroqui
Travistan — Travis Morrison
Trips — Samiam
Trompe Le Monde — The Pixies
Trouble — Ray LaMontagne
Trouble Will Find Me — The National
The Trouble With the Truth — Patty Loveless
Truth and Soul — Fishbone
The Truth is That You Are Alive — An Angle
Tubthumping — Chumbawamba
Tuesday Night Music Club — Sheryl Crow
Tumbleweed Connection — Elton John
Turbulent Indigo — Joni Mitchell
Turn Off the Bright Lights — Interpol
Turn the Radio Off — Reel Big Fish
Twelve — Patti Smith
Twenty-Eight Teeth — Buck-O-Nine
Twentysomething — Jamie Cullum
Twilight as Performed by The Twilight Singers — The Twilight Singers
Twilight Songs from the Prairies of the Sun — Steel Train
Twin Cinema — The New Pornographers
Twin Forks — Twin Forks
TWO — Owls
Two Gallants — Two Gallants
Two Tongues — Two Tongues
U
U.S. Crush — U.S. Crush
U.S. Songs — Elliott
The Ugly Organ — Cursive
Uh Huh Her — PJ Harvey
Un — Chumbawamba
The Unauthorized Biography of Reinhold Messner — Ben Folds Five
Uncanny Valley — The Dismemberment Plan
Uncle Bob — 22 Jacks
Under A Dying Sun — Under A Dying Sun
Under A Killer Blue Sky — Jupiter Sunrise
Under Soil and Dirt — The Story So Far
Under the Blacklight — Rilo Kiley
Under the Radar — Grade
Under the Table and Dreaming — Dave Matthews Band
Under the Tray — Reggie and the Full Effect
Under the Western Freeway — Grandaddy
Underground is a Dying Breed, The — Hot Rod Circuit
Underneath — The Verve Pipe
Understand This is a Dream — The Juliana Theory
Underwater Cinematographer — The Most Serene Republic
Underwater Sunshine (or what we did on our summer vacation) — Counting Crows
undun — The Roots
The Uneventful Vacation — Commander Venus
Unfun — Jawbreaker
Unicornography — The Falcon
United by Fate — Rival Schools
Universal Mind Control — Common
Unleashed — Ten Foot Pole
Unrequited — Loudon Wainwright III
Untitled — NaS
Unwritten Law — Unwritten Law
Uomini D’onore — Fireside
Up — R.E.M.
Up for the Down Stroke — Parliament
Us — Brother Ali
The Used — The Used
V
Vagabond Ways — Marianne Faithful
Van Halen — Van Halen
Vaxis — Coheed and Cambria
Veckatimest — Grizzly Bear
Vee Vee — Archers of Loaf
The Velvet Underground & Nico — The Velvet Underground
Veni Vidi Vicious — The Hives
Verse — People Like You
Version — Mark Ronson
Versus God — Dillinger Four
The Verve Pipe — The Verve Pipe
Very Emergency — The Promise Ring
Vheissu — Thrice
Vices & Virtues — Panic! At The Disco
Viewmaster — Pinehurst Kids
Villains — The Verve Pipe
Violator — Depeche Mode
Violent Femmes — Violent Femmes
The Virginian — Neko Case & Her Boyfriends
Visitor — Onelinedrawing
Vitalogy — Pearl Jam
Viva Death — Viva Death
Viva La Vida or Death and All of His Friends — Coldplay
Vivid — Living Colour
Voices — Matchbook Romance
Vol. 2: Hard Knock Life: I don’t get it. — Jay-Z
Vol. 3: The Subliminal Verses — Slipknot
Vol. 3…Life and Times of S. Carter: I still don’t get it. — Jay-Z
Volcano — Gatsby’s American Dream
Volcano, I’m Still Excited!! — Volcano, I’m Still Excited!!
Volume 1 — cky
Volume 1 — She & Him
Volume 2 — She & Him
Voodoo — D’Angelo
Vs — Pearl Jam
W
The W — Wu-Tang Clan
The Wait — ZOX
Waiting For A World War — Dolour
Waking Up — OneRepublic
Walking Into Clarksdale — Jimmy Page & Robert Plant
The Walking Wounded — Bayside
The Wall — Pink Floyd
Want One — Rufus Wainwright
Want Two — Rufus Wainwright
War — U2
War All the Time — Thursday
Warning — Green Day
The Warrior’s Code — Dropkick Murphys
Wasting Light — Foo Fighters
Watch the Throne — Kanye West and Jay-Z
Water and Solutions — Far
The Waterfall — My Morning Jacket
Way to Normal — Ben Folds
We Are the Only Friends We Have — Piebald
We Are Undone — Two Gallants
We Can Breathe Under Alcohol — An Angle
We Got It From Here…Thank You 4 Your Service — A Tribe Called Quest
We Have the Facts and We’re Voting Yes — Death Cab For Cutie
We Shall Overcome: The Seeger Session — Bruce Springsteen
We Sing. We Dance. We Steal Things. — Jason Mraz
We the People — Flipsyde
We Were Dead Before the Ship Even Sank — Modest Mouse
We, The Vehicles — Maritime
We’re Not Happy ’Til You’re Not Happy — Reel Big Fish
We’ve Been Had Again — Huffamoose
We’ve Met An Impasse (By Midnight We’ll Be Naked) — Inventing Edward
Weezer (Blue) — Weezer
Weezer (Green) — Weezer
Weezer (Red) — Weezer
Welcome the Night — The Ataris
Welcome the Problems — Colossal
West Texas — Sleepercar
Wet From Birth — The Faint
What A Time to Be Alive — Superchunk
What is Not To Love — Imperial Teen
What It Is To Burn — Finch
What Matters Most — Forever Came Calling
What To Do When You Are Dead — Armor For Sleep
What You Don’t See — The Story So Far
What You Thought You Knew — Say No More
What’s Going On — Marvin Gaye
What’s In the Way — Watashi Wa
(What’s the Story) Morning Glory — Oasis
Whatever — Aimee Mann
Whatever & Ever Amen — Ben Folds Five
Whatever People Say I Am, That’s What I’m Not — Arctic Monkeys
Whatever’s Got You Down — Samiam
When At Last — Russ Barenberg
When Disaster Strikes… — Busta Rhymes
When I Explode — So Many Dynamos
When I Hit the Ground — Ace Enders & A Million Different People
When I Pretend to Fall — The Long Winters
When I Was Cruel — Elvis Costello
When Your Heart Stops Beating — Plus 44
Where have all the merrymakers gone? — Harvey Danger
Where Have My Countrymen Gone — The Sheila Divine
Where You Been — Dinosaur Jr.
Where You Want To Be — Taking Back Sunday
While the City Sleeps, We Rule the Streets — Cobra Starship
Whip-Smart — Liz Phair
White Blood Cells — The White Stripes
White People — Handsome Boy Modeling School
White Trash, Two Heebs and a Bean — NoFX
whitechocolatespaceegg — Liz Phair
Whitney — Whitney Houston
Who’s Feeling Young Now? — Punch Brothers
The Whole Love, The — Wilco
Whut? Thee Album — Redman
Why Do They Rock So Hard? — Reel Big Fish
Why Should the Fire Die? — Nickel Creek
Wide Swing Tremolo — Son Volt
Wild and Reckless — Blitzen Trapper
Wild Like Children — Tilly & The Wall
The Wild, The Innocent & The E Street Shuffle — Bruce Springsteen
Wildflowers — Tom Petty
Will Work For Diapers — Jeff Ott
Willis — The Pietasters
Wincing the Night Away — The Shins
Wings of Peace — Rabbi Aryeh Hirschfield
Winners Never Quit — Pedro the Lion
Wiretap Scars — Sparta
Wish You Were Here — Pink Floyd
Wish — The Cure
With A Cape and A Cane — The Joggers
With Love and Squalor — We Are Scientists
With Our Thoughts We Make the World — JANE EYRE
Within A Mile From Home — Flogging Molly
Without A Sound — Dinosaur Jr.
Wolfmother — Wolfmother
Wolves — Idiot Pilot
Women + Country — Jakob Dylan
Women In Technology — White Town
Won’t Turn Down — River City High
Wonderful Defense Mechanisms — The New Transit Direction
Wonderful Wonderful — The Killers
Wonderful, Glorious — Eels
Wood/Water — The Promise Ring
The Woods — Sleater-Kinney
Word of Mouf — Ludacris
Word of Mouth — Jaco Pastorius
Words — The Tony Rich Project
Working on a Dream — Bruce Springsteen
Workingman’s Dead — Grateful Dead
The World According to Gob — Gob
The World I Want To Leave Behind — .moneen.
World of Noise — Everclear
World Waits — Jeremy Enigk
World Without Tears — Lucinda Williams
World’s Apart — …And You Will Know Us By the Trail of Dead
Worse for the Wear — The New Amsterdams
Worship and Tribute — Glassjaw
Worst You Can Do is Harm, The — The Long Winters
Would It Kill You? — Hellogoodbye
Wowee Zowee — Pavement
Wrist Slitter — Matt Pryor
Wu-Tang Forever — Wu-Tang Clan
WYSIWYG — Chumbawamba
X
XO — Elliott Smith
Y
Yank Crime — Drive Like Jehu
Yankee Hotel Foxtrot — Wilco
Yeah, It’s That Easy — G. Love & Special Sauce
Year of the Black Rainbow — Coheed and Cambria
Years of Refusal — Morrissey
Yeezus — Kanye West
Yellow House — Grizzly Bear
Yoshimi Battles the Pink Robots — The Flaming Lips
You Are Freaking Me Out — Samiam
You Can Hold Me Down — William Tell
You Can’t Stop the Bum Rush — Len
You Could Have It So Much Better — Franz Ferdinand
You Forgot It In People — Broken Social Scene
You Get What You Give — Eli Young Band
You In Reverse — Built To Spill
You May Already Be Dreaming — Neva Dinova
You Think It’s Like This But Really It’s Like This — Mirah
You’d Prefer An Astronaut — Hum
You’re Living All Over Me — Dinosaur Jr.
You’re the One — Paul Simon
Young Machetes — The Blood Brothers
Your Arsenal — Morrissey
Your Favorite Weapon — Brand New
Your Majesty — The Anniversary
Yourself or Someone Like You — Matchbox Twenty
Ys — Joanna Newsom
Z
Z — My Morning Jacket
Zen Arcade — Hüsker Dü
Zenyatta Mondatta — The Police
Zombies! Aliens! Vampires! Dinosaurs! — Hellogoodbye
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https://d.lib.rochester.edu/camelot/text/geoffrey-of-monmouth-arthurian-passages-from-the-history-of-the-kings-of-britain
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Arthurian Passages from The History of the Kings of Britain
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https://d.lib.rochester.edu/camelot/text/geoffrey-of-monmouth-arthurian-passages-from-the-history-of-the-kings-of-britain
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BOOK VI.
CHAP. I.--Gratian, being advanced to the throne, is killed by the common people. The Britons desire the Romans to defend them against Guanius and Melga.
But Gratian Municeps, hearing of the death of Maximian, seized the crown, and made himself king. After this he exercised such tyranny that the common people fell upon him in a tumultuous manner, and murdered him. When this news reached other countries, their former enemies returned back from Ireland, and bringing with them the Scots, Norwegians, and Dacians, made dreadful devastations with fire and sword over the whole kingdom, from sea to sea. Upon this most grievous calamity and oppression, ambassadors are despatched with letters to Rome, to beseech, with tears and vows of perpetual subjection, that a body of men might be sent to revenge their injuries, and drive out the enemy from them. The ambassadors in a short time prevailed so far, that, unmindful of past injuries, the Romans granted them one legion, which was transported in a fleet to their country, and there speedily encountered the enemy. At last, after the slaughter of a vast multitude of them, they drove them entirely out of the country, and rescued the miserable people from their outrageous cruelty. Then they gave orders for a wall to be built between Albania and Deira, from one sea to the other, for a terror to the enemy, and safeguard to the country. At that time Albania was wholly laid to waste, by the frequent invasions of barbarous nations; and whatever enemies made an attempt upon the country, met with a convenient landing-place there. So that the inhabitants were diligent in working upon the wall, which they finished partly at the public, partly upon private charge.
CHAP. II.--Guethelin's speech to the Britons when the Romans left them.
The Romans, after this, declared to the Britons, that they should not be able for the future to undergo the fatigue of such laborious expeditions; and that it was beneath the dignity of the Roman state to harass so great and brave an army, both by land and sea, against base and vagabond robbers; but that they ought to apply themselves to the use of arms, and to fight bravely in defending to the utmost of their power, their country, riches, wives, children, and, what is dearer than all these, their liberty and lives. As soon as they had given them this exhortation, they commanded all the men of the island that were fit for war, to appear together at London, because the Romans were about to return home. When, therefore, they were all assembled, Guethelin, the metropolitan of London, had orders to make a speech to them, which he did in these words:--
"Though I am appointed by the princes here present to speak to you, I find myself rather ready to burst into tears, than to make an eloquent oration. It is a most sensible affliction to me to observe the weak and destitute state into which you are fallen since Maximian drew away with him all the forces and youth of this kingdom. You that were left were people wholly inexperienced in war, and occupied with other employments, as tilling the ground, and several kinds of mechanical trades. So that when your enemies from foreign countries came upon you, as sheep wandering without a shepherd, they forced you to quit your folds, till the Roman power restored you to them again. Must your hopes, therefore, always depend upon foreign assistance? And will you never use yourselves to handle arms against a band of robbers, that are by no means stronger than yourselves, if you are not dispirited by sloth and cowardice? The Romans are now tired with the continual voyages wherewith they are harassed to defend you against your enemies: they rather choose to remit to you the tribute you pay them, than undergo any longer this fatigue by land and sea. Because you were only the common people at the time when we had soldiers of our own, do you therefore think that manhood had quite forsaken you? Are not men in the course of human generation often the reverse of one another? Is not a ploughman often the father of a soldier, and a soldier of a ploughman? Does not the same diversity happen in a mechanic and a soldier? Since then, in this manner, one produces another, I cannot think it possible for manhood to be lost among them. As then you are men, behave yourselves like men: call upon the name of Christ, that he may inspire you with courage to defend your liberties."
No sooner had he concluded his speech, than the people raised such a shout, that one would have thought them on a sudden inspired with courage from heaven.
CHAP. III.--The Britons are again cruelly harassed by Guanius and Melga.
After this the Romans encouraged the timorous people as much as they could, and left them patterns of their arms. They likewise commanded towers, having a prospect towards the sea, to be placed at proper distances along the all the south coast, where their ships were, and from whence they feared the invasions of the barbarians. But, according to the proverb, "It is easier to make a hawk of a kite, than a scholar of a ploughman;" all learning to him is but as a pearl thrown before swine. Thus, no sooner had the Romans taken their farewell of them, than the two leaders, Guanius and Melga, issued forth from their ships, in which they had fled over into Ireland, and with their bands of Scots, Picts, Norwegians, Dacians, and others, whom they had brought along with them, seized upon all Albania as far as the very wall. Understanding, likewise, that the Romans were gone, never to return any more, they now, in a more insolent manner than before, began their devastations in the island. Hereupon the country fellows upon the battlements of the walls sat night and day with quaking hearts, not daring to stir from their seats, and readier for flight than making the least resistance. In the meantime the enemies ceased not with their hooks to pull them down headlong, and dash the wretched herd to pieces upon the ground; who gained at least this advantage by their speedy death, that they avoided the sight of that most deplorable calamity, which forthwith threatened their relations and dearest children. Such was the terrible vengeance of God for that most wicked madness of Maximian, in draining the kingdom of all its forces, who, had they been present, would have repulsed any nation that invaded them; an evident proof of which they gave, by the vast conquests they made abroad, even in remote countries; and also by maintaining their own country in peace, while they continued here. But thus it happens when a country is left to the defence of country clowns. In short, quitting their high wall and their cities, the country people were forced again to fly, and to suffer a more fatal dispersion, a more furious pursuit of the enemy, a more cruel and more general slaughter than before; and like lambs before wolves, so was that miserable people torn to pieces by the merciless barbarians. Again, therefore, the wretched remainder send letters to Agitius, a man of great power among the Romans, to this effect. "To Agitius, thrice consul, the groans of the Britons." And after some few other complaints they add: "The sea drives us to the barbarians, and the barbarians drive us back to the sea: thus we are tossed to and fro between two kinds of death, being either drowned or put to the sword." Notwithstanding this most moving address, they procured no relief, and the ambassadors returning back in great heaviness, declared to their countrymen the repulse which they had suffered.
CHAP. IV.--Guethelin desires succours of Aldroen.
Hereupon, after a consultation together, Guethelin, archbishop of London, passed over into Lesser Britain, called them Armorica, or Letavia, to desire assistance of their brethren. At that time Aldroen reigned there, being the fourth king from Conan, to whom, as has been already related, Maximian had given that kingdom. This prince, seeing a prelate of so great dignity arrive, received him with honour, and inquired after the occasion of his coming. To whom Guethelin:--
"Your majesty can be no stranger to the misery which we, your Britons, have suffered (which may even demand your tears), since the time that Maximian drained our island of its soldiers, to people the kingdom which you enjoy, and which God grant you may long enjoy in peace. For against us the poor remains of the British race, all the people of the adjacent islands, have risen up, and made an utter devastation in our country, which then abounded with all kinds of riches; so that the people now are wholly destitute of all manner of sustenance, but what they can get in hunting. Nor had we any power or knowledge of military affairs left among us to encounter the enemy. For the Romans are tired of us, and have absolutely refused their assistance. So that now, deprived of all other hope, we come to implore your clemency, that you would furnish us with forces, and protect a kingdom, which is of right your own, from the incursions of barbarians. For who but yourself, ought, without your consent, to wear the crown of Constantine and Maximian, since the right your ancestors had to it is now devolved upon you? Prepare then your fleet, and go with me. Behold! I deliver the kingdom of Britain into your hands."
To this Aldroen made answer: "There was a time formerly when I would not have refused to accept of the island of Britain, if it had been offered me; for I do not think there was anywhere a more fruitful country while it enjoyed peace and tranquillity. But now, since the calamities that have befallen it, it is become of less value, and odious both to me and all other princes. But above all things the power of the Romans was so destructive to it, that nobody could enjoy any settled state or authority in it, without loss of liberty, and bearing the yoke of slavery under them. And who would not prefer the possession of a lesser country with liberty, to all the riches of that island in servitude? The kingdom that is now under my subjection I enjoy with honour, and without paying homage to any superior; so that I prefer it to all other countries, since I can govern it without being controlled. Nevertheless, out of respect to the right that my ancestors for many generations have had to your island, I deliver to you my brother Constantine with two thousand men, that with the good providence of God, he may free your country from the inroads of barbarians, and obtain the crown for himself. For I have a brother called by that name, who is an expert soldier, and in all other respects an accomplished man. If you please to accept of him, I will not refuse to send him with you, together with the said number of men; for indeed a larger number I do not mention to you, because I am daily threatened with disturbance from the Gauls." He had scarcely done speaking before the archbishop returned him thanks, and when Constantine was called in, broke out into these expressions of joy: "Christ conquers; Christ commands; Christ reigns: behold the king of desolate Britain! Be Christ only present, and behold our defence, our hope and joy." In short, the ships being got ready, the men who were chosen out from all parts of the kingdom, were delivered to Guethelin.
CHAP. V.--Constantine, being made king of Britain, leaves three sons.
When they had made all necessary preparations, they embarked, and arrived at the port of Totness; and then without delay assembled together the youth that was left in the island, and encountered the enemy; over whom, by the merit of the holy prelate, they obtained the victory. After this the Britons, before dispersed, flocked together from all parts and in a council held at Silchester, promoted Constantine to the throne, and there performed the ceremony of his coronation. They also married him to a lady, descended from a noble Roman family, whom archbishop Guethelin had educated, and by whom the king had afterwards three sons, Constans, Aurelius Ambrosius, and Uther Pendragon. Constans, who was the eldest, he delivered to the church of Amphibalus in Winchester, that he might there take upon him the monastic order. But the other two, viz. Aurelius and Uther, he committed to the care of Guethelin for their education. At last, after ten years were expired, there came a certain Pict, who had entered in his service, and under pretence of holding some private discourse with him, in a nursery of young trees where nobody was present, stabbed him with a dagger.
CHAP. VI.--Constans is by Vortigern crowned king of Britain.
Upon the death of Constantine, a dissension arose among the nobility, about a successor to the throne. Some were for setting up Aurelius Ambrosius; others Uther Pendragon; others again some other persons of the royal family. At last, when they could come to no conclusion, Vortigern, consul of the Gewisseans, who was himself very ambitious of the crown, went to Constans the monk, and thus addressed himself to him: "You see your father is dead, and your brothers on account of their age are incapable of the government; neither do I see any of your family besides yourself, whom the people ought to promote to the kingdom. If you will therefore follow my advice, I will, on condition of your increasing my private estate, dispose the people to favour your advancement, and free you from that habit, notwithstanding that it is against the rule of your order." Constans, overjoyed at the proposal, promised, with an oath, that upon these terms he would grant him whatever he would desire. Then Vortigern took him, and investing him in his regal habiliments, conducted him to London, and made him king, though not with the free consent of the people. Archbishop Guethelin was then dead, nor was there any other that durst perform the ceremony of his unction, on account of his having quitted the monastic order. However, this proved no hindrance to his coronation, for Vortigern himself performed the ceremony instead of a bishop.
CHAP. VII.--Vortigern treacherously contrives to get king Constans assassinated.
Constans, being thus advanced, committed the whole government of the kingdom to Vortigern, and surrendered himself up so entirely to his counsels, that he did nothing without his order. His own incapacity for government obliged him to do this, for he had learned any thing else rather than state affairs within his cloister. Vortigern became sensible of this, and therefore began to deliberate with himself what course to take to obtain the crown, of which he had been before extremely ambitious. He saw that now was his proper time to gain his end easily, when the kingdom was wholly intrusted to his management; and Constans, who bore the title of king, was no more than the shadow of one; for he was of a soft temper, a bad judge in matters of right, and not in the least feared, either by his own people, or by the neighbouring states. And as for his two brothers, Uther Pendragon and Aurelius Ambrosius, they were only children in their cradles, and therefore incapable of the government. There was likewise this farther misfortune, that all the older persons of the nobility were dead, so that Vortigern seemed to be the only man surviving, that had craft, policy, and experience in matters of state; and all the rest in a manner children, or raw youths, who only inherited the honours of their parents and relations that had been killed in the former wars. Vortigern, finding a concurrence of so many favourable circumstances, contrived how he might easily and cunningly depose Constans the monk, and immediately establish himself in his place. But in order to do this, he waited until he had first well established his power and interest in several countries. He therefore petitioned to have the king's treasures, and his fortified cities, in his own custody; pretending there was a rumour, that the neighbouring islanders designed an invasion of the kingdom. This being granted him, he placed his own creatures in those cities, to secure them for himself. Then having formed a scheme how to execute his treasonable designs, he went to the king, and represented to him the necessity of augmenting the number of his domestics, that he might more safely oppose the invasion of the enemy. "Have I not left all things to your disposal?" said Constans: "Do what you will as to that, so that they be but faithful to me." Vortigern replied, "I am informed that the Picts are going to bring the Dacians and Norwegians in upon us, with a design to give us very great annoyance. I would therefore advise you, and in my opinion it is the best course you can take, that you maintain some Picts in your court, who may do you good service among those of that nation. For if it is true that they are preparing to begin a rebellion, you may employ them as spies upon their countrymen in their plots and stratagems, so as easily to escape them." This was the dark treason of a secret enemy; for he did not recommend this out of regard to the safety of Constans, but because he knew the Picts to be a giddy people, and ready for all manner of wickedness; so that, in a fit of drunkenness or passion, they might easily be incensed against the king, and make no scruple to assassinate him. And such an accident, when it should happen, would make an open way for his accession to the throne, which he so often had in view. Hereupon he despatched messengers into Scotland, with an invitation to a hundred Pictish soldiers, whom accordingly he received into the king's household; and when admitted, he showed them more respect than all the rest of the domestics, by making them several presents, and allowing them a luxurious table, insomuch that they looked upon him as the king. So great was the regard they had for him, that they made songs of him about the streets, the subject of which was, that Vortigern deserved the government, deserved the sceptre of Britain; but that Constans was unworthy of it. This encouraged Vortigern to show them still more favour, in order the more firmly to engage them in his interest; and when by these practices he had made them entirely his creatures, he took an opportunity, when they were drunk, to tell them, that he was going to retire out of Britain, to see if he could get a better estate; for the small revenue he had then, he said, would not so much as enable him to maintain a retinue of fifty men. Then putting on a look of sadness, he withdrew to his own apartment, and left them drinking in the hall. The Picts at this sight were in inexpressible sorrow, as thinking what he had said was true, and murmuring said one to another, "Why do we suffer this monk to live? Why do not we kill him, that Vortigern may enjoy his crown? Who is so fit to succeed as he? A man so generous to us is worthy to rule, and deserves all the honour and dignity that we can bestow upon him."
