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Which team did József Gelei play for in Sep, 1962?
|
September 09, 1962
|
{
"text": [
"FC Tatabánya"
]
}
|
L2_Q727532_P54_2
|
József Gelei plays for Hungary national association football team from Jan, 1965 to Jan, 1966.
József Gelei plays for FC Tatabánya from Jan, 1962 to Jan, 1967.
József Gelei plays for Vasas SC from Jan, 1961 to Jan, 1962.
József Gelei plays for MTK Budapest FC from Jan, 1957 to Jan, 1961.
|
József GeleiJózsef Gelei (born 29 June 1938) is a Hungarian former professional football player and manager.Gelei, who played as a goalkeeper, played youth football with MTK and Beloiannisz, before turning professional in 1957 with former club MTK. He also played club football with Vasas SC and Tatabánya.Gelei also played at international level for Hungary, representing them at the 1964 Summer Olympics, 1964 European Nation's Cup and the 1966 FIFA World Cup.After retiring as a player, Gelei trained as a football coach, and managed a number of club sides in Hungary. He also coached the Indian national team.
|
[
"Vasas SC",
"MTK Budapest FC",
"Hungary national association football team"
] |
|
Which team did József Gelei play for in Aug, 1965?
|
August 04, 1965
|
{
"text": [
"Hungary national association football team",
"FC Tatabánya"
]
}
|
L2_Q727532_P54_3
|
József Gelei plays for FC Tatabánya from Jan, 1962 to Jan, 1967.
József Gelei plays for Vasas SC from Jan, 1961 to Jan, 1962.
József Gelei plays for MTK Budapest FC from Jan, 1957 to Jan, 1961.
József Gelei plays for Hungary national association football team from Jan, 1965 to Jan, 1966.
|
József GeleiJózsef Gelei (born 29 June 1938) is a Hungarian former professional football player and manager.Gelei, who played as a goalkeeper, played youth football with MTK and Beloiannisz, before turning professional in 1957 with former club MTK. He also played club football with Vasas SC and Tatabánya.Gelei also played at international level for Hungary, representing them at the 1964 Summer Olympics, 1964 European Nation's Cup and the 1966 FIFA World Cup.After retiring as a player, Gelei trained as a football coach, and managed a number of club sides in Hungary. He also coached the Indian national team.
|
[
"Vasas SC",
"MTK Budapest FC"
] |
|
Where was Albert Caquot educated in Aug, 1898?
|
August 02, 1898
|
{
"text": [
"Collège-lycée Jacques-Decour"
]
}
|
L2_Q364292_P69_0
|
Albert Caquot attended École des Ponts ParisTech from Oct, 1901 to Jun, 1905.
Albert Caquot attended Collège-lycée Jacques-Decour from Jan, 1898 to Jan, 1899.
Albert Caquot attended École polytechnique from Oct, 1899 to Oct, 1901.
|
Albert CaquotAlbert Irénée Caquot (1 July 1881 – 28 November 1976) was considered as the "best living French engineer" during half a century. He received the “Croix de Guerre 1914–1918 (France)” (military honor) and was Grand-croix of the Légion d’Honneur (1951). He was a member of the French Academy of Sciences from 1934 till his death. In 1962, he was awarded the Wilhelm Exner Medal.His parents, Paul Auguste Ondrine Caquot and wife Marie Irma (born Cousinard) owned a family farm in Vouziers, in the Ardennes, near the Belgian border. His father taught him modernism, by installing at their place electricity and telephone as early as 1890. One year only after high school, at eighteen years old, he was admitted at the Ecole Polytechnique ("year" 1899). Six years later, he graduated in the Corps des Ponts et Chaussées.From 1905 to 1912, he was a project manager in Troyes (Aube), and was pointed out for major civil work improvements he undertook with the city sewer system. This protected the city from the centennial flood of the River Seine in 1910. In 1912, he joined a leading structural engineering firm where he applied his unique talent of structure designer.Albert Caquot conducted outstanding research that was immediately applied in construction. His major contributions include:In the course of his life, Albert Caquot taught mechanical science for a long time in three of the most prominent French engineering schools in Paris: Écoles nationales supérieures des Mines, des Ponts et de l’Aéronautique.In the course of his career, as both a highly creative designer and a tireless calculator, he designed more than 300 bridges and facilities among which several were world records at the time:Two prestigious achievements made him famous internationally: the internal structure of the "Christ the Redeemer" statue in Rio