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FBIS3-30425_0 | Army Staff Chief Comments on U.S. `Spying' | Language: Serbo-Croatian Article Type:BFN [Text] Kragujevac, 2 Feb (TANJUG) -- Lieutenant Colonel General Momcilo Perisic, chief of general staff of the Yugoslav Army, said today that the U.S. intention to use remote-controlled aircraft (?controlled from) Albania for spying on the territory of the FRY and Bosnia clearly shows that the Americans have decided to embark on a full-scale intelligence operation by involving countries with certain designs against us. In the Kragujevac radio program "The Hallmark of Time," Gen. Perisic said that Albania is in a certain way getting involved in a struggle against Yugoslavia by expressing certain territorial aspirations. Planned infiltration of their people, sent to carry out certain activities, into our territory is a part of the scenario. According to Perisic one of the main parts of the scenario is "to cause border incidents in order to present a false picture to the world of the suffering of innocent Albanians. Our border guards use weapons in accordance with the regulations of their service and gravest consequences have occurred," he said. "The ultimate aim is to achieve one thing only -- to create conditions for the international community to demonize the Serbs in this area too, as has been done in the Srpska republic and in the republic of Serb Krajina," the chief of the Yugoslav general staff said. Asked to comment on increasingly frequent statements by politicians from the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia that the Macedonians are under threat from the north, Gen. Perisic said that "the creators of the new world order were not sure that Yugoslavia would be securely sealed in this region, so -- under the pretext of preventing incidents -- they sent their forces." Perisic said incidents in this region "happen periodically, but increasingly often." "Incidents at the Yugoslav border with Albania and Macedonia are aimed at creating the impression that it is Yugoslavia that causes them, while in fact it is just the opposite. The aim is clear -- to demonize the Serbs and Yugoslavia in the world's eyes in order to achieve the West's strategic objectives," Gen. Perisic concluded. |
FBIS3-30426_0 | Country Sending Military Aid, Units to `Krajinas' | Article Type:CSO [Editorial Report] In an article titled "Saber Rattling While Talking Peace," published on page 10 of the 23 January 1994 issue of Zagreb NEDJELJNI VJESNIK, the paper's military analyst, Fran Visnar, writes that Serbia has recently delivered new arms and equipment to the "Krajinas" to replace materiel "Serb rebels" lost during the war in Croatia in 1992-93 and in Bosnia-Herzegovina. The Serbs did not even bother to camouflage tanks, guns, vehicles, and containers of ammunition loaded on trucks and railway cars sent to the Bosnian Serb Army, Visnar reports. All convoys for Baranja in eastern Croatia were escorted by military and police personnel of the so-called republic of Serbian Krajina, while transports bound for Bosnia were handled by military and police personnel of the so-called Srpska republic. Visnar believes that with the establishment of political relations with Herceg-Bosna and its army the Serbs have relieved the major burden on their forces, which will now probably feel free to "step up their attacks against the Muslim enclaves in eastern and central Bosnia." They might, he writes, launch their biggest military operations: "a combined motorized-infantry and airborne assault on Tuzla" and "a prolonged artillery and missile at tack" on the Muslim stronghold of Zenica. As evidence of Serbian military objectives, Visnar cites data on "huge supplies" of sophisticated weapons sent to Serb-controlled Bosnia before the latest round of peace talks in Geneva on 18 January as well as the injection of Serb "elite units" to finish off the Bosnian-Herzegovina Army. Units of the 72d and 63d airborne brigades from Pancevo (Serbia) and the 63d airborne brigade from Nis (Serbia) -- components of the Special Forces Corps within the 3d Serbian Army -- were relocated to Bijeljina in Bosnia- Herzegovina, ostensibly for "maneuvers." Both brigades, Visnar points out, consist of professional personnel, 95 percent of whom are veterans of combat in Slovenia, Croatia, and Bosnia-Herzegovina. Their objective, Visnar states, is to take the Dubrava airfield near Tuzla to prevent UNPROFOR from reopening it and to "cleanse" the area of Muslims. He is convinced that to succeed the Serbs are prepared to endure even "a limited NATO air raid or air bombardment for a period of time." Visnar sees Belgrade as counting on Croatian support, since Croatia fears that the Bosnia-Herzegovina Army, supplied through the Tuzla airport, would turn against the Croats in central Bosnia. Despite a professed desire for normalization of |
FBIS3-30480_2 | Envoy to UN Comments | that the ethnic Croats, citizens of Bosnia-Herzegovina, should be treated in the same way as the Muslims who are besieged in Srebrenica, Zepa, Gorazde, Sarajevo, Tuzla, and Bihac. The enclaves of Vitez, Kiseljak, Usora, and Zepce should be proclaimed protected areas in line with principles of Resolution 824 from 1993. On 2 December 1993 and 24 January 1994, my government called on the Security Council to review the problem of large-scale violations of international humanitarian law committed by the [Bosnian] government forces, against Croats, citizens of Bosnia-Herzegovina. Forces of the Bosnia-Herzegovina Army have carried out at least eight mass executions of Croats, citizens of Bosnia-Herzegovina, since July last year. Under such circumstances, when the Security Council has no means of protecting Croats, citizens of Bosnia-Herzegovina, my government has no moral right to prevent Croat volunteers from helping the threatened community of Croats in Bosnia, who account for 18 percent of the Bosnia-Herzegovina population and have been forced into 10 percent of the territory. My government believes that a military solution to the problem of Bosnia-Herzegovina, or the problem of the UN protected areas in Croatia, is not acceptable, and in this respect it will continue supporting international mediation. We lend special support to international mechanisms supervising the number, presence, and intentions of the Croatian Army and Croatian volunteers in the territory of Bosnia-Herzegovina. In this context, I would like to repeat the Croatian president's invitation to the Security Council of 16 July 1993 to supervise the Croatian and Bosnia-Herzegovina borders. Croatia will immediately give its support to such a mechanism. If the Security Council is ready to suggest a better solution to the crisis in the area, than the one offered by the international conference on the former Yugoslavia, my government is ready to review their proposal. However, my government would like to warn the Security Council that any serious change in the balance of power in the area would derail the current process. In this respect, my government calls on the Security Council to give its full and unconditional support to the international conference on the former Yugoslavia, and especially to the Owen-Stoltenberg peace plan on Bosnia-Herzegovina, and to tell all interested parties that this is the only possible way to end the difficult human tragedy in the area. This is said in the letter by Mario Nobilo, permanent representatives of the Republic of Croatia in the United Nations. |
FBIS3-30484_0 | UN Envoy: Security Council Has `Limited Powers' | Language: Czech Article Type:BFN [Text] According to Karel Kovanda, Czech ambassador to the United Nations, who chaired the UN Security Council in January, peacekeeping by the United Nations is a question for the distant future. Karel Kovanda sees his success and that of Czech foreign policy in the Security Council mainly in the fact that the other countries view the Czech Republic different from the way they did a month ago. Kovanda said that he purposely managed to cut down the length of the council's meetings but increased their efficiency. He said it is a hard fact of the present world that the council has only limited powers that could be further curtailed by the decreasing interest of the individual states in supporting the council by, for example, being reluctant to offer their soldiers for service. |
FBIS3-30520_0 | Pawlak, EU Discuss `Partnership,' Integration | Language: Polish Article Type:BFN [Article by Maria Wagrowska from Brussels: "Prime Minister Pawlak's Talks With `12'; One Day Everything Will Be Possible"--last paragraph attributed to Katarzyna Szymanska-Borginon] [Excerpt] "Integration with the European Union [EU] is our strategic goal. The treaty of association--a chance to put an end to the artificial division of Europe"--this was stressed by Prime Minister Waldemar Pawlak during his talks with the "12" on the last day of his visit to Brussels. In his talks with EC Chairman Jacques Delors and members of the Commission, the prime minister appealed for both greater opening of markets to Polish goods and for a greater influx of investments. The prime minister stated that "Poland expects the '12' to propose a schedule of joint work on inroads to membership and to establish the date for a conference which would review our mutual relations." Delors avoided answering a question concerning the timetable. At a press conference, the EC chairman merely recalled that the "12" had made a political commitment to admit new countries; however, it will do this only when it is possible. The prime minister also indirectly criticized the West publicly for its trade policy toward Poland. In a paper delivered before Polish and Western dignitaries, invited to Brussels by the Washington Center of Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) and by Zbigniew Brzezinski, Prime Minister Pawlak declared that Poland is threatened by, among other things, the maintenance of barriers in the economic and civil development. "Our efforts to take part in Western structures are supposed to serve the purpose of European cooperation and extending the zone of stability, and, as a consequence, the purpose of strengthening the entire continent," he said. The "Partnership for Peace" initiative was referred to by the prime minister as "a first step" toward improving our security. According to him, Poland and NATO should begin cooperation in such areas as making systems of communications and logistics uniform, because without any great financial investments they could contribute to the adjustment of our Armed Forces to Western standards. At a breakfast with members of the press, when asked about the attitude of Moscow toward Polish efforts to become a NATO member, the prime minister said that Russia's reservations show that the time when some states meddled with the affairs of others is not yet over. German Defense Minister Volker Ruehe, who was present at the CSIS conference, saw "Partnership |
FBIS3-30536_5 | Zhirinovskiy Views Solutions to Bosnian War | nevertheless support the Serbs in this war? [Zhirinovskiy] No, I do not support the Serbs, I support the Slavs. Perhaps the Serbs are closer to us, the Russians, because of religion. Besides, the Serbs love us and we have helped them a lot throughout history. However, I repeat, I also love the Croats and the Slovenes. [Vurusic] You are going to Serbia, but not to Croatia? [Zhirinovskiy] I would have gone to Croatia if I was invited. Actually, the representatives of one of your parties, with whom I met in Bled, have invited me now. I will come, of course, and I will tell your president to negotiate. I will say the same thing to Milosevic. [Vurusic] What kind of solution do you offer for the end of the war in Bosnia-Herzegovina? [Zhirinovskiy] The foreign troops, including the UN forces, must first leave Bosnia-Herzegovina. The possibility of any sort of foreign involvement in the clashes, especially the possibility of an intervention against only one side -- the Serbian side -- must be eliminated. Afterward, clashes must be ended and the status quo frozen. If you wish, we can send the Russian battalions to stand between the warring sides and guarantee that there will be no more clashes. [Vurusic] By freezing the status quo, Serbia will get the greatest part of Bosnia-Herzegovina. [Zhirinovskiy] What is wrong with the Serbs getting the largest part of the territory? In this way they will grow into a force that will defend Europe from the Islamic fundamentalism, from the invasion of Islam toward the heart of Europe. Serbia will defend you from new wars and poverty. What will happen when the Turks advance via Bulgaria toward Europe one day? Somebody should stop them. The Serbs being in Bosnia-Herzegovina is like a flu, as they are preventing the spreading of AIDS to Europe. Better a flu in Bosnia than AIDS in Europe. Beside, one of the solutions is a greater Croatia and a greater Serbia in the Balkans. [Vurusic] What do you mean? [Zhirinovskiy] Let there be a greater Croatia, naturally slightly smaller than the greater Serbia. Three states should exist in the Balkans: little Slovenia, perhaps with Trieste, then Croatia with roughly half of Bosnia-Herzegovina, and greater Serbia. [Vurusic] Will "krajina" be part of the greater Serbia? [Zhirinovskiy] Whose is "krajina" actually? [Vurusic] Croatia's. [Zhirinovskiy] Good, then let it stay in Croatia while Serbia can |
FBIS3-30578_5 | Defense, Security Council Issues Statement | Croatia and the Republic of Bosnia-Herzegovina and, in line with their assessment, take all adequate steps. The council calls for an immediate and unconditional cease-fire and the resumption of talks in order to reach an agreement between Croats and Muslims in line with the proposal of the contractual agreement -- on establishing a lasting and permanent peace between the Croat and Bosnian Muslim nations in Bosnia-Herzegovina, and on the basis of further coexistence -- tabled by President Tudjman at a meeting with the Bosnian [Muslim] delegation in Bonn on 10 January 1994. If these efforts yield no results, Croatia should reconsider all relations with the government in Sarajevo, and the government of the Republic of Croatia has been given the task of drawing up a list of all Bosnia-Herzegovina representative offices and organizations active in the Republic of Croatia. The council believes that it is untenable that the government in Sarajevo should use the territory of the Republic of Croatia to plan and organize logistical support for its military actions, which result in the expulsion and ethnic cleansing of Croats [in Bosnia]. The council demands of the international community to proclaim the threatened Croat areas in Bosnia-Herzegovina protected areas, and help secure the survival of the Croatian nation. The council has accepted the proposal to join the NATO program Partnership for Peace, and lends its support to Croatia's intention to join the process. In connection with this, the Foreign Affairs Ministry has been charged with drawing up a final proposal on this and taking concrete steps. [passage omitted] The council was informed about the steps taken to implement the declaration on the normalization of relations between Croatia and the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. It was noted that the declaration should be implemented immediately, without any speculation in that respect. The council put a special stress on the fact that the agreement in principle on the normalization of relations between Croats and Serbs is not directed against Muslims. On the contrary, the agreement should be seen as a contribution to the efforts to reach a speedier solution to the crisis in Bosnia-Herzegovina. The council lends its full support to the efforts of the Croatian Government to solve all disputed issues with the neighboring Republic of Slovenia as soon as possible, and it points to the need to deal simultaneously with the problem of the Piran Bay and connecting Croatia with Europe. |
FBIS3-30587_2 | Kwasniewski Discusses Conflict | said that the SLD expects URM to submit a concept for the state administration and that this will also be discussed in the talks with the prime minister. "It is a difficult coalition, and I have never concealed this; however, there is no alternative to it. Therefore, we must act in such a way as to allow the government to act efficiently," said Aleksander Kwasniewski. Deputies of the Polish Peasant Party (such as Tadeusz Sytek and Piotr Chojnacki) believe that the prime minister did what he should have done and that he does not have to explain his decision to anyone. Jerzy Pistelok told us that this issue is not of very great importance; it had been discussed in the Presidium of the government before, and Minister Borowski should have demanded that resignation himself. Becaise he did not do this, the prime minister had the right to recall the deputy minister because he had made too many mistakes. "We are absolutely sure that the prime minister's decision was correct, and so are many colleagues in the SLD," said Pistelok. Jozef Oleksy and Aleksander Kwasniewski denied that there were such discussions because this issue was not important enough to discuss in the coalition. "I believe that Prime Minister Pawlak feels good when he makes cadre changes," we learned from former Prime Minister Hanna Suchocka, of the Democratic Union [UD]. "He probably thinks that this is how his power is expressed. The prime minister may recall a deputy minister without the consent of the minister, but only when he asks that the deputy minister be recalled and the minister does not want to do that. This coalition has the will to survive, and this is why it will not present the PSL with the bill." "The SLD will not present the bill to the PSL for fear of the coalition's integrity; however, it will show that something important has happened," says UD's Grazyna Staniszewska. "The reason the prime minister has acted this way is that the PSL has an SLD complex; another reason was the pressure on Waldemar Pawlak, exerted at various levels, to prepare posts for people who are already waiting for them." "This is a family quarrel, and we will not meddle in it," said Wojciech Borowik, of Union of Labor. "If a bill is presented, it will not be very large because both parties want the coalition to survive." |
FBIS3-30600_1 | Owen: FRY Neighbors To Hold Summit on Bosnia | (AFP) -- Turkey and seven countries neighboring ex-Yugoslavia have agreed to meet Wednesday [9 February] in Geneva with mediators David Owen and Thorvald Stoltenberg to discuss ways of ending the Bosnian conflict, Owen said here Friday [4 February]. "It will be a private consultation. No communiques, no decisions. An open discussion between the ministers about the problems of the former Yougoslavia, and how regional voice can be raised to influence the outcome, bring an end to the fighting in Bosnia," Owen told a news conference. "None of the parties from the former Yugoslavia will be invited at this stage," he said, adding that if the talks proved "useful," the mediators might hold discussions later on "with the presidents of possibly Croatia, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Macedonia." Foreign ministers of the following nations would attend Wednesday: Albania, Austria, Bulgaria, Greece, Hungary, Italy, Romania, and Turkey. Owen, the European Community's mediator, who with Stoltenberg, the UN mediator, came here on the last leg of a tour of ex-Yugoslavia's neighbors, said the mediators felt "the European Union initiative and the negotiations over Bosnia now need to be discussed within the region and also the wider issues that affect the conference: Serb-Croat relations, the minorities, the Albanians in Macedonia and Kosovo." Italian Foreign Minister Beniamino Andreatta meanwhile said Bosnian Croats and Moslems might hold talks Wednesday in Rome. The talks could take place between the meeting, Monday and Tuesday, of European Community foreign ministers and Brussels, and the meeting of ex-Yugoslavia's neighbors, he said. Andreatta put the proposal to Croatian Foreign Minister Mate Granic on Thursday when they met here, he added. Earlier, in the Bulgarian capital Sofia, Owne said international sanctions against Belgrade over its role in the war in Bosnia could not continue indefinitely. "We can't go on indefinitely asking countries quite far away from fighting to make sacrifices, if there is no readiness of the parties to make peace," he said. Bulgaria is one of the central European countries whose trade and economy have been badly hit by the United Nations embargo against Serbia and Montenegro, the rump Yugoslavia. "I do not favour lifting sanctions," Owen added. "It would be premature. But I don't think the status quo can carry on indefinitely." Albania has expressed concern about the war spreading to Kosovo, the restive northern province of Serbia which has a 90 percent Albanian population, or Macedonia, another former member of the Yugoslav federation. |
FBIS3-30601_0 | International Mediators Arrive in Albania | Language: English Article Type:BFN [Text] Sofia, Feb 4 (AFP) -- International sanctions against Belgrade over its role in the war in Bosnia can not continue indefinitely, European Community mediator Lord Owen said here Friday [4 February]. "We can't go on indefinitely asking countries quite far away from fighting to make sacrifices, if there is no readiness of the parties to make peace," he told a press conference at the end of a visit to Sofia. Bulgaria is one of the Central European countries whose trade and economy have been badly hit by the United Nations embargo against Serbia and Montenegro, the rump Yugoslavia. "I do not favour lifting sanctions," Owen added. "It would be premature. But I don't think the status quo can carry on indefinitely." "Sanctions are applied for a purpose... to achieve a settlement," Owen said. "If there is no way at the end of the day to achieve a settlement, questions would be asked about sanctions. But we have yet not reached that state." Owen and his UN co-mediator Thorvald Stoltenberg had talks here Thursday with President Zhelio Zhelev and Foreign Minister Stanislav Daskalov before going on Friday to Albania in a tour of Yugoslavia's neighbours. In Tirana, presidential spokesman Genc Pollo said they saw President Sali Berisha. Albania has expressed concern about the war spreading to Kosovo, the restive northern province of Serbia which has a 90 percent Albanian population, or Macedonia, another former member of the Yugoslav federation. |
FBIS3-30603_1 | Spain, Denmark Say Decision on Sanctions `Imminent' | Danish foreign ministers indicated Thursday [3 February] that a decision on sanctions against Croatia was imminent, as Zagreb continued to deny the presence of its troops in Bosnia. Spanish Foreign Minister Javier Solana issued his warning after meeting here with Croatian Prime Minister Nikica Valentic. Solana said that if reports of regular Croatian troops being involved in fighting in Bosnia turned out to be true, "the international community will have to seriously examine the issue" of sanctions, the Croatian news agency HINA reported. Valentic rejected the charges and said that "the international community's pressure for a peaceful settlement must be applied evenly on all warring parties," the agency added. Zagreb has acknowledged that up to 2,000 "volunteers" -- mostly Croats of Bosnian origin -- were fighting alongside Bosnian Croat (HVO) forces in Bosnia, but said that no active regular army troops were involved. Croatian Foreign Minister Mate Granic said in Rome Thursday that although some of the Bosnia "volunteers" were former soldiers and officers, there were no regular Croatian forces serving there. Zagreb had no intention of intervening in the Bosnian conflict, he said after a meeting with his Italian counterpart Beniamino Andreatta, adding that the number of volunteer fighters on the Moslem side was much higher. Andreatta earlier told Italy's parliamentary foreign affairs committee that, if reports of the presence of regular Croatian troops in Bosnia were correct, there were dangers of a "substantial change in the attitude of the international community towards Croatia." He added: "The position of Italy and other European countries, who have until now forcefully rejected calls for a lifting of the arms embargo against the Bosnian Moslems, would risk being weakened." Meanwhile in Copenhagen Danish Foreign Minister Niels Helveg Petersen said that "the United Nations should impose sanctions against Croatia because of its military involvement in Bosnia." He said Denmark would appeal for sanctions at the European Community's foreign minister-level meeting in Brussels Monday, and would also propose, as an alternative, the lifting of Croatia's preferential trade status with the EC. Although he admitted that opinions are divided within the EC, he said Denmark felt that the presence of Croatian troops in Bosnia "should not go unnoticed." After his meeting with Valentic Thursday, Solana was to meet with UN special envoy in ex-Yugoslavia Yasushi Akashi before heading back to Madrid. He had earlier visited the Spanish UN peacekeeping contingent in Medjugorje, in southern Bosnia. |
FBIS3-30613_2 | Gligorov Sees U.S. Troops as `Peace Action' | the Central European Initiative, which includes Poland, the Czech Republic, Hungary, Slovenia, and Austria. [STANDART NEWS] Do you think that there is any danger involved in connection with Serbia's claims toward Macedonia? [Gligorov] Serbia should prove whether it has any claims regarding Macedonia or not by recognizing our country. As long as this has not occurred, we should be cautious and take into account the fact that political forces insisting on Macedonia not being an independent state still exist in Serbia. Macedonia is in favor of cooperation with all former Yugoslav republics and with all Balkan countries, but it is not inclined to join any closer alliance with Serbia, under the form of a confederation or under any other form of integration. The war has been going on too long in that part, too much blood has been shed, and one can hardly expect any form of political integration with that state, after Macedonia waged such a long and hard struggle for its own independence. We would like to build our country as an independent, sovereign, democratic, and rule-of-law state. [STANDART NEWS] What about Albania? [Gligorov] Basically, I do not see any danger stemming from that country. However, assuming that the armed conflict is likely to continue for some time, possible unrest in Kosovo cannot be excluded, since the problems of that area are still unresolved. Hence, we should be aware of what might happen in the future. [STANDART NEWS] Is it possible that Serbia might stimulate a threat from the Albanian side in the purpose of forcing Skopje to apply for Serbia's "protection." [Gligorov] I see no reason for Macedonia to seek an alliance with Serbia against Albania. Albanians who live in our country are Macedonians by Law. We saw what the ideas of greater Serbia, greater Albania, and greater Croatia have produced. We should live like peaceful neighbors. Albanians live in Macedonia, but Macedonians exist in Albania as well. Let them all exist as they did before, while the borders should be open and people be able to move freely from one country to the other. [STANDART NEWS] How do you accept the presence of U.S. soldiers in Macedonia? [Gligorov] Our relations with the United States are friendly. They are interested in peaceful relations with the Balkans. I assess the fact that they chose to station their military units in Macedonia as a preventive peace action. A peaceful |
FBIS3-30629_3 | Pawlak Addresses Brussels Conference | center around which the framework of the future architecture of European security will be built. The future shape of that center will be determined by today's courage displayed by Western countries in making their decisions. Failure to use the historic opportunity being created by the possibility of gradual extension of a stabilizing influence of the Western democratic sphere, a sphere of peace and prosperity, could have a detrimental impact on the future development of European relations, particularly in the continent's eastern part. The first step toward stabilizing the situation, preventing a disadvantageous development of the situation, should be by way of an opening up of Western structures as soon as possible to those Central European countries that are ready to take the step, and with a simultaneous establishment of partnershiplike relations between the "widened" Western structures and the continent's remaining countries. We perceive the "Partnership for Peace" initiative, proposed by the NATO "summit," as a first step, which makes the future prospect of Polish membership in NATO more and more realistic. The initiative also assures us of possibilities for wider cooperation with NATO member states than up to now, and it also improves the level of our security. While declaring a readiness for close cooperation with Western countries in the area of security, we expect the West to come up with concrete cooperation in the technical and technological areas--the kind of cooperation that would allow us to rationally use our scientific and industrial potential. The prospect of a future, stable, and safe Europe requires supplementing the idea of "Partnership for Peace" with an economic aspect of cooperation--that is to say, a "partnership for development." I do not mean here establishing new bureaucratic structures or introducing new and special mechanisms of cooperation. But what I would like to point out is a necessity of making permanent a set of indispensable principles in international economic cooperation. Such a specific code of behavior for countries and economic organizations could include the task of counteracting the trends of isolationism; it could also cover eliminating obstacles, shaping a cooperative approach, understanding the partner's needs and, in justified cases, it could also cover a readiness to provide aid. Such a "partnership for development," broadly speaking, will contribute to increased mutual confidence and will also constitute a permanent basis for cooperation in the area of security. Ladies and Gentlemen: Apart from NATO, the other institution of the |