CHAP. VIII.--Aurelius Ambrosius and Uther Pendragon flee from Vortigern, and go to Lesser Britain.
After this, breaking into Constan's bed-chamber, they fell upon him and killed him, and carried his head to Vortigern. At the sight of it, he put on a mournful countenance, and burst forth into tears, though at the same time he was almost transported with joy. However, he summoned together the citizens of London, (for there the fact was committed,) and commanded all the assassins to be bound, and their heads to be cut off for this abominable parricide. In the meantime there were some who had a suspicion, that this piece of villany was wholly the contrivance of Vortigern, and that the Picts were only his instruments to execute it. Others again as positively asserted his innocence. At last the matter being left in doubt, those who had the care of the two brothers, Aurelius Ambrosius, and Uther Pendragon, fled over with them into Lesser Britain, for fear of being killed by Vortigern. There they were kindly received by king Budes, who took care to give them an education suitable to their royal birth.
CHAP. IX.--Vortigern makes himself king of Britain.
Now Vortigern, seeing nobody to rival him in the kingdom, placed the crown on his own head, and thus gained the preeminence over all the rest of the princes. At last his treason being discovered, the people of the adjacent islands, whom the Picts had brought into Albania, made insurrection against him. For the Picts were enraged on account of the death of their fellow soldiers, who had been slain for the murder of Constans, and endeavoured to revenge that injury upon him. Vortigern therefore was daily in great distress, and lost a considerable part of his army in a war with them. He had likewise no less trouble from another quarter, for fear of Aurelius Ambrosius, and his brother Uther Pendragon, who, as we said before, had fled, on his account, into Lesser Britain. For he heard it rumoured, day after day, that they had now arrived at man's estate, and had built a vast fleet, with a design to return back to the kingdom, which was their undoubted right.
CHAP. X.--Vortigern takes the Saxons that were new-comers, to his assistance.
In the meantime there arrived in Kent three brigandines, or long galleys, full of armed men, under the command of two brothers, Horsa and Hengist. Vortigern was then at Dorobernia, now Canterbury, which city he used often to visit; and being informed of the arrival of some tall strangers in large ships, he ordered that they should be received peaceably, and conducted into his presence. As soon as they were brought before him, he cast his eyes upon the two brothers, who excelled all the rest both in nobility and gracefulness of person; and having taken a view of the whole company, asked them of what country they were, and what was the occasion of their coming into his kingdom. To whom Hengist (whose years and wisdom entitled him to a precedence), in the name of the rest, made the following answer:--
"Most noble king, Saxony, which is one of the countries of Germany, was the place of our birth; and the occasion of our coming was to offer our service to you or some other prince. For we were driven out of our native country, for no other reason, but that the laws of the kingdom required it. It is customary among us, that when we come to be overstocked with people, our princes from all the provinces meet together, and command all the youths of the kingdom to assemble before them; then casting lots, they make choice of the strongest and ablest of them, to go into foreign nations, to procure themselves a subsistence, and free their native country from a superfluous multitude of people. Our country, therefore, being of late overstocked, our princes met, and after having cast lots, made choice of the youth which you see in your presence, and have obliged us to obey the custom which has been established of old. And us two brothers, Hengist and Horsa, they made generals over them, out of respect to our ancestors, who enjoyed the same honour. In obedience, therefore, to the laws so long established, we put out to sea, and under the good guidance of Mercury have arrived in your kingdom."
The king, at the name of Mercury, looking earnestly upon them, asked them what religion they professed. "We worship," replied Hengist, "our country's gods, Saturn and Jupiter, and the other deities that govern the world, but especially Mercury, whom in our language we call Woden, and to whom our ancestors consecrated the fourth day of the week, still called after his name Wodensday. Next to him we worship the powerful goddess, Frea, to whom they also dedicated the sixth day, which after her name we call Friday." Vortigern replied, "For your credulity, or rather incredulity, I am much grieved, but I rejoice at your arrival, which, whether by God's providence or some other agency, happens very seasonably for me in my present difficulties. For I am oppressed by my enemies on every side, and if you will engage with me in my wars, I will entertain you honourably in my kingdom, and bestow upon you lands and other possessions." The barbarians readily accepted his offer, and the agreement between them being ratified, they resided at his court. Soon after this, the Picts, issuing forth from Albania, with a very great army, began to lay waste the northern parts of the island. When Vortigern had information of it, he assembled his forces, and went to meet them beyond the Humber. Upon their engaging, the battle proved very fierce on both sides, though there was but little occasion for the Britons to exert themselves, for the Saxons fought so bravely, that the enemy, formerly so victorious, were speedily put to flight.
CHAP. XI.--Hengist brings over great numbers of Saxons into Britain: his crafty petition to Vortigern.
Vortigern, therefore, as he owed the victory to them, increased his bounty to them, and gave their general, Hengist, large possessions of land in Lindesia, for the subsistence of himself and his fellow soldiers. Hereupon Hengist, who was a man of experience and subtilty, finding how much interest he had with the king, addressed him in this manner:--"Sir, your enemies give you disturbance from all quarters, and few of your subjects love you. They all threaten you, and say, they are going to bring over Aurelius Ambrosius from Armorica, to depose you, and make him king. If you please, let us send to our country to invite over some more soldiers, that with our forces increased we may be better able to oppose them. But there is one thing which I would desire of your clemency, if I did not fear a refusal." Vortigern made answer, "Send your messengers to Germany, and invite over whom you please, and you shall have no refusal from me in whatever you shall desire." Hengist, with a low bow, returned to him thanks, and said, "The possessions which you have given me in land and houses are very large, but you have not yet done me that honour which becomes my station and birth, because, among other things, I should have had some town or city granted me, that I might be entitled to greater esteem among the nobility of your kingdom. I ought to have been made a consul or prince, since my ancestors enjoyed both those dignities." "It is not in my power," replied Vortigern, "to do you so much honour, because you are strangers and pagans; neither am I yet so far acquainted with your manners and customs, as to set you upon a level with my natural born subjects. And, indeed, if I did esteem you as my subjects, I should not be forward to do so, because the nobility of my kingdom would strongly dissuade me from it." "Give your servant," said Hengist, "only so much ground in the place you have assigned me, as I can encompass with a leathern thong, for to build a fortresss upon, as a place of retreat if occasion should require. For I will always be faithful to you, as I have been hitherto, and pursue no other design in the request which I have made." With these words the king was prevailed upon to grant him his petition; and ordered him to despatch messengers into Germany, to invite more men over speedily to his assistance. Hengist immediately executed his orders, and taking a bull's hide, made one thong out of the whole, with which he encompassed a rocky place that he had carefully made choice of, and within that circuit began to build a castle, which, when finished, took its name from the thong wherewith it had been measured; for it was afterwards called, in the British tongue, Kaercorrei; in Saxon, Thancastre, that is, Thong Castle.
CHAP. XII.--Vortigern marries Rowen, the daughter of Hengist.
In the meantime, the messengers returned from Germany, with eighteen ships full of the best soldiers they could get. They also brought along with them Rowen, the daughter of Hengist, one of the most accomplished beauties of that age. After their arrival, Hengist invited the king to his house, to view his new buildings, and the new soldiers that were come over. The king readily accepted of his invitation, but privately, and having highly commended the magnificence of the structure, enlisted the men into his service. Here he was entertained at a royal banquet; and when that was over, the young lady came out of her chamber bearing a golden cup full of wine, with which she approached the king, and making a low courtesy, said to him, "Lauerd king wacht heil!" The king, at the sight of the lady's face, was on a sudden both surprised and inflamed with her beauty; and calling to his interpreter, asked him what she said, and what answer he should make her. "She called you, 'Lord king,'" said the interpreter, "and offered to drink your health. Your answer to her must be, 'Drinc heil!'" Vortigern accordingly answered, "Drinc heil!" and bade her drink; after which he took the cup from her hand, kissed her, and drank himself. From that time to this, it has been the custom in Britain, that he who drinks to any one says, "Wacht heil!" and he that pledges him, answers "Drinc heil!" Vortigern being now drunk with the variety of liquors, the devil took this opportunity to enter into his heart, and to make him in love with the damsel, so that he became suitor to her father for her. It was, I say, by the devil's entering into his heart, that he, who was a Christian, should fall in love with a pagan. By this example, Hengist, being a prudent man, discovered the king's levity, and consulted with his brother Horsa and the other ancient men present, what to do in relation to the king's request. They unanimously advised him to give him his daughter, and in consideration of her to demand the province of Kent. Accordingly the daughter was without delay delivered to Vortigern, and the province of Kent to Hengist, without the knowledge of Gorangan, who had the government of it. The king the same night married the pagan lady, and became extremely delighted with her; by which he quickly brought upon himself the hatred of the nobility, and of his own sons. For he had already three sons, whose names were Vortimer, Catigern, and Pascentius.
CHAP. XIII.--The bishops, Germanus and Lupus, restore the Christian faith that had been corrupted in Britain. Octa and Ebissa are four times routed by Vortimer.
At that time came St. Germanus, bishop of Auxerre, and Lupus, bishop of Troyes, to preach the gospel to the Britons. For the Christian faith had been corrupted among them, partly by the pagans whom the king had brought into society with them, partly by the Pelagian heresy, with the poison whereof they had been a long time infected. But by the preaching of these holy men, the true faith and worship was again restored, the many miracles they wrought giving success to their labours. Gildas has in his elegant treatise given an account of the many miracles God wrought by them. The king being now, as we have said, possessed of the lady, Hengist said to him: "As I am your father, I claim the right of being your counsellor: do not therefore slight my advice, since it is to my countrymen you must owe the conquest of all your enemies. Let us invite over my son Octa and his brother Ebissa, who are brave soldiers, and give them the countries that are in the northern parts of Britain, by the wall, between Deira and Albania. For they will hinder the inroads of the barbarians, and so you shall enjoy peace on the other side of the Humber." Vortigern complied with his request, and ordered them to invite over whomsoever they knew able to assist him. Immediately upon the receipt of this message, came Octa, Ebissa, and Cherdich, with three hundred ships filled with soldiers, who were all kindly received by Vortigern, and had ample presents made them. For by their assistance he vanquished his enemies, and in every engagement proved victorious. Hengist in the meantime continued to invite over more and more ships, and to augment his numbers daily. Which when the Britons observed, they were afraid of being betrayed by them, and moved the king to banish them out of his coasts. For it was contrary to the rule of the gospel that Christians should hold fellowship, or have any intercourse, with pagans. Besides which, the number of those that were come over was now so great, that they were a terror to his subjects; and nobody could now know who was a pagan, or who a Christian, since pagans married the daughters and kinswomen of Christians. These things they represented to the king, and endeavoured to dissuade him from entertaining them, lest they might, by some treacherous conspiracy, prove an overmatch for the native inhabitants. But Vortigern, who loved them above all other nations on account of his wife, was deaf to their advice. For this reason the Britons quickly desert him, and unanimously set up Vortimer his son for their king; who at their instigation began to drive out the barbarians, and to make dreadful incursions upon them. Four battles he fought with them, and was victorious in all: the first upon the river Dereuent; the second upon the ford of Epsford, where Horsa and Catigern, another son of Vortigern, met and, after a sharp encounter, killed each other; the third upon the sea-shore, where the enemies fled shamefully to their ships, and betook themselves for refuge to the Isle of Thanet. But Vortimer besieged them there, and daily distressed them with his fleet. And when they were no longer able to bear the assaults of the Britons, they sent king Vortigern, who was present with them in all those wars, to his son Vortimer, to desire leave to depart, and return back safe to Germany. And while a conference upon this subject was being held, they in the meantime went on board their long galleys, and, leaving their wives and children behind them, returned back to Germany.
CHAP. XIV.--Vortimer's kindness to his soldiers at his death.
Vortimer, after this great success, began to restore his subjects to their possessions which had been taken from them, and to show them all marks of his affection and esteem, and at the instance of St. Germanus to rebuild their churches. But his goodness quickly stirred up the enmity of the devil against him, who entering into the heart of his stepmother Rowen, excited her to contrive his death. For this purpose she consulted with the poisoners, and procured one who was intimate with him, whom she corrupted with large and numerous presents, to give him a poisonous draught; so that this brave soldier, as soon as he had taken it, was seized with a sudden illness, that deprived him of all hopes of life. Hereupon he forthwith ordered all his men to come to him, and having shown them how near he was to his end, distributed among them all the treasure his predecessors had heaped up, and endeavoured to comfort them in their sorrow and lamentation for him, telling them, he was only going the way of all flesh. But he exhorted those brave and warlike young men, who had attended him in all his victories, to persist courageously in the defence of their country against all hostile invasion; and with wonderful greatness of mind, commanded a brazen pyramid to be placed in the port where the Saxons used to land, and his body when dead to be buried on the top of it, that the sight of his tomb might frighten back the barbarians to Germany. For he said none of them would dare approach the country, that should but get a sight of his tomb. Such was the admirable bravery of this great man, who, as he had been a terror to them while living, endeavoured to be no less so when dead. Notwithstanding which, he was no sooner dead, than the Britons had no regard to his orders, but buried him at London.
CHAP. XV.--Hengist, having wickedly murdered the princes of Britain, keeps Vortigern prisoner.
Vortigern, after the death of his son, was again restored to the kingdom, and at the request of his wife sent messengers into Germany to Hengist, with an invitation to return into Britain, but privately, and with a small retinue, to prevent a quarrel between the barbarians and his subjects. But Hengist, hearing that Vortimer was dead, raised an army of no less than three hundred thousand men, and fitting out a fleet returned with them to Britain. When Vortigern and the nobility heard of the arrival of so vast a multitude, they were immoderately incensed, and, after consultation together, resolved to fight them, and drive them from their coasts. Hengist, being informed of their design by messengers sent from his daughter, immediately entered into deliberation what course to pursue against them. After several stratagems had been considered, he judged it most feasible, to impose upon the nation by making show of peace. With this view he sent ambassadors to the king, to declare to him, that he had not brought so great a number of men for the purpose either of staying with him, or offering any violence to the country. But the reason why he brought them, was because he thought Vortimer was yet living, and that he should have occasion for them against him, in case of an assault. But now since he no longer doubted of his being dead, he submitted himself and his people to the disposal of Vortigern; so that he might retain as many of them as he should think fit, and whomsoever he rejected Hengist would allow to return back without delay to Germany. And if these terms pleased Vortigern, he desired him to appoint a time and place for their meeting, and adjusting matters according to his pleasure. When these things were represented to the king, he was mightily pleased, as being very unwilling to part with Hengist; and at last ordered his subjects and the Saxons to meet upon the kalends of May, which were now very near, at the monastery of Ambrius, for the settling of the matters above mentioned. The appointment being agreed to on both sides, Hengist, with a new design of villany in his head, ordered his soldiers to carry every one of them a long dagger under their garments; and while the conference should be held with the Britons, who would have no suspicion of them, he would give them this word of command, "Nemet oure Saxas;" at which moment they were all to be ready to seize boldly every one his next man, and with his drawn dagger stab him. Accordingly they all met at the time and place appointed, and began to treat of peace; and when a fit opportunity offered for executing his villany, Hengist cried out, "Nemet oure Saxas," and the same instant seized Vortigern, and held him by his cloak. The Saxons, upon the signal given, drew their daggers, and falling upon the princes, who little suspected any such design, assassinated them to the number of four hundred and sixty barons and consuls; to whose bodies St. Eldad afterwards gave Christian burial; not far from Kaercaradauc, now Salisbury, in a burying-place near the monastery of Ambrius, the abbat, who was the founder of it. For they all came without arms, having no thoughts of anything but treating of peace; which gave the others a fairer opportunity of exercising their villainous design against them. But the pagans did not escape unpunished while they acted this wickedness; a great number of them being killed during this massacre of their enemies. For the Britons, taking up clubs and stones from the ground, resolutely defended themselves, and did good execution upon the traitors.
CHAP. XVI.--Eldol's valiant exploit. Hengist forces Vortigern to yield up the strongest fortifications in Britain, in consideration of his release.
There was present one Eldol, consul of Gloucester, who, at the sight of this treachery, took up a stake which he happened to find, and with that made his defence. Every blow he gave carried death along with it; and by breaking either the head, arms, shoulders, or legs of a great many, he struck no small terror into the traitors, nor did he move from the spot before he had killed with that weapon seventy men. But being no longer able to stand his ground against such numbers, he made his escape from them, and retired to his own city. Many fell on both sides, but the Saxons got the victory; because the Britons, having no suspicion of treachery, came unarmed, and therefore made a weaker defence. After the commission of this detestable villany, the Saxons would not kill Vortigern; but having threatened him with death and bound him, demanded his cities and fortified places in consideration of their granting him his life. He, to secure himself, denied them nothing; and when they had made him confirm his grants with an oath, they released him from his chains, and then marched first to London, which they took, as they did afterwards York, Lincoln, and Winchester; wasting the countries through which they passed, and destroying the people, as wolves do sheep when left by their shepherds. When Vortigern saw the desolation which they made, he retired into the parts of Cambria, not knowing what to do against so barbarous a people.
CHAP. XVII.--Vortigern, after consultation with magicians, orders a youth to be brought that never had a father.
At last he had recourse to magicians for their advice, and commanded them to tell him what course to take. They advised him to build a very strong tower for his own safety, since he had lost all his other fortified places. Accordingly he made a progress about the country, to find out a convenient situation, and came at last to Mount Erir, where he assembled workmen from several countries, and ordered them to build the tower. The builders, therefore, began to lay the foundation; but whatever they did one day the earth swallowed up the next, so as to leave no appearance of their work. Vortigern being informed of this again consulted with his magicians concerning the cause of it, who told him that he must find out a youth that never had a father, and kill him, and then sprinkle the stones and cement with his blood; for by those means, they said, he would have a firm foundation. Hereupon messengers were despatched away over all the provinces, to inquire out such a man. In their travels they came to a city, called afterwards Kaermerdin, where they saw some young men, playing before the gate, and went up to them; but being weary with their journey, they sat down in the ring, to see if they could meet with what they were in quest of. Towards evening, there happened on a sudden quarrel between two of the young men, whose names were Merlin and Dabutius. In the dispute, Dabutius said to Merlin: "You fool, do you presume to quarrel with me? Is their any equality in our birth? I am descended of royal race, both by my father and mother's side. As for you, nobody knows what you are, for you never had a father." At that word the messengers looked earnestly upon Merlin, and asked the by-standers who he was. They told him, it was not known who was his father; but that his mother was daughter to the king of Dimetia, and that she lived in St. Peter's church among the nuns of that city.
CHAP. XVIII.--Vortigern inquires of Merlin's mother concerning her conception of him.
Upon this the messengers hastened to the governor of the city, and ordered him, in the king's name, to send Merlin and his mother to the king. As soon as the governor understood the occasion of their message, he readily obeyed the order, and sent them to Vortigern to complete his design. When they were introduced into the king's presence, he received the mother in a very respectful manner, on account of her noble birth; and began to inquire of her by what man she had conceived. "My sovereign lord," said she, "by the life of your soul and mine, I know nobody that begot him of me. Only this I know, that as I was once with my companions in our chambers, there appeared to me a person in the shape of a most beautiful young man, who often embraced me eagerly in his arms, and kissed me; and when he had stayed a little time, he suddenly vanished out of my sight. But many times after this he would talk with me when I sat alone, without making any visible appearance. When he had a long time haunted me in this manner, he at last lay with me several times in the shape of a man, and left me with child. And I do affirm to you, my sovereign lord, that excepting that young man, I know no body that begot him of me." The king full of admiration at this account, ordered Maugantius to be called, that he might satisfy him as to the possibility of what the woman had related. Maugantius, being introduced, and having the whole matter repeated to him, said to Vortigern: "In the books of our philosophers, and in a great many histories, I have found that several men have had the like original. For, as Apuleius informs us in his book concerning the Demon of Socrates, between the moon and the earth inhabit those spirits, which we will call incubuses. These are of the nature partly of men, and partly of angels, and whenever they please assume human shapes, and lie with women. Perhaps one of them appeared to this woman, and begot that young man of her."
CHAP. XIX.--Merlin's speech to the king's magicians, and advice about the building of the tower.
Merlin in the meantime was attentive to all that had passed, and then approached the king, and said to him, "For what reason am I and my mother introduced into your presence?"-- "My magicians," answered Vortigern, "advised me to seek out a man that had no father, with whose blood my building is to be sprinkled, in order to make it stand."-- "Order your magicians," said Merlin, "to come before me, and I will convict them of a lie." The king was surprised at his words, and presently ordered the magicians to come, and sit down before Merlin, who spoke to them after this manner: "Because you are ignorant what it is that hinders the foundation of the tower, you have recommended the shedding of my blood for cement to it, as if that would presently make it stand. But tell me now, what is there under the foundation? For something there is that will not suffer it to stand." The magicians at this began to be afraid, and made him no answer. Then said Merlin, who was also called Ambrose, "I entreat your majesty would command your workmen to dig into the ground, and you will find a pond which causes the foundations to sink." This accordingly was done, and then presently they found a pond deep under ground, which had made it give way. Merlin after this went again to the magicians, and said, "Tell me ye false sycophants, what is there under the pond." But they were silent. Then said he again to the king, "Command the pond to be drained, and at the bottom you will see two hollow stones, and in them two dragons asleep." The king made no scruple of believing him, since he had found true what he said of the pond, and therefore ordered it to be drained: which done, he found as Merlin had said; and now was possessed with the greatest admiration of him. Nor were the rest that were present less amazed at his wisdom, thinking it to be no less than divine inspiration.
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BOOK VII.
CONCERNING THE PROPHECIES OF MERLIN.
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CHAP. I.--Geoffrey of Monmouth's preface to Merlin's prophecy.
I had not got thus far in my history, when the subject of public discourse happening to be concerning Merlin, I was obliged to publish his prophecies at the request of my acquaintance, but especially of Alexander, bishop of Lincoln, a prelate of the greatest piety and wisdom. There was not any person, either among the clergy or laity, that was attended with such a train of knights and noblemen, whom his settled piety and great munificence engaged in his service. Out of a desire, therefore, to gratify him, I translated these prophecies, and sent them to him with the following letter.