de Janeiro (Brazil) at the peak of Corcovado Mountain (1931) and the George V Bridge on the Clyde River in Glasgow (Scotland) for which the Scottish engineers asked for his assistance.In his late eighties, he developed a gigantic tidal power project to capture the tide energy in Mont St Michel bay, in Normandy.During the course of his life, he committed himself alternatively to structural and aeronautical engineering following the rhythm imposed by the First and Second World Wars. Albert Caquot's contributions to aeronautics are included the design of the “Caquot dirigible” and technical innovations at the new French Aviation Ministry, where he created several Fluid Mechanics Institutes that still exist today. Marcel Dassault, who was charged by Albert Caquot to develop several major aeronautical projects at the beginning of his career, wrote about him: "He was one of the best engineers that aeronautics ever had. He was visionary and ahead of his time. He led aeronautical innovations for forty years".As early as 1901, already visionary, he performed his military service in an airship unit of the French army. At the beginning of First World War, he was mobilised with the 40e Compagnie d'Aérostiers equipped with "Drachen" type airships as first lieutenant. He noticed the poor wind behavior of these sausage shaped captive balloons, which were ineffective except in calm conditions.In 1914, he designed a new sausage-shaped dirigible equipped with three air-filled lobes spaced evenly around the tail as stabilizers, and moved the inner air balloonette from the rear to the underside of the nose, separate from the main gas envelope. The Caquot was able to hold in 90 km/h winds and remain horizontal. During three years, France manufactured "Caquot dirigibles" for all the allied forces, including English and United States armies. The United States also manufactured nearly a thousand "Caquot R balloons" in 1918-1919. This balloon gave to France and its allies an advantage in military observation which significantly contributed to the allies’ supremacy in aviation and eventually to the final victory. In January 1918, Georges Clémenceau named him technical director of the entire military aviation.In 1919, Albert Caquot proposed the creation of the French aeronautical museum (today called Musée de l'Air et de l'Espace, in Le Bourget). This museum is the oldest aeronautical museum in the world.In 1928, Albert Caquot became the first executive director of the new Aviation ministry. He implemented a policy of research, prototypes and mass production which contributed quickly to France leadership in the aeronautical industry. His main accomplishments are:In 1933, after a budget cut which prevented him from carrying forward his projects, he resigned and went back to structural engineering for several years.In 1938, under the threat of the war, Albert Caquot was brought back to manage all the national aeronautical businesses. He resigned in January 1940.He always had a great independence of mind and an incredible selflessness. The numerous honors he received from multiple countries, for example the dignity of Grand-croix de la Légion d’Honneur in France (1951), pay tribute to his exceptional merits. He was a member of the French Academy of Sciences for 41 years and served as their president from 1952 to 1961. During more than twenty years, he chaired numerous French scientific organizations, like the (), and was on the board of EDF (Électricité de France), the main electricity generation and distribution company in France, during more than ten years. In 1961, at 80 years old, Albert Caquot resigned from all the presidencies which he had always assured voluntarily. Warm-hearted, attentive and available, he loved to withdraw within his family.On 2 July 2001, a was issued in France to celebrate Albert Caquot's legacy on the 120th anniversary of his birth and the 25th anniversary of his death. A “Caquot dirigeable" and the , two of his creations, surround his picture on the stamp.Since 1989, the Prix Albert Caquot is awarded annually by the French Association of Civil and Structural Engineering.
|
[
"École des Ponts ParisTech",
"École polytechnique"
] |
|
Where was Albert Caquot educated in Feb, 1901?
|
February 19, 1901
|
{
"text": [
"École polytechnique"
]
}
|
L2_Q364292_P69_1
|
Albert Caquot attended Collège-lycée Jacques-Decour from Jan, 1898 to Jan, 1899.
Albert Caquot attended École des Ponts ParisTech from Oct, 1901 to Jun, 1905.