FBIS3-30631_0 | Serb Diplomat Comments on Recognizing Macedonia | Language: Bulgarian Article Type:BFN [Interview with Professor Dr. Rados Smilkovic, charge d'affaires at Yugoslav Embassy in Sofia, by Vulko Vulkov and Albena Shkodrova; place and date not given: "The Serbs Have Nothing Against What Is Good for the Bulgarians"] [Excerpts] [STANDART NEWS] Now that the UN Security Council has granted permission for convoys of trucks to ship Bulgarian goods through the FRY, do you think it is possible that public organizations like "New Byzantium" and "White Rose" may appear and block the convoys? What does Serbian public opinion think about the shipment of Bulgarian goods? [Smilkovic] I have no reports on anyone wanting to block the transit of Bulgarian goods. As far as the Serbian people are concerned, I can say that have nothing against anything that is to the benefit of the Bulgarians. We know that the transshipment of these goods is of vital importance for you. However, it is difficult for me to say whether some organization may appear that wants to block the convoys. Nevertheless, public opinion in Yugoslavia is in favor of Bulgaria shipping its goods. [passage omitted] [STANDART NEWS] If the conflict in Bosnia dies down, do you think that the FRY will undertake operations in Kosovo and Macedonia? [Smilkovic] Kosovo is part of Serbia, and the problem is an internal one, of concern only to the FRY. It is being resolved according to the Constitution and the laws of Yugoslavia and the Republic of Serbia, while, of course, observing world standards regarding minority rights. As for Macedonia, it is an independent state. In the SFRY it had the status of a republic, just like the other republics, and this was never disputed. We have never opposed the notion that the Macedonians are a nation and, most important, the Serbian people have never disputed this either. Thus, the issue of the recognition of Macedonia as a separate state and of the Macedonians as a separate nation is not a matter of dispute for the Serbian public. Regarding the actual act of recognition, this is an issue of practical politics that will be settled when it arises on the agenda. In general, the recognition of the former Yugoslav republics has been postponed until such a time as all the issues between them and the FRY are settled. [passage omitted] [STANDART NEWS] Does this mean that you consider that there are no obstacles to Serbia recognizing Macedonia, |
FBIS3-30638_0 | Zhelev, Daskalov Meet With Owen, Stoltenberg | Language: English Article Type:BFN [Report by Iva Toncheva] [Text] Sofia, February 3 (BTA) -- The security guarantees which all countries neighbouring on Yugoslavia need is a question crucial for Bulgaria, too, and it was raised at a meeting between President Zhelyu Zhelev and the two international mediators on the Yugoslav crisis, Lord David Owen and Mr. Thorvald Stoltenberg, who arrived here today. Their session with the president lasted nearly an hour and a half. According to the president's advisor on foreign political affairs, Dr. Zhelev set forth the principled Bulgarian position on the Yugo-crisis, stressing that right from the outset Bulgaria expressly stated its refusal to take advantage in any way whatsoever of the difficulties experienced by disintegrating Yugoslavia and to look for benefits other than guarantees of its own national security. "We are convinced that recognizing the four former Yugoslav republics was a move which strengthens the situation in the region. By its act of recognition, Bulgaria reaffirmed the right to independent and sovereign existence, as well as those countries' right to arrange and choose a form of government which suits them best," the presidential advisor said, briefing the press on Dr. Zhelev's meeting with the two mediators. Dr. Zhelev called attention to the need of the European Union, once it failed to take vigorous action and adopt a categorical position and thus halt the escalation of the conflict into open warfare, should learn a lesson and apply it in its present actions and encourage all those factors which could contribute to the security guarantees of the neighbouring countries. Earlier in the day, Lord Owen and Mr. Stoltenberg had nearly an hour's long talk with Bulgarian Foreign Minister Stanislav Daskalov, which Lord Owen described as "a very full discussion." "The European Union's plan of action has the full support of the government here, which is good to hear," Lord Owen noted. The chief Bulgarian diplomat described as "inaccurate" a REUTER report yesterday, which quoted a senior government official as saying that "Bulgaria would support a unified Bosnia" and "is against the model of ethnically clean formations which we see as unacceptable for the situation in the Balkans." Answering reporters' questions after his session with Mr. Daskalov, Lord Owen said that "the experience of this country of being able to settle disputes between minorities and different religions and different ethnic communities must be the model," he said. "Muslims have been |
FBIS3-30684_0 | Veterans Protest Presence of Socialists | Language: English Article Type:BFN [Text] Budapest, 7 February (MTI) -- About 80 members of the "56-ers Federation," comprising veterans of the 1956 revolution, staged a demonstration in front of the parliament building today, protesting against the fact that both the Hungarian Socialist Workers' Party (MSZMP), successor to the former state party, and the Hungarian Socialist Party (MSZP), a parliamentary party set up by reform communists, are allowed to operate legally in Hungary and run in the 1994 elections. The demonstrators argued that the operation of both parties involves the danger of a communist rollback. In a petition to be sent to Speaker of Parliament Gyorgy Szabad, the 56-ers demand that parliament should dissolve both parties, freeze their assets, and transfer them to the heroes of 1956 and their relatives. In the 56-ers' view, as many descendants of the 1956 victims as possible should be elected members of parliament and the government, so that the danger of a rollback will diminish. The petition presses for a coalition with Christian morals to be formed after the 1994 elections. Recent polls show that the socialists have strong voter support in the country, and the governing coalition sees them as its strongest rival. In a simultaneous development, those who suffered a loss in biohumus production demonstrated on the other side of the square. Biohumus producers took up loans some years ago. Afterwards, despite their valid contracts, they failed to sell biohumus and many of them went bankrupt. The 150 or so demonstrators gathered in front of parliament to support independent smallholder deputy Vilmos Bereczky's proposal of writing off their debts. |
FBIS3-30699_0 | B-H Mediators Owen, Stoltenberg Arrive Notes Possible Romanian Role | Language: English Article Type:BFN [Text] Bucharest, ROMPRES, 3/2/1994 -- Lord David Owen, in Bucharest now together with Thorvald Stoltenberg, thanked President Iliescu for the opportunity offered to them to exchange views on the conflict in Bosnia-Herzegovina. "Romania has an important contribution to make, you have good relations with the countries from the area. I think now is the proper moment for Romania's influence on this conflict to be felt, " mentioned the co-president for the European Community of the International Conference on Former Yugoslavia. He added that the true dimension of the losses suffered in consequence of the enforcement of the embargo are known, and so are the disbalances that have appeared among compensations for the neighbors of former Yugoslavia. The European Union is in charge of giving compensations to Romania, but it has not done enough in this respect, said Owen who gave assurances that the efforts of the Romanian Government would be given due response. As for the continuation of the peace process, the mediator said that the plan of action drafted by the European Union was being examined by the three parties in conflict. As for the intention of a number of Muslim leaders, that is of troops to be sent to Bosnia-Herzegovina under the aegis of the United Nations, Lord Owen mentioned that the Muslim countries had had access from the very start and Egypt had even sent troops to Sarajevo. Malaysia and Pakistan announced their readiness to participate in the UN actions in that area. What will follow, that will be decided by the UN Secretariat-General. The strategy used as a rule is not to involve the countries in the proximity of the conflict, and in this case the strategy also refers to the non-involvement of Muslim countries in the conflict in Bosnia-Herzegovina." |
FBIS3-30700_0 | B-H Mediators Owen, Stoltenberg Arrive Nastase Briefs Cochairmen | Language: English Article Type:BFN [Text] Bucharest, ROMPRES, 3/2/1994 -- Adrian Nastase, speaker of the Chamber of Deputies, had an interview, Thursday, February 3, with Lord David Owen and Thorvald Stoltenberg, co-presidents of the International Conference on Former Yugoslavia, currently in Bucharest. The guests spoke about the stage of the negotiations conducted in search of a solution to the crisis in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Adrian Nastase reiterated Romania's viewpoints on this issue. The speaker of the Chamber of Deputies underlined that Romania had scrupulously observed the UN embargo on Yugoslavia, and mentioned the direct and indirect losses the embargo had caused to the Romanian economy, totalling seven million U.S. dollars. The very huge negative effects of such a situation may make Romania and other countries find it impossible to observe such international measures in the future, added he. In reply, Lord Owen said that he was sure that a mechanism had to be put in place by which losses caused by the enforcement of international sanctions automatically trigger compensations. The speaker of the Chamber of Deputies said that Romania was appreciative of the efforts made by the negotiators in search of a viable, peaceful solution to the crisis in former Yugoslavia. He added that Romania was ready to be host to a number of activities related to the negotiations. The meeting at the Chamber of Deputies had the aspect of consultations on Romania's stance regarding the solutions proposed for the crisis in its proximity. |
FBIS3-30710_0 | Economy Ministry Official on Advantages of CEFTA | Language: English Article Type:BFN [Text] Bratislava Feb 3 (CTK) -- Slovakia considers the Central European Free Trade Agreement (CEFTA) as a test before joining the European Union market. Together with the Czech Republic, Slovakia advocates shortening the term for removal of customs and non-tariff barriers from eight to five years. Economic ministers of the four CEFTA countries -- the Czech Republic, Slovakia, Hungary and Poland -- are expected to approve speeding up the liberalisation of mutual trade on February 4. "We do not want to slide back to the times of COMECON [Council for Mutual Economic Assistance], but want to revive trade among Central European countries," Miroslav Adamis, director of the Multilateral Cooperation Section at the Slovak Ministry of Economy, told CTK today. He said CEFTA's importance resides in liberalising trade, even though it does not free financial flows, capital and labour. It will thus enable its member countries to see what is in store for them when they join the free market of the 12-member European Union. The use of European Union rules on the origin of goods at the same time supports cooperation of enterprises from CEFTA countries in penetrating Western markets. "The CEFTA countries have not yet coped with the decline of trade after the transition to accounting in freely convertible currencies in 1991, when it turned out that our goods could not compete with Western offerings," Adamis said. "CEFTA's reviving influence did not manifest itself more even when further decline stopped. Last year's trade turnovers with Poland and Hungary remained on the level of 1992. But this year CEFTA can be expected to bring results," he added. Around one-half of the trade turnover is fully liberalised, according to Adamis, and the next stage of removal customs duties will begin in July. Most industrial products will be freed from customs duties before 1998. But even shortening the original term for removal of tariff and non-tariff barriers from eight to five years will not free all goods from the "protective umbrella." Adamis said he believed there was no political will to accept other countries to CEFTA, but that cooperation could be expanded through bilateral agreements on free trade, especially with Slovenia, Romania and possibly also with Turkey and Israel. The Czech Republic remains Slovakia's main trade partner. |
FBIS3-30754_3 | Aleksander Luczak on PSL, Rural Policy | such appropriate financial means for rural areas, as well as subsidies and inexpensive credits. But now it turns out that there is not enough money in the budget; even your own Sejm deputies club is critical of that. [Luczak] There is more money in the budget than was the case last year, but there is still not enough for everyone. Those who think that one can achieve progress in that area in a very short time are wrong. The purpose of our election program was to convince people, and my view is that it was done well. But another issue is that the program's implementation must be spread out over time. [RZECZPOSPOLITA] Is it your view that the fall in popularity rating for the United Peasant Party-PSL in the period preceding the 1989 and 1991 elections was just temporary, or is it perhaps the case that the PSL's current success is just temporary? What is permanent? [Luczak] Nothing in this world is permanent. We are all just a passing phase.... Not to waste the great victory--that is what wise behavior should be about, in this situation. [RZECZPOSPOLITA] All right, but we will have self-governmental elections shortly. [Luczak] Let it all boil there, in that melting pot. Then it will turn out that some people are destined to be in office two years, whereas other people four years. We have a democracy now, and there is nothing permanent in a democracy. [RZECZPOSPOLITA] So you can imagine the PSL not being permanent? [Luczak] As a peasant movement, we have a hundred years behind us, and I would not like to live long enough to see the movement's end. I will always keep saying that the peasant movement has achieved the most now, when you take a look at its entire history. I think it is likely that, in the future, we may be in the opposition, that we will be a party without successes. But that possibility is a feature of democracy. The peasant movement may go through a worse period of its history, but the most important thing is that it be on the list of those parties that will be permanently participating in the country's political life over the next two decades. [RZECZPOSPOLITA] Can you imagine a situation where a completely different party would gain the votes of your electorate, whereas you would disappear from the scene and become a |
FBIS3-30754_6 | Aleksander Luczak on PSL, Rural Policy | quote is from--your campaign leaflet. [Luczak] There is nothing you can guarantee forever in a market economy. Every artificial creation will prove impossible to implement after some time passes. But it would also be a bad thing if one were to discontinue measures aimed at guaranteeing the profitability of production. Everyone wants to receive the kind of payment for his work that would compensate for the labor he invested. If you have a peasant investing more in his production than what he receives after selling the product (I am ignoring here his own labor for the moment), that is morally repugnant and economically unacceptable, and, in that case, perhaps one should guarantee the profitability of agricultural production through administrative measures. [RZECZPOSPOLITA] That would be a complete return to the old ways. [Luczak] No one will do it generally and as a wide-sweeping measure. But to promote agricultural production and to preserve certain types of crops, one must create the right conditions to make profitability clearly visible. But we will not go back to quotas or uniform prices throughout the country. [RZECZPOSPOLITA] Does a politician feel ashamed at any time? I mean the kind of shame when he promises something during an election campaign but later, when his party is in power and he has the means to implement it, he fails to do what he promised. I am saying that because you sound as if you assumed from the very beginning that what you had talked about will not be implemented. [Luczak] You cannot approach politics in a way that is detached from reality, nor can you, I would say, approach politics in moral terms only. Politics has its own rules. One knows from the very beginning that nothing contained in an election program can be implemented right away. Such is the case the world over. [RZECZPOSPOLITA] Are you saying one should not believe politicians? [Luczak] Politics is an art of talking to society. There definitely should be a certain margin of confidence, but not "from wall to wall." There must be a certain margin, there must be something that binds society together, something that will make it... [RZECZPOSPOLITA] ...Decide that the thing is lost? [Luczak] Well, yes. Such are the rules of the game. [RZECZPOSPOLITA] Your government implements to a large extent the program of the previous cabinets. [Luczak] It is a very good thing that there are no |
FBIS3-30758_4 | Moravcik Presents Foreign Policy Report Evaluation of the Fulfillment of Slovak Foreign Policy in 1993 | the level of mutual cooperation and finding ways to improve it. On this basis, the plan for cooperation between the Slovak Defense Ministry and NATO SHAPE has been drafted for 1994. From the viewpoint of searching for the optimal forms of cooperation, the visit to Slovakia by Dr. E.v.C. Bruce, NATO director of press and information, was an important event. In the fall of 1993, W. van Eekelen, the WEU general secretary, visited the Slovak Republic and met with the president, the prime minister, and the foreign minister. The visit of the NAA secretary general to the Slovak Republic on 15 November 1993 helped to develop relations between the NAA and the National Council of the Slovak Republic. The Slovak Republic, however, still does not have specialized diplomatic representation in NATO in Brussels. The task of securing cooperation with NATO and the WEU has been fulfilled by our mission in Brussels and the Slovak Permanent Mission at the WEU. CSCE The Slovak Republic's course of action during the CSCE meetings in Vienna in 1993 was based on Resolution 980, approved by the Slovak Republic Government on 22 December 1992. The activity and contacts with the U.S. Department of Defense, the Defense Ministries of Sweden and Italy, and the CSCE general secretary have helped to efficiently establish the Slovak Republic within the CSCE. The Slovak Republic's Permanent Mission in Vienna has considerably contributed to this establishment. One of the first tasks of Slovak diplomacy within the CSCE was to dispel worries about the status of the Hungarian ethnic minority living in Slovakia. The partition of the former Czechoslovakia has been used to dramatize the situation. The mission that visited Slovakia as a new CSCE country in March 1993 confirmed that the Slovak Republic had fulfilled the obligations it had toward the CSCE and ethnic minorities. The mission also stated that the transition toward a market economy and pluralist democracy and respect for human rights were satisfactory in the Slovak Republic. These processes have not been discontinued since the partition of Czechoslovakia. The mission's conclusions have also contributed to lower tension surrounding the ethnic minorities issue. According to the mission, there are opportunities for improving the legal status of the minorities in Slovakia, but, in general, the mission has not discovered any signs of tensions or hostility between various ethnic groups. The mission of the CSCE High Commissioner for Human Rights has |
FBIS3-30770_2 | Klaus Talks About Davos, European Integration | discuss what percentage share this additional influence--that is, the establishment of external integration--has had, apart from the aforementioned dominant influence, in Europe's success. [Danes] Nevertheless, our state certainly desires integration with the European Union.... [Klaus] Our state, in any case, wants to integrate with Europe and merge with Europe in all possible structures. Undoubtedly, to achieve this, it is necessary to enter into European institutions and organizations. However, I can integrate myself institutionally and noninstitutionally. For example, I can do so economically by abolishing customs barriers and all sorts of obstacles to trade. Another possibility is that I will integrate myself on an organizationally institutional sphere, but this is only one method. [Danes] According to press reports, in Switzerland you also admitted to the possibility of our budget policy's transition from a neutral to an active one. In your opinion, when should a change of this order take place? Is it intended to take the wind from Milos Zeman's sails before he had even gathered it? [Klaus] No, I must disappoint you. I never said anything of the kind. This was merely a figment of the imagination of some editor or commentator concerning my speech to Swiss bankers on Monday [31 January] evening in Wolfsberg. Perhaps this editor got hold of the German text of my speech. It contained a written addendum, which I did not refer to in my speech. This was a theoretical analysis of the kind of economic situation in which budget policy has to be restrictive, neutral, and expansive. It says there that no East European country has yet reached the stage at which it could transfer to an expansive policy, regardless of whether this makes any sense at all. It is still my opinion that an expansive budget policy does not make any sense. [Danes] As chairman of the Civic Democratic Party, are you worried about competition from the right? I am referring to the newly evolving party, whose ranks include, among others, the publisher of CESKY DENIK, Josef Kudlacek. [Klaus] I am really not worried about this competition. These people are not interested in integrating the right wing, as they falsely dub their political venture. They are merely interested in making a name for themselves and in asserting their very extreme view of our current situation. If they succeed for a while in uniting a couple of people from various political parties, people who |
FBIS3-30771_1 | Klaus on Full Convertibility of Koruna | absolute convertibility without any restrictions in few places--perhaps only in Hong Kong. All other countries have some form of regulation. So, progress from one phase of convertibility to another is simply relative and continuous and has nothing to do with political symbolism. [Krejci] What are the advantages and disadvantages of such a step? [Klaus] It goes without saying that the introduction of full convertibility has certain advantages, but it also has some disadvantages. There are three disadvantages, for which a gradual approach is necessary: First, the axis of our entire economic transformation is secured economically by a firm nominal exchange rate and by maintaining this exchange rate as the Archimedes point of the whole economic system. On the other hand, implementing full convertibility requires that this idea be abandoned and that a flexible exchange rate be introduced. Second, introducing full convertibility means, to a certain extent, losing the autonomous nature of the state's monetary and financial--that is, macroeconomic--policy. This is fine in cases in which a country lags far behind the general liberal tendencies of its neighboring partners, and the world drags it from its inadequate foundation to somewhere else. This, however, does not apply to our country. Our monetary and financial policy is quite deliberate, quite rational, and does not have to be "disciplined" by our neighbors. The situation is rather the reverse. Moreover, the policy of our neighbors may have its own logic, different from that of our country, which has, at the moment, different tasks than standard European states. And, finally, third: Introducing full convertibility indeed means exposing ourselves too much in the sense that we would enter into the realm of rapid movements of speculative capital that flees from one country to another, where it seems that the interest rate conditions are a little better. This is an instability that our transforming economy can do without at the moment. [Krejci] What must be done now in this regard? [Klaus] Other aspects of the concept of convertibility must gradually be liberated. Liberalizing what the citizen may exchange is also, undoubtedly, associated with this. The task is to create an attractive and pleasant environment for foreign investors, who now have the possibility to transfer money back to their own countries. Therefore, I do not see a preponderance of reasons for immediately dealing with full convertibility. Additional analyses indicate that we are talking about a medium to long-term program. |
FBIS3-30772_0 | CEFTA Delegations Hold First Joint Session | Language: English Article Type:BFN [Text] Prague February 4 (CTK) -- Government delegations from the Czech Republic, Slovakia, Hungary and Poland met today for the first session of the Joint Committee of the countries of the Central European Agreement, during which they considered the present state of trade between themselves and with the rest of the world. The delegations were led by Czech Industry and Trade Minister Vladimir Dlouhy, Hungarian Minister for International Economic Relations Bela Kadar, Polish Minister for Foreign Economic Cooperation Leslaw Podkanski and Slovak Economic Minister Jan Ducky. The introductory evaluation of the Central European Free Trade Association's [CEFTA] agreement, for the short time which it has been in force, confirmed that the mechanism was effective in its support of the aims of the contracting parties, and was thus contributing to the development of international trade and the world economy. The report announced the near completion of the negotiations which had been taking place in the last few months on the further lowering of tariffs and other obstructions for industrial products and the extending of concessions for agricultural products, in the interest of the continuing liberalisation of trade. During today's meeting, ministers expressed willingness to continue in attempts to also remove the remaining tariff and non-tariff obstructions to trade, including obstructions in the agricultural sector. The delegations firmly believe that by the end of 1997 a free-trade zone will be formed for the 65 million inhabitants of the CEFTA countries. The CEFTA agreement was a good example for the liberalisation of trade, the ministers said, adding that they welcomed the process of negotiation and implementation of bilateral agreements on free trade between the individual CEFTA countries and third countries. Association agreements with the European Union, as well as the agreements on free trade with the European Free Trade Association (EFTA) were the basic means by which the obstructions to a considerable amount of trade would be blown away in a relatively short time, and were important milestones in the integration process of CEFTA countries into international trade, the ministers said. They expressed the hope that in the future no measures with protectionist elements would be passed, such as anti-dumping measures, if these were not fully justified. As far as the results of the Copenhagen summit of the European Community were concerned, the ministers praised the additional trade concessions offered to the CEFTA countries, although they also said they |
FBIS3-30781_7 | Opposition Condemns Serbo-Croatian Agreement | Has Recognized the Serbian Republic Not only the Croatian opposition, but also many foreign media houses, and even diplomats, have assessed that the Croato-Serbian agreement constitutes a pressure on Muslims, so that Zvonko Lerotic, the president's personal adviser, states that "the Muslims are thereby forced to make similar agreements with Croats and Serbs, because it is suicide to wage war with two states that are about to find a common language." By this statement, Lerotic has almost confirmed the speculations that the agreement is about a military alliance of Croats and Serbs. Such theories, which are not alone in the international press, find support in another agreement that was also signed in Geneva -- which the Croatian opposition ostensibly did not notice, to the great surprise and almost astonishment of all, and consequently did not comment on, although the integral text was published in Croatian newspapers -- the agreement signed between Mile Akmadzic, on behalf of the Croatian Republic of Herceg-Bosna, and Nikola Koljevic, on behalf of the Serbian Republic, in which both sides emphasize that "there are no disputed issues between them that cannot be solved in a peaceful way." Quote: "Two republics have decided to establish diplomatic relations, so that the Serbian Republic will open an office in Mostar, while the Croatian Republic of Herceg-Bosna will open an office in Sarajevo (Pale)." Thus Croatia has actually eliminated the quotation marks from such terms as so-called, self-called, or self-proclaimed, thereby recognizing not only the FRY, but also the Serbian Republic. In that act, many people are likely to see only a logical course of what was happening as early as in 1990 in Karadjordjevo, when Tudjman and Milosevic discussed, for the first time, the partition of Bosnia. However, as for the Croats and what they have now (of course, provided that no secret annex to the agreement exists), they did not need the war, because by it they only lost, rather than profited. Of course, the fact that Croatia did not start the war remains undisputed, but many are confused by the fact that the erstwhile ally has become the main enemy now, and cannot explain why that happened. The Croatian estimates say that, by the Geneva agreement, the possibility of the second Serbo-Croatian war, which the foreign experts were quite positive might break out in spring, has been thereby removed, but, when speaking of Muslims, all possibilities remain |