CHAP. II.--Geoffrey's letter to Alexander, bishop of Lincoln.
"The regard which I owe to your great worth, most noble prelate, has obliged me to undertake the translation of Merlin's prophecies out of British into Latin, before I had made an end of the history which I had begun concerning the acts of the British kings. For my design was to have finished that first, and afterwards to have taken this work in hand; lest by being engaged on both at once, I should be less capable of attending with any exactness to either. Notwithstanding, since the deference which is paid to your penetrating judgment will screen me from censure, I have employed my rude pen, and in a coarse style present you with a translation out of a language with which you are unacquainted. At the same time, I cannot but wonder at your recommending this matter to one of my low genius, when you might have caused so many men of greater learning, and a richer vein of intellect, to undertake it; who, with their sublime strains, would much more agreeably have entertained you. Besides, without any disparagement to all the philosophers in Britain, I must take the liberty to say, that you yourself, if the business of your high station would give you leisure, are capable of furnishing us with loftier productions of this kind than any man living. However, since it was your pleasure that Geoffrey of Monmouth should be employed in this prophecy, he hopes you will favourably accept of his performance, and vouchsafe to give a finer turn to whatever you shall find unpolished, or otherwise faulty in it.
CHAP. III.--The prophecy of Merlin.
As Vortigern, king of the Britons, was sitting upon the bank of the drained pond, the two dragons, one of which was white, the other red, came forth, and, approaching one another, began a terrible fight, and cast forth fire with their breath. But the white dragon had the advantage, and made the other fly to the end of the lake. And he, for grief at his flight, renewed the assault upon his pursuer, and forced him to retire. After this battle of the dragons, the king commanded Ambrose Merlin to tell him what it portended. Upon which he, bursting into tears, delivered what his prophetical spirit suggested to him, as follows:--
"Woe to the red dragon, for his banishment hasteneth on. His lurking holes shall be seized by the white dragon, which signifies the Saxons whom you invited over; but the red denotes the British nation, which shall be oppressed by the white. Therefore shall its mountains be levelled as the valleys, and the rivers of the valleys shall run with blood. The exercise of religion shall be destroyed, and churches be laid open to ruin. At last the oppressed shall prevail, and oppose the cruelty of foreigners. For a boar of Cornwall shall give his assistance, and trample their necks under his feet. The islands of the ocean shall be subject to his power, and he shall possess the forests of Gaul. The house of Romulus shall dread his courage, and his end shall be doubtful. He shall be celebrated in the mouths of the people; and his exploits shall be food to those that relate them. Six of his posterity shall sway the sceptre, but after them shall arise a German worm. He shall be advanced by a sea-wolf, whom the woods of Africa shall accompany. Religion shall be again abolished, and there shall be a translation of the metropolitan sees. The dignity of London shall adorn Dorobernia, and the seventh pastor of York shall be resorted to in the kingdom of Armorica. Menevia shall put on the pall of the City of Legions, and a preacher of Ireland shall be dumb on account of an infant growing in the womb. It shall rain a shower of blood, and a raging famine shall afflict mankind. When these things happen, the red one shall be grieved; but when his fatigue is over, shall grow strong. Then shall misfortunes hasten upon the white one, and the buildings of his gardens shall be pulled down. Seven that sway the sceptre shall be killed, one of whom shall become a saint. The wombs of mothers shall be ripped up, and infants be abortive. There shall be a most grievous punishment of men, that the natives may be restored. He that shall do these things shall put on the brazen man, and upon a brazen horse shall for a long time guard the gates of London. After this, shall the red dragon return to his proper manners, and turn his rage upon himself. Therefore shall the revenge of the Thunderer show itself, for every field shall disappoint the husbandmen. Mortality shall snatch away the people, and make a desolation over all countries. The remainder shall quit their native soil, and make foreign plantations. A blessed king shall prepare a fleet, and shall be reckoned the twelfth in the court among the saints. There shall be a miserable desolation of the kingdom, and the floors of the harvests shall return to the fruitful forests. The white dragon shall rise again, and invite over a daughter of Germany. Our gardens shall be again replenished with foreign seed, and the red one shall pine away at the end of the pond. After that, shall the German worm be crowned, and the brazen prince buried. He has his bounds assigned to him, which he shall not be able to pass. For a hundred and fifty years he shall continue in trouble and subjection, but shall bear sway three hundred. Then shall the north wind rise against him, and shall snatch away the flowers which the west wind produced. There shall be gilding in the temples, nor shall the edge of the sword cease. The German dragon shall hardly get to his holes, because the revenge of his treason shall overtake him. At last he shall flourish for a little time, but the decimation of Neustria shall hurt him. For a people in wood and in iron coats shall come, and revenge upon him his wickedness. They shall restore the ancient inhabitants to their dwellings, and there shall be an open destruction of foreigners. The seed of the white dragon shall be swept out of our gardens, and the remainder of his generation shall be decimated. They shall bear the yoke of slavery, and wound their mother with spades and ploughs. After this shall succeed two dragons, whereof one shall be killed with the sting of envy, but the other shall return under the shadow of a name. Then shall succeed a lion of justice, at whose roar the Gallican towers and the island dragons shall tremble. In those days gold shall be squeezed from the lily and the nettle, and silver shall flow from the hoofs of bellowing cattle. The frizzled shall put on various fleeces, and the outward habit denote the inward parts. The feet of barkers shall be cut off; wild beasts shall enjoy peace; mankind shall be grieved at their punishment; the form of commerce shall be divided; the half shall be round. The ravenousness of kites shall be destroyed, and the teeth of wolves blunted. The lion's whelps shall be transformed into sea-fishes; and an eagle shall build her nest upon Mount Aravius. Venedotia shall grow red with the blood of mothers, and the house of Corineus kill six brethren. The island shall be wet with night tears; so that all shall be provoked to all things. Woe to thee, Neustria, because the lion's brain shall be poured upon thee; and he shall be banished with shattered limbs from his native soil. Posterity shall endeavour to fly above the highest places; but the favour of new comers shall be exalted. Piety shall hurt the possessor of things got by impiety, till he shall have put on his Father: therefore, being armed with the teeth of a boar, he shall ascend above the tops of mountains, and the shadow of him that wears a helmet. Albania shall be enraged, and, assembling her neighbours, shall be employed in shedding blood. There shall be put into her jaws a bridle that shall be made on the coast of Armorica. The eagle of the broken covenant shall gild it over, and rejoice in her third nest. The roaring whelps shall watch, and, leaving the woods, shall hunt within the walls of cities. They shall make no small slaughter of those that oppose them, and shall cut off the tongues of bulls. They shall load the necks of roaring lions with chains, and restore the times of their ancestors. Then from the first to the fourth, from the fourth to the third, from the third to the second, the thumb shall roll in oil. The sixth shall overturn the walls of Ireland, and change the woods into a plain. He shall reduce several parts to one, and be crowned with the head of a lion. His beginning shall lay open to wandering affection, but his end shall carry him up to the blessed, who are above. For he shall restore the seats of saints in their countries, and settle pastors in convenient places. Two cities he shall invest with two palls, and shall bestow virgin-presents upon virgins. He shall merit by this the favour of the Thunderer, and shall be placed among the saints. From him shall proceed a lynx penetrating all things, who shall be bent upon the ruin of his own nation; for, through him, Neustria shall lose both islands, and be deprived of its ancient dignity. Then shall the natives return back to the island; for there shall arise a dissension among foreigners. Also a hoary old man, sitting upon a snow-white horse, shall turn the course of the river Periron, and shall measure out a mill upon it with a white rod. Cadwallader shall call upon Conan, and take Albania into alliance. Then shall there be a slaughter of foreigners; then shall the rivers run with blood. Then shall break forth the fountains of Armorica, and they shall be crowned with the diadem of Brutus. Cambria shall be filled with joy; and the oaks of Cornwall shall flourish. The island shall be called by the name of Brutus: and the name given it by foreigners shall be abolished. From Conan shall proceed a warlike boar, that shall exercise the sharpness of his tusks within the Gallic woods. For he shall cut down all the larger oaks, and shall be a defence to the smaller. The Arabians and Africans shall dread him; for he shall pursue his furious course to the farther part of Spain. There shall succeed the goat of the Venereal castle, having golden horns and a silver beard, who shall breathe such a cloud out of his nostrils, as shall darken the whole surface of the island. There shall be peace in his time; and corn shall abound by reason of the fruitfulness of the soil. Women shall become serpents in their gait, and all their motions shall be full of pride. The camp of Venus shall be restored; nor shall the arrows of Cupid cease to wound. The fountain of a river shall be turned into blood; and two kings shall fight a duel at Stafford for a lioness. Luxury shall overspread the whole ground; and fornication not cease to debauch mankind. All these things shall three ages see; till the buried kings shall be exposed to public view in the city of London. Famine shall again return; mortality shall return; and the inhabitants shall grieve for the destruction of their cities. Then shall come the board of commerce, who shall recall the scattered flocks to the pasture they had lost. His breast shall be food to the hungry, and his tongue drink to the thirsty. Out of his mouth shall flow rivers, that shall water the parched jaws of men. After this shall be produced a tree upon the Tower of London, which, having no more than three branches, shall overshadow the surface of the whole island with the breadth of its leaves. Its adversary, the north wind, shall come upon it, and with its noxious blast shall snatch away the third branch; but the two remaining ones shall possess its place, till they shall destroy one another by the multitude of their leaves; and then shall it obtain the place of those two, and shall give sustenance to birds of foreign nations. It shall be esteemed hurtful to native fowls; for they shall not be able to fly freely for fear of its shadow. There shall succeed the ass of wickedness, swift against the goldsmiths, but slow against the ravenousness of wolves. In those days the oaks of the forests shall burn, and acorns grow upon the branches of teil trees. The Severn sea shall discharge itself through seven mouths, and the river Uske burn seven months. Fishes shall die with the heat thereof; and of them shall be engendered serpents. The baths of Badon shall grow cold, and their salubrious waters engender death. London shall mourn for the death of twenty thousand; and the river Thames shall be turned into blood. The monks in their cowls shall be forced to marry, and their cry shall be heard upon the mountains of the Alps."
CHAP. IV.--The continuation of the prophecy.
"Three springs shall break forth in the city of Winchester, whose rivulets shall divide the island into three parts. Whoever shall drink of the first, shall enjoy long life, and shall never be afflicted with sickness. He that shall drink of the second, shall die of hunger, and paleness and horror shall sit in his countenance. He that shall drink of the third, shall be surprised with sudden death, neither shall his body be capable of burial. Those that are willing to escape so great a surfeit, will endeavour to hide it with several coverings: but whatever bulk shall be laid upon it, shall receive the form of another body. For earth shall be turned into stones; stones into water; wood into ashes; ashes into water, if cast over it. Also a damsel shall be sent from the city of the forest of Canute to administer a cure, who, after she shall have practised all her arts, shall dry up the noxious fountains only with her breath. Afterwards, as soon as she shall have refreshed herself with the wholesome liquor, she shall bear in her right hand the wood of Caledon, and in her left the forts of the walls of London. Wherever she shall go, she shall make sulphureous steps, which will smoke with a double flame. That smoke shall rouse up the city of Ruteni, and shall make food for the inhabitants of the deep. She shall overflow with rueful tears, and shall fill the island with her dreadful cry. She shall be killed by a hart with ten branches, four of which shall bear golden diadems; but the other six shall be turned into buffalo's horns, whose hideous sound shall astonish the three islands of Britain. The Daneian wood shall be stirred up, and breaking forth into a human voice, shall cry: Come, O Cambria, and join Cornwall to thy side, and say to Winchester, the earth shall swallow thee up. Translate the seat of thy pastor to the place where ships come to harbour, and the rest of the members will follow the head. For the day hasteneth, in which thy citizens shall perish on account of the guilt of perjury. The whiteness of wool has been hurtful to thee, and the variety of its tinctures. Woe to the perjured nation, for whose sake the renowned city shall come to ruin. The ships shall rejoice at so great an augmentation, and one shall be made out of two. It shall be rebuilt by Eric, loaden with apples, to the smell whereof the birds of several woods shall flock together. He shall add to it a vast palace, and wall it round with six hundred towers. Therefore shall London envy it, and triply increase her walls. The river Thames shall encompass it round, and the fame of the work shall pass beyond the Alps. Eric shall hide his apples within it, and shall make subterraneous passages. At that time shall the stones speak, and the sea towards the Gallic coast be contracted into a narrow space. On each bank shall one man hear another, and the soil of the island shall be enlarged. The secrets of the deep shall be revealed, and Gaul shall tremble for fear. After these things shall come forth a hern from the forest of Calaterium, which shall fly round the island for two years together. With her nocturnal cry she shall call together the winged kind, and assemble to her all sorts of fowls. They shall invade the tillage of husbandmen, and devour all the grain of the harvests. Then shall follow a famine upon the people, and a grievous mortality upon the famine. But when this calamity shall be over, a detestable bird shall go to the valley of Galabes, and shall raise it to be a high mountain. Upon the top thereof it shall also plant an oak, and build its nest in its branches. Three eggs shall be produced in the nest, from whence shall come forth a fox, a wolf, and a bear. The fox shall devour her mother, and bear the head of an ass. In this monstrous form shall she frighten her brothers, and make them fly into Neustria. But they shall stir up the tusky boar, and returning in a fleet shall encounter with the fox; who at the beginning of the fight shall feign herself dead, and move the boar to compassion. Then shall the boar approach her carcass, and standing over her, shall breathe upon her face and eyes. But she, not forgetting her cunning, shall bite his left foot, and pluck it off from his body. Then shall she leap upon him, and snatch away his right ear and tail, and hide herself in the caverns of the mountains. Therefore shall the deluded boar require the wolf and bear to restore him his members; who, as soon as they shall enter into the cause, shall promise two feet of the fox, together with the ear and tail, and of these they shall make up the members of a hog. With this he shall be satisfied, and expect the promised restitution. In the meantime shall the fox descend from the mountains, and change herself into a wolf, and under pretence of holding a conference with the boar, she shall go to him, and craftily devour him. After that she shall transform herself into a boar, and feigning a loss of some members, shall wait for her brothers; but as soon as they are come, she shall suddenly kill them with her tusks, and shall be crowned with the head of a lion. In her days shall a serpent be brought forth, which shall be a destroyer of mankind. With its length it shall encompass London, and devour all that pass by it. The mountain ox shall take the head of a wolf, and whiten his teeth in the Severn. He shall gather to him the flocks of Albania and Cambria, which shall drink the river Thames dry. The ass shall call the goat with the long beard, and shall borrow his shape. Therefore shall the mountain ox be incensed, and having called the wolf, shall become a horned bull against them. In the exercise of his cruelty he shall devour their flesh and bones, but shall be burned upon the top of Urian. The ashes of his funeral-pyre shall be turned into swans, that shall swim on dry ground as on a river. They shall devour fishes in fishes, and swallow up men in men. But when old age shall come upon them, they shall become sea-wolves, and practise their frauds in the deep. They shall drown ships, and collect no small quantity of silver. The Thames shall again flow, and assembling together the rivers, shall pass beyond the bounds of its channel. It shall cover the adjacent cities, and overturn the mountains that oppose its course. Being full of deceit and wickedness, it shall make use of the fountain Galabes. Hence shall arise factions provoking the Venedotians to war. The oaks of the forest shall meet together, and encounter the rocks of the Gewisseans. A raven shall attend with the kites, and devour the carcasses of the slain. An owl shall build her nest upon the walls of Gloucester, and in her nest shall be brought forth an ass. The serpent of Malvernia shall bring him up, and put him upon many fraudulent practices. Having taken the crown, he shall ascend on high, and frighten the people of the country with his hideous braying. In his days shall the Pachaian mountains tremble, and the provinces be deprived of their woods. For there shall come a worm with a fiery breath, and with the vapour it sends forth shall burn up the trees. Out of it shall proceed seven lions deformed with the heads of goats. With the stench of their nostrils they shall corrupt women, and make wives turn common prostitutes. The father shall not know his own son, because they shall grow wanton like brute beasts. Then shall come the giant of wickedness, and terrify all with the sharpness of his eyes. Against him shall arise the dragon of Worcester, and shall endeavour to banish him. But in the engagement the dragon shall be worsted, and oppressed by the wickedness of the conqueror. For he shall mount upon the dragon, and putting off his garment shall sit upon him naked. The dragon shall bear him up on high, and beat his naked rider with his tail erected. Upon this the giant rousing up his whole strength, shall break his jaws with his sword. At last the dragon shall fold itself up under its tail, and die of poison. After him shall succeed the boar of Totness, and oppress the people with grievous tyranny. Gloucester shall send forth a lion, and shall disturb him in his cruelty, in several battles. He shall trample him under his feet, and terrify him with open jaws. At last the lion shall quarrel with the kingdom, and get upon the backs of the nobility. A bull shall come into the quarrel, and strike the lion with his right foot. He shall drive him through all the inns in the kingdom, but shall break his horns against the walls of Oxford. The fox of Kaerdubalem shall take revenge on the lion, and destroy him entirely with her teeth. She shall be encompassed by the adder of Lincoln, who with a horrible hiss shall give notice of his presence to a multitude of dragons. Then shall the dragons encounter, and tear one another to pieces. The winged shall oppress that which wants wings, and fasten its claws into the poisonous cheeks. Others shall come into the quarrel, and kill one another. A fifth shall succeed those that are slain, and by various stratagems shall destroy the rest. He shall get upon the back of one with his sword, and sever his head from his body. Then throwing off his garment, he shall get upon another, and put his right and left hand upon his tail. Thus being naked shall he overcome him, whom when clothed he was not able to deal with. The rest he shall gall in their flight, and drive them round the kingdom. Upon this shall come a roaring lion dreadful for his monstrous cruelty. Fifteen parts shall he reduce to one, and shall alone possess the people. The giant of the snow white colour shall shine, and cause the white people to flourish. Pleasures shall effeminate the princes, and they shall suddenly be changed into beasts. Among them shall arise a lion swelled with human gore. Under him shall a reaper be placed in the standing corn, who, while he is reaping, shall be oppressed by him. A charioteer of York shall appease them, and having banished his lord, shall mount upon the chariot which he shall drive. With his sword unsheathed shall he threaten the East, and fill the tracks of his wheels with blood. Afterwards he shall become a sea-fish, who, being roused up with the hissing of a serpent, shall engender with him. From hence shall be produced three thundering bulls, who having eaten up their pastures shall be turned into trees. The first shall carry a whip of vipers, and turn his back upon the next. He shall endeavour to snatch away the whip, but shall be taken by the last. They shall turn away their faces from one another, till they have thrown away the poisoned cup. To him shall succeed a husbandman of Albania, at whose back shall be a serpent. He shall be employed in ploughing the ground, that the country may become white with corn. The serpent shall endeavour to diffuse his poison, in order to blast the harvest. A grievous mortality shall sweep away the people, and the walls of cities shall be made desolate. There shall be given for a remedy the city of Claudius, which shall interpose the nurse of the scourger. For she shall bear a dose of medicine, and in a short time the island shall be restored. Then shall two successively sway the sceptre, whom a horned dragon shall serve. One shall come in armour, and shall ride upon a flying serpent. He shall sit upon his back with his naked body, and cast his right hand upon his tail. With his cry shall the seas be moved, and he shall strike terror into the second. The second therefore shall enter into confederacy with the lion; but a quarrel happening, they shall encounter one another. They shall distress one another, but the courage of the beast shall gain the advantage. Then shall come one with a drum, and appease the rage of the lion. Therefore shall the people of the kingdom be at peace, and provoke the lion to a dose of physic. In his established seat he shall adjust the weights, but shall stretch out his hands into Albania. For which reason the northern provinces shall be grieved, and open the gates of the temples. The sign-bearing wolf shall lead his troops, and surround Cornwall with his tail. He shall be opposed by a soldier in a chariot, who shall transform that people into a boar. The boar therefore shall ravage the provinces, but shall hide his head in the depth of Severn. A man shall embrace the lion in wine, and the dazzling brightness of gold shall blind the eyes of beholders. Silver shall whiten in the circumference, and torment several wine presses. Men shall be drunk with wine, and, regardless of heaven, shall be intent upon the earth. From them shall the stars turn away their faces, and confound their usual course. Corn will wither at their malign aspects; and there shall fall no dew from heaven. The roots and branches will change their places, and the novelty of the thing shall pass for a miracle. The brightness of the sun shall fade at the amber of Mercury, and horror shall seize the beholders. Stilbon of Arcadia shall change his shield; the helmet of Mars shall call Venus. The helmet of Mars shall make a shadow; and the rage of Mercury pass his bounds. Iron Orion shall unsheath his sword: the marine Phoebus shall torment the clouds; Jupiter shall go out of his lawful paths; and Venus forsake her stated lines. The malignity of the star Saturn shall fall down in rain, and slay mankind with a crooked sickle. The twelve houses of the star shall lament the irregular excursions of their guests; and Gemini omit their usual embraces, and call the urn to the fountains. The scales of Libra shall hang obliquely, till Aries puts his crooked horns under them. The tail of Scorpio shall produce lightning, and Cancer quarrel with the Sun. Virgo shall mount upon the back of Sagittarius, and darken her virgin flowers. The chariot of the Moon shall disorder the zodiac, and the Pleiades break forth into weeping. No offices of Janus shall hereafter return, but his gate being shut shall lie hid in the chinks of Ariadne. The seas shall rise up in the twinkling of an eye, and the dust of ancients shall be restored. The winds shall fight together with a dreadful blast, and their sound shall reach the stars.
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BOOK VIII.
CHAP. I.--Vortigern asks Merlin concerning his own death.
Merlin, by delivering these and many other prophecies, caused in all that were present an admiration at the ambiguity of his expressions. But Vortigern above all the rest both admired and applauded the wisdom, and prophetical spirit of the young man: for that age had produced none that ever talked in such a manner before him. Being therefore curious to learn his own fate, he desired the young man to tell him what he knew concerning that particular. Merlin answered:-- "Fly the fire of the sons of Constantine, if you are able to do it: already are they fitting out their ships: already are they leaving the Armorican shore: already are they spreading out their sails to the wind. They will steer towards Britain: they will invade the Saxon nation: they will subdue that wicked people; but they will first burn you being shut up in a tower. To your own ruin did you prove a traitor to their father, and invite the Saxons into the island. You invited them for your safeguard; but they came for a punishment to you. Two deaths instantly threaten you; nor is it easy to determine, which you can best avoid. For on the one hand the Saxons shall lay waste your country, and endeavour to kill you: on the other shall arrive the two brothers, Aurelius Ambrosius and Uther Pendragon, whose business will be to revenge their father's murder upon you. Seek out some refuge if you can: to-morrow they will be on the shore of Totness. The faces of the Saxons shall look red with blood, Hengist shall be killed, and Aurelius Ambrosius shall be crowned. He shall bring peace to the nation; he shall restore the churches; but shall die of poison. His brother Uther Pendragon shall succeed him, whose days also shall be cut short by poison. There shall be present at the commission of this treason your own issue, whom the boar of Cornwall shall devour." Accordingly the next day early, arrived Aurelius Ambrosius and his brother, with ten thousand men.
CHAP. II.--Aurelius Ambrosius, being anointed king of Britain, burns Vortigern besieged in a tower.