Albert Caquot attended École polytechnique from Oct, 1899 to Oct, 1901.
|
Albert CaquotAlbert Irénée Caquot (1 July 1881 – 28 November 1976) was considered as the "best living French engineer" during half a century. He received the “Croix de Guerre 1914–1918 (France)” (military honor) and was Grand-croix of the Légion d’Honneur (1951). He was a member of the French Academy of Sciences from 1934 till his death. In 1962, he was awarded the Wilhelm Exner Medal.His parents, Paul Auguste Ondrine Caquot and wife Marie Irma (born Cousinard) owned a family farm in Vouziers, in the Ardennes, near the Belgian border. His father taught him modernism, by installing at their place electricity and telephone as early as 1890. One year only after high school, at eighteen years old, he was admitted at the Ecole Polytechnique ("year" 1899). Six years later, he graduated in the Corps des Ponts et Chaussées.From 1905 to 1912, he was a project manager in Troyes (Aube), and was pointed out for major civil work improvements he undertook with the city sewer system. This protected the city from the centennial flood of the River Seine in 1910. In 1912, he joined a leading structural engineering firm where he applied his unique talent of structure designer.Albert Caquot conducted outstanding research that was immediately applied in construction. His major contributions include:In the course of his life, Albert Caquot taught mechanical science for a long time in three of the most prominent French engineering schools in Paris: Écoles nationales supérieures des Mines, des Ponts et de l’Aéronautique.In the course of his career, as both a highly creative designer and a tireless calculator, he designed more than 300 bridges and facilities among which several were world records at the time:Two prestigious achievements made him famous internationally: the internal structure of the "Christ the Redeemer" statue in Rio de Janeiro (Brazil) at the peak of Corcovado Mountain (1931) and the George V Bridge on the Clyde River in Glasgow (Scotland) for which the Scottish engineers asked for his assistance.In his late eighties, he developed a gigantic tidal power project to capture the tide energy in Mont St Michel bay, in Normandy.During the course of his life, he committed himself alternatively to structural and aeronautical engineering following the rhythm imposed by the First and Second World Wars. Albert Caquot's contributions to aeronautics are included the design of the “Caquot dirigible” and technical innovations at the new French Aviation Ministry, where he created several Fluid Mechanics Institutes that still exist today. Marcel Dassault, who was charged by Albert Caquot to develop several major aeronautical projects at the beginning of his career, wrote about him: "He was one of the best engineers that aeronautics ever had. He was visionary and ahead of his time. He led aeronautical innovations for forty years".As early as 1901, already visionary, he performed his military service in an airship unit of the French army. At the beginning of First World War, he was mobilised with the 40e Compagnie d'Aérostiers equipped with "Drachen" type airships as first lieutenant. He noticed the poor wind behavior of these sausage shaped captive balloons, which were ineffective except in calm conditions.In 1914, he designed a new sausage-shaped dirigible equipped with three air-filled lobes spaced evenly around the tail as stabilizers, and moved the inner air balloonette from the rear to the underside of the nose, separate from the main gas envelope. The Caquot was able to hold in 90 km/h winds and remain horizontal. During three years, France manufactured "Caquot dirigibles" for all the allied forces, including English and United States armies. The United States also manufactured nearly a thousand "Caquot R balloons" in 1918-1919. This balloon gave to France and its allies an advantage in military observation which significantly contributed to the allies’ supremacy in aviation and eventually to the final victory. In January 1918, Georges Clémenceau named him technical director of the entire military aviation.In 1919, Albert Caquot proposed the creation of the French aeronautical museum (today called Musée de l'Air et de l'Espace, in Le Bourget). This museum is the oldest aeronautical museum in the world.In 1928, Albert Caquot became the first executive director of the new Aviation ministry. He implemented a policy of research, prototypes and mass production which contributed quickly to France leadership in the aeronautical industry. His main accomplishments are:In 1933, after a budget cut which prevented him from carrying forward his projects, he resigned and went back to structural engineering for several years.In 1938, under the threat of the war, Albert Caquot was brought back to manage all the national aeronautical businesses. He resigned in January 1940.He always had a great independence of mind and an incredible selflessness. The numerous honors he received from multiple countries, for example the dignity of Grand-croix de la Légion d’Honneur in France (1951), pay tribute to his exceptional merits. He was a member of the French Academy of Sciences for 41 years and served as their president from 1952 to 1961. During more than twenty years, he chaired numerous French scientific organizations, like the (), and was on the board of EDF (Électricité de France), the main electricity generation and distribution company in France, during more than ten years. In 1961, at 80 years old, Albert Caquot resigned from all the presidencies which he had always assured voluntarily. Warm-hearted, attentive and available, he loved to withdraw within his family.On 2 July 2001, a was issued in France to celebrate Albert Caquot's legacy on the 120th anniversary of his birth and the 25th anniversary of his death. A “Caquot dirigeable" and the , two of his creations, surround his picture on the stamp.Since 1989, the Prix Albert Caquot is awarded annually by the French Association of Civil and Structural Engineering.
|
[
"Collège-lycée Jacques-Decour",
"École des Ponts ParisTech"
] |
|
Where was Albert Caquot educated in Jan, 1902?
|
January 26, 1902
|
{
"text": [
"École des Ponts ParisTech"
]
}
|
L2_Q364292_P69_2
|
Albert Caquot attended École des Ponts ParisTech from Oct, 1901 to Jun, 1905.