FBIS3-30808_8 | Pawlak on Coalition Situation, `Partnership' | right thing to do since it is about time to put an end to historical divisions, and it is time to start talking about the problems. I think that, when one looks at the current situation, amidst all the emotions linked to all of the personnel issues, what struck me was that so little attention was paid to such an important event as the treaty of association with the EEC, which became effective on 1 February; the signing of the "Partnership for Peace" that took place on 2 February; or even the processes that are taking place here in Poland--I mean the issue of talks between the government and employers on one hand, and trade unions on the other. These talks are conducted by Deputy Prime Minister Cimoszewicz and [Labor] Minister Leszek Miller. During these talks, such issues are debated as the economic system's fundamental parameters and also the parameters of the program we will implement in the near future and in the following years. There was little talk, for instance, about yesterday's meeting between [Industry and Trade] Minister Pol and the miners trade unions. I think these--at least the last two cases I mentioned--are the kinds of events that determine our ability to conduct talks together and look for solutions. We talk in a peaceful manner and not through various kinds of protests or street demonstrations. These are also factors shaping our reality today. I think we should make a joint effort so that journalists not only focus on easily visible sensations but devote at least a little of their time to significant and serious problems. Perhaps these do not provide as many emotions as.... [Woyciechowski, interrupting] As the case of [recently dismissed Deputy Finance Minister] Kawalec or of Bank Slaski? [Pawlak] Or as some cases of ice skating and broken legs [not further identified]. But these problems are certainly important, and we must maintain the right proportions or else what we have then is the impression that, practically speaking, life at the top is just made up of nothing but sensations, and those processes that provide fewer emotions and occupy more time of the people concerned--these are almost completely ignored. That is also a comment against the background of debates or criticism concerning the Cabinet's information policies. I think that to talk about information policies is quite ridiculous to begin with. That is because I do not think |
FBIS3-30836_12 | Cosea Discusses Problems of Economic Reform "My Joining the Party Cannot Be Interpreted As an Adherence Coming From My Heart and Soul" "If They Do Not Sign the Accord With the IMF, My Offer To Resign Remains Valid" "What Romania Needs Now Is a Coalition Government Including All Opposition Parties" "Oscillations Between the Limits Imposed by the Memorandum and the Limits of the Administration" | the National Romanian Unity Party [PUNR] or the extreme left-wing parties? [Cosea] The [PDSR's] alliance with the PUNR, for instance, is greatly disadvantageous. Abroad, they consider the PUNR an extremist party. Thus it is quite obvious that great difficulties will emerge again in Romania's international relations. This is something that worries me very much, because I lived through the period following the miners' incursion [in 1991 in Bucharest] and I know what it means to have to kneel, trying to justify and explain things and make promises all the time. [Lazar] What would be, in your opinion, the ideal government formula that could create a favorable image of Romania abroad? [Cosea] What Romania needs now is a coalition government including all opposition parties, that is, those that do not represent the current majority in parliament. Of course, this would also have a reverse side, namely that the parties of the current majority in parliament would also have to be included, and this practically means the setting up of a national union government. However, considering the incompatibility existing among certain parties, such a government is hardly achievable. [Lazar] How could they reach a convenient formula? [Cosea] I suppose that if they had held longer and more flexible negotiations, they could have managed to set up a party including all principal elements of the opposition. Such a thing would have resulted in two major advantages: First, Romania's image would have been different, and second -- this would have been fantastic -- political aversion would have been bypassed, as they would have set out from the idea that there are reformers in all camps. Reform is not the prerogative of the government party, or only that of the opposition. Another advantage is that they would have found an easier way to negotiate with the trade unions. "Oscillations Between the Limits Imposed by the Memorandum and the Limits of the Administration" [Lazar] The memorandum contains a number of stipulations that are already outdated or will soon be outdated, and therefore they will not be implemented (the draft budget has not been forwarded to parliament yet; the Restructuring Agency is not under the authority of the State Property Fund; the financial unblocking of companies is being done selectively, and so on). Do you not think that the government is using this period until the document becomes effective to pay off old scores instead of using |
FBIS3-30916_7 | President Views Domestic, Foreign Issues | As other examples show, delaying reforms, deeper but inevitable changes, cannot buy time. There is just a temporary illusion that the situation is under control, but the right thing to do is to crack a tough nut, and it will be a very tough one indeed. In my opinion, there is no other way. I hope that the people of Macedonia -- considering what we went through, that we managed to maintain peace and tranquillity -- will understand this is a step we must make so that, when the war ends, in the process of normalization, we could use this advantage, the fact that we were not involved in the war, to develop and arrange relations with other Eastern-European countries and with our neighbors. That must be an additional stimulus for us to succeed in this undertaking. Favoring the Moderate Option [Obradovic] New elections are supposed to be organized in Macedonia this fall. Do you expect some extreme options, whether Macedonian or Albanian, to get stronger at those elections, which could lead to straining political relations and the situation in Macedonia? [Gligorov] This is a regular election year in Macedonia and the elections may be a burden to some extent. Passions are always intensified in the election year, demands are maximized, people do things that trigger emotional reactions, conflicts. We must count on all that. However, I think the experience we gathered in the past two or three years, as well as global events in these parts have taught us we should look for peaceful solutions for our future. The people saw that the politics of extreme options does not lead anywhere. And the fact that extreme nationalism did not win here helped us to stay out of the war; otherwise, we would also be in the maelstrom of war. Naturally, I think it is not impossible that passion will be stirred up again, but in view of what I have just said, I think people are now aware of certain things and that they will favor the moderate option. [Box, p 6] U.S. "Blue Helmets" -- a Warning [Obradovic] The forces of the United Nations are here in Macedonia. Is that a certain guarantee that there will be peace in Macedonia and what do you think about their role? [Gligorov] That is a relatively small contingent. As a military force, it does not bring any significant changes in relations |
FBIS3-30916_10 | President Views Domestic, Foreign Issues | in particular, as a pivotal area for which, as you know, there have been many battles and wars in history. Therefore, the mission of peace-keeping forces has a dual role. One is to prevent -- therefore, those forces do not act after a conflict happens, they do not separate warring factions, but analyze the situation in order to predict possible conflicts and thus prevent them. In that sense, Macedonia is a very good example. The other role is that the presence of UN forces, especially of the contingent of U.S. soldiers, presents a kind of warning, a message to all who have a vested interest in Macedonia that, in case of conflicts or some events that would further complicate the situation with regard to the war raging in the north, it will simply not be accepted. [Box, p 7] Overcome Extreme Demands [Obradovic] Do you think that the rights of the Albanian minority in Macedonia have been protected in the right way or should some significant changes occur with regard to that? [Gligorov] Regarding the constitutional position of all minorities in Macedonia, I think their rights were rightfully established and protected. Many missions of the CSCE and other institutions came here to assess constitutional solutions. Among others, the well-known Badinter's Commission made up of Europe's top lawyers and presidents of constitutional courts, has also confirmed that those rights were protected. Much is yet to be accomplished in practice on both sides -- on one side, to transform that into everyday decisions that will in turn enable us to reduce tensions and, on the other, to eliminate some extreme demands that have not been fulfilled in any European country and that could only lead to increasing tensions. I think those demands are, first of all, a reflection of what is going on in republics of former Yugoslavia, i.e. in the Balkans, with regard to extremist nationalism and extreme demands that go far beyond what we are supposed to grant -- first of all, to strive toward building a civic state, then toward the European option, and then toward alleviating, opening up borders and barriers and thus enable free passage of people, creating new jobs, letting people decide where and how to live, in contrast to present desires of each of those countries to realize their own exclusively historic, national and some other pretensions, which can lead to escalation of those conflicts. |
FBIS3-30942_0 | Bosnia's Neighbors Meet To Discuss Crisis | Language: English Article Type:BFN [By Jean-Michel Stoullig] [Text] Geneva, Feb 9 (AFP) -- Foreign ministers from seven countries neighbouring ex-Yugoslavia met here Wednesday [9 February] to discuss the Bosnian crisis amid calls for NATO air strikes as Austria called for "the necessary action" to halt the carnage. Austrian Foreign Minister Alois Mock told the UN Human Rights Commission here before the ministers' meeting that "such terrible crimes cannot be accepted by civilized societies at the end of the 20th century." "The international comunity must take the necessary action to stop them," he said. Wednesday's talks here coincided with a meeting in Brussels of North Atlantic Treaty Organisation ambassadors debating whether to give the Bosnian Serbs a deadline to lift the siege of Sarajevo or face air strikes by the alliance's warplanes. But Turkish Foreign Minister Hikmet Cetin, who had been invited here by international mediators David Owen and Thorvald Stoltenberg, decided to stay in Ankara to "remain close to his government" pending any NATO decision, an official said. Pro-Moslem Turkey is a NATO member and on Wednesday said it was prepared to take part in any NATO air strikes in Bosnia. Pro-Serb Greece meanwhile said it would go along with any NATO decision. Ministers in attendance at the talks here were Mock, Albania's Alfred Serreqi, Bulgaria's Stanislav Daskalov, Greece's Karolos Papoulias, Italy's Beniamino Andreatta, Romania's Teodor Melescanu and Hungary's Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs Janos Hermann. None made a statement as they went into the meeting, which was also to focus on a 60-page document detailing the economic effects on the Balkans of the 1992 trade embargo against Belgrade. Owen and Stoltenberg want "to have the ministers' input on the issues of reconstruction and recovery in advance of a settlement," an official said. No statement was due to be issued after the session. The meeting had been scheduled before Saturday's massacre of 68 Bosnians at the Sarajevo market which triggered the latest debate on whether to use air power against Bosnian Serbs. Meanwhile, Bosnian Prime Minister Haris Silajdzic held talks with Croatian Foreign Minister Mate Granic ahead of a fresh round of multilateral Geneva talks from Thursday aimed at reaching a political settlement. They said at the half-way stage that their discussions had been "constructive." Granic said they had covered ways to end hostilities between Bosnian Croat forces and the mainly Moslem Bosnian Government Army in central Bosnia. The |
FBIS3-30950_1 | Granic, Silajdzic Agree on Joint Statement | president and minister for foreign affairs of the Republic of Croatia, and Haris Silajdzic, president of the government of Bosnia-Herzegovina, have agreed on the following joint statement, which we present in its entirety: 1. Both countries will send letters to the UN Security Council demanding international controls over Bosnia-Herzegovina's borders to achieve a peaceful solution. 2. The two sides have agreed that the commanders of the Croatian Defense Council [HVO] and the Bosnia-Herzegovina army, Generals Ante Roso and Rasim Delic, should meet within the next seven days to outline in conrete terms an agreement on a total cease-fire between the Bosnia-Herzegovina army and the HVO in all battlefields as the first step to the solution of all issues in the interest of the Croatian and Muslim peoples. 3. Both sides will speed up negotiations on an unconditional exchange of all prisoners, particularly the Mostar group, and cooperate in the search for missing persons. 4. Both sides agreed to continue their talks on all models of future Muslim-Croatian relations in Bosnia-Herzegovina and future relations between the two countries and to respect the agreements already finalized. 5. Agreement has been reached that, regardless of any future solutions, the return of all refugees should be secured following the restoration of peace. 6. Agreement has been reached that the talks should continue and intensify. Geneva, 10 February 1994. This joint statement was signed by Haris Silajdzic, General Ante Roso, and Mate Granic. The joint statement is a step toward the solution of Muslim-Croatian relations as well as of relations between the Republic of Croatia and Bosnia-Herzegovina, Mate Granic said following the signing of the joint statement. He maintains that the signed statement and the letters sent by ambassadors of the Republic of Croatia and Bosnia-Herzegovina to the United Nations in New York are a basis for appropriate action by the UN Security Council. The plenary session began at 1800 in Geneva's Palace of Nations where peace mediators Owen and Stoltenberg are talking to the representatives of the three peoples of Bosnia-Herzegovina. It is hard to say how long this session will last because of the irreconcilable standpoints of the Serbs and Muslims regarding the makeup of a commission which should investigate the circumstances surrounding Saturday's massacre in Sarajevo's marketplace. The Serbs insist on their own representative taking part in the commission's work, something that is being met with resolute disapproval from Muslims. [passage omitted] |
FBIS3-30972_2 | `Enormous' Solidarity Demonstration in Warsaw | the demonstration, Ursus unionists were competing with the supporters of the National Committee. When the former were shouting "Down with judecja [probably reference to the Democratic Union allegedly being dominated by Jews]" and "Down with Walesa," while National Committee supporters were chanting "Solidarity." "We do not want to die of hunger in line with the election promises," "Sejmocracy should be submitted for file-checking," "Instead of paying too much for electricity, let us chase the communists away from here," "Take your hands out of our pockets," "Nation is working, government is wasting," "Kuron gave soup, Miller showed his behind," "Communists are promising things, nation is suffering hunger," "SdRP-PSL [Social Democracy of the Polish Republic-Polish Peasant Party]: You have given us the games and circus. Now is the time for bread," were only some of the slogans heard during the demonstration. The most popular slogans were "Down with communism," "Communists--affair mongers," "Communists go to Cuba." "Where is your honor, where is the fatherland," people shouted in front of the URM, where there is the inscription "Honor, Fatherland." Lodz Region representatives were carrying an effigy representing Waldemar Pawlak (with horns) and Lech Walesa (wearing a ribbon with the word "Traitor" written on it). The effigy of Pawlak was burned in front of URM. The union members shouted: "Down with Miller, the affair monger" (Leszek Miller is a deputy from Lodz), "Lodz wants jobs, not the dole." The unionists threw a 1.5-meter red casket over the barriers surrounding URM. They carried, among other things, a black plaque with a white inscription: "The government, rest in peace." A railway orchestra was playing; one could hear whistles, trumpets; many participants of the demonstration were wearing union caps and shirts. In a speech in front of URM, Marian Krzaklewski said that the reason for the demonstration was, among other things, the fact that in another year characterized by economic growth, incomes are on the wane. "Solidarity" supports a "market-solidarity" state, and not a state of "capital oligarchy." If the latter is formed, "Solidarity" will overthrow it. Krzaklewski suggested that the work week be reduced by two hours, which he believes would allow us to decrease unemployment by approximately 300,000. The group of demonstrators from Ursus was not able to continue the demonstration from URM to the Belvedere, where they say "the greatest evil " lies. The determining factor here was the behavior of protesters from Gdansk Region. |
FBIS3-31018_1 | Commentary: NATO Threats Lead to Instability | to postponing peace negotiations indefinitely and forcing the Serbian side to make new concessions to the Muslims. As we already know, this has been used as an excuse for the world centers of power to exert pressure on the Serbs again, which was also demonstrated at the aforementioned NATO meeting in Brussels. It is no coincidence that Manfred Woerner, secretary general of that only remaining military-political alliance, was given the honor of triumphantly announcing one more ultimatum to the Serbs on the model of the one from the distant 1914. It is not surprising as it is coming from the German Woerner. He would like to settle the debts from the wars gone by. However, we are asking what we have done to our European allies and the United States to make them constantly threaten us. Perhaps by being on these regions for centuries, we are standing in the way of their cartographers who would like to delineate new spheres of interest on the already multicolored political map of the Balkans. And interests -- as their slogan says -- are stronger than distant war alliances and friendships. One should not therefore be surprised when current U.S. President Clinton frequently stresses that he harbors true fondness for better positions of the Bosnian Muslims, in which he is supported by a large group of oil-rich Islamic countries and France, Great Britain, and, of course, Germany, not to mention others. By reading more carefully the announcement of the NATO Council of 9 February, which obviously encroaches onto the powers of the UN Security Council, one notices an ultimatum-like demand issued to the Bosnian Serbs to withdraw heavy weapons to 20 km from the center of Sarajevo in 10 days starting from 10 February 1994 at 2400. The demand to Muslim authorities is to put their heavy weaponry under UNPROFOR [United Nations Protection Force] control within the same deadline and, as it is written, to refrain from attacks along the existing lines of confrontation in the city. Further on, it is pointed out that heavy weaponry of any of the sides which is found within the forbidden zone will be exposed to air strikes by the NATO forces which will be carried out in close coordination with the UN secretary general and in conformity with the decisions of the NATO Council. Even such as it is, this document could be a step toward the |
FBIS3-31038_0 | Editorial Views U.S. `Threat' on FRY Ties | Language: Hungarian Article Type:BFN [Endre Aczel editorial: "Passing on Responsibility"] [Text] If we strip certain issues to the bare facts, we will find that the United States of America has actually threatened Hungary lest it become closer to the rump Yugoslavia. The threat was contained in U.S. Foreign Affairs Spokesman McCurry's statement according to which the United States "views all actions that might ease Serbia's isolation with deepest concern." Before saying this, McCurry listed "plans" to broaden communication between Budapest and Belgrade. Plans that are known to Washington and condemned by it. We know that it is not usually inconsequential when a very large country says to a very small country that it is "deeply concerned" about what the latter is doing or is preparing to do. The lightest of such consequences is a reprimand. Foreign Minister Jeszenszky (or the Hungarian Government) has received this. In nearly four years, it has not had such a conflict with any western power, so this in itself indicates the gravity of the event. However, after all this introduction, what I have to say is that the Government of the United States is acting unjustly when it calls the renewed Hungarian-Serbian dialogue a source of danger that might "undermine" the UN embargo policy afflicting Yugoslavia. Washington's strictness with us is nothing other than camouflage of its own (many times proved) lack of a concept, a kind of searching for responsibility elsewhere. So, who is actually "undermining" the embargo policy here? Hungary, which is heroically adhering to the embargo policy that is far too costly for it, was only an observer, rather than a participant, in the German-French efforts that actually held out the possibility of ending the sanctions, providing that the Serbs fulfill certain conditions. However, without expressing its opinion, the United States itself was also an observer. (At that time, Clinton was very much occupied with NAFTA [North American Free Trade Agreement], APEC [Asia Pacific Economic Community], and GATT....) Therefore, the end of the sanctions policy did not even originate in Hungary. This makes it even more interesting that, at the time, Washington did not reprimand Paris and Bonn, and why it did not later reprimand the Bosnian Muslims who swept the entire promising German-French plan (including the already implemented Serbian and Croatian allowances) off the table, and this is how the sanctions policy remained in force. Well, ever since, we have not |
FBIS3-31045_0 | Zhelev Statement on Air Strikes Reported | Language: Bulgarian Article Type:BFN [Text] On 13 February President Zhelyu Zhelev departed for Brussels, where he will sign the documents regarding joining the Partnership for Peace initiative. This is how he described prior to the departure his position regarding NATO's ultimatum related to eventual air strikes against the Serbian positions around Sarajevo: [Begin Zhelev recording] Our position is clear and unchanged. One must remember that we are not involved in the decisions and in the actions. Consequently, posing the question whether Bulgaria supports or opposes the air strikes is unfair to Bulgaria. We participate very actively in the embargo. In this sphere we have a categorical commitment to the policy of the international community. However, we cannot do more than this because we are a Balkan country. If Yugoslavia was located say, in the Apennines or in the Pyrenees, rather than in the Balkans, then we could assume a more categorical position, or send Blue Helmets there. However, now we cannot do even this. We appeal to all Balkan states also to refrain from military participation in this conflict. [end recording] In an interview for Radio Bulgaria earlier today President Zhelev declared that Bulgaria cannot remain outside the Partnership for Peace initiative, which encompasses all new democracies. According to him, this initiative is an important step toward our regular membership in NATO. According to President Zhelev, sooner or later Russia will also join this initiative under the force of the natural development of affairs. Mr. Zhelev pointed out that there is no reason for any confrontation between the new democracies and Russia and especially between Bulgaria and Russia. If in Bulgaria there are certain circles -- communist, neocommunist, or postcommunist -- who view our joining NATO as a confrontation with Russia they do not understand the historical development of the process, the president said. |
FBIS3-31048_2 | Berisha, Malta's Tabone on Cooperation, Bosnia | they will be strengthened in the future, because this is a desire of both countries and our two politicians. Further, Mr. Tabone pointed out the fields of cooperation. At the end, according to the statements they made, both presidents were of the opinion that, beside the defined fields, other fields of cooperation exist, which will be studied by experts in the near future. Later they answered questions. Questions and answers were, of course, numerous. We have set apart some of them. A reporter asked Mr. Tabone about air strikes in Bosnia. Mr. Tabone replied that the question of air strikes in Bosnia is very complex and belongs both to NATO and the United Nations. That is why, he said, I cannot give you any kind of opinion regarding this problem. Another question addressed to Mr. Berisha was: What will the Geneva regional conference, in which our Foreign Minister Alfred Serreqi will participate, bring about? Mr. Berisha said that this is a consultative conference and it will serve to sensitize all institutions, and particularly NATO, to undertake actions that have been trumpeted for a long time ago, such as selective air strikes against Serbian positions in Bosnia. Another question was addressed to Maltese Foreign Minister Guido De Marco. The question was this: You have been to Albania three times. Do you see any political and economic changes? He answered very categorically: Yes. I see great political and economic changes. This is the desire of the Albanian people, De Marco continued, who have reached these great progresses due to democracy. Another question, which seemed important to us, was that addressed to Mr. Berisha regarding the siting of two U.S. planes in Albania. Berisha gave this answer to the question: We have cooperated and continue to cooperate with NATO, the United Nations, and we have signed a memorandum of cooperation in the military field with the United States. Berisha said there is nothing new, because NATO ships that patrol for any violation of the embargo imposed against Serbia and Montenegro have sailed, and continue to sail, in Adriatic waters. Thus, the setting up of two planes was considered by Berisha as a remarkably normal thing in the framework of the cooperation between Albania and NATO, Albania and the United Nations, and Albania and the United States. This was a general view of the news conference that just ended at the Palace of Culture. |
FBIS3-31054_1 | Assembly Official on NATO Action in Bosnia | Generally speaking, I am not very pleased about such letters, but I repeat that I am not acquainted with the text. I remember another similar letter from the former Turkish president, and this is the second case. I am convinced that Bulgaria, which by its behavior has demonstrated that it is conducting a pragmatic foreign policy, does not deserve to be treated in such a manner. [Vaseva] It is strange that Demirel has not sent similar messages to other Balkan countries, such as Greece, for example. Could it be a sign that the world outside does not regard our "categorical" stand as "unmistakably categorical?" [Slatinski] It is a fact that Bulgaria is maintaining a passive attitude, which almost borders on coolness. I cannot reproach those who are in charge of our foreign policy for this attitude, because they are acting according to the trends and framework set by our parliament regarding the Balkan crisis. First: Bulgaria categorically supports the peaceful settlement of the problem. Second: Bulgaria shall not get involved in the conflict under any form, or under any aegis whatsoever. Third: Bulgaria appeals to all the neighbor countries to imitate its example of non-interference. Fourth: Bulgaria is in favor of preserving Bosnia-Herzegovina's whole territory as one single state. Fifth: Bulgaria is against lifting the arms embargo. This is what the National Assembly has declared and it represents the framework of our government's foreign policy, to which the Bulgarian president should adhere as well. [passage omitted] [Vaseva] If, God forbid, NATO should decide to attack Serb positions in Bosnia -- what is awaiting us? [Slatinski] This is exactly my opinion. I always think that the political forces could have defined their stands a little more precisely. I have the feeling that Bulgaria's political elite does not seem to have noticed the danger. I doubt that the decision will come through, because of Russia's stand, which is decisive. If NATO should still decide to take this step, the world is likely to become even more unpredictable. Europe's greatest mistake was to say that the disintegration of Bosnia-Herzegovina is caused by ethnic reasons, and we believed this version. No! The disintegration was allowed to occur according to religious principles instead! A process which is very difficult to control has started and it is not quite clear what negative results it might involve for Bulgaria. A bomb of destabilization likely to destroy us |