As soon as the news of his coming was divulged, the Britons, who had been dispersed by their great calamities, met together from all parts, and gaining this new accession of strength from their countrymen, displayed unusual vigour. Having assembled together the clergy, they anointed Aurelius king, and paid him the customary homage. And when the people were urgent to fall upon the Saxons, he dissuaded them from it, because his desire was to pursue Vortigern first. For the treason committed against his father so very much affected him, that he thought nothing done till that was first avenged. In pursuance therefore of this design, he marched with his army into Cambria, to the town of Genoreu, whither Vortigern had fled for refuge. That town was in the country of Hergin, upon the river Gania, in the mountain called Cloarius. As soon as Ambrosius was arrived there, bearing in his mind the murder of his father and brother, he spake thus to Eldol, duke of Gloucester.
"See, most noble duke, whether the walls of this city are able to protect Vortigern against my sheathing this sword in his bowels. He deserves to die, and you cannot, I suppose, be ignorant of his desert. Oh most villainous of men, whose crimes deserve inexpressible tortures! First he betrayed my father Constantine, who had delivered him and his country from the inroads of the Picts; afterwards my brother Constans whom he made king on purpose to destroy him. Again, when by his craft he had usurped the crown, he introduced pagans among the natives, in order to abuse those who continued stedfast in their loyalty to me: but by the good providence of God, he unwarily fell into the snare, which he had laid for my faithful subjects. For the Saxons, when they found him out in his wickedness, drove him from the kingdom; for which nobody ought to be concerned. But this I think matter of just grief, that this odious people, whom that detestable traitor invited over, has expelled the nobility, laid waste a fruitful country, destroyed the holy churches, and almost extinguished Christianity over the whole kingdom. Now, therefore, my countrymen, show yourselves men; first revenge yourselves upon him that was the occasion of all these disasters; then let us turn our arms against our enemies, and free our country from their brutish tyranny."
Immediately, therefore, they set their engines to work, and laboured to beat down the walls. But at last, when all other attempts failed, they had recourse to fire, which meeting with proper fuel, ceased not to rage, till it had burned down the tower and Vortigern in it.
CHAP. III.--The praise of Aurelius's valour. The levity of the Scots exposed. Forces raised against Hengist.
Hengist, with his Saxons, was struck with terror at this news, for he dreaded the valour of Aurelius. Such was the bravery and courage this prince was master of, that while he was in Gaul, there was none that durst encounter with him. For in all encounters he either dismounted his adversary, or broke his spear. Besides, he was magnificent in his presents, constant at his devotions, temperate in all respects, and above all things hated a lie. A brave soldier on foot, a better on horseback, and expert in the discipline of an army. Reports of these his noble accomplishments, while he yet continued in Armorican Britain, were daily brought over into the island. Therefore, the Saxons, for fear of him, retired beyond the Humber, and in those parts fortified the cities and towns; for that country always was a place of refuge to them; their safety lying in the neighborhood of Scotland, which used to watch all opportunities of distressing the nation; for that country being in itself a frightful place to live in, and wholly uninhabited, had been a safe retreat for strangers. By its situation it lay open to the Picts, Scots, Dacians, Norwegians, and others, that came to plunder the island. Being, therefore, secure of a safe reception in this country, they fled towards it, that, if there should be occasion, they might retreat into it as into their own camp. This was good news to Aurelius, and made him conceive greater hopes of victory. So assembling his people quickly together, he augmented his army, and made an expeditious march towards the north. In his passage through the countries, he was grieved to see the desolation made in them, but especially that the churches were levelled with the ground: and he promised to rebuild them, if he gained the victory.
CHAP. IV.--Hengist marches with his army against Aurelius, into the field of Maisbeli.
But Hengist, upon his approach, took courage again, and chose out the bravest of his men, whom he exhorted to make a gallant defence, and not be daunted at Aurelius, who, he told them, had but few Armorican Britons with him, since their number did not exceed ten thousand. And as for the native Britons, he made no account of them, since they had been so often defeated by him. He therefore promised them the victory, and that they should come off safely, considering the superiority of their number, which amounted to two hundred thousand men in arms. After he had in this manner animated his men, he advanced with them towards Aurelius, into a field called Maisbeli, through which Aurelius was to pass. For his intention was to make a sudden assault by a surprise, and fall upon the Britons before they were prepared. But Aurelius perceived the design, and yet did not, on that account of them, since they had been so often defeated by him. He therefore promised them the victory, and that they should come off safely, considering the superiority of their number, which amounted to two hundred thousand men in arms. After he had in this manner animated his men, he advanced with them towards Aurelius, into a field called Maisbeli, through which Aurelius was to pass. For his intention was to make a sudden assault by a surprise, and fall upon the Britons before they were prepared. But Aurelius perceived the design, and yet did not, on that account, delay going into the field, but rather pursued his march with more expedition. When he was come within sight of the enemy, he put his troops in order, commanding three thousand Armoricans to attend the cavalry, and drew out the rest together with the islanders into line of battle. The Dimetians he placed upon the hills, and the Venedotians in the adjacent woods. His reason for which was, that they might be there ready to fall upon the Saxons, in case they should flee in that direction.
CHAP. V.--A battle between Aurelius and Hengist.
In the meantime, Eldol, duke of Gloucester, went to the king, and said, "This one day should suffice for all the days of my life, if by good providence I could but get an opportunity to engage with Hengist; for one of us should die before we parted. I still retain deeply fixed in my memory the day appointed for our peaceably treating together, but which he villainously made use of to assassinate all that were present at the treaty, except myself only, who stood upon my defence with a stake which I accidentally found, until I made my escape. That very day proved fatal, through his treachery, to no less than four hundred and sixty barons and consuls, who all went unarmed. From that conspiracy God was pleased to deliver me, by throwing a stake in my way, wherewith I defended myself and escaped." Thus spoke Eldol. Then Aurelius exhorted his companions to place all their hope in the Son of God, and to make a brave assault with one consent upon the enemy, in defence of their country. Nor was Hengist less busy on the other hand in forming his troops, and giving them directions how to behave themselves in the battle; and he walked himself through their several ranks, the more to spirit them up. At last, both armies, being drawn out in order of battle, began the attack, which they maintained with great bravery, and no small loss of blood, both to the Britons and Saxons. Aurelius animated the Christians, Hengist the pagans; and all the time of the engagement, Eldol's chief endeavour was to encounter Hengist, but he had no opportunity for it. For Hengist, when he found that his own men were routed, and that the Christians, by the especial favour of God, had the advantage, fled to the town called Kaerconan, now Cunungeburg. Aurelius pursued him, and either killed or made slaves of all he found in the way. When Hengist saw that he was pursued by Aurelius, he would not enter the town, but assembled his troops, and prepared them to stand another engagement. For he knew the town would not hold out against Aurelius, and that his whole security now lay in his sword. At last Aurelius overtook him, and after marshalling his forces, began another most furious fight. And here the Saxons steadily maintained their ground, notwithstanding the numbers that fell. On both sides there was a great slaughter, the groans of the dying causing a greater rage in those that survived. In short, the Saxons would have gained the day, had not a detachment of horse from the Armorican Britons come in upon them. For Aurelius had appointed them the same station which they had in the former battle; so that, upon their advancing, the Saxons gave ground, and when once a little dispersed, were not able to rally again. The Britons, encouraged by this advantage, exerted themselves, and laboured with all their might to distress the enemy. All the time Aurelius was fully employed, not only in giving commands, but encouraging his men by his own example; for with his own hand he killed all that stood in his way, and pursued those that fled. Nor was Eldol less active in all parts of the field, running to and fro to assault his adversaries; but still his main endeavour was to find opportunity of encountering Hengist.
CHAP. VI.--Hengist, in a duel with Eldol, is taken by him. The Saxons are slain by the Britons without mercy.
As there were therefore several movements made by the parties engaged on each side, an opportunity occurred for their meeting, and briskly engaging each other. In this encounter of the two greatest champions in the field, the fire sparkled with the clashing of their arms, and every stroke in a manner produced both thunder and lightning. For a long time was the victory in suspense, as it seemed sometimes to favour the one, sometimes the other. While they were thus hotly engaged, Gorlois, duke of Cornwall, came up to them with the party he commanded, and did great execution upon the enemies' troops. At the sight of him, Eldol, assured of victory, seized on the helmet of Hengist, and by main force dragged him in among the Britons, and then in transports of joy cried out with a loud voice, "God has fulfilled my desire! My brave soldiers, down, down, with your enemies the Ambrons. The victory is now in your hands: Hengist is defeated, and the day is your own." In the meantime the Britons failed not to perform every one his part against the pagans, upon whom they made many vigorous assaults; and though they were obliged sometimes to give ground, yet their courage did not fail them in making a good resistance; so that they gave the enemy no respite till they had vanquished them. The Saxons therefore fled withersoever their consternation hurried them, some to the cities, some to the woods upon the hills, and others to their ships. But Octa, the son of Hengist, made his retreat with a great body of men to York: and Eosa, his kinsmen, to the city of Alclud, where he had a very large army for his guard.
CHAP. VII.--Hengist is beheaded by Eldol.
Aurelius, after this victory, took the city of Conan above-mentioned, and stayed there three days. During this time he gave orders for the burial of the slain, for curing the wounded, and for the ease and refreshment of his forces that were fatigued. Then he called a council of his principal officers, to deliberate what was to be done with Hengist. There was present at the assembly Eldad, bishop of Gloucester, and brother of Eldol, a prelate of very great wisdom and piety. As soon as he beheld Hengist standing in the king's presence, he demanded silence, and said, "Though all should be unanimous for setting him at liberty, yet would I cut him to pieces. The prophet Samuel is my warrant, who, when he had Agag, king of Amalek, in his power, hewed him in pieces, saying, As thy sword hath made women childless, so shall thy mother be childless among women. Do therefore the same to Hengist, who is a second Agag." Accordingly Eldol took his sword, and drew him out of the city, and then cut off his head. But Aurelius, who showed moderation in all his conduct, commanded him to be buried, and a heap of earth to be raised over his body, according to the custom of the pagans.
CHAP. VIII.--Octa, being besieged in York, surrenders himself to the mercy of Aurelius.
From hence Aurelius conducted his army to York, to besiege Octa, Hengist's son. When the city was invested, Octa was doubtful whether he should give him any opposition, and stand a siege against such a powerful army. After consultation upon it, he went out with his principal nobility that were present, carrying a chain in his hand, and sand upon his head, and presented himself to the king with this address: "My gods are vanquished, and I doubt not that the sovereign power is in your God, who has compelled so many noble persons to come before you in this suppliant manner. Be pleased therefore to accept of us, and of this chain. If you do not think us fit objects of your clemency, we here present ourselves ready to be fettered, and to undergo whatever punishment you shall adjudge us to." Aurelius was moved with pity at the spectacle, and demanded the advice of his council what should be done with them. After various proposals upon this subject, Eldad the bishop rose up, and delivered his opinion in these words: "The Gibeonites came voluntarily to the children of Israel to desire mercy, and they obtained it. And shall we Christians be worse than the Jews, in refusing them mercy? It is mercy which they beg, and let them have it. The island of Britain is large, and in many places uninhabited. Let us make a covenant with them, and suffer them at least to inhabit the desert places, that they may be our vassals for ever." The king acquiesced in Eldad's advice, and suffered them to partake of his clemency. After this Eosa and the rest that fled, being encouraged by Octa's success, came also, and were admitted to the same favour. The king therefore granted them the country bordering upon Scotland, and made a firm covenant with them.
CHAP. IX.--Aurelius, having entirely routed the enemies, restores all things in Britain, especially ecclesiastical affairs, to their ancient state.
The enemies being now entirely reduced, the king summoned the consuls and princes of the kingdom together at York, where he gave orders for the restoration of the churches, which the Saxons had destroyed. He himself undertook the rebuilding of the metropolitan church of that city, as also the other cathedral churches in that province. After fifteen days, when he had settled workmen in several places, he went to London, which city had not escaped the fury of the enemy. He beheld with great sorrow the destruction made in it, and recalled the remainder of the citizens from all parts, and began the restoration of it. Here he settled the affairs of the whole kingdom, revived the laws, restored the right heirs to the possessions of their ancestors; and those estates, whereof the heirs had been lost in the late grievous calamity, he distributed among his fellow soldiers. In these important concerns, of restoring the nation to its ancient state, repairing the churches, re-establishing peace and law, and settling the administration of justice, was his time wholly employed. From hence he went to Winchester, to repair the ruins of it, as he did of other cities; and when the work was finished there, he went, at the instance of bishop Eldad, to the monastery near Kaercaradoc, now Salisbury, where the consuls and princes, whom the wicked Hengist had treacherously murdered, lay buried. At this place was a convent that maintained three hundred friars, situated on the mountain of Ambrius, who, as is reported, had been the founder of it. The sight of the place where the dead lay, made the king, who was of a compassionate temper, shed tears, and at last enter upon thoughts, what kind of monument to erect upon it. For he thought something ought to be done to perpetuate the memory of that piece of ground, which was honoured with the bodies of so many noble patriots, that died for their country.
CHAP. X.--Aurelius is advised by Merlin to remove the Giant's Dance from the mountain Killaraus.
For this purpose he summoned together several carpenters and masons, and commanded them to employ the utmost of their art, in contriving some new structure, for a lasting monument to those great men. But they, in diffidence of their own skill, refusing to undertake it, Tremounus, archbishop of the City of Legions, went to the king, and said, "If any one living is able to execute your commands, Merlin, the prophet of Vortigern, is the man. In my opinion there is not in all your kingdom a person of a brighter genius, either in predicting future events, or in mechanical contrivances. Order him to come to you, and exercise his skill in the work which you design." Whereupon Aurelius, after he had asked a great many questions concerning him, despatched several messengers into the country to find him out, and bring him to him. After passing through several provinces, they found him in the country of Gewisseans, at the fountain of Galabes, which he frequently resorted to. As soon as they had delivered their message to him, they conducted him to the king, who received him with joy, and, being curious to hear some of his wonderful speeches, commanded him to prophesy. Merlin made answer: "Mysteries of this kind are not to be revealed but when there is the greatest necessity for it. If I should pretend to utter them for ostentation or diversion, the spirit that instructs me would be silent, and would leave me when I should have occasion for it." When he had made the same refusal to all the rest present, the king would not urge him any longer about his predictions, but spoke to him concerning the monument which he designed. "If you are desirous," said Merlin, "to honour the burying-place of these men with an ever-lasting monument, send for the Giant's Dance, which is in Killaraus, a mountain in Ireland. For there is a structure of stones there, which none of this age could raise, without a profound knowledge of the mechanical arts. They are stones of a vast magnitude and wonderful quality; and if they can be placed here, as they are there, round this spot of ground, they will stand for ever."
CHAP. XI.--Uther Pendragon is appointed with Merlin to bring over the Giant's Dance.
At these words of Merlin, Aurelius burst into laughter, and said, "How is it possible to remove such vast stones from so distant a country, as if Britain was not furnished with stones fit for the work?" Merlin replied, "I entreat your majesty to forbear vain laughter; for what I say is without vanity. They are mystical stones, and of a medicinal virtue. The giants of old brought them from the farthest coast of Africa, and placed them in Ireland, while they inhabited that country. Their design in this was to make baths in them, when they should be taken with any illness. For their method was to wash the stones, and put their sick into the water, which infallibly cured them. With the like success they cured wounds also, adding only the application of some herbs. There is not a stone there which has not some healing virtue." When the Britons heard this, they resolved to send for the stones, and to make war upon the people of Ireland if they should offer to detain them. And to accomplish this business, they made choice of Uther Pendragon, who was to be attended with fifteen thousand men. They chose also Merlin himself, by whose direction the whole affair was to be managed. A fleet being therefore got ready, they set sail, and with a fair wind arrived in Ireland.
CHAP. XII.--Gillomanius being routed by Uther, the Britons bring over the Giant's dance into Britain.
At that time Gillomanius, a youth of wonderful valour, reigned in Ireland; who, upon the news of the arrival of the Britons in his kingdom, levied a vast army, and marched out against them. And when he had learned the occasion of their coming, he smiled, and said to those about him, "No wonder a cowardly race of people were able to make so great a devastation in the island of Britain, when the Britons are such brutes and fools. Was ever the like folly heard of? What are the stones of Ireland better than those of Britain, that our kingdom must be put to this disturbance for them? To arms, soldiers, and defend your country; while I have life they shall not take from us the least stone of the Giant's Dance." Uther, seeing them prepared for a battle, attacked them; nor was it long ere the Britons had the advantage, who, having dispersed and killed the Irish, forced Gillomanius to flee. After the victory they went to the mountain Killaraus, and arrived at the structure of stones, the sight of which filled them both with joy and admiration. And while they were all standing round them, Merlin came up to them and said, "Now try your forces, young men, and see whether strength or art can do the most towards taking down these stones." At this word they all set to their engines with one accord, and attempted the removing of the Giant's Dance. Some prepared cables, others small ropes, others ladders for the work, but all to no purpose. Merlin laughed at their vain efforts, and then began his own contrivances. When he had placed in order the engines that were necessary, he took down the stones with an incredible facility, and gave directions for carrying them to the ships, and placing them therein. This done, they with joy set sail again, to return to Britain; where they arrived with a fair gale, and repaired to the burying-place with the stones. When Aurelius had notice of it, he sent messengers to all parts of Britain, to summon the clergy and people together to the mount of Ambrius, in order to celebrate with joy and honour the erection of the monument. Upon this summons appeared the bishops, abbats, and people of all other orders and qualities; and upon the day and place appointed for their general meeting, Aurelius placed the crown sepulchre upon his head, and with royal pomp celebrated the feast of Pentecost, the solemnity whereof he continued the three following days. In the meantime, all places of honour that were vacant, he bestowed upon his domestics as rewards for their good services. At that time the two metropolitan sees of York and Legions were vacant; and with the general consent of the people, whom he was willing to please in this choice, he granted York to Sanxo, a man of great quality, and much celebrated for his piety; and the City of Legions to Dubricius, whom divine providence had pointed out as a most useful pastor in that place. As soon as he had settled these and other affairs in the kingdom, he ordered Merlin to set up the stones brought over from Ireland, about the sepulcher; which he accordingly did, and placed them in the same manner as they had been in the mountain Killaraus, and th
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Obituaries — George A. Thoma Funeral Home
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en
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https://assets.squarespace.com/universal/default-favicon.ico
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George A. Thoma Funeral Home
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http://thomafuneralhome.com/obituaries
|
Duda, Marian Francis
Age 96, of Newnan GA, formerly of Franklin Park, on Saturday, June 8, 2024. Wife of 70 years to the late Edward J. Duda. Dear father of Denise Gordy (Tom); grandmother of Joseph Gordy, Allison McCumber, Susan Gorman and Thomas Austin Gordy. Also survived by 7 great grandchildren. Marian worked as a Telephone Operator, enjoyed her bowling league. There is no visitation. Private burial/services.
Williams, Harry Williams
On Saturday, June 8, 2024 age 72 of Pittsburgh. Beloved son of the late Gilbert and Bernadette Williams. Loving brother of Jeanne Holl and the late Gilbert Williams. Friends and Family will be received Saturday, June 15, 2024 from 5pm-8pm at the George A. Thomas Funeral Home, Inc. 10418 Perry Hwy. Wexford, Pa 15090 where a Blessing Service will be held at 6:30pm. A private family burial will be held at a later date. Arrangements entrusted to the G.A. Thoma Funeral Home, Inc. Harry William Williams
Sirianni, Michael J.
At age 92, of Wexford PA, passed peacefully at home on Saturday, June 8, 2024.
Beloved husband of 58 years to late wife Roseanne. Loving father of MaryJayne (Frank) Terak, John (Sue), Rosemarie, Michael (Belinda), and Paul (Teresa) Sirianni, and Sandy Eck.
Brother of Dalda (Langell) Cervone, and the late Alphonso Sirianni Jr. and Ellen Podlager. Grandfather of Adam, Christopher, Rachel, Rosemary, Cathryn, Elizabeth, Margaret, Michael, Dominic and Adriana.Great Grandfather of Lucas, Madison, Jake, Jameson and Caroline.
Friends and Family will be received on Friday, June 14, from 2-4 & 6-8 pm at the George A. Thoma Funeral Home, Inc. 10418 Perry Hwy. Wexford, Pa 15090. A Mass of Christian Burial will be held on Saturday, June 15, 9:30am, St. Aidan Parish, St. Alexis Church Wexford.
In lieu of flowers Memorial Contributions may be made to The Ladies of Charity, St. Aidan Parish 10090 Old Perry Hwy. Wexford, Pa 15090 and Little Sisters of the Poor, 1028 Benton Avenue Pittsburgh, Pa 15212,www.littlesistersofthepoorpittsburgh.org
Richards, Rosemary Brennen
Rosemary Brennen Richards, age 91, a lifetime resident of the North Hills of Pittsburgh, passed away peacefully at home on June 6, 2024. She was born on February 2, 1933, in Pittsburgh PA, the only child of Harriet Murphy Brennen and Charles H. Brennen. Rosemary’s life was dedicated to having fun and supporting her family and many friends. She was a huge Pittsburgh Steeler fan having spent decades attending Steeler games and traveling to several Super Bowl Championship games. A graduate of St. Benedicts Academy and a member of the Catholic charitable organization Christ Child, Rosemary spent many hours of service distributing coats to those in need. She and her husband had been members of Wildwood Golf Club since 1968. She was preceded in death by her husband of over 50 years, John T. Richards, Jr. Rosemary was the mother of John T. Richards, III (Valerie); Veronica Richards Arnstein (Kenneth); Charles Brennen Richards (deceased) and Lynn Sebastian (Gregory). She is survived by her grandchildren Brianne Staiger, Kiera Hood (Erik), Brennen Richards (Stevie), Penny Richards (Adam), Abby Auth (Xander), Allie Sebastian, Kenneth Arnstein and Stephen Arnstein (Will) and great grandchildren, Madelyn Staiger, Kinsley Hood, Evan Richards, Vera Richards, Calliope Auth and Isla Auth. She was preceded in death by her grandson, John T. Richards, IV.
Rosemary will always be remembered for her love of her children’s spouses who she affectionately called the Outlaws, her wisdom, hosting parties, and remarkable stories of family, friends and her many world travels. She loved her family vacations in Falmouth Cape Cod and always had time for a laugh, a dinner out or late-night heart-to-heart talks with family and friends.
Family and friends will be received on Wednesday, June 12, 2024 from 4:00 to 8:00 PM at George A. Thoma Funeral Home, 10418 Perry Highway, Wexford, PA 15090 (724- 935-3400). On Thursday June 13, 2024 there will be a Mass of Christian Burial at 12:00 PM at St Alexis Church- St. Aidan Parish 10090 Old Perry Highway, Wexford, PA. Interment to follow in Holy Savioe Cemetery. All are welcome to attend a celebration of her extraordinary life at Wildwood Golf Club, 2195 Sample Road, Hampton, immediately following the funeral mass. In lieu of flowers, please consider a donation in her name and the memory of her grandson John T. Richards, IV, to The Lighthouse Foundation, 116 Browns Hill Road, Valencia, PA 16059; www.thelighthousepa.org; 724-586-5554.
Werner, Marilyn
Age 81, of North Hills on Thursday, May 30, 2024; Beloved wife of Robert Werner for 43 years. Loving mother of Terri Stevens (Randy), Tim Gasper (Tricia), Joan Werner, and the late David Gasper; sister of Patricia Brunn,, Colleen Christoffersen (Steve) and the late Martin Dummer; also survived by eight grandchildren and two great grandchildren. Marilyn worked at Werner Jeweler since 1983. Family and friends received Tuesday, June 4 from 2-4pm and 6pm until the time of a blessing service at 8pm at the George A. Thoma Funeral Home, Inc. 10418 Perry Hwy, Wexford, PA 15090. In lieu of flowers, the family requests memorials to St. Barnabas Hospice, 5830 Meridian Rd., Gibsonia Pa 15044
Hatherley, Tom
Age 77, passed away peacefully at his home on May 29, 2024, with his family by his bedside. Tom was a loving husband, devoted father, amazing grandfather, great-grandfather, brother, uncle, and true friend to so many.