Albert Caquot attended École polytechnique from Oct, 1899 to Oct, 1901.
Albert Caquot attended Collège-lycée Jacques-Decour from Jan, 1898 to Jan, 1899.
|
Albert CaquotAlbert Irénée Caquot (1 July 1881 – 28 November 1976) was considered as the "best living French engineer" during half a century. He received the “Croix de Guerre 1914–1918 (France)” (military honor) and was Grand-croix of the Légion d’Honneur (1951). He was a member of the French Academy of Sciences from 1934 till his death. In 1962, he was awarded the Wilhelm Exner Medal.His parents, Paul Auguste Ondrine Caquot and wife Marie Irma (born Cousinard) owned a family farm in Vouziers, in the Ardennes, near the Belgian border. His father taught him modernism, by installing at their place electricity and telephone as early as 1890. One year only after high school, at eighteen years old, he was admitted at the Ecole Polytechnique ("year" 1899). Six years later, he graduated in the Corps des Ponts et Chaussées.From 1905 to 1912, he was a project manager in Troyes (Aube), and was pointed out for major civil work improvements he undertook with the city sewer system. This protected the city from the centennial flood of the River Seine in 1910. In 1912, he joined a leading structural engineering firm where he applied his unique talent of structure designer.Albert Caquot conducted outstanding research that was immediately applied in construction. His major contributions include:In the course of his life, Albert Caquot taught mechanical science for a long time in three of the most prominent French engineering schools in Paris: Écoles nationales supérieures des Mines, des Ponts et de l’Aéronautique.In the course of his career, as both a highly creative designer and a tireless calculator, he designed more than 300 bridges and facilities among which several were world records at the time:Two prestigious achievements made him famous internationally: the internal structure of the "Christ the Redeemer" statue in Rio de Janeiro (Brazil) at the peak of Corcovado Mountain (1931) and the George V Bridge on the Clyde River in Glasgow (Scotland) for which the Scottish engineers asked for his assistance.In his late eighties, he developed a gigantic tidal power project to capture the tide energy in Mont St Michel bay, in Normandy.During the course of his life, he committed himself alternatively to structural and aeronautical engineering following the rhythm imposed by the First and Second World Wars. Albert Caquot's contributions to aeronautics are included the design of the “Caquot dirigible” and technical innovations at the new French Aviation Ministry, where he created several Fluid Mechanics Institutes that still exist today. Marcel Dassault, who was charged by Albert Caquot to develop several major aeronautical projects at the beginning of his career, wrote about him: "He was one of the best engineers that aeronautics ever had. He was visionary and ahead of his time. He led aeronautical innovations for forty years".As early as 1901, already visionary, he performed his military service in an airship unit of the French army. At the beginning of First World War, he was mobilised with the 40e Compagnie d'Aérostiers equipped with "Drachen" type airships as first lieutenant. He noticed the poor wind behavior of these sausage shaped captive balloons, which were ineffective except in calm conditions.In 1914, he designed a new sausage-shaped dirigible equipped with three air-filled lobes spaced evenly around the tail as stabilizers, and moved the inner air balloonette from the rear to the underside of the nose, separate from the main gas envelope. The Caquot was able to hold in 90 km/h winds and remain horizontal. During three years, France manufactured "Caquot dirigibles" for all the allied forces, including English and United States armies. The United States also manufactured nearly a thousand "Caquot R balloons" in 1918-1919. This balloon gave to France and its allies an advantage in military observation which significantly contributed to the allies’ supremacy in aviation and eventually to the final victory. In January 1918, Georges Clémenceau named him technical director of the