FBIS3-31061_1 | Opinion Poll Puts MSZP Ahead of Fidesz | albeit to a small extent every month, and it showed a 4 percent increase in January compared with December. The opposite trend can be seen in the case of the Federation of Young Democrats [Fidesz], the party that is currently in second place. Compared with September 1993, the number of Fidesz supporters fell by almost half. The Hungarian Democratic Forum [MDF], a party that almost doubled its percentage of supporters in the days of the funeral of its leader and prime minister, is currently in third place on the popularity list. Although the number of its supporters dropped by 3 percent from December to January, the MDF has not enjoyed such a high level of support since April 1993. The popularity of the Alliance of Free Democrats [SZDSZ] is also increasing. The number of potential SZDSZ voters is roughly equal to the number of MDF supporters, and is close to the level achieved by Fidesz. The survey also asked the people the following question: "Which party would you vote for if elections were held this coming Sunday?" About a fifth of the people (22 percent) answered "I do not know", and 11 percent said that they would not go to vote. Thus, people who support a party make up two-thirds of the entire population, and we will call them "people who answered." The size of this group was considerably smaller in one case only, namely during the survey carried out at the time of Antall's funeral. At the time, mainly as a result of an increase in the number of uncertain people, people with a specific party preference made up 60 percent of the adult population in Hungary. The Gallup Institute also measured the people's readiness to vote with the help of a two-tier scale. The question was as follows: "The number 7 on this card means that someone is very sure he would vote if elections were held next Sunday. Number 6 means that he is sure. On the other side of the card, number 1 means that he is very sure he would not vote, and number 2 means that he is sure he would not vote. The other numbers represent the various levels between these two intentions. Where would you put yourself on this scale?" Some 68 percent of the people interviewed in January 1994 said that they were "very sure" or "sure" that they would vote. |
FBIS3-31080_1 | Yugoslav Army News Conference on NATO Threat | envisaged, all peace efforts would be annulled and we would enter a new dangerous stage with unforeseeable consequences, Colonel Vuksic stressed. [Begin Vuksic recording] NATO's decision, if it is indeed that, represents a precedent in international relations and is virtually making NATO equal or superior to the world organization. As far as we know, on the basis of the agreements, consultations, and mandates given to NATO hitherto, this organization does not have the right to make decisions on air strikes, preventive air strikes, and on punishing, carrying out reprisals against the warring sides, unless it was given a clear task by UNPROFOR [UN Protection Forces] as to what side is violating what has been agreed, and how it is doing it, how it is not implementing what has been agreed on. This was not done in this case, and NATO, with its decision, is threatening to disturb the system of relations, the current system of relations in the world organization, and to abuse, use the world organization in order to implement or carry out acts that would mean not only the end of peace operations in Bosnia-Herzegovina, but also the escalation of the war conflict on the territory of that former Yugoslav republic, the Balkans, and perhaps further afield. [end recording] [Stankic] Colonel Vuksic stressed that he did not know what the real aim of the decision was, but that it represented a dangerous precedent, and that he hoped that such a decision would not be carried out after all. In reply to correspondents' question whether the Yugoslav Army would respond if air strikes did take place, Colonel Vuksic said: [Begin Vuksic recording] The Yugoslav Army has its tasks and it must follow the situation and react to the events in the surrounding. I would like to remind you of the principled stand of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia that we will not obstruct in any way peace activities of the United Nations and other members of the international community involved in the settlement of the Yugoslav crisis. Such an act would certainly not constitute a peace effort, and, as I said, it would contradict everything that has been done and achieved so far. The behavior of the Yugoslav Army, of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, and other international and other interested parties would primarily depend on the behavior by the side that would take such an action. [end recording] |
FBIS3-31101_0 | Commentary Praises U.S. Recognition | Language: Macedonian Article Type:BFN [Commentary by Zoran Andonovski: "The Circle Is Closed"] [Text] The strategists of the U.S. State Department and the White House were probably not aware of what a small signature on the decision for recognition of Macedonia meant for the 2 million citizens "out there in the Balkans." It really is possible to paraphrase here the words of the first man who stepped on the moon -- Neil Armstrong -- "this may be a small step for the United States, but it is an enormous one for Macedonia." No matter which positions we start from in assessing the act of recognition and establishment of full diplomatic relations between Macedonia and the United States, it certainly is true it is of greatest political importance after the proclamation of the independence of Macedonia and its admission to the United Nations. Therefore, the process of international integration of Macedonia has come full circle, and Macedonia has passed a thorny road full of obstacles in confirming its own position, its own policy, its model of organized state in the last few years, always starting from the positions of a small but peaceful country in the center of the Balkans. If Macedonia needed a final proof that the United States wants Macedonia to exist and survive, the proof is here. The Macedonian official foreign policy assessed the recognition as a logical ending of the efforts involved in the past period in persuading the world not only of the endurance, but also of the democratic orientation and peaceful policy of our country. The more emotional ones assess the great success of the Macedonian diplomacy as a jewel in the crown of the recognitions that Macedonia has experienced since the proclamation of its independence. It is an indisputable fact that the diplomatic strategy and tactics applied in the past period produced results and that the meticulous and cautious policy convinced all those who were skeptical. There is also the fact that the biggest and most influential economic, political, and military force in the world, by recognizing Macedonia, made it clear that Macedonia is in its interest, and that it will contribute to the promotion of stability in the region by this act. If we assess the activities of the Macedonian diplomacy, we must admit that the success is even greater because it was achieved without any preconditioning by the state which, to be honest, |
FBIS3-31113_0 | Stoltenberg on EU `Action Plan' for Bosnia | Language: English Article Type:BFN ["Pool" item] [Text] Geneva, Feb 12 (TANJUG) -- Co-chairman of the conference on former Yugoslavia Thorvald Stoltenberg stated on Saturday that peace in Bosnia-Herzegovina was nearer now that the three warring sides agreed that the action plan of the European Union (E.U.) would serve as the basis of future negotiations. At the close of three-day talks on Bosnia-Herzegovina in Geneva on Saturday, Stoltenberg told newsmen that this plan presumes a union of the three (Serb, Croat, Moslem) republics in Bosnia-Herzegovina. The Moslem republic would cover 33.56 per cent of the total territory of Bosnia-Herzegovina, while the U.N. and E.U. would take up administration over Sarajevo and Mostar, respectively. Representatives of the three warring sides agreed to meet again in Geneva late February or early March. Bosnian Moslems accepted a two-year U.N. administration of Sarajevo, but only within an integral peace solution for Bosnia-Herzegovina -- not a "separate agreement", Stoltenberg explained. Stoltenberg favourably appraised the fact that a debate was raised about territories as the most delicate question. As was originally planned, the confidence and security build-up measures alone should have been discussed, while the opening of hot-lines amongst the three military commands was agreed. The delegation heads of the three warring sides have not resolved the problems of 15 controversial territories. As Stoloenberg put it, the Moslems and Croats still lacked the common language about seven towns in central Bosnia-Herzegovina, and so did the Serbs and Moslems concerning eight localities in eastern and western Bosnia-Herzegovina. Stoltenberg said it was significant that the latest round of talks at least clarified the general concept of a future Bosnia-Herzegovina so that all the sides had now accepted the idea of a union of three republics. It was also accepted that the Serb-Moslem talks at Sarajevo Airport should resume, while the Croat-Moslem group for Mostar should meet on February 16 to work out the details concerning the E.U. administration of this town. Stoltenberg was confident that the U.S. would favourably act on the outcome of the peace talks when he recalled that he and Lord Owen, as co-chairmen of the conference on ex-Yugoslavia, had long lacked support in their negotiation efforts before the more active inclusion into this process of the E.U. in November and December, and, most recently, of the U.S. and the Russian Federation. Asked whether he feared the U.S. might come out with a proposal that should |
FBIS3-31121_6 | Foreign Ministry Spokesman on NATO, Sarajevo | 1990 in Krakow, the Visegrad Group was established with a big bang. This Visegrad Group comprised Poland, Czechoslovakia, and Hungary; apart from developing close economic cooperation, these three countries decided to build up political cooperation and make efforts to join West European structures. Does the Visegrad Group still exist? [Dziemidowicz] Yes, it does. I will not say that it is in good shape; it is going through a crisis. However, I will say what Mark Twain once said: The rumors about the death of this group are quite premature. It is merely.... [Bninska, interrupting] Is it angina or perhaps lung cancer? [Dziemidowicz] I would say it is angina, but not in the most acute form. Please note that the public is being informed about very spicy details from the statements of various politicians which undermine.... [Bninska, interrupting] Including the prime minister? [Dziemidowicz] Which undermine, although not entirely, certain forms of the functioning of the Visegrad Group; we think that there are no such forms, such as the striving for institutionalization. Now, the Visegrad Group is functioning quite well. I am saying this on the basis of MSZ experience at lower levels, where consultations are held. In the individual countries where there are embassies of the four.... [Bninska, interrupting] However, what do these consultations yield? [Dziemidowicz] A lot. Many joint initiatives; first of all we inform one another about what we are going to do in this or that area. This is extremely important. [Bninska] The agreement, signed a few years ago in Krakow, also envisioned the establishment of a duty-free zone between these three states. Has this zone been established? [Dziemidowicz] This duty-free zone has already been established and it will be extended, or deepened, as it were. Namely, as the years go by, we will broaden the list of goods that can be bought or sold in Visegrad Group states without great difficulties. Also, as a result of internal discussions, the process of establishing the free trade zone has been expedited. At the beginning, in line with preliminary plans, the finalization of this project was supposed to be in the next century. Now we are certain that it is a matter of several years. [Bninska] How did the Visegrad Group become ill? I understand that from the economic point of view, it is functioning so-so. Why is it not so that these states do not unanimously defend each other |
FBIS3-31123_1 | Saryusz-Wolski on European Integration | at transforming and modernizing our country, and the completion of the integration of Central Europe in the interests of both Western Europe and Poland itself. Following the fall of Communism in 1989, Europe entered into a period of essential structural transformation, a complex, long-term process. In the eyes of the postcommunist countries, this process goes hand in hand with the task of defining their place within the new European structure. We are seeing an entirely unique opportunity presenting itself in Europe. Throughout its history, Europe has rarely been at peace and has never been unified. Now, the opportunity for a unification of this kind would appear to be emerging. This conjunction of new European realities, the awareness of new needs, and the possibility of creating a unique opportunity constitute a major challenge for the political architects of Europe. In Central and Eastern Europe we are experiencing a rapid differentiation of the pace of political and economic transformation in its various parts. Poland and its partners in the Visegrad group (Hungary, the Czech Republic, and Slovakia) are already operating on the basis of principles identical to those of their Western partners. However, the general division of Europe is partially persisting: The Iron Curtain has turned into a line demarcating prosperity. Tradesmen's Europe Although Europe has always been divided along the lines of the prosperity of its societies, this division is currently making itself most keenly felt as a result of the cessation of antagonism between the Western and Eastern blocs. It would be impossible to neglect this division. Such a socioeconomic variant of the old politico-military division of the continent is, in the longer term, exerting a destabilizing effect on Europe. The consequences of the illegal arms traffic, of organized crime, of uncontrolled migratory movements, of ecological catastrophes, and of the phenomena associated with economic crisis will not merely affect the eastern part of the continent. The appearance of a new wall would put an end, in the political sphere, to all that Europe has achieved since the changes of 1989-90 and that it has quite rightly raised to the rank of something of common value. At present, we are witnessing three parallel phenomena in Europe: integration, the reemergence of nationalism, and intranational divisions. The process of Western European integration within the context of the European Union, initiated by the founding fathers of Europe--Robert Schumann, Jean Monnet, De Gasperi, Spaak, Adenauer--is |
FBIS3-31125_3 | Daily Reports on Alleged Arms Sales | thanks to this the Americans knew what weapons were being used there by the Russians. One of the main transactions came in 1987: the purchase, through the German Democratic Republic and Czechoslovakia, of 12 T-72 tanks, which the Pentagon had not been able to obtain in any way before. Another important purchase was also the newest Soviet air-defense system, bought by CIA at the time when power in Poland had already been taken over by the Mazowiecki government, but Jaruzelski was the president and MON was still controlled by the communists. The arms, which later reached the United States, were often supposed to be destined for Syria or Libya. It once happened that officers met in Western Europe with CIA agents and discussed the conditions of the transactions, writes THE WASHINGTON POST. The daily claims that the main motive of the Poles was either the desire to obtain hard currency, or perhaps also the desire of some highly- placed employees of MON to "protect themselves for the future." The purchases that the Americans made in Poland were of great intelligence value for them. It is enough to say that after they saw the details of the newest Soviet radars, they greatly improved the "Stealth" technology, which made it possible for them to build aircraft undetected by radars. In the meantime, Colonel Marian Moraczewski, Polish military attache in Washington, told the correspondent of RZECZPOSPOLITA that he knows nothing about the transactions described in THE WASHINGTON POST and that he has nothing to say about this matter. "Perhaps Cenzin, as a trade company, made some kind of transactions; however, it is very unlikely that this happened on such a scale." According to Colonel Moraczewski, the Polish Government could not take part in such operations; these transactions, in turn, were not possible if the government did not know about them, because "the Defense Ministry is a highly centralized structure." "The fuss that is being made about it is unnecessary now," said Colonel Moraczewski; he added that such a publication would certainly make Poland's eastern neighbors more suspicious. "No one knows anything certain in this matter," RZECZPOSPOLITA learned from its interlocutors, while trying to obtain some comments on the publication in THE WASHINGTON POST. "We Can Only Speculate" ...we were told by a high official connected to the authorities in the 1980's, who wants to remain anonymous; however, the entire affair seems improbable. "This |
FBIS3-31125_7 | Daily Reports on Alleged Arms Sales | only way that the Soviet arms could reach the United States was through... The Original Sale of Them to Third Countries According to our informers, there were two ways the West could come into possession of the weapons used by the Polish Army: First: The intelligence services of a Western state, not necessarily those of the United States, were able to skillfully approach the proper Polish establishments. By presenting a fictitious company, they, or rather the company, could argue that the weaponry was needed by some independence organization, some liberation movement in the Third World. In the opinion of our interlocutor, it could have been then that the political decision concerning the sale could be made. In such a case, only Cenzin's predecessor and the military special services could know about the possibility of exporting the arms. The second possibility, which is considered to be the most probable, is access to the Soviet and Polish weapons in countries outside of Europe, mainly in the states of the Near East. "The Americans had access," stated General Kusmierski, "to Soviet weaponry mainly in Israel, Syria, and Egypt, where it was left as a result of the warfare between Israel and Arabic countries. Poland exported tanks and helicopters to Syria and Libya. The former MON employee told us that the Near East and India usually had more modern Soviet equipment than Poland did. Wlodzimierz Lozinski, a close aide of Wojciech Jaruzelski who maintains contacts with him, as well as the interpreter during the interview with the author of the text in the American daily, remembers the general's statements very well. Jaruzelski assured Weiser that he did not know anything about whether or not MON gave anyone in the West any weapons or technical and technological blueprints. "However, in his interview for THE WASHINGTON POST, the general did not rule out the possibility," we were told by Lozinski, "that the weapons could be exported to third countries and were intercepted by the Americans." In view of the fact that the author of the article quotes CIA sources, it is difficult to polemize with him. MON Spokesman, Colonel Wieslaw Rozbicki told the television "Wiadomosci" that the ministry had been taken aback by the publication in THE WASHINGTON POST, and as a consequence, it was not prepared to respond to the article. He does not say, however, either "yes" or "no"; he must first verify everything. |
FBIS3-31136_0 | Gligorov Statement on U.S. Recognition | Language: Macedonian Article Type:BFN [Unattributed article including statement by President Kiro Gligorov: "Impetus Toward Peace and Stability"] [Text] Yesterday the United States and the Republic of Macedonia established full diplomatic relations. Yesterday afternoon the president of the Republic of Macedonia received the chief of the U.S. Liaison Office in Skopje, Robert Norman, who delivered the letter from U.S. President Bill Clinton informing him that the United States recognized the independence of the Republic of Macedonia and that full diplomatic relations were thereby established. The meeting was also attended by Foreign Minister Stevo Crvenkovski. Right after that, President Kiro Gligorov gave the following statement on the occasion of the establishment of diplomatic relations: "This event is of exceptional importance for the Republic. With this act the United States has confirmed its principled stand and support for the independence and territorial integrity of the Republic of Macedonia, as well as our country's democratic orientation and the development of peaceful policy. It was done in the spirit of U.S. sponsorship for the admission of the Republic of Macedonia to the United Nations, of proven support for the inclusion of the Republic of Macedonia into international financial institutions and organizations, as well as the delivered humanitarian and technical aid to our country. "U.S. recognition of the Republic of Macedonia represents a vital impetus for maintaining peace and stability in the south of the Balkans. The recent past has shown without a doubt that the independence and stability of the Republic of Macedonia represent the conditions for peace and stability in the region. "On this occasion, I would particularly like to assert that the Republic of Macedonia will continue with its efforts for the creation of a climate of good-neighborliness, understanding, and stability in the region. We firmly believe that stopping the war on the territory of former Yugoslavia, instituting normalization of relations among the countries in the region, and opening a new era of full economic, cultural, and political cooperation in the Balkans are of singular importance. Good-neighborliness is of a vital interest to Macedonian foreign policy. "Macedonia is ready to resume talks with Greece now, within the framework of the United Nations. We believe that we can reach an agreement on all open questions in our mutual relations as long as good will, preparedness for mutual understanding, respect of mutual interests for lasting good-neighborliness, and cooperation exist. Let me repeat, we are ready |
FBIS3-31163_0 | Melescanu: UN Involvement in Bosnia `Vital' | Language: English Article Type:BFN [Text] Bucharest ROMPRES, 10/2/1994 -- "The meeting's main purpose was to analyze the way how the countries in the region could assist in the implementation of the European Union's peace plan," said Romania Foreign Affairs Minister Teodor Melescanu on his return from Geneva, where he attended an informal meeting of the co-presidents of the international conference on former Yugoslavia with the foreign ministers of the countries neighboring ex-Yugoslavia and of Greece, in its capacity as current president of the European Union. Teodor Melescanu said that the future of the economic cooperation in the area after the extinction of the conflict, the embargo consequences incurred by the economies of the neighboring countries, as well as the possibility of retrieving the losses were further themes of major interest discussed during the meeting. "Also, it was accepted for the first time now that a political-military equilibrium should be achieved in the area. And I believe that even the fact that the necessity was mentioned of continuing such contacts among the neighboring countries, including at a higher level, is a recognition of Romania's idea as to the contribution of the countries in the area to seeking a solution for the peaceful extinction of the conflict," Teodor Melescanu added. Referring to the latest decisions of the North Atlantic Alliance, the Romanian foreign minister said that "the only problem now is to find concrete possibilities for the withdrawal and especially of monitoring its observance. I am afraid there is the danger in this period of all kind of attempts to cause incidents, so I believe a very serious involvement of the UN forces will be vital." |
FBIS3-31164_1 | Foreign Ministry Presents Diplomatic Agenda | affairs of Yugoslavia and with the minister of culture and relations with diaspora of Serbia. The visit is an expression of the Romanian Foreign Ministry's preoccupation of maintaining a continuous dialogue with the Romanian nationals living in Yugoslavia and of finding, together with the Yugoslav authorities, the means of full expression of their ethnic, language, cultural and spiritual identity, said Romanian Foreign Ministry's Assistant Spokesperson Simona Miculescu. A Romanian delegation will attend a meeting on February 11, in Athens, of representatives of the European Union, the six states associated to the European Union and the Baltic states, to discuss a draft pact of stability in Europe. Romania will reiterate its support for a pact ensuring stability in Europe through the promotion of good-neighborly relations among states, will underscore the precedence of the European Union's support to the reform and democratization processes in Central and Eastern European states, will promote the principle of frontier inviolability, will reassert Romania's readiness to entrench the European standards in the field of the rights of the persons belonging to ethnic minorities, the spokeswoman said. Referring to the consultations that are taking place on February 9 and 10 between experts of the Foreign Ministries of Romania and the Czech Republic, the spokeswoman said they were working on the updating of the bilateral relations through an intergovernmental protocol to discern which of the conventions agreed by Romania and former Czechoslovakia until 1992 are still effective and which are not. Talks are scheduled to take place today, February 9, in Bern, between secretaries of state of the Foreign Ministries of Romania and Switzerland, approaching issues of the Romanian-Swiss relations and seeking to find out joint actions aiming to develop these relations. The Romanian Foreign Ministry Secretary of State Gheorghe Tinca will have consultations by mid-February at the Foreign Affairs Ministries of Pakistan, Japan and the People's Republic of China. The state secretary's visit in Pakistan is going to be the first at such level after 1989. State Secretary Tinca will convey a message from Romanian Premier Nicolae Vacaroiu to Pakistan's Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto. The talks the secretary will have in Japan represent a continuation of the ones in Bucharest, in 1992. The consultations in the People's Republic of China follow the protocol signed earlier this year referring to the collaboration between the two ministries. During his three-state tour, Gheorghe Tinca will approach also international issues of mutual |
FBIS3-31175_0 | French Officials Discuss `Balladur Plan' | Language: English Article Type:BFN [Text] Bratislava, Feb 10 (CTK) -- After a meeting between Slovak representatives and a group of senior officials of the French cabinet today, Slovak Deputy Prime Minister Jozef Prokes expressed himself for creating such security guarantees in Europe which would prevent possible destabilization in case of a crisis situation. At the meeting, the aides of French Prime Minister Edouard Balladur, currently visiting Slovakia, discussed the questions of European stability and the preparation of a conference on the issue to be held in Paris at the end of May, said Bernard de Monteferrand, Balladur's diplomatic adviser, and Thierry Dan, the adviser for strategic affairs. Prokes said that "the opening of Western European markets will be the best aid for Slovakia," adding that European stability and the economic situation were interlinked. Prokes also praised creating the basis of stability at the bilateral level. However, he said, it would not be suitable to draft different models for Western European countries and for Central European states, as originally suggested in the Balladur Plan. Solution to ethnic minorities' status within the Balladur Plan cannot take into account the present situation alone, regardless of historical developments. "If the first is done, those countries could get advantage, which have got rid of their ethnic minorities," Prokes stressed. He said the French guests admitted that first it was necessary to recongnise the principle of unalterability of borders, and only then to solve ethnic minority problems. The Balladur Plan, now a joint initiative of the European Union, was conceived as a "preventative security" system directed toward countries having difficulty re-orienting themselves in postcommunist Europe. It is based on the ideas of the unalterability of state borders and individual rights for members of national minorities. As discussed by Slovak hosts and French guests on Wednesday, applying the plan involves inviting to a May 26-27 conference in Paris those states which are considered front-runners for European Union membership. This means in particular the members of the Visegrad Group -- the Czech Republic, Slovakia, Hungary, and Poland. |