Tom is survived by his wife, Nancy (Battaglia) Hatherley, daughters Tracy Hatherley Ellis (Joe) and Ronda (Lindsey) Hatherley Smith, sister Cathy (Paul) Smith, brother-in-law Jim (Eileen) Battaglia, several grandchildren, great-grandchildren, nieces and nephews. Tom was preceded in death by his parents, his brother Paul and his sister Joyce. He was born in Pittsburgh in 1947 to Catherine and Paul Hatherley. He had one brother, Paul, and two sisters, Joyce and Cathy. He grew up on the North Side where he made many incredible friends who he continued to have lifelong, close friendships with his entire life. Tom met the love of his life, Nancy, in 1966. The first time Tom laid eyes on Nancy, he declared “I’m going to marry that girl!” Nine days later they were engaged and four months later they were married. They remained married for 58 years. They were a beautiful example of love, commitment, and devotion. They had two daughters, Tracy and Ronda, six grandchildren, eleven great-grandchildren, and many nieces and nephews that he was close with. Tom was a hard-working and devoted family man, working multiple jobs but still always showing up for his family. He attended every event, game, and practice of his kids, and even coached his daughter’s softball team. Tom’s other love/passion in life was music. Known as “DJ Rock ‘n Tom” he deejayed at the Apache Lounge on the North Side for 17 years, and deejayed many weddings and events on the side as well. Later in life he became an internet deejay on The Doo Wop Cafe radio show and did this for the last five years of his life. He spent many hours prepping songs for his radio show and loved every minute of it. His collection of over 4 million songs is something he was very proud of and loved to share with people Tom was very handy. He loved to build things and fix things, and he had all the tools to prove it! He was extremely meticulous with his projects and very proud of them, especially his koi fish pond behind his house. Tom enjoyed muscle cars, car cruises, Westview Oldies Dances, fishing, shooting guns at the gun range, and spending quality time with his family and friends. Anyone that knew him well also knew how much he loved his frappes! Tom was a tough guy with a heart of gold and a great sense of humor. Throughout his life, Tom was always cracking jokes, coming up with funny sayings, and complimenting people all the time. Tom kept up with those jokes and remained in good spirits until his final days. He will be truly missed. Family and friends received Sunday, June 2, from 2-4pm and 6-8 pm at the funeral home. In Lieu of flowers, donations towards funeral expenses would be very appreciated.
Nedzel, Karen Louise (nee Steinbock)
With sadness in our hearts, we announce the passing of Karen Nedzel of Sewickley Township on May 24, 2024. She is survived by her husband, Michael, of 51 years, her son, Andrew of Cranberry Township, his wife Gabrielle (nee Bonanotte), three granddaughters, Cecelia, Charlotte and Catherine, and her brother, Richards of Annapolis, Md. She was preceded in death by her son, Stephen, of Chicago, IL, her father, Charles Steinbock Jr. of Baltimore, and mother, Mary Louise Kendrick Steinbock of Baltimore. She graduated from Shenandoah University with a Music Education Degree in 1970. She taught music to special education students in Baltimore Co. Md. She also taught private piano lessons to her students in Baltimore, Cleveland, Chicago and in Pittsburgh to her older two granddaughters. She was a member of Sigma Alpha Iota (SAI), women’s professional music fraternity and Music Educators National Conference (MENC). She was the accompanist for her choir in Chicago and ang in the choir in Cleveland, Chicago, and Pittsburgh. Her love of music was all encompassing. Teaching her granddaughters was a delight and gave her valuable one-on one time. She loved to cook and bake, always looking for new recipes. In lieu of flowers, a charitable contribution to the Steve Nedzel Memorial Scholarship Fund would be appreciated. The donations will continue to fund scholarships for college bound graduates majoring in Music Education or Performance. Checks should be made payable to Lincoln-Way West High School and mailed to Lincoln-Way West Attention: Cary Ruklic 21701 S. Gougar Rd, New Lenox IL 60451. Please note “Nedzel Memorial Scholarship” within the check memo.A memorial service will be held at Trinity Lutheran Church, 2500 Brandt School Road, Wexford Pa. 15090 on Saturday, June 15, at 10:00 AM.
Jacobs, Mary Jane (nee Swinderman)
Mary Jane Jacobs, 99, passed away peacefully at home on May 16, 2024, leaving behind a 99-year legacy of self-sacrifice, kindness, unwavering devotion to her family, an unbridled enthusiasm for all that life offered, and a deep faith. Mary Jane was a child of the Depression. She often recounted vivid stories to her children about the many challenges she and her parents faced during that difficult era. Mary Jane weighed just three pounds at birth when NICUs were nonexistent and excellent infant care was nascent. Her
younger brother Donald died shortly after childbirth. Regardless of season or weather, Mary Jane walked to grammar school held in a one-room schoolhouse at St. Alphonsus, Wexford. Frequently, her lunch consisted of onion sandwiches and no special food treats during the worst of the Depression. Mary Jane often marveled how she survived low birth weight, an early childhood home with neither heat nor hot water, food insecurities, and the inherent difficulties of the Depression era to become a nonagenarian.
Mary Jane was a consummate optimist who lived a life of pervasive positivity. She countered the stories of myriad hardships growing up with numerous, loving recollections of bicycling in spring and summer throughout the countryside of Wexford and Bradford Woods with her beloved Mother Margaret in tow, picking wild berries to make pies, participating in the many farm activities during the fall apple harvest, raising chickens, playing with her much-loved dog Toby, and celebrating holidays with a large extended family. Mary Jane graduated from Holy Ghost High School and St. John’s Hospital School of Nursing in Pittsburgh. She served as a Nurse in her early career, married her beloved husband George J. Jacobs, MD, reared four children, entered local politics to win an election and served for two terms as President of the Board of Education - Pittsburgh Public Schools, and selflessly cared for many elderly and infirm relatives throughout her life. Mary Jane loved the ocean and beaches. She read eclectically, learned to play golf in her 40s and then golfed regularly with her husband, enjoyed traveling, and was engaged in politics. She was in every way a caring, dedicated, supportive, and loving daughter, wife, mother, grandmother, and friend. Her children consider themselves beyond blessed to have recently celebrated their Mother’s 99th birthday, two weeks prior to their Mom’s passing. The celebration was held outside at Mary Jane’s Wexford home on a glorious sunny, blue-sky day. Her favorite Glen Miller big band songs played in the background, and a small circle of special people in her life attended. Mary Jane was radiant. Mary Jane was preceded in death by her husband George with whom she celebrated 60 years of marriage. Her eldest daughter Mary Lee of Concord, MA predeceased her. Mary Jane is survived by three children, Alexia, Catherine, and George (Alexandra), three grandchildren Tucker (Liz), Caroline, and Charlotte, and a great grandson due in September Visitation will be held from 6:00 pm - 8:00 pm on Monday, June 10, 2024, at George A. Thoma Funeral Home, Inc., 20418 Perry Hwy, Wexford, PA 15090. Mass of Christian Burial will be held at 12:00 noon on Tuesday, June 11, 2024, at St. Alphonsus Church (St. Aidan Parish), Wexford, PA. Burial will follow immediately at the parish cemetery on church grounds. In lieu of flowers, memorial donations can be made in Mary Jane’s name to St. Joseph’s Indian School, PO Box
100, Chamberlain, SD 57325-0100 (1-855-777-3433)
Huckestein, Nancy Ann (nee Soeder)
Of Valencia, passed peacefully surrounded by her family on Sunday, May 26, 2024. She was preceded in death by her parents, Bernard and Mathilda Soeder, her loving husband, Raymond C Huckestein and her siblings (Hilda, Louise, Bern, Regis, Jeanne). She is survived by five children , Charlene (John) Friel , Mary Ann Greenawalt, Edward (Sharon), Bernard (Laura) and Raymond, ten grandchildren and ten great grandchildren. Nancy was born in Glenshaw, PA to Bernard and Mathilda Soeder. Nancy graduated from Divine Providence High School and attended Duquesne University in commercial education. She earned the title of Mrs. North Hills, taught millinery at Fox Chapel and Hampton High Schools, was a successful realtor, and showcased her entrepreneurial skills in a family printing business at Huckestein Printing in Zelienople, Pennsylvania. Through the years she enjoyed crafting, bridge, mahjong sewing and swimming. Nancy was a member of Zelienople Rotary and an officer of the Cranberry Zonta Association. Zonta awarded Nancy the Hestia Award due to her exceptional dedication to the Caps for Kids program bringing over 100,000 caps to kids in need. During her eighteen years as a resident of The Woodlands she loved orchestrating events (entertaining and being entertained) and was the self-declared unofficial Mayor at The Woodlands. Family and friends received Wednesday, May 29 from 2-4 pm and 6-8pm at the George A. Thoma Funeral Home, Inc. 10418 Perry Hwy., Wexford 15090 Mass of Christian Burial on Thursday, May 30 at 10 am in St.Mary of the Assumption Church (Our Lady of Perpetual Help Parish) 2510 Middle Road, Glenshaw 15116. EVERYONE PLEASE MEET AT CHURCH. In lieu of flowers, the family suggests memorials to a charity of the donor's choice.
She took much pride and loved her children, grandchildren and great grandchildren.
Swaney. Mary Lou (née Schneider),
Age 87, of Mars, PA, passed away on May 17, 2024. She was born in 1936, in Pittsburgh, PA Mary Lou was a graduate of Mars High School and a lifelong resident of Mars. She was a wonderful mother, known for her strength, unwavering support, wisdom, and abundant love. Her quick wit and infectious laughter brought joy to all who knew her. Mary Lou cherished time spent with her family and was always up for a road trip, auction, shopping, or enjoying ice cream. Mary Lou is survived by her children Mary Jo Phillips (John Sorbo), David Swaney (LaVonne), Jack Swaney, Jill Swaney (Patrick Ellenberger) “Moms” to grandchildren, Josh Swaney (Rachel), Bill Swaney (Akron), Natalie Byers (Tyler), Monica Hartel (Tim), great-grandchildren, Kenley, Jayce, and Serena. Sisters Jerry Black and Pamalea Wissel, and many nieces and nephews. She was preceded in death by her beloved husband, William Swaney; parents Estol and Mary Lee Schneider, brothers David Schneider and Rick Schneider; and sister Rexanne Schwadron. Services for Mary Lou Swaney are private. In lieu of flowers, contributions can be made to the Mars History and Landmarks Society at 1 Brickyard Road, P.O. Box 58, Mars, PA 16046. Mary Lou will be deeply missed, but her memory will live on in our hearts.
Stack, Daniel E.
Age 51, of Town of McCandless, unexpectedly on Friday, May 10, 2024; Son of the late Morrie and Marian Stack ; Loving husband of Suzanne (Csikari) Stack for 24 years; Amazing and devoted father of Riley, Kelby and Mulaney Stack; brother of Karen Howell (Matt) and Brian Stack (Robin); son in law of Bob and Sandy Csikari; brother in law of Steve Csikari (Melissa) and Tim Csikari (Lauren); also survived by many nieces, nephews and cousins. Dan was a valuable member of the McCandless community for decades. He served as a Firefighter and McCandless Fire Marshal. He was an instructor at the Allegheny County Fire Academy. He had been the Director of Safety and Security for the North Allegheny School District. Recently, he was the Safety Manager for Geottle Engineering and Construction Company. He was loved by everyone he met. His door was always open for a swim, a margarita or a cold beer. Dan was passionate about public service, Jimmy Buffett, his margarita maker but especially his family, whom he cherished and loved deeply. Family and friends received Monday, May 13, 4-8 pm and Tuesday 1-3 and 5-8pm with a "Last Call Fireman Service" at 7pm at the George A. Thoma Funeral Home, Inc. 10418 Perry Hwy. Wexford. Mass of Christian Burial on Wednesday, May 15 at 10 am in St.Alexis Church (St.Aidan Parish) 10090 Old Perry Hwy, Wexford. EVERYONE PLEASE MEET AT THE CHURCH. In lieu of flowers, it is suggested that donations be made to the Stack family. UPDATED INFORMATION FOR DONATIONS TO THE FAMILY: Checks must be made payable to Suzanne Stack and /or Sandra Csikari, In the memo line write Stack Family Fund. Checks may be sent to FNB Wexford Branch 10583 Perry Highway, Wexford Pa 15090 FNB Banks in the North Pittsburgh area have been made aware of this. Anyone is able to walk in a bank and reference : Portfolio Number 1790081 If any help is needed at the bank to help find the account, please reach out to Jake McClellan phone 614-634-2555
Karapandi, Rose Marie (Doyle)
Our beloved mother, Rose Marie (Doyle) Karapandi, better known as mum or gram, is rejoicing with Jesus as she sadly left us for her eternal HOME. She took her final breath at 91, Saturday, April 27,2024, surrounded by family. She's finally reunited with her husband Steve and daughter Karen and others who greeted her. Rose graduated from St. Mary's High School where she received the honor of May Queen. She met Steve and married in 1950. She helped him build our home in Hampton Twp. She loved her life as a devoted wife, mother, grandmother, and great-grandmother. Her greatest joy was being with her FAMILY! Among her many loves were the ocean, Marblehead Ohio, Cedar Point, horse racing and TV. She enjoyed helping Steve organize theatre calls for I.A.T.S.E Local 3. One of her favorite things to do was sit in her chair with the front door open watching the View or The Bachelor. Her favorite foods were breaded pork chops, spaghetti with meat sauce, meatloaf, toast and DOUGHNUTS! Everyone said she made the best toast. She loved sending cards to everyone she knew. If you were sick, you could count on a card. Her Christmas and birthday cards were always the first to be received. Rose would be the first to do anything for anyone (family or stranger) before herself. She volunteered every Christmas for the Optimist- Goodfellow Organization, where she distributed toys to needy children. She was the most selfless mother and grandmother anyone could ask for. She was the purest, most genuine person to walk the earth. Anyone who met her loved her. We have become who we are because of her devoted love. One of the greatest things she taught us was to love. She was a one- of a kind special person. Her soul was everything we aspire to be. She will be missed more than words can say, but to see her all we need to do is look UP! She has left behind many. 6 children: Kathie, John (the late Akiko), Cindy (Cal), Mary (the late Dana), Debbie (Jeff) Shari (Brian); 20 grandchildren: Craig , Dave, Steve (Sharon), Chris (Lauren), Shelley (Jamie), Lori , Melany (Anthony), Miki , Jim (Mo), Erica(Felix), Caryn (Justin), Justin (Amanda), Rusty (Amanda), Alec , Carey(Cory) Megan(John) Broc , Makayla(Nathan) Keith, Jake ( classic Granny partner); 14 great-grandchildren: Davey, Jackie, Shawn, Alyssa, Caleb, Sarah, Caleb, Otto, Declan, Axel, Olivia, Theo, Nicholle, and Landon; 1 great-great grandchild Damon; 2 Sisters: Judi & Mary, 1 brother in law Rich (Dee) ; 6 nieces and 5 nephews and many great nieces and nephews Mass of Christian Burial on June 17,2024 at 10 am in St Richard Church (Sts. Martha and Mary Parish), Gibsonia. Everyone please meet at church. Interment in St. Mary of the Assumption Cemetery, immediately following mass. In lieu of flowers, the family suggests memorials to St. Jude Children’s Research Hospital 1-800-608-3023 or https:// www. stjude.org Arrangements with George A. Thoma Funeral Home, Inc., Wexford, Pa
Dudra, Dolores “Dolly”
In loving memory of our mother, age 95 , who passed away on Monday, April 22, 2024. She was preceded in death by her parents, Thomas and Mathilda (Wiegand) Streb,her loving husband John P. Druda, her sister Alberta Greer, brothers Frank, Thomas and Richard Streb, son in law Timothy B. Huston, and great granddaughter Audrey Ellin Huston (Nick and Jennie) She is survived by her children Gerard Dudra, Linda Dudra Huston (the late Tim) and Diane Dudra Raynovich (James) grandchildren Timothy J. Huston (fiance Cathy Flynn) April Vitovsky (MJ), Nicholas (Jennie), Katie Nesbitt (Mike), Stacey Belkot (Kenwyn), Kevin Raynovich and great grandchildren Kyle, Carter, Cooper, Wyatt, Carly, Tilly, Mia, Laney Declyn and Jolee and many nieces and nephews. Family and friends received Thursday, April 25 from 5-8 pm at the George A. Thoma Funeral Home, Inc. 10418 Perry Hwy., Wexford.15090. Mass of Christian Burial on Friday, April 26, at 11 am in St. Ferdinand Church (Divine Grace Parish), Cranberry Twp. EVERYONE PLEASE MEET AT CHURCH. In lieu of flowers, the family suggests memorials to The American Heart Association (412-208-3550) www.heart.org
Kliem, James
Of Wexford passed away suddenly but peacefully on Friday, April 12th at the age of 79. He leaves behind his beloved wife of nearly 57 years, Karen and his daughter, Kim Zemmali (Mounir) of Atlanta, and son, James Kliem of Pittsburgh, and three adoring grandchildren, Eric, Lydia and Stefane Zemmali. He is survived by his three brothers, Tom, Ed and John Kliem (Mary), sister-in-law, Mary Jane and many cherished nieces and nephews. Jim was born in 1945 as the third child of Nick and Frances (Skocik) Kliem in Hillsville, Pennsylvania. He graduated from Mohawk High School in 1963 and was a star athlete in multiple sports earning him numerous headlines in the local news. The papers called him a “triple-threat” in track and field as a high jumper, discus thrower, and “ace” shot putter who broke his own school records and earned a WPIAL Class B title. He was also known as the “Mohawk blockbuster” playing fullback and defensive end, holding the high school touchdown record from 1963 to the early 2000s. Jim was offered and accepted a full four-year football scholarship to the University of Miami. James fell instantly in love with a lovely nursing student, Karen Cunningham, when he saw her sitting on a stool at Chiefs Bar. He spun her around and the rest is history. They married on July 8, 1967 and resided in Youngstown and Boardman, Ohio with their two children. His position at General Refractories brought the family to Wexford in 1979. He eventually built his own business as a skilled salesman thanks to his magnetic personality. Jim and Karen joined Wildwood Country Club where they were active members and avid golfers for over 40 years. Klemmie, as he was known by his friends, brought his athleticism to his golf game, and could never be counted out. His creative style and seemingly “magic” shot-making ability when he was in a pinch was also fun-lovingly known at Wildwood as making “a Klemmie.” Jim was a devoted Steeler fan, charismatic storyteller, antique collector and a friend to all. He cherished his loving wife, children, grandchildren and adopted cat, Itty Bitty. He is preceded in death by his parents, in-laws, his oldest brother, Nick Kliem, sisters-in-law, Joanne Kliem (Tom) and Marsha Kliem (Ed), and a beloved cat named Woody that Karen found on the golf course. A Celebration of Life and Blessing Service followed by a reception will be held at 6pm on Friday, April 19th at the Pittsburgh North Golf Club located at 3800 Bakerstown Road, Gibsonia, PA 15044. All who loved Jim are invited to attend. If you wish to make a donation in his name, we ask that you support First Tee at https://firstteepittsburgh.org.
Orr, Patrick Thomas
of Pittsburgh, passed away unexpectedly on April 9th at the age of 39. He is survived by his mother Joan Nickerson, father Albert Wessel and siblings Helen Orr (John Love) Jason Wessel, Kelly Jo McIntyre (Luke) N Orr (Danielle Scuilli) Pam Orr, Haley Finkelman (Isaac), and several aunts and uncles, nieces and nephews. Patrick’s party started in a military hospital in Nuremberg, Germany, and he was the life of it ever since. Patrick was an Army brat until the age of seven, when dad retired from the military. The family settled in Pittsburgh PA, which he would call his hometown until the end. Patrick was a jack of many trades: he was a conversationalist who loved to argue, forensics was one of his favorite activities at Pine Richland High School, he knew several languages, loved to dance (the rockettes envied his high kicks), cook, and volunteer. He studied dance at CCAC and Slippery Rock University. Patrick loved his siblings and spent a lot of time with them, especially in the spirit of gaming. He hosted D&D nights (he was the best at casting fireballs) and raised his little sister with a green N64 controller in her hand. Patrick was a loud and proud gay man, and his presence will be greatly missed by the LGBTQ community. Patrick would be the rainbow after a stormy day that made you realize the worst was over and it would be okay. He had a way of lifting you up with a bardic inspiration no matter how long you knew him. If he had one last thing to say, it would probably be, “YASSS QUEEN.” A Celebration of Patrick’s life will be held at the North Park Cabin, E. Ingomar Road, Allison Park, PA 15101 on Thursday, April 18 from 4:00 - 7:00 p.m
O’Neill, Kevin E.
Age 65, of Town of McCandless, on Thursday, April 11, 2024; Son of the late Edmond and Mary Adele O'Neill; loving father of Erin Pittavino (Greg) Katelyn Drabik (Steve), Samuel O'Neill (Elisha'h), and Sean O'Neill; grandfather of Dominic, Maxime, Emery, Victor and Baby Girl; brother of Patricia Scheurer (Sonny), Terrence O'Neill (Tara), Brian O'Neill and the late Timothy O'Neill ( Noreen).; dear nephew of Ann "Nancy" O'Malley. Mass of Christian Burial on Monday, April 15, 2024 at 10 am in St. Alexis Church (St. Aidan Parish) Wexford. PLEASE MEET AT THE CHURCH.
Bollman, JoEllen “JoElle” S. (Sendek)
It is with great sadness that we announce the passing of JoEllen “JoElle” S. Bollman (Sendek) at the age of 63. She passed away peacefully on Saturday, April 6, 2024, surrounded by her loving family. She was a daughter of the late Joseph and Marlene Sendek. She had recently relocated back home to Pittsburgh to be closer to family after having spent the prior 10 years living in Crestwood, Kentucky. JoElle had a kindness that impacted all who knew her. She was an avid knitter and kept many friends and family warm with her many creations. One of her passions was shelling on the beach and she was able to live a lifelong dream of being a snowbird spending two Januarys on Sanibel Island and every summer visiting Ft Myers Beach. She loved gardening and was a master gardener in both Pennsylvania and Kentucky as well as a member of the Kentucky Orchid Society. Her talents were obvious if you visited her homes in Pennsylvania and Kentucky. She worked for the state of Pennsylvania at Old Economy Village as a tour guide that brought her great joy and passion for the Harmonist Society. JoElle is survived by her loving husband, John; sister Cathy (Mike) Sapp, brothers Joe (Anna) Sendek and Alex Sendek; sons Steve (fiancé Edina) Perciavalle, Brad (Kaitlin) Perciavalle and Greg (Elyse) Perciavalle; grandson Leo Perciavalle with two more grandchildren on the way; stepsons Jason (Kerry) Bollman and their three children, and Joshua Bollman. Family and friends will be received on Tuesday, April 9,2024, 2 pm to 5 pm at the GEORGE A. THOMA FUNERAL HOME, INC., 10418 Perry Hwy., Wexford. Funeral Mass on Wednesday, April 10, 2024 at 10:30 am in St. Alphonsus Church – St. Aidan Parish. Everyone please meet at the church. If desired, the family suggests memorials to a charity of the donor's choice.
Holdcroft, Margaret D. “Peggy”
Age 91, of McCandless, passed away at The Remington Senior Living in McCandless on Monday, March 18, 2024 with her family and caregivers by her side.