entire military aviation.In 1919, Albert Caquot proposed the creation of the French aeronautical museum (today called Musée de l'Air et de l'Espace, in Le Bourget). This museum is the oldest aeronautical museum in the world.In 1928, Albert Caquot became the first executive director of the new Aviation ministry. He implemented a policy of research, prototypes and mass production which contributed quickly to France leadership in the aeronautical industry. His main accomplishments are:In 1933, after a budget cut which prevented him from carrying forward his projects, he resigned and went back to structural engineering for several years.In 1938, under the threat of the war, Albert Caquot was brought back to manage all the national aeronautical businesses. He resigned in January 1940.He always had a great independence of mind and an incredible selflessness. The numerous honors he received from multiple countries, for example the dignity of Grand-croix de la Légion d’Honneur in France (1951), pay tribute to his exceptional merits. He was a member of the French Academy of Sciences for 41 years and served as their president from 1952 to 1961. During more than twenty years, he chaired numerous French scientific organizations, like the (), and was on the board of EDF (Électricité de France), the main electricity generation and distribution company in France, during more than ten years. In 1961, at 80 years old, Albert Caquot resigned from all the presidencies which he had always assured voluntarily. Warm-hearted, attentive and available, he loved to withdraw within his family.On 2 July 2001, a was issued in France to celebrate Albert Caquot's legacy on the 120th anniversary of his birth and the 25th anniversary of his death. A “Caquot dirigeable" and the , two of his creations, surround his picture on the stamp.Since 1989, the Prix Albert Caquot is awarded annually by the French Association of Civil and Structural Engineering.
|
[
"Collège-lycée Jacques-Decour",
"École polytechnique"
] |
|
Which team did David Bory play for in Apr, 2003?
|
April 14, 2003
|
{
"text": [
"ASM Clermont Auvergne",
"France national rugby union team"
]
}
|
L2_Q3017537_P54_0
|
David Bory plays for France national rugby union team from Mar, 2000 to Nov, 2003.
David Bory plays for ASM Clermont Auvergne from Jan, 1994 to Jan, 2004.
David Bory plays for Castres Olympique from Jan, 2004 to Jan, 2005.
David Bory plays for Bath Rugby from Jan, 2005 to Jan, 2007.
|
David BoryDavid Bory (born March 8, 1976 in Vichy) is a retired French international rugby union player.He spent most of his career playing for the Clermont and moved to the Castres Olympique in the French Top 14 club competition in 2004.The next year he left France for Bath.Bory played on the wing for France.He was named to replace Xavier Garbajosa after Garbajosa blew out a knee during the 2003 Rugby World Cup.
|
[
"Castres Olympique",
"Bath Rugby"
] |
|
Which team did David Bory play for in Aug, 2001?
|
August 15, 2001
|
{
"text": [
"ASM Clermont Auvergne",
"France national rugby union team"
]
}
|
L2_Q3017537_P54_1
|
David Bory plays for ASM Clermont Auvergne from Jan, 1994 to Jan, 2004.
David Bory plays for Bath Rugby from Jan, 2005 to Jan, 2007.
David Bory plays for Castres Olympique from Jan, 2004 to Jan, 2005.
David Bory plays for France national rugby union team from Mar, 2000 to Nov, 2003.
|
David BoryDavid Bory (born March 8, 1976 in Vichy) is a retired French international rugby union player.He spent most of his career playing for the Clermont and moved to the Castres Olympique in the French Top 14 club competition in 2004.The next year he left France for Bath.Bory played on the wing for France.He was named to replace Xavier Garbajosa after Garbajosa blew out a knee during the 2003 Rugby World Cup.
|
[
"Castres Olympique",
"Bath Rugby"
] |
|
Which team did David Bory play for in Dec, 2004?
|
December 27, 2004
|
{
"text": [
"Castres Olympique"
]
}
|
L2_Q3017537_P54_2
|
David Bory plays for Castres Olympique from Jan, 2004 to Jan, 2005.
David Bory plays for France national rugby union team from Mar, 2000 to Nov, 2003.
David Bory plays for ASM Clermont Auvergne from Jan, 1994 to Jan, 2004.