FBIS3-31197_1 | Boross Meets Regional Ethnic Minority Leaders | Duray of the Coexistence Movement of Slovakia, Bela Bugar of the Hungarian Christian Democratic Movement of Slovakia, Andras Agoston of the Democratic Hungarian Community of Vojvodina, Sandor Fodo of the Cultural Association of Subcarpathian Hungarians, Arpad Pasza of the Democratic Hungarian Community of Croatia, and Maria Pozsonec of the Hungarian Minority Self-Governing Community of Slovenia's Mura region, in Budapest's Parliament. The meeting was also attended by World Federation of Hungarians President Sandor Csoori. According to the government spokesman's office, Boross stressed his desire to follow the late prime minister Jozsef Antall's political concept regarding native Hungarians in the Carpathian basin. In keeping with the government's August 1992 declaration, he proclaimed his continued support for all endeavors of cross-border Hungarians, formulated by their legitimate representatives in accordance with European integration ideas. Leaders of Hungarian organizations beyond the border confirmed this as the minimum which they expect from Hungary's government and which they regard as a basis for future relations with Hungary. The sides stressed the role of such links in strengthening Central European stability. Ethnic Hungarian leaders said they continue negotiations in an effort to attain recognition as a national community, enforce their regional and community self-governing rights on the principle of subsidiarity, and create partnership relations with the majority nations of their countries. To this end, they wish to use democratic means in expressing their political identity. Boross said the principles professed by legitimate Hungarian organizations are in full harmony with the basic ideas of European integration and the Maastricht Agreement. As several models similar to the plans for settling positions of the concerned communities have proven viable in Europe, the government of the Republic of Hungary supports the just endeavors of cross-border Hungarians by all possible, lawful means at their disposal. Participants of the meeting assessed previous efforts aimed at bringing about a European stability agreement. They stated that such an accord can only fulfill its mission in stabilizing Central and Eastern Europe if the governments and the legitimate representatives of the national communities reach an understanding on the legal status of the given community. The Hungarian Government believes this can also furnish adequate conditions for talks on the conclusion of bilateral agreements designed to ensure the region's long term stability. The sides noted major, positive steps in bilateral ties between both the governments and ethnic Hungarian organizations, and between Hungary and the governments of Croatia, Slovenia, and Ukraine. |
FBIS3-31215_1 | `Genocide' Would Cause Yugoslav Army To Fight | into halting such assistance that the UN imposed economic sanctions on Yugoslavia in 1992. The open involvement of the well-equipped VJ in the fight against United Nations servicemen in Nato aircraft would be a first step towards widening the Bosnia war and turning Nato's attempt to lift the siege of Sarajevo into the opening of a bloody new war. But according to Colonel Stojadinovic, Nato air strikes on Serbian artillery positions around Sarajevo do not by themselves appear to be a sufficient cause for the VJ to join the fray. "However," he added, "if it seems that the air strikes are aimed against Serbs (civilians), then this would be viewed as something completely different... It would be viewed as internationally legalised genocide. The result would be uncontrollable warfare." One problem facing Nato planes in an attack would be that many of the 100 or so big guns that enforce the Serbian siege of Sarajevo are perilously close to both Serbian and Muslim residential areas. The positioning of weapons near hospitals and public buildings is a tactic employed by all sides in Bosnia. Bombing raids would have to be precise in order to keep civilian casualties, euphemistically known as "collateral damage", to a minimum. When asked how the VJ would distinguish between "acceptable collateral damage" and "genocide", Colonel Stojadinovic replied: "Just as the attacker has a right to evaluate the criteria for target selection, those under attack have a right to determine if the concept of air strikes has exceeded acceptable boundaries... I am certain that in any bombing raids around Sarajevo, the least number of casualties would be among soldiers." Command of the VJ is vested in a body known as the Supreme Defence Council, comprising the presidents of Serbia and Montenegro and the armed forces' chief of staff. In practice the real power is with President Slobodan Milosevic of Serbia, who has overseen the VJ's transformation from a multi-ethnic, Communist-led fighting force, to an essentially Serbian professional army. The course the VJ steers will depend solely on the political ambitions of Mr Milosevic. "The final military position, of course, is dependent on politicians and state policy," Colonel Stojadinovic said. There was an element of bravado and rhetoric in what the colonel said, but the impression he gave was one of concern: "As you can clearly see, I am extremely worried." He compared the situation in the Balkans today to |
FBIS3-31231_2 | Importance of NATO Ultimatum to Bosnian Serbs | to the Bosnian Serbs is at the same time an indirect message to the Serb rebels in Croatia and to the military-police regime that is in power in Serbia. The content of the message is that they should put a time limit on their military actions on the territory of Bosnia-Herzegovina, that they should limit the use of certain kinds of weapons, and even limit the targets. Croatia received a similar message in late 1992. It accepted it and started creating the conditions for resolving the war by political means. Serbia and the so-called Srpska republic should not be expected to accept the NATO message-ultimatum from such prudent positions. They will accept it simply because they must accept it, and will observe it until they have to, and where they have to. This has been happening so far. During the past two years, the Serb armed forces were limited by time, space, and means, by which they were forced into a defensive, a strategic defense of the conquered territories. The first such limit was imposed on the sea front -- thanks to the activities of the Croatian Navy and the naval forces of the Western alliance. The strategy of Croatian defense and the liberation of the occupied territories was thus simplified. The significance of this at present is the inability of the Serb policy of conquest to indirectly improve the position in Bosnia-Herzegovina by threatening Croatia from the sea, that is, the all of southern Croatian and Herzegovina. The following such limit was imposed on the use of Serb air forces. It was also imposed toward the end of the war against Croatia, and supported during the war against Bosnia-Herzegovina by ultimatums and patrols by the allied air forces. Thus, the Serbian aggression against Bosnia-Herzegovina lost its second important strategic support. The third, most important strategic support of the aggression have been the land forces. Following the bad experience in Croatia, where they attempted to fight the classical way, these forces -- the only remaining ones -- could carry out the strategy of conquest only using ways and means employed in stifling Sarajevo or conquering the territory along the Drina River. The methods are familiar. They boil down to the expression "genocidal cleansing of desired territory." This -- and the NATO ultimatum does not mention it because it is not within its jurisdiction -- displays all the weakness of the |
FBIS3-31246_0 | Izetbegovic Protests as Serbs Shell Hospital | Language: Serbo-Croatian Article Type:BFN [Text] The aggression against Bosnia-Herzegovina continues to take its deadly toll, currently at its worst in the Bihac region, according to a letter sent today by Alija Izetbegovic, president of the Bosnia-Herzegovina Presidency, to (Cornelio Sommaruga), chairman of the International Red Cross Committee. An extremely fierce offensive has been going on for days. There have been many civilian casualties. The municipal hospital in Bihac is constantly being targeted by the shelling and over the last few days it has been hit on nine occasions. There have been 14 patients killed and the building itself has been seriously damaged, the letter reads. I urge you to declare that this hospital is in a neutral zone and to make it exempt from all enemy attacks by securing the permanent presence of the International Red Cross Committee delegates, the letter from President Izetbegovic to (Cornelio Sommaruga) concludes. |
FBIS3-31249_0 | POLITIKA on Croatia's Involvement in Bosnia | Article Type:CSO [Editorial Report] The 31 January issue of the Belgrade daily POLITIKA on page 7 discusses a "real political scandal" going on in Croatia regarding the issue of whether Croatia is directly involved in the war in Bosnia. The "affair" resulted from the appearance on Croatian Television's "TV Parliament" program "several evenings ago" of Vice Vukojevic, a deputy in the Croatian parliament and, until recently, chief of the security service in the Croatian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, who was wearing the uniform of the Croatian Defense Council [HVO], the army of Herceg-Bosna. Moreover, POLITIKA reports, Vukojevic, responding to a question from the program's host, "coolly answered" that he had been "a member of the HVO since 11 April 1992" with the rank of brigade commander, a rank above that of colonel. What is interesting about this affair, POLITIKA observes, is that Vukojevic's appearance in "a foreign uniform" provoked "quite a bit of surprise" among the Croatian public and even astonishment that Vukojevic was a member of the army of another country while holding a high position in the security service of Croatia. Of course, there are very few people naive enough to believe sincerely the official claims of Croatian leaders that the Republic of Croatia is not directly involved in the war in Bosnia-Herzegovina, POLITIKA states, adding that even Stipe Mesic, the president of the Croatian Assembly, could not deny this "very unpleasant fact." POLITIKA cites Mesic's statement in the 30 January edition of the Split newspaper FERAL TRIBUNE: "Nothing can be concealed, nothing denied, everything is accessible to everyone, even to foreign officials. Vice Vukojevic is a deputy in the Croatian parliament, and I saw him, just as you did, on television in the uniform of a foreign country. I do not know how he went there and how he received his rank, because I was caught by surprise, just as you were. Regardless of how it happened, this is the first case of a deputy appearing in the military uniform of another country." POLITIKA states that the Croatian public knew that "something serious was happening with regard to this issue" when the Social Democratic Union issued information that in Zagreb alone about 2,000 Croatian citizens born in Bosnia-Herzegovina were mobilized overnight and, following training in the Kroacija [formerly Marshal Tito] Barracks in New Zagreb, sent to the front in Bosnia. Those who refused to go were sent |
FBIS3-31255_0 | `Ethnic Cleansing' in Sandzak Viewed | Language: Serbo-Croatian Article Type:BFN [Article by Azem Hajdarevic: "Persecution of the Muslims"] [Text] The state of "Yugoslavia" has intensively been using various methods of ethnic cleansing in Sandzak. Media propaganda, police repression, and permanent killing and kidnapping of the Muslims have played the most important role in that. Through the Serbian and Montenegrin media, especially television and the daily press (POLITIKA EXPRES, VECERNJE NOVOSTI, POBJEDA...), the state is intensively spreading anti-Muslim propaganda. These state media misinform both the local and international public and cover up the dramatic position of the non- Serb population, especially the Muslims, in what is left of "Yugoslavia." This is evident from many examples and we are providing but a few. Twenty-five Muslims from Sandzak, from Novi Pazar, Sjenica, and Tutin, suspected of possessing illegal weapons, threatening the territorial integrity of the "FRY [Federal Republic of Yugoslavia]," and creating an independent state of Sandzak were put on trial on 31 January 1994, eight months after the suspects had been arrested. During the pre-trial investigation, the media, especially POLITIKA EXPRES, published numerous articles and three features accusing the suspects of terrorism, secession, and Islamic fundamentalism. The authors published those articles and features in collusion with police directly to influence public opinion, which is against the law. The pretrial investigation was much longer than permitted by law, and the suspects were interrogated by the police and then by the investigating judge without having their lawyers present, but the media failed to mention all this. Nor have the Serbian and Montenegrin media revealed the truth about how the suspects were treated when they were interrogated in Kraljevo prison, where they were tortured both physically and mentally in order to force a confession. New "Standard Language" Suspects are charged under Article 116 of the Criminal Law of the "FRY," although that law does not exist in this "Yugoslavia," for it was enacted by the Assembly of the former Socialist Federative Republic of Yugoslavia, so this law cannot apply. The attorneys of the arrested suspects, 12 of them, claim that this is a political show trial, that people cannot be tried for terrorist acts that they did not commit, but only for the illegal possession of weapons, which is again controversial, for it presents a one-sided application of the law for one section of the population, in this case the Muslims, and that is an obvious example of discriminatory policy in |
FBIS3-31257_0 | Report on Zhirinovskiy's Activities | Language: Serbo-Croatian Article Type:CSO [Article by D. Becirovic: "Zhirinovskiy: There Will Be No Bombing of Serbian Towns"] [Text] "Do you believe that NATO will indeed attack the Serbs from the air?" Vladimir Zhirinovskiy was asked today at a news conference. "This will not happen. They only want to affect the morale of the Serbs by threatening them. And if that should happen, there is a group of Russian officers in Europe who support me. They would use a secret weapon, unused thus far, which destroys any force in the air and on the ground, in order to cool off the Western heads that threaten attacks on peaceful towns in Bosnia. There will be no bombing whatsoever because they know very well how Napoleon and Hitler fared, and if they do not know we will once again show them," Zhirinovskiy said. Asked what he thought about independent Montenegro, Vladimir Zhirinovskiy stated that he believes that there should be two to three Orthodox states in the Balkans and that he opposes the creation of small states. "The West wants to introduce this in the Balkans in order to partition them. Because it wants to divide the Balkans: With Catholicism from the west and Turkey in the east, and the Germans would arrive from the north, Turkish and German would be spoken in the Balkans by the middle of the 21st century. It will not be able to do so because the Balkans are the land of Orthodoxy, where Serbian and Russian will be spoken," Vladimir Zhirinovskiy predicts. Speaking about the strategy of the West, Zhirinovskiy also said the following: "The time will come when the Western politicians will be standing in line so that I may receive them." Otherwise, Vladimir Zhirinovskiy, who came to Montenegro at the invitation of the Russian-Serbian Friendship Society, the Serbian National Renewal, and the Social Democratic Party of Montenegro, also talked this morning with a group of representatives of some opposition parties and was received by the secretary of the Democratic Party of Socialists (DPS), Svetozar Marovic. According to the information issued by Marovic's office, the guest was informed of the DPS efforts to resolve the conflict in the territory of the former Yugoslavia in a peaceful and democratic way, because the people are tired of wars and conflicts. "We must fight for our religion, our spirit, and our mind in order to survive in this area. |
FBIS3-31264_2 | Prime Minister Argues for Free Trade | this in the direction of the West, it is absolutely clear that it is our duty to speak at the same volume in addressing the East. [Danes] Are these steps towards breaking down the trade barriers a part of some broadly based international political concept? [Klaus] Everything must be placed in a much more general framework. In Central and East Europe but also in West Europe, the feeling gained prominence that integration equals integration of institutions. That is a completely wrong idea and confuses the issue. Integration does not at all have to be an institutional integration. It could be based on a simple breaking down of the trade barriers and opening borders. This way, every citizen is integrated with a citizen in the neighboring country, every businessman is integrated with a businessman abroad, every consumer benefits from having on the table a product from another country, etc. We really need to make room for interhuman relations in all spheres. What formal integrational steps the states have to take is only the icing on the cake and not the essential part. If we whip the cream before we bake the cake, as is the case in numerous integrational attempts around the world, we will not get far. Of course, the central evidence of people is only a technical modality of the entire process. I must go back to that whipping cream and cake: It simply is not possible to jump into something head first, if the essence is lacking. We know very well that numerous European countries have suddenly been discovering that charity begins at home, that they are French before they are inhabitants of the European Community. For this reason, the national card is being drawn much more often than one would expect, based on the statements of particular politicians in the past. [Danes] Do you believe that the physical removal of borders in West Europe is premature? [Klaus] A border as a barrier, wire, fence--i.e., tangible, palpable, which must be crawled under or climbed over--is one thing. It is another thing completely when the border is a rather symbolic affair. I believe that the borders that are 100-percent located in Europe will remain just symbolic borders, and that as long as can be foreseen. The fact that the borders in the sense of a tangible thing keep disappearing is a matter of course. Thus the borders in the |
FBIS3-31267_2 | Interpol Favors Using Security Services in Drug War | new. First of all, it is necessary for government and political officials to understand the seriousness of the threat represented by organized crime in the drug trade and to be aware of the kind of resources that it is necessary to use. I think, however, that they are aware of the benefit that will arise from combining efforts in an assault on these criminal organizations. Then, it is necessary to put the security services--this massive apparatus for acquiring and analyzing information--at the immediate disposal of the authorities involved in the struggle against drugs. [Sevela] Some politicians maintain, however, that the security and information services are already being used for this purpose.... [Kendall] Yes, but intelligence centers always have a tendency to act independently. According to my proposal, they should not operate separately and in isolation. They should be subordinate to the people supervising the struggle against drugs-related crime. [Sevela] It is possible somehow to prevent corruption in the offices intended to combat the drug trade? [Kendall] Your question touches upon one of the biggest problems. Organized crime is a source of huge profit and brings with it the possibility of corruption among officials in all posts, including the most senior ones. Therefore, it is important for all countries--but mainly those whom corruption most concerns--to introduce specific measures. [Sevela] You yourself are an advocate of balance between repression and prevention in the drug sphere. You have proposed orienting efforts toward restricting the demand for narcotics. Should East Europe proceed differently from West Europe? [Kendall] No, this problem is the same everywhere. Despite this, the countries of the former Eastern bloc are, to a certain extent, lucky because the majority of people there cannot afford the prices the traffickers demand for drugs. Another aspect is that many things from West Europe, including drugs, are attractive, especially to young people. Of course, it is possible to avoid the problems that afflict us by means of prevention. It is enough to learn from our experience, first and foremost, in restricting the demand for drugs and to try to stop them infiltrating into the country--something that is on the increase--until your economy improves. [Sevela] In what direction should prevention be oriented? [Kendall] It is simply necessary to explain to people that drugs are bad. It is necessary to explain the health risks from these dangerous toxic substances as is being done for tobacco and alcohol. |
FBIS3-31281_0 | Press Spokesman on Arms Sales | Language: Polish Article Type:BFN [Text] Zbigniew Ostrowski, press spokesman for the Ministry of Foreign Economic Cooperation, asked to comment on THE WASHINGTON POST article that reported on Poland's sales of modern Soviet military equipment to the United States, said that the matter should be treated as press revelations. Apart from this, in his opinion it is a matter for historians. Even if such sales did take place, they would have been secret and could now probably only be traced in the Ministry of National Defense. Zbigniew Ostrowski pointed out that the most modern Soviet weapons have never been available to Poland, so they could not have been sold to the Americans. He also emphasized that the United States does not make available the most modern weapons to its allies, either. |
FBIS3-31282_1 | Ex-Generals Deny Sales | United States. Such deals could not possibly have been legally implemented without my knowledge. I know of no cases involving weapons sales to the United States at all. We sold weapons to Syria, Libya, Iraq, Hungary, Bulgaria, and India. At that time, it was implausible to supply NATO member countries. Perhaps there was some kind of smuggling going on. But without concrete details, we cannot express any stance. It is mainly our own Polish-produced weapons that we sold." General Zbigniew Nowicki, former Polish Army chief technical inspector: "When I heard this news, I wondered why we should have sold these missile systems to the Americans if the Americans themselves obtained them straight from Israel following the helicopter sortie into Iraq. "Yes, we did sell Soviet weapons, but these were old tanks, helicopters, and airplanes, and only single units. This took place via the Central Engineering Administration. "It was impossible to sell modern weaponry from one camp to another. We in the Ministry of National Defense might not have known about every single deal. We would certainly have known about the big ones, but I cannot rule out the possibility of some petty smuggling. But it cannot have involved tanks, missiles, or radar equipment. "Perhaps one or two pieces of equipment might have been sold on a trial basis without my knowledge to countries to which we later sent larger quantities of weapons following a government decision. After all, just like today, there were lists of countries to which exports of our defense systems were prohibited. As our main enemy, the United States was on this embargo. "Such a deal could not have escaped the attention of Soviet intelligence, and no government would have risked cutting itself off from new licenses and new USSR weapon systems." General Czeslaw Kiszczak, former minister of internal affairs: "This is the first time I have heard of sales of Soviet weapons to the United States, and I exclude the possibility of such a deal having ever taken place. Of course, anything is possible in this world, but I do not think I could have been ignorant of such an issue. I was too close to General Jaruzelski, General Siwicki, and many generals on the General Staff. It would have been simply impossible for me not to know about it. "Another story is possible, however. We sold many weapons and systems to various countries, and one |
FBIS3-31291_1 | Jeszenszky Views Croat Relations, Balkan War | we discuss the present, the time of the former Yugoslavia, or the time of the Croato-Hungarian Compromise of 1868, which was also not bad. Naturally, we could discuss its implementation. However, if I am to talk about how relations between the two countries have developed since 1990, then I would like to say with the utmost sincerity that I am very happy that another "compromise" has been made between Croatia and Hungary. This one was much easier to make, since we are living in two states. Hungary never wanted to meddle in the relations among the peoples of Yugoslavia, but it also respected the will of the Croatian people when we realized that the Croats saw their future in an independent state. After Croatia established peace following a very difficult war, which peace is, unfortunately, still very fragile, political relations were established between Hungary and Croatia at all levels. Much has been done in the areas of economy and culture. Unfortunately, economic cooperation is not as strong and intensive as we would like it to be, which the war is largely responsible for. For instance, you see that Hungarian tourists have understood this unusual situation of the war being waged in certain parts of Croatia, while it is possible to swim in the Adriatic in peace, so there have been many on holiday in Croatia in the past two years. I think that, generally speaking, permanent and solid foundations have been laid for good relations between the two countries and two nations in this period. [Uranic] In your opinion, how does the war in the Balkans influence Hungary, and how does it influence the political situation in this part of Europe? Do you agree with those who say that "Europe is dying in the Balkans"? [Jeszenszky] The war in the Balkans is undoubtedly a burden to primarily the Balkan peoples, the peoples of the former Yugoslavia. The neighboring countries also feel the consequences of the war -- naturally not the way the people of Vukovar or Sarajevo have felt it, but Hungary does indeed feel the consequences of the war. We do not see this war as an American who sees it all on TV and thinks: "This is far away. What is happening there is terrible, but the main thing is that it is not here." This war is close to us, and the Hungarian people have shown their |
FBIS3-31295_1 | Klaus Still Opposed to NATO Air Strikes | by this: unfair in human terms? [Klaus] I said this in an open conversation on Thursday [10 February] and yesterday. I have not repeated it. [passage omitted] Let us leave behind this hyperbole. Of course, it poses the question first of all whether it is possible to reach some sort of stable solution only by military, or, to be more precise, by air attacks. We hold a certain opinion on this that is [word indistinct] at variance with the rest of the world. I think that today and everyday we repeatedly hear the opinions of politicians on one hand, and the views of military experts on the other, [the latter] saying that these air strikes could not be a lasting solution, [and] that after [air strikes], the army would have to move in. I admit that I believe in the analyses of military experts; they seem to me to be quite realistic. [passage omitted] [Weissova] Prime minister, you called upon the Slovak Prime Minister Meciar yesterday [14 Feb] asking that the Slovak side withdraw measures complicating the import of the Czech foodstuffs. At the same time, you said that it would be foolish if we answered in a similar way and that the Czech side would not consider this. What are the Czech Government's intentions if Slovakia does not withdraw these obstacles? [Klaus] When playing chess, I do not disclose my intentions after the first move. I am not going to tell you in advance what will be my second, third, fourth, and so on moves, as the other side can take various countermeasures. Please do not ask me for a ready-made script of our steps. We have to work on it alone and be prepared to implement it. If we demand a halt to any protectionism from the West as well as from the East, it is not wise to treat our neighbors in this way. Therefore, it seems to me that a one-sided action, same in kind--according to [words indistinct] tooth for tooth--is neither imaginative nor very wise. So let us keep the alternatives. I would be very glad if the Slovak Government assessed our proposal in order to make it possible for this measure (?to be discussed) by the first meeting of the customs union, at which certain concrete rules of these relations are to be established. Unfortunately, I cannot say anything wiser to better. [passage omitted] |