Peggy was born on February 27, 1933 in Cleveland, OH to Edward and Margaret Gribben. She was a graduate of Bellevue High School, the College of Wooster, and the University of Pittsburgh School of Nursing. On July 12, 1958 Peggy married the boy next door, Robert B. “Bones” Holdcroft.
A life-long care giver, Peggy began her nursing career at Children’s Hospital of Pittsburgh and retired from the Allegheny County Health Department after 25 years.
Peggy was a member of the Pittsburgh Ceili Club, St Aidan’s Catholic Church, and volunteered for Meals on Wheels and Riding For The Handicapped.
She enjoyed time spent with her children, grandchildren, and great grandchildren, taking long hikes in North Park, and her favorite activity Ceili dancing EVERY Tuesday night with her dear friends at Mullaney’s Harp and Fiddle. Peggy and Bones made more than a dozen trips to Ireland where she fiercely networked the countryside to reestablish family connections and make new friends.
Peggy is survived by four children, Bob Holdcroft (Melissa), Margie Claffey, Tim Holdcroft (Michele), and Michael Holdcroft. She is the proud grandmother to eight grandchildren, Jake Holdcroft, Lindsay Holdcroft (Maggie Kennedy), Sam Holdcroft, Annie Claffey (Abhay Sofsky), Steven Holdcroft (Alisha), Rob Holdcroft (Lexi), Jill Yahiro (Jordan), and Jessalyn Holdcroft; and ten great grandchildren- Brodie, Levi, Eden, Metta, Van, Vera, Rose, Flynn, August, and James. Friends and Family will be received on Friday, April 5, from 2-4 & 6-8 PM at the George A. Thoma Funeral Home, Inc. 10418 Perry Hwy., Wexford, Pa 15090. A Mass of Christian Burial will be held on Saturday, April 6th, 10AM in St. Alexis Church/St. Aidan Parish, Wexford. Interment to follow.
Tehois, Janet N.
Janet N. Tehois, 92, of Sewickley passed away on Tuesday, March 19, 2024. Born in Franklin Park on July 30, 1931, she was the daughter of the late Earl F. Neely, Sr. and Rachel Crispens Neely. Janet was the beloved wife of the late John Tehois, loving mother of Joan Turko (Russell Turko) and John Tehois, and dear grandmother of Amanda Turko and Paige Turko. Janet was a teacher’s aide at the Quaker Valley school district for many years where she developed wonderful friendships with staff and families alike. She was known for her delicious cookies, especially at Christmas time, and for her superb talent at sewing.
Friends will be received Monday, March 25, 2024 from 2-4 & 6-8 pm at the George A. Thoma Funeral Home, Inc. 10418 Perry Hwy., Wexford, Pa 15090. A Funeral Service will be held on Tuesday, March 26th at 11am in the funeral home. Interment to follow. In lieu of flowers, the family asks if memorials be made to the Alzheimer’s Association (Alzheimer’s Association https://www.alz.org/) in Janet’s name.
Bondi, Gregory M.
On Friday, March 15, 2024, age 57 of Marshall, son of Joseph and the late Jean Bondi. Beloved husband of Jeanne Bondi. Loving father of Amelia (Zachary) Bonsmann, Caroline, and Hannah. Dear brother of Janine (Matthew) Diulus. Uncle to Olivia, Elena, Evan, Marina, Anton, and Genna.
Greg graced those closest to him with his humor and wit, qualities which will never be forgotten. In death he has been reunited with his mother, and his most precious dog, Nim.
Friends and family will be received on Monday, March 18, from 12-8 pm at the George A. Thoma Funeral Home, Inc. 10418 Perry Hwy Wexford, where a Funeral Service will be held on Tuesday, March 19th at 1 pm. Interment will be private. In lieu of flowers, memorial contributions may be made to McCandless and Franklin Park Ambulance Authority.
Maria Teresa Esteban (also known as Ruth Maria Teresa Esteban)
Age 60, of Sewickley, PA, passed away on Monday, March 4th, 2024. Born in Sewickley, PA, having traveled and lived in New York and elsewhere, she is survived by her daughter, Maeve Esteban Mawhinney, her father, Francis Esteban (the late Doris Esteban) her siblings Miguel Esteban (Michelle) and Elena Esteban (Daniel Hollister) and her niece and namesake, Flora Maria Esteban. Maria graduated from Indiana University of Pennsylvania, majoring in psychology with a minor in liberal arts. A ballet dancer from a young girl to career level, she then moved to the mission of substance intervention specialist. Her love of the arts was only superseded by her love and belief in the best side of humanity, the heart of this being reflected in her work as she helped to bring positive change to the lives of others, and that spirit lives on. She now not only resembles in spirit her mother, but rejoins her; Doris Esteban was a poet, playwright, a lover of nature and friend to those in many walks of life. Maria had a passion for self-education in all its forms, in particular in scientific and medical literature beyond what her profession demanded, which she exercised even during times of great physical illness. She had a talent for showcasing the beauty around her, creating home arrangement and loving cuisine, nourishing and finding the art in all creatures great and small. . A memorial service will be scheduled in the coming months, to be held at Grace Anglican Church in Edgeworth. Those who wish to coordinate plans or make condolences may contact daughter Maeve Esteban Mawhinney at George A Thoma Funeral Home, Inc. 10418 Perry Hwy., Wexford Pa 15090 Attention Maeve Esteban Mawhinney
Hutson, John Edward
Age 69, passed away peacefully with his wife by his side on February 26, 2024. He was born in Sewickley and was a graduate of North Allegheny High School. After a variety of jobs, he attended culinary school in Pittsburgh and then dedicated 25 years of work at Fox Chapel Golf Club. Once retired, John discovered a different side of himself by working at NAMS transporting older adults and people with disabilities. Music was John’s first love and he was a member of the band Kiot since the 1970’s still practicing weekly with original members and playing out periodically for fun or charity. He played guitar, keyboard, sang, and composed songs. John was an avid golfer for many years, as well as a fan of the Steelers and the Pittsburgh Pirates. Once retired, John created magnificent desserts at home, which he would distribute to the people he loved. He had an eye for detail and was considered a perfectionist in most aspects of his life. His tenacity and strong spirit showed through while he defied the effects of cancer for several years. John leaves behind his wife Ruth Ann (Cookie) whom he married on Ocracoke Island, NC, a place he traveled to every year possible since he was a teenager. John and Cookie were very dedicated to each other, and Cookie provided much support to John throughout the years and especially during the trying times. John was preceded in death by his parents, Robert and Louise Hutson. He leaves behind his wife, her daughters, Deanna (Carlos), and Michelle, plus four step-grandchildren. He is survived by his siblings, Bob Hutson (Terrie), Patti Strominger (Ken), Connie Popp, Joseph Hutson and nieces, Melissa, Stefanie, and Laura, as well as great nieces and nephews. The family wishes to offer special thanks to Dr. Brian McLaughlin and the staff at the UPMC Hillman Cancer Center and many thanks to John’s band brothers, Dale Spurk, Norman Birch, and Mike Bach, for their help and devotion to John and Cookie during the final stages of his journey. Friends will be received at George A. Thoma Funeral Home, Inc. 10418 Perry Hwy. Wexford, PA 15090 on Saturday, March 9th, from Noon to 4:00pm, with a service at 3:30pm. In lieu of flowers the family requests you make donations to the UPMC Hillman Cancer Center.
Keenan, Evelyn B.
Age 102, of Wexford, passed peacefully on Sunday, February 25, 2024. Daughter of the late Francis and Bertha (Bringia) Brennan. Loving wife of the late Dennis for 62 years; dear mother of Kathy (Jeff) Davison, Kerry (Ed) Mulkearn, Kolleen (Randy) Kuitunen and the late Kevin Keenan; grandmother of Kelly, Korey, Karra and Kasey Keenan, Darcy, Devin and Dana Davison, Mariel, Maddie and Murphy Mulkearn and Kelsey Kuitunen.also survived by 19 great grandchildren and nieces and nephews.. Sister of the late Edwin and James Brennan. Born in 1921, Evelyn was part of the Greatest Generation. She enjoyed working the Elections Polls, and volunteering for the Wexford Fire Department and Passavant Auxilliary. She was a member of the St. Alphonsus Christian Mothers Women's Guild. Family and friends received Thursday February 29 2-4 and 6-8 pm at the George A. Thoma Funeral Home Inc. 10418 Perry Hwy, Wexford. Mass of Christian Burial on Friday, March 1 at 10 am in St. Alphonsus Church (St. Aidan Parish), Wexford. Burial to follow at Christ Our Redeemer Cemetery.
Merriman, Marlene B.
Age 82 of North HIlls on Tuesday February 20, 2024 Beloved wife for 50 years to Wally Merriman; dear mother of Jeffrey Merriman; grandmother of Carly, Braden, Ava and Dane Merriman. Family and friends received Sunday, February 25 from 1-3 and 5-7pm at the George A Thoma Funeral Home, Inc 10418 Perry Hwy, Wexford, PA 15090 Mass of Christian Burial on Monday, February 26 at 10 am in St.Alexis Church (St.Aidan Parish). Everyone please meet at the church. In lieu of flowers, the family suggests memorials to The Little Sisters of the Poor, 1028 Benton Ave. Pittsburgh Pa 15212
Hunkele, Gregory Richard
On Thursday, February 8, 2024, Gregory R. Hunkele 70, of Gibsonia was called home to be with the Lord. Beloved husband of Maria Stipa Hunkele and loving father of Giovanina Hunkele-Griffin (Steve), Nicholas Hunkele (Samantha), and Alexandra Hunkele. Greg was also a wonderful grandfather to four beautiful grandchildren, Cayden Hunkele, TJ Rock, McKenna Hunkele, and Charlotte Hunkele. His loving family also included his brother Wayne Hunkele, and numerous nieces and nephews: Genevieve, Janelle, Ted, Shane, Corey, Cassandra, Joanna, and Betsy, as well as two grandnephews Christian and James and grandniece Cecily. Son of late Albert and Roberta Hunkele, Greg was preceded in death by brothers Albert “Al” Hunkele, William “Bill” Hunkele, and sister Janice “Jannie” Hunkele. Family was the most important gift in life to Greg. An avid fisherman, he was his happiest casting a line and watching the sky change colors. He loved hunting with his brothers, golfing with friends, digging in his garden, and picking on his guitar. Greg also had a way with words. He was not one to mince words in conversation, but he was very much a poet and wrote beautiful pieces that his family will cherish forever. Though he is already greatly missed, those that love him know he took his final journey to his heavenly home and was greeted by his best friend, Bandit. Friends will be received on Thursday, February 15, 2024 from 2-4 & 6-8PM at the George A. Thoma Funeral Home, Inc. 10418 Perry Hwy. Wexford, PA 15090. A Mass of Christian Burial will be held on Friday, February 16, 10AM at St. Alphonsus Church-St. Aidan Parish, Wexford. In lieu of flowers the family would appreciate donations to the EOD Warrior Foundation
Schmitt, Eleanor Marie
On Saturday, February 10, 2024, Age 68 of Mars, PA (Allegheny County) Beloved daughter of Charles and the late Shirley Schmitt. Loving sister of Carol and Ralph, Dear Aunt of Nicholas Schmitt, Sarah Long, Great Aunt of Charlotte and Marley Long. Eleanor worked as a pet groomer with her sister Carol at Animal House Supply for the last 30-plus years before retiring 2 years ago. She enjoyed her pets and hockey games. Friends will be received Wednesday, February 14, 2024, from 2-4 & 6-8 pm at the George A. Thoma Funeral Home where a funeral service will be held Thursday, February 15th at 11 am. Interment will be private.
Plumb, Betty V.
Age 96, passed away Friday, February 2, 2024, with her loving daughter and best friend by her side. She was the only child of Edna and Harold Nye from Shippensburg, Pennsylvania. Betty’s life was filled with challenges that few people face in their lifetime. She lost the love of her life, Jack, when she was 35 years old and as a young widow, raised their three children, Debbie, Karen, and John. Betty found delight in the simple aspects of home life while raising her family including cooking, baking, cleaning, and yard work.
Later in life, she worked for Kaufmann’s as a sales associate, where she used her sense of fashion to help others as the “super salesgirl.” After she retired at age 78, she lived with her daughter and grandsons in McCandless where endless memories were created that will be forever treasured in our hearts.
She was eternally grateful for the support of her family and faced a difficult life journey with courage and grace. More than 30 years ago, Betty lost Debbie and John within 3 weeks of each other yet continued to seek love and find beauty in the world.
She adored her four grandsons, Justin (Hannah) Mancini, Eric Mancini, Jared Black, Michael (Michelle) Plumb and great grandson Michael Jr. She was beloved Aunt Betty to her nephews and nieces Christine Hawthorn (Ed), Mark Plumb (Lin), Bruce (Sherry) Plumb, Dan Plumb (Carolyn), Barb Soares (Euclides) and Suzie Plumb
Travino (Joaquin). Betty sought reasons to laugh and serve others and was joyful until the end of her life. While she leaves a tremendous void on earth, she now sits at the feet of our Lord and is reunited with her beloved family.
The visitation will be held Wednesday, February 7, 2024, from 6:00 p.m. until time of a brief memorial service at 7:00 p.m. at George A Thoma Funeral Home, 10418 Perry Hwy, Wexford. In lieu of flowers, please consider donations to the Cancer Society, American Heart Association, Animal Friends or Paws across Pittsburgh.
Hartman, William R.
Age 71 of Wexford on Friday, February 2, 2024 after a long battle with cancer. Beloved husband of Kathy. for 53 years; loving father of Melissa Sweeney and Billy; grandfather of Brittany Tegethoff (Kris) and Joey Sweeney (Becca); brother of Barb Heinl (Paul), Debbie Allerton (Denny) and Arlene Gust (the late Al). Known by many as Uncle Bill, he is also survived by many nieces and nephews. He loved his family very deeply, especially his newest joy-Heidi Rose. Bill was a lover of all sports, especially golf. You could always find him on Friday nights golfing with the boys. Family and friends received Monday, February 5 from 2-4 and 6-8 pm at the George A. Thoma Funeral Home, Inc. 10418 Perry Hwy, Wexford. Services Tuesday at 10 am at the funeral home. In lieu of flowers, the family suggests memorials to T.R.Y. Box 40, Wexford, Pa 15090
Daquelente, Joan F. (Maloney)
Age 83, of Wexford, passed peacefully with her family by her side on Tuesday, January 30, 2024. Beloved wife of Joe; loving mother of Matt (Bonnie), Tony, Chris (Amanda) Jason (Christy), Pat (Hollie), Kelly (Jason) Atchison, Brian (Emily) and Kristina (Kevin) Gallagher; sister of Buddy, Denny, Kevin and the late Jerry Maloney; also survived by 20 grandchildren and 5 great grandchildren. As a homemaker, wife and mother of 8, she was strong, capable and tireless, always striving to make everything better. Family and friends received Thursday, February 1, from 1-3 and 5-8pm at the George A Thoma Funeral Home, Inc. 10418 Perry Hwy, Wexford, PA 15090. Mass of Christian burial on Friday, February 2, at 10 am in St. Alphonsus Church, (St, Aidan Parish) Wexford.
Robinson Borza, Patricia "Patty"
Age 96, formerly of Wexford and Zelienople, on Monday, January 22, 2024; Patty is survived by children, Noreen, Susan, Tom and wife Karen, Jim and wife Marcia; grandchildren, Megan, Matthew, Derek and wife Victoria, Kristin, TJ, Connor, Colin, and Mackenzie; and by great granddaughter, Riley Grace. Also survived by numerous Williams' nieces and nephews and their families Daughter of the late Burt and Marie Williams. She was preceded in death by brothers, Adelbert and Francis Williams, husbands, Thomas J Robinson and Jerome Borza, grandson, Michael Matts, for whom she prayed nightly, and sons-in-law, Richard Matts and Edward Paganini. Patty loved her religion; her friends; her work; organizing her life and ours; reading books; tailgating before Steeler games; entertaining; driving her red Cadillac into the ground; going to parties and to the ocean; planning to the last detail; having her cocktail; and winning at cards. Most of all, she loved her children and adored her grandchildren. Grandma memories: watching her tap dance in the hall; helping her make Christmas cookies from the time we turned two years old; seeing our Christmas stockings on the banister; eating her fabulous French Toast and cheesy potatoes; watching her happiness at hosting family dinners for twenty; pointing her crooked finger at us if we used a forbidden word; threatening Grandma Boot Camp; having a Google Earth map in her mind; and insisting that she go into the ocean even if five grandchildren had to help her. The family would like to sincerely thank the switchboard and staff in the Allegheny Neighborhood of the Passavant Community at Lutheran Senior Life for your professional dedication, support and love shown to Pat. Family and friends received Saturday, February 10,2024 from 10 am until 12 noon at the George A. Thoma Funeral Home, Inc. 10418 Perry Hwy., Wexford. Mass of Christian Burial at 1 pm at SS, John and Paul Church (St. Luke the Evangelist Parish) 2586 Wexford Bayne Rd, Franklin Park. In lieu of flowers, the family suggests donations to a charity of the donor's choice.
Bovalina, Ruth I. Wilson Moore
Age 93 of Burgettstown, passed away January 19, 2024. She was born in Somerset Township, Washington County, Pa. She was the daughter of J. Howard Wilson and Ethel Marie Williams Wilson. She attended Somerset Consolidated grade school, East Washington High School and Penn Commercial College. Ruth was employed at the Eighty Four Livestock auction as the bookkeeper and cashier from 1949-1969.. She was preceded in death by her loving husband, Frank Bovalina. Ruth was a lifelong photographer and an accomplished porcelain artist and teacher. Her love of nature and animals, especially dogs, was very important to her. Ruth is survived by her daughter Teri Jo Moore Jones (Thomas), granddaughters Devyn Jones Brown, Bria Jones Rakison and Chelsea Jones Horn and great grandchildren Sawyer, Wyatt and Dawson Brown, Maxwell Toneff and Averie Horn. The funeral will be for the immediate family only. Please leave condolences on the Legacy.com website. Memorials may be made to your local animal shelter.
Clark, William J. “Bill”
William J. "Bill" Clark, 80, of Wexford, passed away Wednesday, Jan. 17, 2024. Former husband of Sheila Clark; father of Catherine E. Mitchell; grandfather of Sean Mitchell; brother of Mary ( late Al) Miksic, Catherine (late Rudy) Turkovich and Karen (Sean) Mullen. He is also survived by many nieces and nephews. Bill was preceded in death by his parents, Roy E. and Catherine Clark; and siblings, Roy (late Dee), Lorraine (late Tom) Morinello, John (late Bertha), Carol ( late John) Bowers and Richard Clark. Bill was a Navy veteran and worked as an airline mechanic for both Eastern and U.S. Air. Family and friends were received Monday, Jan. 22, 2024 at the GEORGE A. THOMA FUNERAL HOME INC., 10418 Perry Highway, Wexford, PA 15090. Mass of Christian Burial is at 10 a.m. Tuesday in St Alphonsus Church (St. Aidan Parish), Wexford. In lieu of flowers, the family suggests memorials to St. Jude Children’s Research Hospital, 501 St. Jude Place, Memphis, TN, 38105, 800-805-5856.
Vogel, Thomas P. "Burr-head"
Age 65, of Ambridge on Monday ,January 15, 2024; son of the late Max and Rose Vogel; brother of Judy (Tom) Pappalardo, Bill (Janet) Vogel and Ron (Dena) Vogel and friend Mark Smiley, who was a great assistance to Tom. Also survived by 5 nieces and nephews. Tom was a graduate of North Allegheny High School. There is no visitation. If desired, the family suggests memorials to Animal Friends 562 Camp Horne Rd, Pittsburgh, Pa 15237 (www.thinkoutsidethecage.org)
Dively. Clarence E.
Age 96 of Town of McCandless on Saturday, January 13, 2024. Husband of the late Anne (Smith) Dively; Dear father of Sue Rupp, David Dively, Patti Hamilton and Bert Dively; also survived by 3 grandchildren and 5 great grandchildren. Clarence was a World War 2 Navy veteran and a member of America Legion Post 161. Family and friends received Thursday, January 18, 2-4 and 6-8pm with a blessing service at 7:30 pm at the George A. Thoma Funeral Home, Inc. 10418 Perry Hwy, Wexford, PA 15090.
LeJeune, James M.
Age 63, of Franklin Park Borough, passed away on January 11, 2024 peacefully with his family by his side. James was born in June, 1960. He is preceded in death by his father John R LeJeune. He is survived by his mother Joann LeJeune Dougherty (Thomas Dougherty). He was a devoted husband of 43 years to Darlene LeJeune. A loving father to Amie (Mark) Rogers, James (Morgan) LeJeune and an adoring grandfather to Makaylee and Chase Rogers and Brynlee and Skylar Le Jeune. He was a brother to David (Mary) Le Jeune, Karen (John) Belausky and Michael (Deanna) Le Jeune). He had 7 nieces and nephews, two great nieces and one great nephew. James was the owner of Jim's Window Cleaning and was well known in the community for his business. He enjoyed being an active member of baseball leagues and golfing with his friends. James always cherished gatherings with his family and friends. He loved to greet everyone with a "Welcome to Pappy's House" with a big smile on his face. His humor could light up any room and he will be greatly missed. There is no visitation. A celebration of his life will be held in June around his birthday as a happy pappy memorial cornhole gathering.
Howe, Mercedes ( Szarmach )
It is with great sadness that the family of Mercedes Szarmach Howe, age 94, announce her entering into heaven, carried by angels. She passed unexpectedly, but peacefully while sleeping at her home on January 1, 2024. Her children have no doubt that she was taken by the hand and guided to heaven by her loving late husband, Norman.
She was the loving wife to Norman Foster Howe, her husband of nearly 72 years. Incredible mother to Audrey Watson, Barbara Wyzkoski, Carolyn (deceased), Donna, and Edward. She was loved and admired by her grandchildren Bethany Wyzkoski Martin (Derek), Christian Watson (Tami), James Wyzkoski (Melissa), and Kirk Watson (Donna K.). And she was blessed with great-grandchildren Ryleigh, Makenzie, David, Philip, Mason, Max, Lyndsay, Jordyn, Norah, Kirk Jr, and great-great grandchild Ryder.
Mercedes was the daughter of Kwiryn and Cecylia (Jaworowski) Szarmach and was raised in Pittsburgh’s Heron Hill Polish neighborhood with her brothers Joseph and Daniel. By her own account she was a ‘tom-boy’ and loved to do anything the boys were doing. She joked that when she was engaged to be married, the neighbors asked: "Who would want him?"
Shortly before high school graduation she met her wonderful husband, Norman, while ice-skating at Panther Hollow. Norman was just home from the Navy, and as the story goes, he grabbed her hand and they skated away together, never to let go of each other. Mercedes never thought she would be able to marry Norman because he was not Catholic, but Norman won over her parents. He met with them one day to ask for their blessing, and when he picked her up from work that day he popped the question, saying: Will you marry me? You are allowed! Of course, she said: Yes!
Norman and Mercedes held hands through a wonderful life as they raised their family and were blessed with a great circle of friends. They enjoyed spending summers camping and boating on the river and had an active social life otherwise too. They were always up for a game of cards.
Mercedes always enjoyed crocheting and knitting. She called it her ‘friend’ that kept her out of trouble. She knitted hats for ‘Caps for Kids’ donation, but she enjoyed making doilies with names in them the most. She recently surpassed her goal of 700 doilies. She was so proud and posted on Facebook that she was working on 1000! Her positive attitude was infectious!