David Bory plays for Bath Rugby from Jan, 2005 to Jan, 2007.
|
David BoryDavid Bory (born March 8, 1976 in Vichy) is a retired French international rugby union player.He spent most of his career playing for the Clermont and moved to the Castres Olympique in the French Top 14 club competition in 2004.The next year he left France for Bath.Bory played on the wing for France.He was named to replace Xavier Garbajosa after Garbajosa blew out a knee during the 2003 Rugby World Cup.
|
[
"ASM Clermont Auvergne",
"France national rugby union team",
"Bath Rugby"
] |
|
Which team did David Bory play for in Mar, 2005?
|
March 04, 2005
|
{
"text": [
"Bath Rugby"
]
}
|
L2_Q3017537_P54_3
|
David Bory plays for Castres Olympique from Jan, 2004 to Jan, 2005.
David Bory plays for ASM Clermont Auvergne from Jan, 1994 to Jan, 2004.
David Bory plays for France national rugby union team from Mar, 2000 to Nov, 2003.
David Bory plays for Bath Rugby from Jan, 2005 to Jan, 2007.
|
David BoryDavid Bory (born March 8, 1976 in Vichy) is a retired French international rugby union player.He spent most of his career playing for the Clermont and moved to the Castres Olympique in the French Top 14 club competition in 2004.The next year he left France for Bath.Bory played on the wing for France.He was named to replace Xavier Garbajosa after Garbajosa blew out a knee during the 2003 Rugby World Cup.
|
[
"ASM Clermont Auvergne",
"Castres Olympique",
"France national rugby union team"
] |
|
Which employer did Miklós Vető work for in Apr, 1976?
|
April 04, 1976
|
{
"text": [
"Université Félix Houphouët-Boigny"
]
}
|
L2_Q20480905_P108_0
|
Miklós Vető works for Université Félix Houphouët-Boigny from Jan, 1976 to Jan, 1978.
Miklós Vető works for University of Poitiers from Jan, 1992 to Jan, 2005.
Miklós Vető works for University of Rennes 2 – Upper Brittany from Jan, 1979 to Jan, 1992.
|
Miklós VetőMiklós Vető (22 August 1936 – 8 January 2020) was a Hungarian-born French philosopher. A historian of German Idealism, especially Schelling, he lived in Paris. As an author, many of his works were collected by libraries.Vető was born in Budapest, and studied law at the University of Szeged. Because of his participation in the Revolution of 1956 he had to flee Hungary. As a refugee he was admitted to France in 1957. He studied philosophy first at the Sorbonne and then Oxford. He taught at Marquette and Yale Universities in the United States, the University of Abidjan in the Ivory Coast and Rennes and Poitiers Universities in France. He was made Professor Emeritus in 2005.Vető was an external member of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences, and a member of the Catholic Academy of France and the Academy of Messina. He was awarded a Doctorate Honoris Causa by the Pázmány Péter Catholic University, Budapest and the University of Szeged. He was Honorary Professor at the Australian Catholic University, Melbourne and an officer of the National Order of the Ivory Coast. He died in Paris.Vető's philosophy is coordinated along three interrelated foci: 1. The History of Philosophy, particularly German Idealism (Kant, Hegel, Schelling). This is the central thread of his philosophical research. 2. The Philosophy of Religion, understood as the philosophical investigation of the intelligibility of Christian spirituality and theology. 3. A Constructive Metaphysics, concerned with the "enlargement" of philosophical reflection by intercourse with themes drawn from religion, art and ordinary experience.Foci 1 and 2 have involved parallel developments through his career, whereas focus 3 has appeared central in publications since 2002.LA MÉTAPHYSIQUE RELIGIEUSE DE SIMONE WEIL, Paris, 1971 ; 3. ed. Paris, 2014. English translation : THE RELIGIOUS METAPHYSICS OF SIMONE WEIL, Albany, 1994. Translations in Italian, Japanese and Hungarian.F.W.J. SCHELLING : STUTTGARTER PRIVATVORLESUNGEN. Critical edition, Turin, 1973, 2. edition Paris, 2009.LE FONDEMENT SELON SCHELLING, Paris, 1977, 2. ed. Paris, 2002.LA PENSÉE DE JONATHAN EDWARDS, Paris, 1987, 2. ed. Paris, 2007. English translation : THE THOUGHT OF JONATHAN EDWARDS, EUGENE (OREGON) (IN PRINT)ÉTUDES SUR L’IDÉALISME ALLEMAND, Paris, 1998.DE KANT À SCHELLING. LES DEUX VOIES DE L’IDÉALISME ALLEMAND I-II. Krisis, Grenoble, 1998–2000 (German translation in preparation).LE MAL. ESSAIS ET ÉTUDES, Paris, 2000.FICHTE. DE L’ACTION À L’IMAGE, Paris, 2001.LA NAISSANCE DE LA VOLONTÉ, Paris, 2002, also a Brazilian translationPHILOSOPHIE ET RELIGION. Paris, 2006. Translation in Hungarian.NOUVELLES ÉTUDES SUR L’IDÉALISME ALLEMAND. Paris, 2009.L’ÉLARGISSEMENT DE LA MÉTAPHYSIQUE, Paris, 2012, English translation:THE EXPANSION OF METAPHYSICS. Eugene (Oregon), (in preparation).EXPLORATIONS MÉTAPHYSIQUES, Paris, 2012.GABRIEL MARCEL, Paris, 2014.DE WHITEHEAD A MARION. ECLATS DE PHILOSOPHIE CONTEMPORAINE, Paris, 2015.PIERRE DE BÉRULLE. LES THÈMES MAJEURS DE SA PENSÉE. PARIS, 2016.LA VOLONTÉ SELON FÉNELON, Paris (in print).Also over 400 other publications: articles, prefaces, book reviews.