FBIS3-31298_8 | Prospects for `Partnership' Admission Viewed | list of priority matters of national security. Fortunately, European strategists and realistic politicians are placing more and more confidence in "the artfulness of history," that is in the belief that overcoming the Russian obstacle (complicated by the Zhirinovskiy factor) can easily be compensated. In this way, other items from the priority list are to be realized more quickly and completely, and the first item is to be left for later. Realizing the second goal would be done by means of a very tangible method. It concerns adapting to ways of cooperation among NATO members on the military level and beginning such cooperation this year on operations that are being opened up in the post-Cold-War period. For the Croatian Army, for instance, this would mean that it will have to get standard NATO weapons and equipment, or at least compatible ones, and that it will develop systems of education, training, exercises, communications, etc. totally compatible with NATO systems. Apart from that "hardware," the Croatian Army will have to single out units, make plans and define joint missions together with members of NATO and the PFP. It is planned that those will originally only be search and rescue missions, help in areas devastated by natural catastrophes, ecological treatment of areas contaminated by war, or basing military forces, and, on a higher level of cooperation, peacekeeping missions in crisis areas in Europe and elsewhere. The gradual implementation of the third goal, according to F. Wisner, political under secretary of the U.S. secretary of state for defense, has been globally determined for the next five years. During that period, some countries will gradually be admitted and guarantees will be given that there will be no new borders dividing Europe's east and west, but this will also be a period for the United States to assess the stability or irretrievablity of the democratization process in Russia. During that period, very few members of the PFP can count on being admitted to NATO as full members. Paragraph 5 of the North Atlantic Treaty, which guarantees the total security of NATO members, will extend to those countries and their security problems only formally. In spite of formal refusals to comment on what would happen with urgent admissions to NATO if "the Zhirinovskiy factor" or some other factor goes mad in Russia, it is predicted that countries thus imperiled will have to be admitted rapidly and almost indiscriminately. |
FBIS3-31304_0 | Army Spokesman Downplays Danger of Air Strikes | Language: Bulgarian Article Type:BFN [Andrey Rangelov report: "No Immediate Danger for Bulgaria Exists"] [Text] There is no immediate danger of Bulgaria becoming involved in the Yugoslav conflict, even if NATO goes through with its threat to carry out air strikes on Serbian positions. This is what Colonel Plamen Studenkov, deputy chief of the Army's General Staff Intelligence Directorate, said in an interview with BULGARSKA ARMIYA yesterday. The statement was prompted by a report in a Sofia daily under the sensational headline: "Intelligence Agent Number One Is Prophesying War in Our Country." It is actually difficult to make any predictions or express opinions on future developments related to the war in Bosnia-Herzegovina, Colonel Studenkov commented. According to the General Staff officer, our involvement or noninvolvement in Balkan events depends entirely on our country's future stand and policy, and on nothing else. According to the colonel, Turkey is supposed to have deployed an air force squadron in Italy, as part of the joint NATO air force contingent controlling the airspace over Bosnia. Nevertheless, I am convinced that Turkey is not likely to participate in any armed conflict with its military force, Colonel Studenkov pointed out. He bases himself on the fact that in its recent history Turkey has always shown an essentially realistic approach to military conflicts, especially on occasions when the use of armed forces outside the country's territory was involved. As far as Greece is concerned, that country not only opposes the aforementioned air strikes, but it even refuses to get involved in the Yugoslav conflict altogether. In addition, the Greeks would react sharply to possible Turkish participation in an armed intervention in Bosnia, according to the Bulgarian Army spokesman. Colonel Studenkov presumes that the outcome of the conflict will be clarified in the final days before NATO's 10-day ultimatum on the withdrawal of the Bosnian Serbs' heavy weapons from the outskirts of Sarajevo runs out. |
FBIS3-31307_0 | Implications of NATO Balkan Policy Examined | Language: Bulgarian Article Type:BFN [Atanas Matev commentary: "....For Balkan States In Particular"] [Text] Tension within NATO circles has been greatly escalating over the last two or three days and is growing to an unprecedented level. Naturally, it is related to the ultimatum against the Bosnian Serbs that was recently adopted. Are the conditions of the ultimatum likely to be fulfilled, or will it become necessary for NATO to embark on its first combat actions since its establishment 45 years ago? If there should be some fighting, how are the military operations going to proceed? Should only air power be involved, or can we expect ground forces to intervene as well? If such an intervention should become necessary, which NATO member countries would agree to send their soldiers to a he Bosnian battlefield from which many would not return alive? The probable refusal of several countries, if not of all the NATO members, to send their boys to certain death would cause irreparable damage to the prestige of the organization, which was most widely propagated as a lever and source of stability in the world after the fall of communism? Is the loss of such prestige not likely to be a death sentence for NATO? With the approach of the ultimatum's deadline, such and other questions are being increasingly frequently asked within NATO's leading circles. It is strange but their answers should have been clear even as early as a few days ago while NATO was deciding what actions to take in Bosnia after the massacre on Sarajevo's market square. This is what a policy based on wisdom, rather than on emotions, should be all about. Let us hope that NATO's policy regarding the events in Bosnia is based on wisdom, rather than on emotions. In the opposite case, not only is NATO's future at stake, but many rather dangerous things are involved, which apply to the Balkan states in particular. |
FBIS3-31314_9 | Second Installment of Moravcik's Policy Report 1.2 Foreign Policy of the Slovak Republic and the Process of European Integration 1.3 Relations Between the Slovak Republic and the United Nations | European Baroque." This successful project, in the framework of which seven exhibitions were organized in various CEI countries, is to continue with three more exhibitions in 1994. The regional association known as the "Working Commonwealth of Danubian Countries (PSPK)" associates 22 entities (federal countries, independent countries, provinces, regions) located in the Danube River valley. The Slovak Republic has been a full-fledged member of the commonwealth since 1991. The Slovak Republic takes part in the cooperation in almost all working groups and subgroups through the representatives of individual sectors. The Slovak Republic chairs and coordinates the work in two subgroups--the "Territorial Arrangement" and the "Land Protection." In 1993, the Slovak Republic was host to the fourth conference of the government heads of the PSPK member countries, at which the work of the PSPK was evaluated, and the orientation of cooperation was specified for the next year in the form of a recommendation. Within the framework of the conference, chaired by the Slovak prime minister, bilateral talks also took place with the heads of the delegations from Bavaria, Baden-Wuerttemberg, Upper Austria, Lower Austria, Croatia, and Hungary. 1.3 Relations Between the Slovak Republic and the United Nations One of the key areas of the activities of Slovak foreign policy in the multilateral sphere is the activity within the framework of the United Nations, to which the Slovak Republic was admitted on 19 January 1993. The principal precondition for working effectively in the United Nations was the complex succession to multilateral contractual documents held by the UN secretary general. The Slovak Republic was substantially involved in 1993 in the area of maintaining international peace and security, above all, by its presence in various UN peace operations: UNPROFOR [UN Protection Force]--former Yugoslavia, a logistics battalion of the Slovak Army, 419 men strong, is operating in the Daruvar region and should be expanded by 40 more Army members by 30 December 1993 and another 141 on 28 February 1994, so that the Slovak Republic will have a total of 600 soldiers in this mission. UNAVEM [UN Angola Verification Mission]--Angola--six military observers from the Slovak Army. UNOMIL [UN Observer Mission in Liberia]--Liberia--ten military observers from the Slovak Army. UNOMUR [UN Observer Mission Uganda-Rwanda] -- Uganda-Rwanda--five military observers from the Slovak Army. UNGCI [expansion unknown]--Iraq--four members of the Slovak Police Corps. The Slovak Foreign Ministry and the Slovak Permanent Mission to the United Nations in New York rapidly |
FBIS3-31314_12 | Second Installment of Moravcik's Policy Report 1.2 Foreign Policy of the Slovak Republic and the Process of European Integration 1.3 Relations Between the Slovak Republic and the United Nations | Slovak permanent representative at the United Nations submitted a note to the Security Council chairman enumerating all Slovak losses caused by the sanctions against Yugoslavia, which was published in the form of Security Council document No. S/26648. Within the framework of efforts to solve the problems of sanctions, several diplomatic actions have been taken in the UN system. The Slovak foreign minister emphasized in his address to the 48th Session of the UN General Assembly the need for a solution to the economic impact of the sanctions on the most affected countries. Similarly, following an initiative by the Slovak Permanent Mission at the United Nations in New York, the problem of economic losses resulting from the sanctions against Yugoslavia was added to the agenda of the 48th Session of the UN General Assembly. The motion was discussed and approved by the plenum. The countries affected by the sanctions pointed out the long process of the approval for export and transit permits for Yugoslavia. Since the Slovak Danubian Navigation Lines is actually the body most affected by the problems resulting from the sanctions, operative consultations are taking place with its representative concerning a solution to the most acute problems. Since Security Council Resolution No. 820 came into effect, the Slovak Foreign Ministry carries out the entire process of the issue to Slovak businesses of UN export or transit permits for Yugoslavia. It also keeps in contact with the enterprises and provides them with all important information for the purpose of alleviating the damage. Because of the situation in the Disarmament Conference, the Slovak Foreign Ministry continues to claim its right of succession to the CSFR in the Disarmament Conference. The Disarmament Conference membership is still frozen because of the unresolved questions regarding the expected expansion of the Disarmament Conference membership (the question of Iraq). The disapproval of the "parcel" method of admitting new members so far prevented a solution to the situation in favor of the Slovak Republic. In the sphere of armament and disarmament control in 1993, the Slovak Foreign Ministry focused on promoting the interests of the Slovak Republic at the UN, where, by its work at the 48th Session of the UN General Assembly, it joined all of the significant activities, supporting peace solutions to problems and reducing tension in individual regions of the world, and implementing UN resolutions for a truce during the Olympic games and the |
FBIS3-31339_7 | Klaus Addresses Swiss Banks on Transformation | framework of the so-called Visegrad Group--are also groundless. Such cooperation cannot be created from above, but only--and perhaps only--from below. Futile "Maastricht" Ambitions The Western world--first and foremost, West Europe and the European Union--has its own problems. These problems are characterized by the current unfavorable phase of economic development and by the excessive social burden of state interventionism. They also stem from lofty and, in my opinion, futile "Maastricht" ambitions, ambitions we can say of a unitarist or almost unitarist perception of Europe. This all leads--although the external rhetoric of West European politicians says otherwise--to less openness toward the postcommunist world. When I said a few months ago that, after the 1989 "Velvet Revolution" the West had hung up a "Do Not Disturb" sign, this was certainly an exaggeration and a extreme oversimplification. However, the continuing protectionism applied in multifarious forms represents a considerable threat to our transformation role. The East is often criticized for the nationalism of its ethnic conflicts, but I would like to point out that protectionism is also a form of nationalism. The collapse of the Soviet empire created a completely new situation for us, and we are aware of this. Naturally, the collapse of the Soviet empire also created a completely new situation for the West. It also brought new uncertainties, new doubts, and new questions. We observe ambivalent tendencies and phenomena at both ends of Europe, which we cannot accept passively. We have to proceed actively against them. Centralization, Bureaucratization, Lobbies In the West, we can also see: --increasing centralization of the economic processes and the bureaucratization of everyday life; --increasing activity by various lobbies asserting only partial interests, which endangers the entire community (new feudalization); --the transfer of decisionmaking to an international level, the consequence of which is that standard domestic control mechanisms lose their function and that the key role remains in the hands of an unelected bureaucracy; --a certain comfortableness in political life, a loss of political courage, and giving priority to one's own political survival instead of to fundamental decisionmaking, which is unavoidably associated with substantially greater risks; --certain etatist thinking, ideas about an all-providing welfare guaranteeing state, while only a few people realize that the state can guarantee such a function only under the precondition that its citizens surrender a major part of their freedom. A Challenge for the Whole of Europe Resolving these problems presented by the new |
FBIS3-31339_9 | Klaus Addresses Swiss Banks on Transformation | situation is a challenge for all of us--in the West and in the East. During those periods in which Europe was not fatefully divided, it always represented unity in abundance. The vision of European union in the sense of unification was always, in the better instance, a utopia, a dream bearing no relation to reality. In the worse instance, for example, in its "Napoleonic" variant, it involved an attempt by the larger powers to assert a European hegemony. Such solutions were always short-term ones, and they were always characterized by the use of force. T. G. Masaryk, the first president of the Czechoslovak Republic before World War II, wrote the following about this problem in 1922: "The issue in Europe involves creating harmony between centralist and autonomist forces. Europe's unity consists of this harmony. However, unity is not just homogeneity. Europe is characterized by its ethnic and cultural differences. This variety was formed by thousands of years of development; therefore, European unity must be realized, first and foremost, in accordance with the historical principle and, apart from this, of course, in accordance with the given natural national and other differences." Masaryk, in the 1920's, considered the so-called Balkanization of Europe to be a great oversimplification. According to him, the issue in fact involved a historical process and an attempt by entire nations and countries to intensify their whole political and cultural life. The following conclusions are drawn from this: The current changes in Europe create the need for a new analysis about what Europe is and what Europe should be. Europe, whether we like it or not, was opened up to the East by the collapse of the communist bloc. Europe was in fact expanded and it must now react to this new situation. The idea that the postcommunist countries will gradually be "Europeanized" and the promises that they will then be able to be gradually integrated into an unchanged West Europe are inadequate and, in principle, false. We need a new vision and new initiatives. Truly meaningful European cooperation can only take place on the basis of openness and mutuality, and that is something that we in the postcommunist countries perceive and see only inadequately. We are prepared to take an active part in this work, and we believe that we will be given an opportunity for this. Macroeconomic Rules Finding the right time to change economic policy administration |
FBIS3-31339_12 | Klaus Addresses Swiss Banks on Transformation | in the CSFR and huge in Poland, Russia, and the other successor states to the USSR. On the other hand, the dynamism of prices later in the reform process is determined by the extent of the restrictions on finance and monetary policy. In the CSFR's case, the rise in prices a month after the start of the reforms was a "mere" 25 percent. In the ensuing three months, the rate of inflation stabilized at 7.0 percent, 4.5 percent, and 2.0 percent, and, during the next 20 months (right up to the introduction of the value-added tax), hovered at just under 1.0 percent per month. In the other reforming countries, there were--and still are--considerable fluctuations in the rate of inflation with repeated phases of a more rapid and then a slower rise in prices, for which the mistakes in macroeconomic policy are responsible. This policy can only hope to succeed if two aspects leading to the vicious circle can be limited: the price-wage and inflation-devaluation spirals. On the basis of our experiences, the two phenomena are closely associated with unforced errors in economic policy. During the phase of macroeconomic restrictions (1990-91), wages in our country were kept below the level of the general increase in prices. During the "neutral policy" phase (1992-93), wages rose rather faster than prices, while no serious problems arose from this; wages did not lose contact with the other pan-economic variable quantities. The same applies for the connections between inflation and the exchange rate. Reforming countries are, as a rule, confronted with a considerable macroeconomic imbalance (the consequence of which is unavoidable rapid price increases), overvalued currencies (with considerable payment deficits and exhausted foreign currency reserves), and high state budget deficits (the consequence of an inadequate restrictive policy). At the same time, reforming countries do not sufficiently devalue their currencies. The result of this is that, given increasing domestic prices, exports decline and imports rise. This leads to a worsening of the balance of payments situation, which necessitates further devaluation and so leads to the import of inflation. This in turn stimulates a rise in domestic prices, which leads to the vicious circle. In our country, the situation is and was different. The original inherited macroeconomic imbalance was slight, economic policy was cautious and oriented restrictively, and the devaluation, as it turned out, was sufficient. The substantial devaluation created enough scope for essential prices and costs' adaptation |
FBIS3-31355_1 | Crvenkovski Assails Greek Government's Moves | of the EC council of ministers reached at the Edinburgh summit on 12 December 1992, according to which our country must be provided with regular oil supplies. Such unilateral and unacceptable measures taken by the Greek Government are particularly worrying since they are also in contravention of the UN Security Council resolution in which both Macedonia and Greece are called on to overcome differences through UN-mediated negotiations and thus contribute to the strengthening of peace and security in the region. The Republic of Macedonia has always pursued a peace-loving policy regarding all developments on the territory of former Yugoslavia, has avoided war and managed to build a democratic society and a free market economy and regulate interethnic relations on the basis of dialogue and tolerance. With regard to the dispute with Greece, Macedonia has shown the maximum flexibility and readiness to display goodwill in the resolution of open issues. This Macedonian policy also applies to the rest of the world. Macedonia has managed to preserve peace and security on its territory and by this has become a factor of peace and stability in the region. Therefore, it is surprising that at the time when the international community is investing enormous efforts for the peaceful and negotiated resolution of the most complex problems, including halting the war in Bosnia, the Republic of Greece, a member of the United Nations, NATO, and the European Council, and the current president of the European Union, should be taking such measures against our independent and peace-loving country; these measures violate international law. By this the Greek Government wishes to exert economic, political, and other kinds of pressure on our country, taking advantage of the fact that Macedonia is a land-locked country. The Government of the Republic of Macedonia wishes to stress that this inflicts huge damage on the permanent interests of both countries and nations, and also on future mutual relations and cooperation for which the Greek side bears responsibility. Despite this, Macedonia firmly abides by its resolve to build good relations with all its neighbors, including its southern neighbor, and is ready to continue the Greek-Macedonian dialogue. The Government of the Republic of Macedonia will collect evidence of all possible consequences caused by the Greek blockade -- which was not caused by the Macedonian side -- and in this connection it will take the necessary measures and activities in the international arena. [end recording] |
FBIS3-31363_1 | Kolodziejczyk Comments on Polish Security | very vague, and clear provisions were only incorporated at the very last moment, following sharp criticism from Warsaw. I hope we will shortly be acquainted with other PFP criteria as well, mainly the technical ones, and, of course, we will do our best to fulfill them, provided our Western partners are willing to indulge in scientific cooperation with us. But more important for me are Clinton's words uttered in Prague whereby, in the event of a clear threat, the NATO border will extend to the Bug River. That is a very tangible outcome of the offensive we waged before the Brussels summit. [Grochowski] Let us be frank. The NATO heads of state left Brussels in a satisfied state, but they left empty-handed. The Polish press said that a "Partnership for Tranquillity" had been achieved. Tranquillity for whom? Not for us! Perhaps the only purpose was to calm the consciences of Western politicians? [Kolodziejczyk] Our press reacted nervously, which is understandable, but it looks like there is a genuine desire to implement the PFP, and quickly. I am beginning to fear that we will not be able to make use of all of the offers that have already come in and are still doing so. [Grochowski] The PFP calls for a cooperation accord with NATO. [Kolodziejczyk] There is a race going on here, which I disagree with. The world's media are wondering whether Lithuania or Romania will be the first to conclude this accord. [Grochowski] Lithuania has won! [Kolodziejczyk] Poland's approach toward this matter is very serious, so we are giving ourselves several weeks' time in order to hold talks and prepare an offer of cooperation that suits our possibilities and is serious enough to be considered and implemented by the other side. [Grochowski] What are the actual advantages to be gained from the PFP? Not much is being said about them. [Kolodziejczyk] But the objective of the PFP has been mentioned, and that is Poland's incorporation into the European security system. [Grochowski] But what happens before then? [Kolodziejczyk] We must realize that we have a certain road to follow, involving many changes, starting with such prosaic ones as changing map symbols and ending with complicated technical changes. The key problem is to standardize our communications, command, firepower control, and reconnaissance systems with those in NATO. At the same time, we have to alter the Polish mentality because it is we |
FBIS3-31368_2 | Sejm Deputy Swiecicki on Nation's Finances | budget deficit makes loans more expensive. [Grzegrzolka] What types of spending do you consider unnecessary? [Swiecicki] In a market economy, is it really necessary to subsidize the State Railways by Z7 trillion and provide agriculture and industry with several dozen trillion zlotys? Instead of spending budget funds on social objectives, it would be better to give money to the rural districts, which are bound to manage this money better. [Grzegrzolka] Is a spending cut the only solution? [Swiecicki] Great structural reforms to the social security system, health service, and education are required. Unfortunately, the government has still not presented any ideas of its own about these spheres, and it has abandoned the ideas of previous governments. [Grzegrzolka] But the present ruling coalition is considered very prosocial. [Swiecicki] The indiscriminate granting of costly social security benefits in a poor country means that there is not enough money for those who are really dependent on social security. For instance, too many working people have gained the right to early pensions. Many people are retiring early but are still working at their jobs. This is the so-called gray zone. Instead of contributing to insurance funds, these people are drawing from them. For instance, in Poland there are more men who are drawing pensions and have not yet reached retirement age than men who who have passed retirement age. Despite the very high social security contributions, 30 percent of the workers' contribution and 94 percent of the farmers' contribution are paid out of the budget. We pay high contributions, but not even such basic benefits as family income supplements for low-income or multichildren families are available. It is similar with unemployment benefits. The coalition has evaded the difficult subject of reforming the social security and pension systems, as well as the health and education systems. In Poland, 90 percent of the funds to combat unemployment are spent on benefits. Only 10 percent is spent on creating new jobs, public works, retraining programs, and loans for people setting up their own businesses. [Grzegrzolka] Democratic Union politicians are very fond of discussing this issue, but not even the Democratic Union government managed to resolve it. [Swiecicki] But the program to combat unemployment initiated by the Democratic Union government remains valid. The present government is allocating more money for this program but has failed to indicate necessary cutbacks in other spheres. The rural lobby in the Sejm |
FBIS3-31374_0 | WASHINGTON POST Seeks To Discredit Poles | Language: Polish Article Type:BFN [Relayed by TV Polonia Network] [Text] The purpose of THE WASHINGTON POST article was to discredit us in the eyes of the Russians, who are our number-one partner in special equipment trade, Cenzin [arms trading company] Chairman Tadeusz Bednarek has told Panorama. On Monday THE WASHINGTON POST reported that 10 years ago Poland used to sell high-class Soviet military equipment to the United States. [Begin recording] [Rajmund Szwonder, Democratic Left Alliance senator] This case concerns a story that is about 10 years old, isn't it? In my home town of Laskarzew, they say that reheated pancakes are indigestible even when eaten with Russian caviar. [Tadeusz Bednarek, Cenzin chairman] Cenzin sold weapons to the United States, but they were museum pieces and weapons items for collectors. [Correspondent] What about reexports from what was then the Soviet Union? [Bednarek] There were instances of this kind, but these exports, these shipments from Poland, went to credible, verified end users in the recipient country. [Correspondent] So what happened after that was up to the recipient? [Bednarek] Well, the supplier cannot check on this for a long time. A credible end user is necessary for the issue of an export permit. Then you check whether the goods have reached their destination. But we are unable to check what some countries went on to do with the purchased weapons. I would also like to emphasise that these were not components, as the WASHINGTON POST suggests, of strategic weapons, nor were they the latest technologies. [Szwonder] The gun scandal [Polish officials found not guilty of alleged arms trade offenses by a U.S. court], of which to a degree I was a hero, the Burmese scandal [U.S. ban on sale of Polish helicopters to Burma], and the current scandal amazingly coincide with our export successes, even if only minor ones. [Bednarek] I believe that the publication in the WASHINGTON POST and the whole press campaign around this subject is unambiguously aimed at discrediting us in the eyes of our Russian partner, who is Poland's number-one partner in special equipment trade. [end recording] |