The family and close friends of Mercedes are grateful and blessed to have known her, to have known her love, and to have loved her back.
Friends and family will be received to celebrate her life and share memories at Thoma Funeral Home in Wexford on Friday, January 5, 2024 from 3:00 PM until 8:00 PM. Family will attend a private burial at a later date.
In lieu of flowers or donation, we request that friends and family consider doing a random act of kindness for someone to honor her memory.
Mascari, Donald “Donny”
Age 77, of Town of McCandless, passed away on December 25, 2023, after several years of declining health. “Donny” as his friends and family called him, grew up in the North Side of Pittsburgh with his brother Dennis. His parents were well-known barber and; gardener Tony and a woman of many talents, Marie Mascari. Don graduated from North Catholic High School in 1964 and received his Bachelor of Industrial Engineering from Dayton University in 1967. During high school, Don was introduced to Ruth Ann Moul by a mutual friend, whom he would marry in 1968. Don and Ruth moved into their home in McCandless in
1969, where both lived until their passing. They were blessed with a daughter, Tracy and a son, Michael. Don started his professional career at United States Steel. Later, he began a long career with Mine Safety Appliances as an industrial engineer and eventually as a manager. In his semi-retirement, he worked with his brother at Mascari Auto Body, widely known as “Uncle Don”. Don lived a life filled with many interests and hobbies. He was an avid hunter, fisherman, and competitive trapshooter, accomplished as a Pennsylvania state champion. He shared a love of cars with his brother. Ruth and Don shared time as snowbirds, traveling to Florida for some winter respite. Don was preceded in death in 2007 by his beloved wife Ruth Ann. He is survived by daughter Tracy (Brian Pellegrino), son Michael (Robyn), grandchildren Isabella, Rosalina, Peter, Lilliana, and Adelyn; and his brother Dennis (Mary Lou) and their family. Friends and family are welcome to a visitation on Friday , December 29 from 2:00PM to 4:00PM and 6:00PM to 8:00 PM at the George Thoma Funeral Home, Inc. 10418 Perry Highway, Wexford PA . A Mass of Christian Burial will be held on Saturday ,December 30 at 10 am at St. Aidan’s Parish (St. Alexis Church) 10090 Old Perry Highway, Wexford. In lieu of flowers, the family suggests memorials be made to North Hills Community Outreach at 1975 Ferguson Road, Allison Park, PA 15101. https://www.nhco.org/donate
Conway, MaryAnn
Age 79, of Gibsonia on Wednesday, December 20, 2023 Survived by two daughters, Geraldine (Kevin) Conway and Debbie (Billy) Conway; also survived by three grandchildren Aiden, Codie and Khloe. There is no visitation. Services are private.
Linder, Michael Paul
Michael Paul Linder went to paradise on December 11, 2023 surrounded by the love of his family. Michael, 72, of Pittsburgh, was born to the late Raymond and Louise Linder. After graduating from North Allegheny High School he went on to study Architecture at the University of Pennsylvania and received his Master’s Degree from Washington University in St. Louis. Working in Pittsburgh for more than forty years he left an undeniable mark as both an Architect and a Project Manager. During those years he ran countless miles, created a beautiful family and had two great love stories. Michael is survived by his wife Emily Linder, his children Heather Defazio (Adrian), Matthew Linder (Lauren), Ashley Shiosaky, and Jessica Spencer (Todd),, his eleven grandchildren and brothers Lawrence Linder, Stephen Linder and sister Lisa Bujaky. He is predeceased by his wife Deborah Linder, his parents Raymond and Louise Linder, and his brother Gregory Linder. Visitation will be held Saturday, December 16, 2023, from 2:00-6:00 pm at George A. Thoma Funeral Home, Inc. 10418 Perry Highway, Wexford, PA 15090. All are welcome at a remembrance and blessing beginning at 5:30. In lieu of flowers, The family asks that donations be made to the Glioblastoma Foundation (www.glioblastomafoundation.org) in Mike’s name.
Karas, Mary M.
Age 94, of Town of McCandless, on Saturday, December 2, 2023; wife of the late Michael Karas; loving mother of Gary Karas (Becky), Maryann Griffin (Wayne) and Kathy Tarabek (Scott); Grandmother of Jessica Eynon, Jamie Griffin, Allie Finley, Jenna Tarabek and Matthew Tarabek; great grandmother of Jaydan, Kephas, Leilah and Bodhi. also survived by her favorite nephew Mark Peitz and best friend Pat Gaus. Mary was preceded in death by her four brothers: Harry, Bud, Bernie and Thomas. She was a founding member of St. Alexis Church (St. Aidan Parish). Mary worked at the former Kaufman's Department Store for over 30 years. Family and friends received Wednesday, December 6 from 2-4pm and 6-8 pm at the George A . Thoma Funeral Home, Inc 10418 Perry Hwy, Wexford. Mass of Christian Burial on Thursday, December 7 at 10 am in St Alexis Church (St. Aidan Parish) Wexford. In lieu of flowers the family suggests memorials to St. Jude Children's Research Hospital 1-800-805-5856
Aiken, Raymond "Ray" Kenneth
Age 88, died calmly in his sleep December 2, 2023, surrounded by his family with his loving wife Marilyn, of 64 years, at his side. Ray was a loving father to Paul (Tammy) and Brian (Kris) and beloved Pappy to Keely and Katie Aiken. Born in 1935, in Pittsburgh, Pa. Ray attended business school at Duquesne University after serving in the Marine Corps. He enjoyed golfing and was an avid Steelers fan. He was President of Lockhart Chemical. Family and friends will be received Tuesday, December 5, from 5 to 8pm at George A Thoma Funeral Home, Inc. 10418 Perry Hwy, Wexford. A private burial will be held at Christ Our Redeemer Catholic Cemetery. In lieu of flowers family suggests contributions can be made to Animal Friends https://www.thinkingoutsidethecage.org. 562 Camp Horne Road Pittsburgh, PA 15237.
Bocchino, Mildred M. “Millie”
Age 99 ,of Franklin Park, formerly of Beacon, N.Y. on Tuesday , November 21, 2023; daughter of the late Andrew and Mildred Mason; beloved wife of the late Patrick Bocchino and the late Ralph Fleming; mother of Bob Bocchino (Debra Gazi) and Sandra (Fleming) Falloon (Jack); grandmother of Sandra Lee (Falloon) Kanuk (Stephen), RalphFalloon (Melissa), Aleksandr Bocchino, Dmitri Bocchino and Erika Bocchino; great grandmother of Kyle Kanuk, Kaitlyn Kanuk, Kylie Falloon and Dylan Falloon; sister of Phyllis Mason and the late Andrew Mason. Millie was born in Peekskill NY and grew up in Cold Spring NY. She graduated from Haldane High School in 1941. She married Ralph L. Fleming in 1942. Ralph was killed in action during World War II in Anzio Italy. She married Patrick Bocchino in 1952 and moved to Beacon NY where she resided for 69 years and was a member of St. John the Evangelist Church during that time. Millie was part of the war effort working for Aero Leather Company in Beacon making bomber jackets for WWII flyers. She moved on to Kartiganer Hat Factory after the war becoming a floor lady supervising the decoration of women’s hats. She waitressed at the Ferry
Diner and the original Yankee Clipper Diner, both located in Beacon and eventually joined her husband Pat at Texaco Research Lab in Beacon. She “retired” in 1955 to become a full-time mother and homemaker but that didn’t stop her activity in the community. In 1962 she began volunteering at St. John the Evangelist School and worked as the office secretary until 1980. Millie always referred to any of the St. John graduates as “her kids” and loved the chance to see them around Beacon as they grew up. She enjoyed singing in the choir for many years and built a special friendship with the School Sisters of St. Francis who taught at St. Johns. She spent countless hours supporting the youth of Beacon by working in the refreshment stands of the
Beacon Junior Baseball League at the minor league, little league and Babe Ruth league levels as well as the Pop Warner league, at Wilkes Field, now Beacon Memorial Park. In their retirement, they traveled extensively up and down the east coast to Florida, making new friends and visiting old ones. In April 2021, Millie and Pat moved to Pittsburgh and resided at Concordia of Franklin Park assisted living facility. Millie adapted to the change and quickly became a favorite of the staff and residents, often referred to as “Miss Millie”. She always remarked how much she appreciated the care and support. Concordia was home and she was so happy to be able to
be there when she passed. Throughout their 70 years together, Millie was a devoted to her husband Pat and their family and was a friend to anyone who she met. Millie’s special gift was to make everyone feel comfortable and positive and to know that she was there for them. A mass of Christian Burial and a celebration of Mildred's life will be held on Tuesday, December 26, 2023 at 11 am in St. Luke the Evangelist Parish, Sts. John and Paul Catholic Church, Franklin Park. In lieu of flowers, the family suggests memorials to the Cystic Fibrosis Foundation (www.cff.org)
Starrett, Shirley A.
Age 94, formerly of Lighthouse Point and Greentree, on Tuesday, November 21, 2023; daughter of the late Maurice and Rachel Starrett; sister of the late Donald Starrett; dear friend of the late Shirley Hoch. At the request of Shirley herself, there is no visitation. A memorial service will be held at a future time. If desired, memorials in Shirley's name may be sent to an animal rescue organization of the donor's choice.
McCallen, Marie J. (Goode)
Of Wexford PA passed away on November 25,2023 at the age of 97. She was born in Pittsburgh the daughter of John and Margarite (Brooks) Goode. She was preceded in death by her husband, John F McCallen, and daughter Vivian Shutty both of Wexford PA along with her sister, Martha Goode of West View PA. She leaves behind her daughters Valerie (McCallen) Jeffrey, son- in-law, Gary Jeffrey, Bradford Woods PA. Celeste (McCallen) Hort and son-in-law Werner Hort. Two grandchildren Sabine Hort and Gabriel Hort, Cranberry Township, PA. Great granddaughter Paisley Raykovics. Marie was an active leader of Girl Scouts and 4-H for 16 years from 1969-1985. She always prided herself in putting her best foot forward to provide a wonderful learning experience for every child in her Girl Scout troop and as co-leader/leader of the Pima Easy Riders and North County Line Riders 4-H Horse club. She positively touched many children’s lives. There are still former 4-H club members who still call Mrs. McCallen a wonderful mentor and friend to this day. She was also an active leader and organizer along with her mother, Margarite and sister Martha of the Pittsburgh Texas Club from 1964-1974. Margarite was born and raised in Texas and brought her love for Texas to Pittsburgh. They often organized dinners and dances for club members and friends of the Texas Club. A family memorial service to honor Marie will be held in January. In lieu of flowers or gifts, please donate to your favorite animal rescue/local humane society. Marie loved animals and was a devoted pet owner for most of her life.
Bollman, Janice E.
Age 63, of Avalon, passed away surrounded by loved ones on Wednesday, November 22, 2023. She was born in Pittsburgh to the late John L. and Mary Lou Bollman. Janice meant so much to so many in this world. She was the best mother a woman could ever ask for. She was a guiding light for her grandchildren. She was the one sister to seven brothers who held her own. Her family was her passion, diving deep into her family’s genealogy and building a library of information to carry on for generations. Christmas will not be the same without her, as she put so much into traditions that her family has had throughout the years. The many friendships she established through her lifetime became just like family to her. She dedicated much of her life to children on the autism spectrum, providing her services as a duly licensed speech-language pathologist and Board Certified Behavior Analyst. She forged many relationships as a result of this career and touched so many lives. Her cup truly runneth over. In addition to her parents, Janice was preceded in death by her beloved dog, Maggie. She is survived by her daughter Jennifer (Mike) DeSimone, grandchildren Jared Bollman and Emma DeSimone, brothers John (JoElle) Bollman, Michael (Mariann) Bollman, Kenneth (Debbie) Bollman, David Bollman, Thomas Bollman, James Bollman, and Daniel Bollman, 8 nieces and nephews and 9 great nieces and nephews, all of whom she deeply cherished. In lieu of flowers, Janice requested that donations be made to the Hillman Cancer Center. Details can be found at https://hillman.upmc.com/difference/supporting/make-a-gift.
Handyside, Agnes “Honey”
On Tuesday, November 21, 2023 Agnes “Honey” Handyside, age 88, of Allison Park, PA. Beloved wife of 67 years, to George Donald “Red” Handyside; loving mother of Don (Joanne) Handyside of Williamsburg, VA, Diane (Terry) Selby of Mineral, VA, David Handyside of Hampton, Deb (the late Jack) Waugaman of McCandless, Doug (Carmen) Handyside of Fredericksburg, VA and son in law Don Howell of Hampton. Beloved Grandma Honey to Lacy (Jeremy) Cooper, and Luke (Karla) Howell, Lauren (Nick) Askew, Kaitlyn (Michael) Porcelli, Matthew (Andrea) Waugaman, Travis (Kate) Borner; loving great-grandma to Ginny and Jude Cooper, Aubrey Askew, and Aiden Borner. Preceded in death by her beloved daughter Darlene Howell, and two beloved grandsons Joshua “Levi” Selby and Ian Handyside. Honey was born in Monessen, PA. Her friendly and professional personality served her well in life as a switchboard operator for Bell Telephone before raising her six children. Later in life she enjoyed serving as a switchboard receptionist at St. Margaret’s and Divine Providence Hospitals. Honey loved spending time with family above all else. Family and friends are invited to a memorial service on December 27 at 11:00 am at Memorial Park Church, 8800 Peebles Road, Allison Park, PA.
Loretta “Dee” (Wanto) Kelly
Age 83, of Allison Park, died November 15, 2023. Dee was born April 11, 1940, in Ralph, German Township, PA to the late George R. Wanto and the late Edna Davis Wanto Rosa. She was the beloved wife of 56 years to the late Jerry Kelly, the cherished mother of Cynthia (Bruce) Rarig, Carole (Jeff) Miller, Timothy Kelly and Melissa Kelly; dearest “Gram” of Kyle and Chad Rarig, Kaylyn and RJ Yost, Megan Kelly and Mason Celender. Dee is survived by her devoted sisters, Shirley Ropar, Pauline Bitting, Helen Dugan, Elizabeth Lukachinsky and Georgetta Bremenour and was preceded in death by her brothers George R. Wanto, Jr. and John P. Wanto. Also surviving her are countless nieces, nephews, cousins, in-laws and wonderful friends. A special note of gratitude from Dee’s family to the nurses, doctors, staff, volunteers and all who extended their gifts of healing and kindness to her at the Hillman Cancer Center at UPMC Passavant McCandless. You are truly “angels in disguise.” Also, heartfelt thanks to the staff and all of Dee’s dear friends at Cumberland Woods Village who brought so much joy to her life in these past five plus years.At Dee’s request, there will be no visitation. A Celebration of Life Mass will be held in her memory at a later date. In lieu of flowers, the family suggests memorials to the Hillman Cancer Center / UPMC Passavant McCandless or to Saints Martha & Mary Parish, 2554 Wildwood Rd., Allison Park, PA 15101.
Schuessler, Richard Thomas Patrick
Richie Schuessler, 37, Of Hampton Twp., passed away on Tuesday, November 14, 2023. Richie was the beloved son of the late Thomas Schuessler and Patricia Schuessler, loving brother of Krystal (Schuessler) Smith (Charlton) and his adored nieces Camryn, Kenley and Carter. Richie is survived by many loving Uncles, Aunts and cousins. He is also survived by a remarkable group of friends filled with love, compassion and unwavering support. Richie was an avid hunter, fisherman, outdoorsman and loved to cook. He had a great sense of humor and always knew how to put a smile one everyone’s face. Anyone who had the pleasure to meet him knew he was generous, loyal and was known to always give the best hugs. Family and Friends will be recieved on Friday, November 17, 2023 from 3-6PM at the George A. Thoma Funeral Home, Inc. 10418 Perry Highway Wexford, PA 15090 where a Funeral Service will be held immediately following visitation at 6PM. Interment will be private.
Dennis, Grace T. (Trimble)
Age 96, of Zelienople, passed away Monday, November 6, 2023 at Passavant Retirement Center, Zelienople, Pa. Born in 1927 in Cranberry Township, Butler County, she was a daughter of the late Charles D. and Emma M. (Blank) Trimble. Grace was a longtime member of the Wexford Community Presbyterian Church in Wexford. As a child, she attended the Hoehn one- room schoolhouse in Cranberry Township and also graduated from Mars High School..Her business experience consisted of eight and one half years with Arbuthnot-Stephenson Company in Pittsburgh and over 29 years with Gulf Oil Corporation in Pittsburgh, from which she took an early retirement in November, 1983. She loved the outdoors and growing all kinds of flowers, as well as taking long walks in scenic areas, especially while on vacations. She is survived by four generations of nieces and nephews. In addition to her parents, she was preceded in death by her husband, Wray E. Dennis, who passed away in April, 2006; her four brothers Virgil, Merl, Melvin and Clifford Trimble and her two sisters Leora (Trimble) Rhodes and Doris (Trimble) Goehring. There will be no visitation. A Committal service will be held on Thursday, November 16 at 1pm in the chapel at Allegheny County Memorial Park, 1600 Duncan Ave. Allison Park, Pa 15101. In lieu of flowers, if desired, memorial donations may be made to Wexford Community Presbyterian Church, 10645 Perry Highway, Wexford, Pa 15090, designated for "General Fund".
Miller, Michael F.
Age 72, of Wexford on Tuesday November 7, 2023; Son of the late Farrand M. and Ruth A. Miller; preceded in death by his son Michael P. Miller; brother of Christopher Miller (Althea), Kathy Valenty (Tom) and Tim Miller (Christine); also survived by many nieces and nephews. Family and friends received Tuesday, November 14 from 2-4 pm and 6-8pm at the George A. Thoma Funeral Home, Inc. 10418 Perry Hwy., Wexford. Mass of Christian Burial on Wednesday, November 15 at 10:30 am in St. Alphonsus Church/St. Aidan Parish, Wexford. EVERYONE PLEASE MEET AT CHURCH.
Muska, Laura A. (Wessel)
Age 65, formerly of New Brighton on Monday November 6, 2023. Wife of the late George Muska; mother of Maxwell Muska (Heather); Nana of Harper Muska; sister of Paul, Dan, Jim, Susie and Mike. Laura was a former member of Westminster United Presbyterian Church of New Brighton. Family and friends received Friday November 10, from 4-7pm at the George A. Thoma Funeral Home, Inc. 10418 Perry Hwy., Wexford. Services will be celebrated on Saturday at 11 am for both Laura and George at the funeral home. In lieu of flowers, the family suggests memorials to a charity of the donor's choice or perform an act of kindness in memory of Laura and George.
Weidner, Randall “Randy”
Age 68, of Prospect, PA , after a long battle with several health conditions, lost the battle on Tuesday, October 31, 2023. Son of the late Robert L. and Dorothy R. Weidner; dear brother of Robert L. Weidner, Jr. and Curtis J. Weidner; uncle of Savannah Weidner. Randy was an avid sportsman, car and motorcycle enthusiast and race fan. At his request, there are no services. He will be missed by all who knew him.
Haefner, Audrey J. (English)
Age 85 of Pine Twp on Thursday October 26, 2023; Wife of the late Charles E. Haefner, Sr; dear mother of Charles E. Haefner, Jr (Holly); Barbara Venturella (David), Joan Rinaman (Dennis), Laura Rudzik (Jeffrey), and Kathy Haefner(Lee) Sister of Shirl Brunner (Ray), and the late Dorothy King, Pat Kinney, Marjorie Kuhn, and Harold English; also survived by 13 grandchildren and 10 great grandchildren. Family and friends received Sunday, October 29, from 2-4pm and 6-8pm at the George A. Thoma Funeral Home, Inc. 10418 Perry Hwy, Wexford, PA 15090. Mass of Christian Burial on Monday, October 30 in St. Ferdinand Church,(Divine Grace Parish), Cranberry Twp. at 10 am . In lieu of flowers, the family requests memorials to a charity of the donor's choice.
Laird, Jacqueline M. “Jackie”
Jacqueline Marie Laird, 82, better known as “Jackie”, passed away unexpectedly on October 4, 2023. Most recently residing at the Arbors in Gibsonia Pennsylvania, and formerly of both Valencia and Bradford Woods, Pennsylvania. She was the youngest child of the late Walter and Lulu Mary Schick and sister of Geraldine “Jeri” Tyson, the late Mary Lou Abt, and the late Watler “Bud” Schick Jr. She was preceded in death by her loving husband of 44 years, Winthrop, “Wink” Laird and her first born son, Michael. She is survived by her daughter, Victoria (Paul) Pongrace, son Scott T. Laird, loving Granddaughters Vivenne and Faith Pongrace and many nieces and nephews. Jackie enjoyed a variety of interests over the years and was very skilled at her hobbies that included crocheting, ceramics and sewing machine quilting. Always ready to listen to anyone’s problems, quick to give advice and possessing a laugh that would fill a room, Jackie was a devoted mother, grandmother, aunt, and friend. The silence she leaves behind is as profound as the impact she had on all who knew her. Family and Friends received Sunday, October 8, 2023, 2:00 to 4:00 pm and 6:00 to 8:00 pm at George A. Thoma Funeral Home, Inc. Wexford, Pennsylvania. Mass of Christian Burial 10:00 AM, Monday, October 9, 2023, at St. Alphonsus Church (St. Aidan Parish), Church Road, Wexford, Pennsylvania. Burial to follow at Allegheny County Memorial Park. In lieu of Flowers, memorial contributions can be made to The McGuire Memorial Foundation. https://mcguirememorial.org/mcguire-memorial-foundation/
Steigerwald, Elizabeth A. “Betsy”
Of Bradfordwoods, on Tuesday, September 26, 2023; Wife of the late Mike Steigerwald; Loving mother of David Steigerwald (Cheryl); dear grandmother of Michael Steigerwald; sister of Doris Cable, Shelly McGonigal and the late Michael Bizub Jr (wife Olivia); also survived by many step-grandchildren, nieces and nephews. Betsy had been a financial consultant and was retired for 10 years. Family and friends received Thursday, September 28, from 2-4 pm and 6-8 pm at the George A. Thoma Funeral Home, Inc. 10418 Perry Hwy, Wexford, PA 15090. A blessing service will be on Friday, at 10 am at the funeral home. In lieu of flowers, the family requests donations to the American Heart Assoc. (412-208-3550) or Animal Friends (412-847-7000)
Rodgers, Margaret Carey
Of Ross Township, North Hills, died peacefully at home on September 5, 2023. Beloved wife of the late William Rodgers. Loving mother of Maureen Dippold (Charles), the late William Rodgers (Paula Kleinhentz), Gary Rodgers (Anna Marie Tiernan), Denise Rodgers, Mark Rodgers (Donna Tepley), Michael Rodgers (Ann Kasserman), Janet O’Malley (Joseph), Roberta Heintz (Randy), Paul Rodgers (Kelly Harris), Barbara Sebolt (Gregory). Beloved sister of the late Patricia Miller, Mary Blazek, Helen Lavelle, and James Carey. Survived by 36 grandchildren and 38 great grandchildren. Family and friends received Friday, September 8 from 2-4 and 6-8 pm at the George A. Thoma Funeral Home, Inc., 10418 Perry Hwy, Wexford. Mass of Christian Burial at St. Sebastian Church, Our Lady of Mount Carmel Parish, North Hills , on Saturday, September 9 at 10AM.. Burial at Christ Our Redeemer Cemetery, (Northside Catholic) to follow. Memorials may be made to Our Lady of Mount Carmel Parish, St. Sebastian Church or to the Spark of Hope Fund in care of St. Sebastian Church. 311 Siebert Rd, Pittsburgh Pa 15237 Please sign guest book @ post-gazette.com (available 9/8/23)
Cole, Mary L. (Merriman)
Age 99 of Evans City , formerly of Wexford on Friday, September 1, 2023; wife of the late Bernard "Jiggs" Cole; dear mother of Frank (Donna), Kenneth (Debbie) and Joseph (Ginnie) Cole; grandmother of Maureen, Jessica (Jared), Charlies (Teresa), Michael (Kattie), and Jennifer (Chris); great grandmother of Jenna, Ashley, Justine, Cara, Julia, Walter, Tia, Jameson and Weston. Mary loved cards, bingo, whiskey, and good friends. She loved her 99 years on earth. At Mary's request, there is no visitation.