FBIS3-31375_2 | Serreqi Views EU Aid, Yugoslav Crisis | EU extend the cooperation with the three seas, the Adriatic Sea, the Black Sea, and the Aegean Sea which are very important for all the countries. Speaking of the political reforms in Albania, Minister Serreqi said the democratic forces have made important steps toward the establishing and consolidating a pluralist democracy, a legal state and a full respect for the human rights. As important parts of the reforms in Albania Mr. Serreqi mentioned the new orientation of the Albanian foreign policy which broke the fatal isolation, the establishing and developing the market economy, the wide privatization process, the army restructuring and taking it under the civilian control and the deep reform in the state administration. Regarding the law on education, Mr. Serreqi said it will soon pass to the parliament and the Greek minority will be treated in conformity with the international norms. Concerning the Yugoslav crises, the both sides repeated their known approaches expressed recently in the Vienna consultations. The Greek side said that the NATO decision for air strikes will bring about nothing positive for stopping the war and even it will cause another conflict in Kosova or in another state. The Albanian Foreign Minister Serreqi presented a wide expose of the Albanian approach toward the crises in region, stressing the special position of Albania not only for the fact that Albania is a bordering country with the country of the crises but also because the Albanians in Kosova, who make up the half of the Albanian nation, are cruelly being maltreated. Mr. Serreqi said Albania is in favour of the NATO ultimatum which not only would establish the authority of the international community but also because the Yugoslav crises has created a dangerous situation which should be avoided. "We are suffering because of the sanctions but we insist that the sanctions should continue until the situation in Kosova will be improved. Kosova should be under the international presence to make possible the starting of the dialogue whose basis must be the charter of the 1974 Constitution. The present tragic situation showed that the dividing of Bosnia was not a proper option to stopping the war. The option doesn't offer peace not for Bosnian nor for the countries in the region. The international community should find a proper and acceptable solution for all the sides. After the meeting, the Albanian and Greek foreign ministers held a press conference. |
FBIS3-31381_0 | BSP, SDS Support Noninvolvement in Bosnia | Language: English Article Type:BFN [Text] Sofia, February 15 (BTA) -- Today the two main political forces in Bulgaria, the Bulgarian Socialist (formerly Communist) Party (BSP) and the Union of Democratic Forces (SDS) announced their stand on the possible airstrikes in Bosnia five days before the expiry of NATO's ultimatum. Both the BSP and the SDS are for a policy of non-involvement of the Balkan states in the conflict. BSP floor leader Nora Ananieva told BTA that the NATO ultimatum is rather a preventive measure and it will hardly come to actual air strikes. "We do hope that it will work... I think that in reality it won't come to air strikes," she said. When asked about the BSP's position in case it comes to air strikes after all, Ms. Ananieva answered that she hoped "the military had considered all possibilities." Today Ms. Ananieva met with Defence Minister Valentin Aleksandrov to discuss the Yugocrisis and other issues. She emphasized the unchanged stand of the BSP against any sort of involvement, be it direct or indirect, of the Balkan states in the conflict. "SDS believes that the Balkan problems should be regarded as European problems and it should not be left to the Balkan states alone to find the way for their settlement, as they could be of great international and geopolitical significance," Filip Dimitrov told the press today. SDS is positive that the international institutions, military ones included, need to commit themselves to the settlement of Balkan problems. "We all hope the problems will be solved in a peaceful way but if it proves impossible, they are the ones to determine the most effective means to put an end to the bloodshed and the expansion of the conflict," he added. "In a situation like this Bulgaria cannot dodge responsibility," he said, pointing out the SDS's conviction that the Balkan states' direct involvement might have grave consequences. "This is precisely the reason why we insist on international institutions' intervention," said the leader of the Union of Democratic Forces. He also criticized the Bulgarian Government for lacking a clear stand on the impending strikes in Bosnia. |
FBIS3-31385_0 | Military Cooperation Discussed | Language: English Article Type:BFN [Andrey Sharkov report: "New Program for Military Cooperation Between Bulgaria and Greece"] [Text] Sofia, February 16 (BTA) -- Bulgaria and Greece hold identical positions on the conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Army General Lyuben Petrov, chief of the Bulgarian General Staff, and his Greek counterpart, Admiral Khristos Limberis, told the press today after signing a Programme for Bilateral Military Cooperation in 1994. Admiral Limberis is the head of a Greek military delegation which is on an official visit here at the invitation of General Petrov. A diplomatic settlement of the Yugocrisis is the most effective one, Admiral Limberis said. The two countries share the view that all Balkan countries should refrain from military intervention in the conflict, such intervention would be against the interests of the region, he said. The signing of the programme comes as proof of the excellent state of Bulgarian-Greek relations in the military area, Admiral Limberis said after the ceremony. The document opens up new prospects for broader cooperation, which would be to the mutual benefit, he added. Now that Bulgaria has signed the Partnership for Peace plan, there is one more challenge and reason for cooperation, he said. The programme envisages that joint exercises will have a new content, including purely peacetime and rescue operations, the guest said. The expansion of cooperation will serve the cause of peace, Admiral Limberis stressed. From this corner of Europe, Bulgaria and Greece are sending a message for peace dialogue, if the climate created by them spreads to the other Balkan countries, it would be very much for the good of the Balkan nations, Admiral Limberis said. The 1994 joint action plan is fully consistent with previous documents on friendship and cooperation between Bulgaria and Greece, as well as with the military agreement signed by the two Defence Ministers, General Lyuben Petrov said after the signing of the programme. Military contacts between Bulgaria and Greece after the fall of the totalitarian regime in this country in 1989 have been regulated by a cooperation agreement between the two Defence Ministries signed in Athens in 1991. Greece was the first NATO member with which Bulgaria signed a document on military cooperation. The new programme is also consistent with the documents of 1992 and 1993 adding new confidence and security-building measures to those envisaged in the Vienna Document of 1992, it is also consistent with NATO's Partnership for |
FBIS3-31440_0 | Serbs Threaten `Massacre' of Foreigners | Language: Serbo-Croatian Article Type:BFN [Interview with General-Major Manojlo Milovanovic, commander of the general staff of the army of the Srpska republic, by Slavoljub Kacarevic; place and date not given: "NATO Will Not Strike"] [Excerpts] It is said of General-Major Manojlo Milovanovic, commander of the general staff of the army of the Srpska republic, that he is the mastermind of this army. This general, nicknamed "Mali" [Little] by his friends, caught our attention when (in the first half of February] he started negotiations in the name of the Serbian side and signed the agreement on cease-fire around Sarajevo. [passage omitted] [Kacarevic] Mr. General, there is plenty of talk about air strikes. The Serbian side is supposed to meet the conditions set by NATO by 21 February. If these strike do materialize, what consequences will this have for the Serbian Army? [Milovanovic] Nobody in the world wants the creation of a Muslim state in the Balkans. They want that the peoples in the Balkans exhaust themselves and decimate each other as much as possible so that they could accomplish their interests more easily. It is very well known who has what interests. For example, France has the strongest interest in the former Bosnia-Herzegovina, Germany in Croatia, and Turkey in the eastern parts, that is to say, the territory of Macedonia and Kosovo. However, nobody, perhaps with the exception of Turkey and individual Islamic countries, wants the creation of the Islamic state. The West is constantly promising some sort of support to the Muslims to keep up their combat morale. The threat of air strikes is the best booster for Muslim morale. And all this has been going on for over a year. Not one of their politicians has made a statement without mentioning this possibility. In this way, they maintain the morale of the Muslim fighters. However, the realization of these air strikes is very complicated. First, it is difficult to differentiate the targets and specify what and whom to pound. Second, the world has become very much involved in Bosnia through the UN Protection Force [UNPROFOR] and humanitarian organizations. We are making it plain to everybody that if air strikes do take place all foreigners on the territory of the Srpska republic will become hostages. This also includes the representatives of the International Red Cross, the UN High Commissioner for Refugees [UNHCR], and, unfortunately, even journalists.... Therefore, gentlemen, go ahead and |
FBIS3-31471_4 | Commentary on Consequences, Reasons for Threat | of the Serbs, also contain the outline of the Serbian mother territory [maticni teritorij], as an excessively desired, but as the same time dangerous, prize. It represents the unit of measure for the Alliance's degree of disintegration and the extreme fear of its suicidal catharsis. For the time being, the Drina River represents a rather firm border, which they [NATO] would like to cross, but do not dare, because this would almost certainly ignite a big fire, the means to extinguish which have still not been found. Maybe in this way only a part of the answer has been revealed: How far do we go? If, of course, all this depended only on those who believe that they have a monopoly on the first and last steps. However, things do not usually work in this way, because it is only possible to control a war while it is still on paper. Once it begins, its course and fate are dictated by irrational turnabouts, regardless of whether they are natural or construed. Just like the series of media suicides at the Sarajevo markets, the irrationality of which was used as evidence, which, after all, is completely logical for the concept of modern warfare. Today, it is still not possible to say with any degree of certainty what could happen in the part of the Balkans as yet untouched by war, and what could cause it to spread. Every attempt at air strikes carries a risk of this kind, and every NATO advance toward the Drina River could be an intentional risk, a walk on the high wire of the precarious stability of the eastern Balkans. Precisely this is evidence that NATO does not understand the full implications of the ultimatum, nor the ethical symbolism of setting it. Time has started to tick to the tempo set by force, and the question "are they going to bomb us?" has again become the everyday urban uncertainty. Because the people (justifiably) believe that bombing the Serbs in Bosnia would be an unambiguous message to all Serbs, and that there is no longer any reason for fear, because the uncertainty is far worse than all the threats. What is being awaited, what will they do, and what will we do? There are no answers, at least not of the kind that would make more sense than looking out of the window into the dark night. |
FBIS3-31487_1 | Colonel Denies Sale of Classified Information | Sell Classified Information" -- BTA headline] [Text] Sofia, February 17 (BTA) -- No information classified as state secret has leaked about the work on the Euroref International Geodetoc Project, Colonel Nikolay Ivanov, head of the Topographic Service with the General Staff of the Bulgarian Army, said at a news briefing today. The Military Topographic Service has carried out its activities in compliance with the operative list of state secrets, he stressed. Besides Bulgaria, all Western and East European countries except for Russia took part in the project, Col. Ivanov said. Bulgaria's participation was organized by the Institute of Applied Geodesy in Frankfurt which is financed by the European Union. In 1992-1993 joint teams comprising representatives of the institute, Bulgarian military topographers, scientific workers and students determined the co-ordinates of 15 geodetic points in the territory of Bulgaria. A database is being build, which will make it possible for the geodetic and topographic services to harmonize the national geodetic network with the European and the world system of geographic co-ordinates, Col. Ivanov explained. This, according to him, will help solve some problems of the international air and sea navigation. The Bulgarian system of co-ordinates is top secret and the Frankfurt-based institute has no methodology that would enable it to get classified data on the co-ordinates of geodetic points in Bulgaria, Col. Ivanov said. He denied the allegations that appeared in DEMOKRATSIYA that classified information about Bulgaria's topography had leaked to the West and Turkey. Today's issue of DEMOKRATSIYA leads with an article describing the inclusion of the General Staff of the Bulgarian Army in the Euroref Project as "an unprecedented blunder" and "treason." Not mentioning names, the paper cites the opinion of top military officials who said that the Bulgarian supreme commander-in-chief, President Zhelyu Zhelev, must hold the General Staff chief and the Army's civil leadership responsible for having sold state secrets. There were no Turkish military experts in the teams working in Bulgaria on the Euroref Project, Col. Ivanov said. There were no Bulgarian military experts in the teams implementing the project in Turkey either, he went on to say. The head of the General Staff Topographic Service denied the allegations that the Bulgarian military working in the geodetic teams had been paid handsomely. DEMOKRATSIYA's source is inaccurate and ill-meaning, Col. Ivanov said describing the article as an attempt to discredit the Bulgarian Army's Topographic Service and its General Staff. |
FBIS3-31492_2 | RESPEKT Reports on Issue | yes." It can be seen once more, RESPEKT writes, that last year's government decision to complete Temelin is bringing the country a whole number of economic problems. Moreover, it is being confirmed that the completion of Temelin is using up money which would otherwise be invested into north Bohemia. The two loans from the World Bank, which refuses to finance nuclear power in any way, are to help desulfurize coal-fired power stations and to make their operation more efficient. If the Energy II loan is not forthcoming, CEZ has three means of finding money to clean up the coal-fired power stations. Either it slows down their closure program and does not desulfurize them, or it increases the price of electricity, or it exports electricity. Already last year CEZ broke a government regulation by exporting around 3 percent of the total electricity produced here instead of the approved 1.5 percent. Most of this went to Italy and Switzerland. If this had not happened, RESPEKT writes, at least two of the four blocs of the Tusimice II coal power station [could have been closed]. Last year the export of electricity brought CEZ 2 billion crowns. The completion of Temelin costs approximately 20 million crowns a day. The Children of the Earth environmental organization wants parliament to approve a law saying that the annual export of electricity may not exceed its import (last year the Czech Republic exported 3000 GwH and imported 885 GwH). Meanwhile CEZ makes no secret of the future export of electricity from Temelin. "Financing the loan for Temelin nuclear power station to the amount of 30 billion crowns will ensure without problems the future production of electricity in this power station and its sale at home or abroad. The repayment of foreign credits by future export (approximately a quarter of the yearly output for 10 years) would also help the Czech Republic's hard currency balance," the CEZ public relations department said in 1992. At the close of the article RESPEKT points out that last year's report by the World Bank (the one which Klaus said was "written overnight in a hotel," and therefore held no force for the Czech Government) says that "the medium-demand scenario for electricity shows that there will be no need of electricity from Temelin between 1995 and 2010." The report was written by Dale Grey, chief economist of the World Bank's Energy and Environmental Division. |
FBIS3-31520_0 | Berov Makes Statement on Bosnian Conflict | Language: Bulgarian Article Type:BFN [Text] [Announcer] With the emergence of the first manifestations of an armed conflict on the territories of former Yugoslavia, Bulgaria declared that it would never, under any circumstances, try to take advantage of the disintegrating federation's difficulties, and our country has kept its word to this day. That is what Prime Minister Lyuben Berov pointed out in a statement about the Bulgarian Government's stand on the NATO ultimatum related to attacks from the air against positions of the Bosnian Serbs near Sarajevo. Let us hear part of the statement: [Begin Berov recording] Bulgaria regards the request to lift the arms embargo imposed by Resolution No. 715 of the UN Security Council of 1991 as an element of the military balance in the Balkans which has not been disrupted so far, as a matter of fact. The lifting of the embargo is not only likely to disrupt the balance, but would also cause an escalation and expansion of the conflict. The warning about air attacks according to the NATO Council ultimatum adopted on 9 February 1994 deserves particular attention. It confronts Bosnia-Herzegovina and presumably other Balkan countries with the menace of an escalation of the conflict accompanied by great material damages and the loss of human lives. Any external military interference whatsoever cannot be a solution for the Bosnian conflict as such, as long as the three sides involved in the conflict do not manifest sufficient good will for a peaceful solution. The interest of Bulgaria and of all Balkan states demands that they should contribute to such a solution. |
FBIS3-31521_2 | Zhelev Views NATO Ultimatum, Greek Embargo | path. I consider that we have preserved this position until the present day. At the same time, we asked the other Balkan states and neighbors of the former Yugoslavia to adopt the same position of renouncing military intervention in the conflicts in Yugoslavia, because such an act, even if undertaken for the most noble motives, may prove to be a direct way to drag the country in question into a new Balkan war, a war in which all the other neighbor countries of former Yugoslavia will find themselves involved. Of course, we have to adjust, to correct our position to take account of the new situation that has arisen, but there will be no fundamental changes in our position, which remains one of active neutrality. We regard the NATO ultimatum as one of the last peaceful means, a peace effort by the European structures to settle, [pause] to contribute to solving the conflict in Bosnia and in Sarajevo, in particular. One has to draw a distinction between the ultimatum itself and the actual use of weapons. These are two quite different things. The ultimatum is purely and simply a warning, designed to compel the warring parties to sit down at the table and hold serious negotiations, first and foremost on halting the conflict and then on gradually settling the points at dispute, about which they are fighting. [Panorama] Have you heard whether the ultimatum is producing any results regarding the disputes? [Zhelev] Yes, you are right. So far, the ultimatum has produced very good results. According to the information that I have been receiving at least, the Serbs are withdrawing their heavy artillery at a fast rate, while the Muslims are fulfilling other actions that are required under the ultimatum. [Panorama] Do you consider that the Greek Government decision to impose a unilateral de facto embargo against Macedonia [Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia -- FYROM] complicates the situation in the Balkans? [Zhelev] Naturally, Greece is a sovereign state and is entitled to decide its own moves, its own steps in the Balkans, but I consider that to make this move precisely at this moment does not contribute to reducing the tension in the Balkans. [Panorama] Mr. President, in conclusion, in view of the development of events around Bosnia, does any real military threat exist for Bulgaria? [Zhelev] No, I can state quite categorically that no such threat exists for Bulgaria. |
FBIS3-31545_1 | Commentary Examines U.S. Plan, Action | of the statesmen wishes to say a word about Redman's initiative. However, by analyzing the statements of Granic and Silajdzic in Frankfurt, it will not be difficult to grasp the contents of this possible solution. Dr. Granic reiterated Croatia's stand on the need for cooperation with the Muslims and on the possible cooperation of the future states, which has already been contained in President Tudjman's peace initiative. Dr. Silajdzic did not repeat his previous stand. On this occasion he spoke in favor of something entirely new, from which it can be concluded that the alliance of the two peoples in Bosnia-Herzegovina is possible. The Bosnia-Herzegovina prime minister said that there are still differences regarding the nuances of the internal constitution, but that this can be overcome and that the model of relations between Bosnia-Herzegovina and Croatia should be discussed afterward. As opposed to earlier views that nothing can be solved without the Serbs, even though it was Izetbegovic who was saying it most frequently, on this occasion, the Muslim side put forward a proposal that the doors be left open to the Serbs for this type of regulation of internal relations. Therefore, one can conclude that it will be a Serbian problem whether they accept it or not. The Muslims, so it seems, are willing to enter a joint state without the Serbs. This was all agreed in the presence of U.S. envoy Redman and the leading people from the European Union. The only question remaining now is what kind of a state will this be without the Serbs who are situated in the west of Bosnia-Herzegovina? Bearing in mind that this is evidently an U.S. initiative, which has also produced threats of air strikes, the possibility that they could carry out this threat should be borne in mind. It means that Clinton's preparation of the nation for military engagement does not mean preparation for the liberation of Sarajevo, but has much wider dimensions. The Serbs will perhaps want to leave Bosnia-Herzegovina, but it might prove awfully expensive for them. On the other hand, if the world returns to the old and realistic geo-strategic divisions, the Croats and the Muslims could prosper well together. The precondition for this is the safeguarding of human rights for both peoples on the principle of reciprocity and with the supervision and guarantees of the international community. The Russians, as a very interested side, have |
FBIS3-31620_8 | Foreign Minister Outlines `East Policy' | some magical illusion. It will be the result of common efforts and of an evolution taking place in and among existing structures. We are watching attentively the changes that are under way. The establishment of NATO's North Atlantic Cooperation Council, as well as the establishment of the WEU Consultative Forum, "Partnership for Peace," and the prospect of widening these structures--these are very important steps. They are not about forming new divisions but about overcoming the old ones. Through our participation in the "Partnership for Peace" we not only strive for membership in NATO, but we also want to use this frameworks for cooperation with Russia, Ukraine, Belarus, and Lithuania for the sake of a common strengthening of security. Intensifying regional dialogue on security issues is also desirable. Part of that dialogue is in the form of consultations, not just within the framework of European and Euro-Atlantic structures, but also within regional ones, such as the Visegrad Group or the Council of Baltic States. Possibilities are emerging for setting in motion a mechanism of regular, multilateral consultations with the participation of the states of East and Central Europe which are particularly sensitive to issues of regional security (such is the intention of, for example, the consultations among planners from eight countries of the region which are currently taking place, including, among others, representatives of Germany, Austria, and Sweden). We are very thoroughly examining initiatives and proposals relating to our region's security, including plans by Balladur and Krawczuk. Any constructive regional cooperation is a significant factor for strengthening security and stability. Cooperation among the Visegrad Group countries is an example of this kind of cooperation, in particular the free-trade zone (CEFTA) [Central European Free Trade Association]. That cooperation, while being a clear example of understanding and cooperation among countries going through a period of transformations, is an example for other countries to follow in terms of how to achieve European integration. Bilateral relations obviously contribute greatly to increasing regional security and cooperation. The partnership between Poland and Ukraine, which is still taking shape, provides good evidence of that. The two countries have a difficult history of mutual relations, but thanks to imagination and political will, they managed to overcome the rankling resentments and claims. Economic Cooperation Eastern markets are oftentimes portrayed as untapped, mainly because of a not very active foreign policy geared in only one direction. While agreeing with the accusation |
FBIS3-31672_5 | Pellumbi Addresses Socialist Party Conference | 24-1 law, mass unemployment, court proceedings against journalists including members of the PSSh's forums, physical violence against some PSSh deputies, savage police terror and violence even inside police stations that has in some cases led to irreparable physical injury and even death, have become very worrying phenomena. Only in totalitarian states are counter rallies held, deputies are forbidden to meet their electorate, people are imprisoned for taking part in peaceful rallies and protests, or even just because they go to the cemeteries of the nation's martyrs, as happened on 29 November last year in Durres, Gjirokaster, and elsewhere. The radio and television have virtually closed their doors to the PSSh. For five months now, the police throughout Albania have been rejecting on the most absurd pretexts the PSSh's applications to hold rallies in city squares. The example of Tirana, where the police have refused nine applications by the PSSh Managing Committee (on the final occasion with an unprecedented demonstration of force) clearly demonstrates the significant and worrying narrowing of the scope of democracy in our country. The arrest and political imprisonment of Fatos Nano, PSSh chairman and People's Assembly deputy, marks the culmination of flagrant violations of human rights and freedoms. The manner in which he was accused, the time at which this charge was raised, his arrest a few days after the removal of his immunity and a few hours before the PSSh's peaceful and authorized rally, the replacement of two prosecutors in order to carry out the order for his arrest, his arrest by a newly-appointed prosecutor, his detention in prison under a harsh police regime, and the return of his file by the court because of lack of facts and evidence as a result of the investigating group's prior judgment of the case -- all these things show that Fatos Nano has been arrested as an opponent of the regime and has been imprisoned for political revenge and in order to attain definite political goals, to divide and liquidate the PSSh. However, such goals can never be attained, not today, and not tomorrow! This is our viewpoint. This is the will of the PSSh's members and supporters! The powerful support of more then 700,000 members of the Albanian electorate who gave their signatures for the release of Fatos Nano and the broad support of well-known democratic organizations in Europe that have considered the "Nano affair" a political |
FBIS3-31672_34 | Pellumbi Addresses Socialist Party Conference | urban families, or one in five, are totally destitute and receive no income other than what they receive as welfare; and that services in health, education, culture, etc., are less and less well covered. We think that the economic reform can only be crowned with success if we show ourselves sensitive to human concerns, or, in other words, to the social costs of the reform. This is the reason that has impelled us not to rest content with compiling the most up- to-date social program possible, but to insist on realizing it on the basis of the new political settlement that we propose. For example, the PSSh's alternative in the field of education lays down the goal of reforming and modernizing the educational system at all levels, in content and in structure, and completing the relevant legislation to make education open, democratic, secular, and modern. The broad basis of the education of Albanian citizens will continue to be in state schools. In this context, the educational rights of the minorities will be respected. Education will be paid for and conducted by the state. Private education will be permitted by law and its curricula will be subject to state standards. This will also be true of foreign schools. The criterion for employment and for promotion to supervisory responsibility at all levels of the schools will be professional ability. The status of a teacher and lecturer, of a school pupil and college student, and the duties of a parent in his relationship with the school, will be covered by a PSSh legislative initiative. Cooperation in European projects and the twinning of our schools and universities with those in foreign countries will remain an important resource in the future too. In its program for health, the PSSh will rely on the principle that every citizen will receive the health care he requires, regardless of his social position or economic level. Faced with the economic condition of a state that cannot promise adequate budget resources for health, the idea of health insurance, dependent on income, will be gradually introduced, as the only way to achieve a modern medical service, the best possible pay for health personnel, and also the basic preconditions for a struggle against corruption in the health sector. The aim will be to improve all three levels of the health service, and to devote particular attention to the modernization of preventive medicine |
FBIS3-31678_0 | FRY Stance on Recognizing FYROM Viewed | Language: Bulgarian Article Type:BFN [Commentary by KONTINENT Belgrade correspondent Momchilo Stoyanovich: "Why Has Yugoslavia Not Yet Recognized Macedonia?"] [Text] With the U.S. recognition of Macedonia [The Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia -- FYROM] and Russia's decision to send its ambassador to Skopje in early March, in practice all the leading countries in the world have confirmed the status of the Macedonian state. Before the beginning of 1994, Macedonia was recognized by Germany, France, Britain, and other European states, which hastened to take this step before Greece assumed the EU presidency. The Foreign Ministry in Skopje reports that so far 27 states have established diplomatic relations with Macedonia, although the documents and communications materials of only 11 states officially refer to "the Republic of Macedonia." The remainder, including the United States, use the term "The Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia," under which the United Nations admitted Macedonia as a member. Bearing in mind that, except for Greece, Macedonia has been recognized by all the Balkan states (including all the other former Yugoslav republics,) the question why the FRY has still not recognized Macedonia remains open. Little is said openly about this issue, but the fact remains that to date no meeting has taken place between a Macedonian and a Serb at which the southern neighbor has failed to ask his northern brother the reason for his continued delay in recognizing Macedonia's independence. Serbian President Slobodan Milosevic, the man with most influence in Yugoslav politics, has not omitted to say at his meetings with Macedonian representatives that Serbia has no claims against its southern neighbor and that nothing prevents Belgrade from recognizing Macedonia, and yet in practice this does not happen. It is natural for Yugoslavia to say that even its own status is not yet settled, because the United Nations is keeping this issue open. Since spring last year, Yugoslavia has not been a full member of the United Nations; it was not expelled from the organization, but it is not entitled to take part in meetings of the UN General Assembly. However, the true reason relates to Greece, which demonstrates very good friendly relations toward the Serbs and always defends Yugoslavia's interests in the international arena. Furthermore, as a member of the EU, Greece has much stronger influence in Europe than Macedonia, whose status has still not been determined. Of course, one should not gloss over the fact that Macedonia |
FBIS3-31679_0 | Ethnic Leaders From Neighboring States Meet Andras Agoston, chairman of the Democratic Union of Vojvodina Hungarians [VMDK]: We Want Autonomy! Arpad Pasza, Chairman of the Democratic Community of Hungarians in Croatia [HMDK]: We Pay Attention to the Scattered Hungarian Groups Bela Marko, Chairman of the Democratic Union of Hungarians in Romania: We Also Want To Become Economically Strong | Language: Hungarian Article Type:BFN [Interview with Andras Agoston, chairman of the Democratic Union of Vojvodina Hungarians; Arpad Pasza, chairman of the Democratic Community of Hungarians in Croatia; and Bela Marko, chairman of the Democratic Union of Hungarians in Romania; by Jozsef Botlik; place and date not given: "Vital Issues Over the Border"] [Text] Last weekend, the leaders of the Hungarian organizations from beyond the border were in Budapest and were met by Prime Minister Peter Boross. We interviewed some participants of the talks on the results of the meeting and on the situation of the various Hungarian national communities. Andras Agoston, chairman of the Democratic Union of Vojvodina Hungarians [VMDK]: We Want Autonomy! [Botlik] What were the results of the Budapest meeting for you? [Agoston] I raised two issues at the meeting, one in connection with the Balladur plan. I explained that, if any of the region's governments signed it in its current form, the political goals set out by the organizations of the Hungarian national communities over the border would in fact become impossible to achieve. We insist that an agreement like this also has to contain the autonomy concept that we drew up. The issue of aid was the other topic. In recent years, the government of the mother country has also given significant financial support to the Hungarian national communities over the border. I asked the prime minister -- as help given to the national minorities is internationally legitimate -- to help maintain our institutional system, and to support our efforts aimed at implementing our autonomy concept. This would be very important because, certain phenomena in connection with the financial aid we have received did not help this. [Botlik] The psycho-terror against the some 400,000 Hungarians and the forceful military mobilizations seem recently to have eased off. Does the dialogue that began between the VMDK and the Serbian government have a role in this? [Agoston] We formulated our autonomy concept two years ago, at a time when the war was in full swing and the forceful mobilizations were daily events, and we had to suffer a tough war propaganda. We started from the premise that it is also in the interest of the Serbian state -- including its parties -- that the now open and unresolved situation of the Vojvodina Hungarians is settled. We were certain that sooner or later, international circumstances will change to benefit our |
FBIS3-31686_1 | Delegate Assesses Results of 48th UN Session | the hope of a permanent breaking with the apartheid phenomenon--that was a historical event. From Poland's perspective, what is important is the fact that the concept of "countries of economies in a transitional period" obtained recognition in the UN vocabulary. We have initiated the idea. Until recently, Poland was classified as a developed country. That was perhaps nice but it was also impractical because it placed the country beyond the scope of assistance programs from which developing countries benefit. The recognition by the UN of the existence of a group of countries with economies in a transitional period, creates a much more advantageous situation for us. [passage omitted] [Walczak] What is the fate of the initiative to establish a UN Center for Human Rights in East and Central Europe, which would be headquartered in Warsaw? [Wlosowicz] The initiative was submitted by [former] Foreign Minister Krzysztof Skubiszewski during a general debate in October of last year. The Foreign Ministry is working on coming up with a specific formula for the planned center, which could then be proposed to the international community. [passage omitted] [Walczak] Some proposals have emerged that aimed at extending the list of the Security Council's permanent members, to also include Germany and Japan. Is there anyone to oppose that? Who are the other candidates? [Wlosowicz] Indeed, even though the concerned countries themselves are acting with restraint, there are ever more views being raised to the effect that Germany and Japan, due to their political and economic positions, should be included in the Security Council as its permanent members. Practically speaking, no one is putting that in question anymore, and a consensus on that issue is emerging. Yet the opening up of the Security Council to new members gives rise to another problem: Who else should be included? All regions would like to see their representatives as the Security Council's permanent members. Separate from that, proposals are being voiced to extend the Security Council to the level of 20-25 members. Poland does not oppose changes, generally speaking, but its view is that the interest of the countries of East and Central Europe should also be taken into account in the process of restructuring the Security Council. Debate on this issue is just beginning, and no one actually has a rigid position on it. [passage omitted] [Walczak] What is your position on the proposal to establish a 10,000-strong UN army? |
FBIS3-31724_0 | Doctors Warn of `Devastating' Sanctions | Language: English Article Type:BFN ["Pool" item] [Text] Geneva, February 18 (TANJUG) -- A delegation of Belgrade doctors have warned representatives of international humanitarian organizations during a several days long visit to Geneva about the alarming effects of the United Nations (U.N.) sanctions on the health of the population and the over 700,000 refugees in the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. The doctors on Friday ended a visit to humanitarian organizations which operate within the U.N. system. Speaking at a press conference in Geneva, they underscored that the most elementary medicines and conditions for treating patients were lacking in hospitals in Yugoslavia because of the sanctions. Head of Belgrade's neuro-psychiatry hospital Prvoslav Markovic warned that the admission of mental patients had increased four times in the past six months, and that, because of the sanctions, the genocidal conditions in the hospital wards were more devastating than the atom bomb which dropped on Hiroshima. Dusan Velimirovic said that since the U.N. embargo was imposed, the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia had become a country with the biggest number of coronary seizures in the world because mortality in these cases had risen to 50 percent of all mortality rates. Post-operative infections at the children's clinic in Belgrade have increased by 20-30 percent because there are no antibiotics, Dusan Scepmvic warned. As a result of the shortage of cytostatics, the mortality of children with tumors has increased 40 percent, and operations are performed selectively, depending on the stages of the cancerous disease, Scepanovic said. |
FBIS3-31735_2 | Berisha Criticizes Serbia on Kosovo, Bosnia | further cooperation with the former communist European countries taken at the NATO summit in January this year constitutes a historic step in the life of our continent and the whole international community. NATO is now the only military alliance in our part of the world that, because of its moral values and military potential, has the indisputable responsibility for peace, security, and European stability. NATO is today the only great hope to cure Europe and the international community from the Bosnian (?penitent) syndrome. President Berisha later stressed that as a country fully interested in stable peace in the region, we should stress that in the last 20 months developments at the military level, together with the many defeats of the negotiations, clearly testify that dividing Bosnia is a hopeless option to end the war and establish peace, and that the time may have come to replace it with another option that respects the principles of preserving Bosnia's integrity, the right of the people to return to their centuries-long hearths, and does not reward the aggressor. President Berisha said that though the defense of these principles seems difficult at first sight, he thought that this was the only way to establish peace and that it was many times more productive than the acceptance and implementation of contrary principles. President Berisha reminded those present that one of the great knots of the present Balkan crisis is undoubtedly the problem of Kosova. There should be no solution to the Balkan crisis without solving the Kosova issue. That is why Berisha asked them that this question, which could at any moment trigger a Balkan war, be accorded the proper gravity and the dimensions that it possesses. For this reason, he said, I consider it very important to link the sanctions on Serbia to the situation created by Serbia in Kosova, to dispatch UN monitors to the province, and to exert pressure on Serbia so as to start negotiations with the legitimate representatives of this province within the framework of the Geneva conference, as well as to make a clear inventory for the return of all the violently seized institutions and to solve its status by respecting the human and national rights of 2 million Albanians who live in their ancient territories. President of the Republic of Albania Sali Berisha signed the PFP agreement at 1045 in the presence of the North Atlantic Council members. |
FBIS3-31739_2 | Defense Minister Answers Tudor's Accusations | parliament. The minister of defense also denied those accusations regarding the import of tanks from Israel. On the contrary, our country exports tanks, and Romania has not imported anything from Israel except special technology required for the modernization of MIG-21s in Bacau, and it seems that Israel is the country that will purchase the Romanian IAR-109 that is currently being tested. The army's supply of equipment is ensured 74 percent by the national defense industry, which guarantees to fulfill export orders and provide products intended for civilian use. Mr. Spiroiu affirmed that he could not possibly damage the prestige of the army through an argument with Vadim Tudor at various district Tribunals, and therefore, he preferred the action that he has currently chosen. The only effect of Vadim's attacks was that, as was said at the news conference, "nobody in the Military Command reads ROMANIA MARE anymore." Regarding the Partnership for Peace, Mr. Spiroiu said that Romania derives no advantage whatever from being the first to sign the document. There follows now the drafting of the presentation documents (a stage finalized by the Ministry of National Defense) after which, in the second half of this year, the partnership "contract" will be signed. Certainly, the whole nation is concerned about what is currently happening in the former Yugoslavia. Eventually, a NATO intervention seems imminent. In this case, it is well known that international accords provide that, in the event of an intervention of NATO troops in a certain country the neighbors of that country should not become involved. The National Defense Ministry leadership believes that in case of Sarajevo one should take into consideration only political-diplomatic solutions. Romania has signed seven international military accords. As was stated at the news conference, another accord with Spain will be signed in Madrid in March. Mr. Spiroiu said that relations with Russia have continued uninterrupted. An accord with that country was missed twice. Once after the Moscow coup and the second time because of demonstrations in front of the Russian Embassy in Bucharest, where the Russian defense minister was expected. "An accord that is similar to the ones signed with the Netherlands and Spain will soon be concluded also with Russia," Mr.Spiroiu affirmed. The restructuring process and the reform in the army also depend on the speed of implementation of the army law, the law on the status of conscripts, and people employed on |
FBIS3-31751_0 | Fourth Installment of Moravcik's Policy Report 2.3 Relations With Other States in Europe, North America, and the Commonwealth of Independent States | Language: Slovak Article Type:BFN [Fourth installment of "Report on the Fulfillment of Tasks of the Slovak Republic's Foreign Policy," delivered by Slovak Foreign Minister Moravcik to parliament in Bratislava on 2 February: "Slovakia in the World (IV)"] [Text] 2.1 Relations With Neighbors One of the most important tasks in the bilateral sphere and in foreign policy, in general, was the formation and maintenance of good relations with neighboring countries. Although our cooperation has been gradually acquiring an international character, the Czech Republic remained our most important partner. The tendency to standardize our mutual relations and gradually eliminate the specific features is gaining in strength particularly on the Czech side. Certain international appearances, however, of the Czech Republic in support of the Slovak Republic can be classified as signs of good cooperation. The volume of mutual trade indicates a halt in the original decline that followed the partition of the federation. A better and broader utilization of the customs union could favorably affect the speed and quality of the incorporation into the Western integration structures. The Treaty on a Temporary License To Conduct Business for Natural and Legal Persons Who Conduct Business on the Territory of the Other Republic of the Former Federation After 31 December 1993 was added at the end of the year to the complex of the treaties signed with the Czech Republic so far. On the whole, the division of the property of the former federation (98 percent completed) can also be rated favorably, although the most recent problems are not getting solved as fast as desired. The talks on an umbrella agreement regarding the border regime between the Slovak Republic and the Czech Republic have progressed slowly because of the difference in approach to this issue by the two parties. The problem of setting the amount of administrative fees has been solved, however, for the applications by citizens for permanent or long-term residence on the territory of the other republic. To designate the common border, a Slovak-Czech demarcation commission has been established, which managed to define successfully the international border between the Slovak Republic and the Czech Republic. The last four questionable instances in this area are currently being solved. The mutual cultural ties are very close; albeit, the reduction of the information flow and the mutual communication threatens their firmness. Because Slovakia wishes to continue presenting its culture to the citizens of the Czech Republic |
FBIS3-31751_1 | Fourth Installment of Moravcik's Policy Report 2.3 Relations With Other States in Europe, North America, and the Commonwealth of Independent States | Former Federation After 31 December 1993 was added at the end of the year to the complex of the treaties signed with the Czech Republic so far. On the whole, the division of the property of the former federation (98 percent completed) can also be rated favorably, although the most recent problems are not getting solved as fast as desired. The talks on an umbrella agreement regarding the border regime between the Slovak Republic and the Czech Republic have progressed slowly because of the difference in approach to this issue by the two parties. The problem of setting the amount of administrative fees has been solved, however, for the applications by citizens for permanent or long-term residence on the territory of the other republic. To designate the common border, a Slovak-Czech demarcation commission has been established, which managed to define successfully the international border between the Slovak Republic and the Czech Republic. The last four questionable instances in this area are currently being solved. The mutual cultural ties are very close; albeit, the reduction of the information flow and the mutual communication threatens their firmness. Because Slovakia wishes to continue presenting its culture to the citizens of the Czech Republic and reinforce the spiritual identity of the expatriate community, fundamental steps were taken to initiate the work of a Slovak Cultural Center in Prague beginning on 1 January 1994. During the year, several working meetings of representatives of the two states at all levels took place, including three meetings of the presidents. Despite all endeavors and conciliatory measures by the Slovak Republic, the mutual mistrust and tense atmosphere in relations with the Hungarian Republic could not be overcome. This is indicated especially by the approach taken by the Hungarian side, which was clearly dictated by the effort to challenge the credibility of Slovakia at international forums, the emphasis put on the problem of the rights of the Hungarian ethnic minority by the unnecessary dramatization of some less considerate unpremeditated steps by the Slovak side (the removal of signs, for instance), and the fueling of the irredentist tendencies of some representatives of the Hungarian parties in Slovakia. Hungarian diplomacy used international forums to complicate the starting position of Slovakia (CSCE, Council of Europe, Central European Initiative), and this stand adversely marked the entire development of mutual relations. The decidedly negative interpretation of the construction of the Gabcikovo hydroelectric project was successfully |
FBIS3-31757_1 | Commentary Views Latest U.S. Initiative | the Russians and encourage the Serbs who support a peaceful solution. What is it that is real and new, since everything sounds so familiar? Washington and Europe have finally agreed upon a joint approach, and once the White House gets into something with someone else, it has to lead. In this list of immediate tasks, Europe and Moscow had to give up the idea that a larger carrot (suspension of the sanctions) could curb the Serb appetites, and Washington agreed -- at least ostensibly -- to press its Muslim proteges. They must finally be satisfied with "reasonable demands," instead of constantly making the list of their wishes longer. Charles Redman therefore quickly went to Sarajevo, so that it could be firmly determined once and for all what kind of Bosnia and how much Bosnia for themselves the Muslims support. Immediately following these talks, the Serbs and Croats will be offered a kind of final menu that will not be based on the blackmailing principle of "take it or leave it," but would nevertheless be something that it is almost impossible to refuse, since "they would have to realize" -- says Tarnoff -- "that behind everything this time lies the unity and the common purpose of Europe and the United States." What about Croatia? Even Peter Tarnoff admits that Washington and Brussels have yet to agree upon a common approach to this issue. Germany has reappeared on the stage as the illegitimate foster parent of its naughty foundling, which it long ago sent into punishment, but still opposes someone else slapping it. In all this, Bonn can also expect new headaches at the constant diplomatic carousel that, in the Croatian public, turns Klaus Kinkel into a torturer at one moment and a savior at another. In a somewhat more extensive answer to the question of what this unachieved joint Western policy toward Croatia could look like, Tarnoff answered cautiously, but still threateningly: "We are aware of the need to resolve the issue of the Krajinas, and we know that Croatia is playing a very important role in the final (Bosnian) agreement. Croatia can profit a lot from the agreement, taking into account its economic situation resulting from a great number of war refugees. However, if it is not capable of playing a useful role, it could be put under pressure." Everything Mario Nobilo said at the Security Council was based on |
FBIS3-31773_0 | Serb Attacks Reported Despite NATO Ultimatum | Article Type:BFN [Editorial Report] Sarajevo Radio Bosnia-Herzegovina Network in Serbo-Croatian at 0900 GMT on 24 February carries within its regular seven-minute newscast several reports on the situation in the republic. A report by the Information Service of the 1st Corps of the Bosnia-Herzegovina Army read by correspondent Sead Curtovic speaks about "the activity of the Serbian aggressor in the protected zone of Sarajevo despite the NATO ultimatum" and says that "since last evening, the chetniks have violated the truce on several occasions, mostly provocations with infantry weapons. Late last night, a fragmentation mortar bomb was launched from chetnik positions at Bacici onto the Brijesce district. This morning, a [word indistinct] mortar has been in operation at Blekin Potok." Hajrudin Sermic reports from Maglaj about the "great tragedy that occurred in Maglaj at about 1900 [1800 GMT]" when "a direct hit from a howitzer shell on a humanitarian institution, a health center, killed five people; 16 people were seriously wounded, most of them crippled. The casualties were the medical staff, ambulance drivers, nurses, and patients who were waiting for help to be administered." Finally, Sermic reports that "as of 0700 this morning, battles resumed unabated announcing another, even more difficult and bloody day. All defense lines have been attacked with the same ferocity, but the situation is worst in the region of Plane, Krsno Polje, and Lijesnica." Mirza Sadikovic reports about "the Serb aggressor planning a long and exhausting offensive on the Bihac region, confirmed by last night and today's 19th day of incessant attacks on this part of the republic. Howitzer, tanks, all kinds of mortars, Zis and Bofors weapons, and antiaircraft weapons have the entire night pounded the defenders positions at the Grabez section of the front, as well as the Hasin Vrh and Grmusko-Srbljanski heights. Moreover, the chetniks continued the systematic destruction of the suburbs of the Bihac and Cazin communes, as well as the free section of the (?Bosanska Krupa) territory. Along the dividing lines with the remnants of the paramilitary formations of the so-called Kladusa autonomous region, provocations and activities of extremist groups were registered in all sectors last night." |
FBIS3-31786_0 | Over 20 Civilians Killed | Language: Serbo-Croatian Article Type:BFN [Report by Smajl Terzic from Tesanj] [Text] The last 24 hours in the operational zone of the 7th South Operative Group have been the worst since the start of the [Serb] enemy offensive. The aggressor has continuously pounded civilian targets in Tesanj, Maglaj, Sije, Mravici, Matuzici, Jelah, Kalosevic, and Miljanovci. The shells have killed over 20 civilians, and wounded about 100 innocent people. The entire 30-kilometer-long defense line has been pounded with hundreds of shells, but the worst situation was in the operational zone of the 201st Chivalrous Brigade in the region of Plana, Lijesnica, and (Nekoli), and in the operational zones of the 203d Glorious Motorized Brigade Doboj-Bosnia, the 110th Glorious Brigade HVO Usora, and on the southern sector of the the 200th Chivalrous Brigade in the region of Kraljevo Brdo, Bandera, and Borik. Let us add at the end of this report that today it is eight months that this region has been besieged, this region where people are dying of hunger and deprivation. We appeal to all who can and want to help these suffering people to send in food and medicine. |
FBIS3-31797_1 | President Havel Discusses Far East Visit | on contacts between individual economic entities. For example, when a bank wants to establish a branch in Central Europe, it hesitates and wonders whether it should do so in Vienna, Prague, Warsaw, or elsewhere. If we create a favorable climate by means of beneficial political and legislative conditions, it will locate its new branch in our country and we will become its base for the whole of the surrounding region. The same applies vice versa for our potential presence in Thailand, a country that is, for various reasons, most propitious for this purpose. This could mean a starting point for activity in other countries or -- as the case may be -- a starting point for triangular operations in which the Czech Republic and Thailand conduct business together in third countries. It is definitely not perceived as a contractual system involving several countries where this or that country will represent other countries. [Slezak] You are returning from Asia. Journalists and political scientists who deal with Asia from India to Japan are now arguing about whether the economic boom will necessarily lead the countries of this region to a point where they will have to adopt a Western-type political model. That is: Not just a parliamentary democracy, often characterized by local customs and foibles, but also emphasis on human rights. Some experts maintain that the attempts to graft something considerably different onto a cultural environment which has been evolving for a thousand years cannot succeed, and if it does, then only for a short time. It seems that the Thai example has confirmed the opposite theory.... [Havel] That is a subject that is indeed being much discussed -- not only among European or U.S. observers, but also among the politicians of that region. The Thai prime minister, for example, is of the opinion that the development of human rights and the development of the economy should -- and must -- go hand-in-hand. He was the inspiration behind the Bangkok Conference, which was devoted to this very idea. Other leaders allude to their specific traditions and say that first it is necessary to achieve a certain standard of living, a certain economic development, and only then is it possible -- as the case may be -- to intensify democracy and enhance respect for human rights. I will not presume to judge the issue. But, something in me -- most likely instinctively -- |
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