Lamark, Charlotte (Schmidt),
Age 87, of Wexford, formerly of North Side, on Wednesday August 30, 2023; wife of the late Fred Lamark; sister of William A. Schmidt and the late Beatrice S. Draper; aunt of Derek Draper; dear friend of Diane Lynd; Char was a former manager for PNC Bank. She was the type of person who wanted to help everyone. She was a very giving person. Family and friends received Tuesday September 5, 2023 from 11am until the time of the blessing service at 12 noon at the George A. Thoma Funeral Home Inc.
Fraser, Caryl S. (Shoning)
Age 94, of Gibsonia on Monday, August 28, 2023; Daughter of the late Edward C. Jr. and Claire (Hoffman) Shoning; wife of the late Tom Fraser; Dear mother of Joyce McGuirk (Jeffry) and Eric Janssen (Audrey) ;Sister of Beth Moyer: Grandmother of Jessica Richard (Andrew), Justin McGuirk (Corina), and Jaime Ford (Chad); great grandmother of Avery and Pressley Richard and Mia and Lyla Ford; also survived by many nieces and nephews and multiple members of the Fraser clan. . Caryl was preceded in death by her sons Kevin and Kirk Janssen, sister Gayle Sosso and great granddaughter Ella Ford.. Her family was her whole life. As anyone who knew her would agree, she loved cooking and sewing. She was always ready to help others, demonstrating it by volunteering in 21 different organizations over her lifetime. There is no visitation. Private services will be held in the future. In lieu of flowers the family suggests memorials to the Light of Life Mission (www.lightoflife.org)
Miles, Eugene J.
Age 91, of Pittsburgh, PA and formerly Venice, FL, passed peacefully into the arms of God on August 11, 2023. Gene is survived by his most beloved wife of 69 years, Florence “Flo” Ann (Pavlakovic). Besides his wife, Gene is survived by children David (Amy) Miles, Diane (Keith) Fletcher, Nancy (Chris) Redgate, Maureen Turo, and Carol (Tom) Trent; grandchildren: Jeffrey, Gregory, Michelle, Elizabeth, Daniel, Lena, Joseph, Angela, Garrett, and Parker; as well as 15 great-grandchildren. Gene was predeceased by his parents John B. and Aniela (Nellie) (Lanowitz) Miles, and grandson, Tarik. Gene served in the U.S. Army, and then earned a Master’s of Business Administration degree from the University of Pittsburgh. He built a highly successful management career at both United States Steel and Westinghouse. Gene lived a full life with his wife by his side and always had time for his passions: traveling, serving the church, volunteering with non-profits, golfing, reading, playing pinochle and bridge, bird watching, and being with his big family. As his family grew and spread across the country, Gene forever remained the patriarch, providing heartfelt advice and encouragement to all. We are confident that God welcomed Gene into his eternal home with, “Well done, my good and faithful servant.” A Catholic funeral Mass will be held in St. Alexis Church (St. Aidan Parish) in Wexford, PA at 10:00 am on Monday, August 21. Visitation will be at 9:15 am at the church. Private interment will follow in Good Shepherd Cemetery, Monroeville, PA. In lieu of flowers, the family suggests that memorial donations be made to the American Heart Association at heart.org or PO Box 840692, Dallas TX 75284, or the charity of one choice.
Stack, Thrasilla G. “Tris”
Age 88 of Wexford on Friday August 11, 2023; Wife of William Stack for 69 years; Loving mother of Edward Stack (Susan), Raymond Stack (Rebecca) and the late "Little Billy"Stack and Diane Radke (Robert); Grandmother of Stefanie Rouse (Caleb), Cristina Keller (Daniel), Ryan Radke, Chad Radke (Brandi), Christopher Stack (Kayla) and Sarah Stack; Great grandmother of Daxton Keller, Kadan Keller, Caroline Stack, Wyatt Stack, Lillie Radke and Connor Radke; sister of the late Dorothy Lang, Mary Murphy and Leo Wisniewski; also survived by many nieces and nephews. Tris was a receptionist at Divine Providence Mother House for many years where she loved the sisters. Tris was incredibly dedicated to her family and faith and will be greatly missed by all. Family and friends received Friday August 18, from 8:30 am until 9:30 am at the funeral home. Funeral mass on Friday at 10 am in St. Alexis Church (St. Aidan Parish) 10090 Old Perry Hwy., Wexford 15090. In lieu of flowers, the family suggests memorials to the Glioblastoma Foundation (https://glioblastomafoundation.org )
Remele, Carl P. “Pat”
Age 88, of Brighton Heights, on Sunday August 6, 2023. Husband of the late Ardys Fassinger Remele; Loving father of Margie Remele Erwine (Bryan) and Edie Grill; Grandfather of Olivia Grill, Scarlett Grill, Patrick Erwine and Maxamillion Grill; Brother of the late James Remele, William Remele and Mary Ann Pappas; also survived by many nieces and nephews. Pat was a 1954 graduate of Oliver High School where he was also known as "Pat O'Brien" (long story-ask us later) He worked for the City of Pittsburgh for many years as a sewer inspector. This led to a long career of storytelling. He was passionate about his hobbies of genealogy, history( particularly the Civil War) and his German heritage. He was proud of his long time membership with the Teutonia Mannerchor Club. According to Pat , he would have lived to 120 years old if he could have found a bottle of "the old fashioned Paregoric"! Family and friends received Thursday, August 10, from 4 pm to 8pm at the George A. Thoma Funeral Home, Inc 10418 Perry Highway, Wexford. A Blessing Service will be held on Friday at 10:45 am at the funeral home. In lieu of flowers, the family requests memorials to the American Battlefield Trust https://www.battlefields.org 1-800-298-7878
Duda, Edward J.
Age 102, of Neunan GA, formerly of Franklin Park on Thursday, July 27, 2023.Husband of Marian Duda for70 years; dear father of Denise Gordy (Tom) ; grandfather of Joseph Gordy, Allison McCumber, Susan Gorman and Thomas Austin Gordy; also survived by 7 great grandchildren. Brother ot the late Albert Duda and Dorothy Slaney. Edward was a World War @ veteran of the Army Air Corps.(currently the U.S. Air Force) He was a cement mason and worked in the construction industry. There is no visitation. Private burial services.
Harkins, John Joseph
Age 98, formerly of McCandless Township on Saturday, July 8, 2023; Husband of the late Margaret Mary McBride Harkins; loving father of Margie Mulqueen (Joe), John (Cindy), Kevin (Sue), and Kathy Miller(Dave); loving Grandpa Jack of Graham (Brittany) and David (Hannah) Mulqueen, Kelly (Mike) McCloskey ,Stacy Harkins and Ryan, Shawn and Sarah Harkins and Katie, Collin and Patrick Miller. Great grandpa of John Mulqueen; brother of the late Mary Jane Farragher. John was a WWII Navy veteran who served in the Pacific. He was an industrial engineer and worked for U.S. Steel for over 30 years. Family and friends received Wednesday, July 12, 2023 from 2-4 and 6-8 pm at the George A. Thoma Funeral Home, Inc. 10418 Perry Hwy, Wexford, PA 15090. Mass of Christian burial on Thursday, July 13 at 10:30 am in St. John Neumann Church, (Regina Coeli Parish) 2230 Rochester Rd. Pittsburgh 15237 (Franklin Park).
Fantaske, Betty Irene (Anderson)
Age 91, of McCandless Township formerly of the Renovo area. Wife of the late Paul John Fantaske, Sr; loving mother of Elaine Fantaske Barch, Mitchell Paul Fantaske, Robert Alan Fantaske and Paul John Fantaske, Jr; also survived by 13 grandchildren and 14 great grandchildren. Betty was a library secretary for the North Allegheny School District, working at various schools in the district. She enjoyed gardening as well as being active in local golf and bowling leagues. Betty was a volunteer at UPMC Passavant Hospital and also at a local hospice. She was from a large family where she was one of eleven children. Her primary love was for her large extended family. As per Betty's wishes, there is no visitation. A memorial service will take place on Thursday, July 13,2023 at 3pm at the First Methodist Church, 127 Seventh St, Renovo,Pa 17764.
Wilson, Sr., Thomas Franklin
“Tom” age 86, of Wexford, passed away peacefully on Monday, July 3, 2023. He follows his late wife, Shirley, with whom he cherished 61 years of marriage before her passing. Loving father of Cindy, Tom, Alan (Margaret), Rick (Dina), Ted and Julie (Greg). Dear Pap of April (Nathan), Thomas (Marlana), Alan Jr. (Kate), Alexandria, Kayla (Jacob), Nicole (Kevin), Stephanie, Banks, Austin and Cole. Great-Grandpap of Zetta, Jude, Alexander, Nicholas, August, Catherine, Sophia, Lucas and Penelope. Also survived by his siblings Jim, Sally, George and Banks as well as many nieces and nephews. Tom was preceded in death by his parents, Banks and Zetta Wilson and his siblings Bill, John, Joe, Pat and Mike. Tom was a great example to all. His work ethic was unmatched, and he woke up every day ready to give it his all. A lover of the outdoors, Tom valued his time spent at camp and tending to his magnificent garden. But above all else, Tom enjoyed spending time with his beautiful wife, children, grandchildren, and his great-grandchildren. Tom was incredibly dedicated to his family and faith and will be greatly missed by all. Family and friends will be received on Thursday, July 6, from 1:00-3:30 p.m. and 6:00-8:00 p.m., at the George A. Thoma Funeral Home, Inc. 10418 Perry Highway, Wexford, PA 15090. Mass of Christian Burial will be celebrated at Saint Alexis Church (Saint Aidan Parish) at 10090 Old Perry Highway, Wexford, PA 15090 on Friday, July 7, at 10:00 a.m. Interment to follow at Holy Savior Cemetery in Gibsonia, PA.
Herrle Susan G.
Age 60, of Pine Township, PA, of Glioblastoma. She is survived by her husband Rich, daughters Laura (Barbara Glass) of Kirkland, Washington and Julia; mother Mary Laura Gardner, brothers Richard (Terry) and William and sister Carolyn (Dwight) Dietrich; along with many beloved nieces, nephews, cousins, extended family and friends. She was preceded in death by her father, Richard. Susan was born in Cleveland and raised in Washington Twp., PA. She graduated from Kiski Area High School and Drexel University with a BS in Mechanical Engineering as one of only 4 women in the program. She started her career at Westinghouse EMD as a field engineer, and she later worked in marketing. Susan chose to stay at home and raise her daughters after a diagnosis of chromophobe renal cell carcinoma in 1998. Susan believed that God is love and strived to live her life exemplifying that. She was an elder in the Presbyterian church, sang with the WCPC praise band, and served the Pittsburgh Presbytery on the Commission for Ministry assisting congregations through pastoral transitions. She will be remembered for the deep love and kindness she showed to all those around her. Susan was active in the community and most proud of her efforts to initiate the KD Turkey Fund read-a- thon in Wexford Elementary school, and she was pleased with all who have continued the now tradition. Among many volunteer activities, she served as Wexford Elementary PTO president, played piano for and supported the Pine Richland strings orchestra, tutored elementary students and worked on home repairs with the Pittsburgh Project, and served meals at Outreached Arms at the First Presbyterian Church in Pittsburgh. Susan was extremely appreciative of the care she received at UPMC Hillman with her neuro-oncologist Dr. Jan Drappatz and his team, the UPMC hospitals, and the 2 clinical trials she was able to participate in. She has donated her brain to her medical team. She and Rich were also supported by Head for the Cure, a brain cancer awareness foundation with survivor and caregiver support groups. Family and friends received Thursday, June 22, 2-4 pm and 6-9 pm at the George A. Thoma Funeral Home, Inc. 10418 Perry Hwy., Wexford. A memorial service will be held on Saturday, June 24, 2023 at 11 am in Wexford Community Presbyterian Church, 10645 Perry Hwy., Wexford Everyone please meet at the church. In lieu of flowers please consider donating to Head for the Cure, 1607 Oak St Kansas City, MO 64108 (https://headforthecure.org/content/donate) or The Pittsburgh Project 2810 North Charles St Pittsburgh, Pa 15214 (https:www.pittsburghproject.org/donate)
Pegher, Eugene J.
Age 72 of Slippery Rock, Pa on thursday June 1, 2023; son of the late Alphonsus and Theresa (Steigerwald) Pegher; husband of the late Melinda (Halstead) Pegher; dear brother of Robert (Florence) Pegher, Catherine Zeno (Gary) Judy Rosko (David) and Janeann Ondo (William); also survived by 4 nieces and 2 great nephews. Gene was a US Air Force Vietnam Veteran. He was a jet engine mechanic while serving in Vietnam. Gene was an avid Ford automobile enthusiast both personally and as a Nascar racing fan. He was also an avid Star Trek fan. Gene loved his home and its peaceful surroundings where he loved to stargaze. At Gene's request there will be no visitation or services. He will be buried in the National Cemetery of the Alleghenies at a future time. If desired, the family suggests memorials to the Gary Sinise Foundation ( garysinisefoundation.org) or a veterans organization of the donor's choice.
Voettiner, Clara V.
Age 85, of Economy Boro, passed peacefully at home on Tuesday, May 30,2023; Daughter of the late Ralph and Christina Richard; Loving wife of Dennis for 64 years; dear mother of Gregory Voettiner (Tammy Pegher) and Scott Voettiner (Sheree); Adoring grandmother of Garrett (Melissa), Brittney (Nolan Cianci) and Abbie; sister of Robert Richard (Donna Brooker); Aunt of Stephanie King (Matt), and Andrew Richard (Jessica); also survived by her best friend Clara Washington. Family meant everything to Clara. She enjoyed the times spent with them for different occasions. Her grandchildren in particular were the light of her life. Clara was also greatly involved with the Christian Mothers of Our Lady of Peace Church. Family and friends received FRIDAY June 2 , 7-9 pm at the George A. Thoma Funeral Home, Inc. 10418 Perry Hwy, Wexford, PA 15090. Funeral mass on Saturday at 10 am in Sts. John and Paul Church, St Luke the Evangelist Parish , Franklin Park. Everyone please meet at the church. Private burial to follow. In lieu of flowers, the family suggests memorials to the Alzheimer Foundation or the American Heart Association
Hackett, Louise Brooker
On May 30, 2023, passed away in Cranberry Twp., PA at the age of 93. She was born in Wexford, PA in 1929 to Mark and Helen (née Havekotte) Brooker. She grew up in Wexford along with her siblings, Mark, Trudy, Ann and John. She attended Indiana University of Pennsylvania, graduating in 1951, and later obtained a Master’s Degree of Library Science from Marywood College in Scranton, PA. She married her college sweetheart, Peter F. Hackett, in 1951 in St. Alphonsus Church in Wexford, PA. She was the librarian at Montrose High School, and before retiring in 1991, the librarian at Lathrop Street Elementary School, both located in Montrose, PA. She was preceded in death by her husband of 67 years, Peter F. Hackett, as well as her siblings, Mark Brooker, Trudy Purvis and John Brooker. She is survived by her sister, Ann Sailor, as well as her three children, Susan Buergi (Klaus), Peter M. Hackett (Sandra) and Julia Prieto (Richard), eight grandchildren, and thirteen great grandchildren. Services are private.
McGroder, James F.
Age 95, of Bradford Woods, Pa, passed away Wednesday, May 24, 2023, at his home. Born in Pittsburgh, PA, he was the son of the late James P. and Mary (Dunlevy) McGroder. He was the husband of the late Jo Anne McGroder He is survived by his four children, James P. McGroder, Mary T. Morkunas, Shawn J. McGroder and Kathleen A . McGroder and several grandchildren and great grandchildren. He was a veteran of the Marines and Air Force Reserves. Prior to his retirement, he was a Controls Engineer in mechanical and electrical construction. Jim, as he was called, was a loving father who set a good example through his quiet perseverance. He worked hard (retired at 82) and played hard. He loved movies, Broadway musicals and classical music which his children teasingly referred to as “Doctor’s Office Muzik.” He performed with the Pittsburgh Playhouse as Lt. Billis in South Pacific. He performed in other shows including 1776 in various roles, My Fair Lady as Eliza Doolittle’s father, Damn Yankees, and Guys and Dolls. He could stump anyone with his knowledge of movie trivia, particularly, Oscar nominations and winners. He loved his home in the “Woods” with the screened in porch. Spent his later years working around the house, enjoying his daily Manhattan & beer on the porch, especially during a summer rain. He will be missed by his family and those who knew him. Family and friends received Thursday, June 1, 2-4 and 6-8 pm at the George A. Thoma Funeral Home, Inc. 10418 Perry Highway, Wexford, PA 15090. Mass of Christian Burial , Friday June 2, at 10 am in St. Alphonsus Church, St.Aidan Parish, Wexford, PA.
Ditmore, Marjorie R. (Kremmel)
Passed away on Sunday, May 21, 2023 at the age of 90. She was born in 1932 to Albert and Eleanor Kremmel and raised in Millvale. Marge loved her sweets, crossword puzzles, but most of all her family. Marge was preceded in death by her loving husband of 35 years, Tony, grandson Austin Mulkerin and sister Evelyn McLaughlin. She will be deeply missed by her six children: Renee Larry) Waibel, Janine (Bob) Marcrum, Alan (Debbie) Ditmore, Greg (Jane) Ditmore, Mark (Cyndy) Ditmore and Keith (Deana) Ditmore. She is also survived by 17 grandchildren and 14 great grandchildren. Marge is the sister of Albert (Mercedes) Kremmel, Dolores Pendergast and Donna Marie (John) Dontrich. Marge was lovingly cared for during her final months by Jo and Becky, her Gateway Hospice care team, for whom we will be forever grateful, and her granddaughter Allison Searight. Family and friends received Thursday, May 25, 3-5 and 7-9 pm at the George A. Thoma Funeral Home, Inc. 1018 Perry Hwy., Wexford. Funeral mass on Friday, May 26, at 10 am in St. Alexis Church-St Aidan Parish. In lieu of flowers, donations may be made to Marge's favorite charity, St. Jude's Children Research Hospital (www.stjude.org) 1-800-608-3023
Sharlow, Francis Curry “Curry”
Age 89, of Ingomar, strutted upright and purposefully through the gates of heaven on the morning of Friday, May 19, with loved ones at his side. (Who are we kidding? He was probably skipping.) Known as Curry to those who knew him best, he was born on January 13, 1934, to parents Georgeanna (nee Curry) and Walter Sharlow. He grew up in West View, graduating from West View High in 1950. According to the many notes and photos that are still in the family’s possession, he enjoyed the company of many girls from the area and was fondly called a “swell guy” by most of them. Joining the U.S. Marine Corps in 1952, Curry spent time in Camp Lejeune, Germany, and various other countries. His years in the Marine Corps were well spent and productive. He grew 3” and the physicality of the job added muscle to his slight frame. Curry earned the rank of Sergeant and qualified as an expert marksman. During his service, he was awarded the National Defense Service Medal, the Good Conduct Medal and the Navy Occupational Medal. Of the many stories told about those years, he fondly recalled learning a valuable lesson about how to handle the effects of seasickness when on a ship that is in turbulent waters: “Watch the updraft!” Returning to Pittsburgh, Curry married his girlfriend, Millie, and had 3 sons: Kirk, Doug, and Dwayne. Unfortunately, Millie passed away in 1963, leaving Curry to raise their boys as a single dad until he met Barb “Boopie” Laux, a lively and lovely divorcee with 2 daughters, Terri and Susan. The story goes that, when they met, Curry had “some money” and Boopie just “loved kids!” So, the two crazy lovebirds married in January 1965, weaving their families together. Their daughter, Kelly, was born later that year, solidifying their pseudo-Brady-Bunch life. Curry and Boopie settled in Ingomar in 1967, raising their 6 children in the idyllic neighborhood with multitudes of other families. The Sharlows enjoyed many loud, boisterous, hectic years there among their loving friends and neighbors. During this time, Curry drove a delivery truck for Braun Baking, supplying local grocery stores with Town Talk bread before bringing a loaf or two home each day. (Let’s face it: with 8 people to feed, lots of food was needed all the time.) When he wasn’t working or trying to corral the kids, Curry could be found on a golf course. A day spent on the greens was an excellent one — any season, rain or shine. He regularly enjoyed golf trips with his friends all over the U.S. A longtime member of Ingomar United Methodist Church, Curry volunteered as a lay pastor, served on numerous committees, and was a valuable source of help to anyone who needed it. He will be remembered for his outgoing personality, quick wit, and hearty laugh. He will remain famous for his delicious and perfectly smooth fudge. Others may have the recipe, but Curry had the magic touch. Friends and family looked forward to receiving theirs every Christmas, each piece perfectly cut to size to fit squarely in the box. In fact, at the annual dessert auction at church, his boxes of fudge consistent
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https://gaming.stackexchange.com/questions/322080/as-a-queen-what-must-i-do-to-take-the-son-of-my-husbands-dynasty-out-of-succes
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As a queen, what must I do to take the son of my husband's dynasty out of succession line?
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2017-11-27T11:28:20
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I have two sons now, one is of my former husband's side and older than the second son of my side from matrilineal marriage. The first son won't leave the succession line. I can't conspire to murder...
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https://cdn.sstatic.net/Sites/gaming/Img/favicon.ico?v=103dcfc09166
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Arqade
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https://gaming.stackexchange.com/questions/322080/as-a-queen-what-must-i-do-to-take-the-son-of-my-husbands-dynasty-out-of-succes
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There are 3 viable options:
Disqualify him from inheritance/holding titles, by making him a monk.
Change your succession laws, so the oldest child can't inherit (Elective, Elective Gavelkind, Ultimogeniture, Seniority.
Kill (Imprison/Execute) him or blind/castrate him (If Greek)
You could also give titles to your prefered son, so you won't trigger an immediate game-over if the non-dynastic son inherits your main title, and then, after you die, (the new) you can just press his claim.
Making your son a Commander and sending him into losing battles may also work out nicely. You could also use the Intrigue Focus to spy on him, and imprison/have him killed without plotting. Same for Martial Focus and Dueling if you're capable.
There are a couple of ways not yet mentioned in Oak's answer (pre question edit though):
1) Excommunication.
If your child is not in good standings with the Pope or you have some variety of PocketPope, you can ask for him to be excommunicated. At that point you can freely imprison them and either execute (no penalty), or order to take the vows (disqualifying from succession). If they are not in your court anymore, you can still start an excommunication war.
2) Entrapment.
Give your child some land and make him rebel against you. This is easiest done by waiting 5-10 years until title grant opinion bonus has disappeared and then doing something nasty to them - like revoking a title, giving the jester title, or simply uncovering a plot on them with your spymaster (if you were the same sex or you were homosexual you could also try to seduce their spouse). You could do this immediately as well, but in that case you will almost certainly anger your other vassals as well, because of the sheer amount of opinion bonus you need to burn. Once they rebel, they are fair game to imprison and then, well... bad things can happen in dark dungeons. Not all of them allow you to take up the throne afterwards.
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