|
[
"University of Rennes 2 – Upper Brittany",
"University of Poitiers"
] |
|
Which employer did Miklós Vető work for in Aug, 1982?
|
August 15, 1982
|
{
"text": [
"University of Rennes 2 – Upper Brittany"
]
}
|
L2_Q20480905_P108_1
|
Miklós Vető works for University of Poitiers from Jan, 1992 to Jan, 2005.
Miklós Vető works for University of Rennes 2 – Upper Brittany from Jan, 1979 to Jan, 1992.
Miklós Vető works for Université Félix Houphouët-Boigny from Jan, 1976 to Jan, 1978.
|
Miklós VetőMiklós Vető (22 August 1936 – 8 January 2020) was a Hungarian-born French philosopher. A historian of German Idealism, especially Schelling, he lived in Paris. As an author, many of his works were collected by libraries.Vető was born in Budapest, and studied law at the University of Szeged. Because of his participation in the Revolution of 1956 he had to flee Hungary. As a refugee he was admitted to France in 1957. He studied philosophy first at the Sorbonne and then Oxford. He taught at Marquette and Yale Universities in the United States, the University of Abidjan in the Ivory Coast and Rennes and Poitiers Universities in France. He was made Professor Emeritus in 2005.Vető was an external member of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences, and a member of the Catholic Academy of France and the Academy of Messina. He was awarded a Doctorate Honoris Causa by the Pázmány Péter Catholic University, Budapest and the University of Szeged. He was Honorary Professor at the Australian Catholic University, Melbourne and an officer of the National Order of the Ivory Coast. He died in Paris.Vető's philosophy is coordinated along three interrelated foci: 1. The History of Philosophy, particularly German Idealism (Kant, Hegel, Schelling). This is the central thread of his philosophical research. 2. The Philosophy of Religion, understood as the philosophical investigation of the intelligibility of Christian spirituality and theology. 3. A Constructive Metaphysics, concerned with the "enlargement" of philosophical reflection by intercourse with themes drawn from religion, art and ordinary experience.Foci 1 and 2 have involved parallel developments through his career, whereas focus 3 has appeared central in publications since 2002.LA MÉTAPHYSIQUE RELIGIEUSE DE SIMONE WEIL, Paris, 1971 ; 3. ed. Paris, 2014. English translation : THE RELIGIOUS METAPHYSICS OF SIMONE WEIL, Albany, 1994. Translations in Italian, Japanese and Hungarian.F.W.J. SCHELLING : STUTTGARTER PRIVATVORLESUNGEN. Critical edition, Turin, 1973, 2. edition Paris, 2009.LE FONDEMENT SELON SCHELLING, Paris, 1977, 2. ed. Paris, 2002.LA PENSÉE DE JONATHAN EDWARDS, Paris, 1987, 2. ed. Paris, 2007. English translation : THE THOUGHT OF JONATHAN EDWARDS, EUGENE (OREGON) (IN PRINT)ÉTUDES SUR L’IDÉALISME ALLEMAND, Paris, 1998.DE KANT À SCHELLING. LES DEUX VOIES DE L’IDÉALISME ALLEMAND I-II. Krisis, Grenoble, 1998–2000 (German translation in preparation).LE MAL. ESSAIS ET ÉTUDES, Paris, 2000.FICHTE. DE L’ACTION À L’IMAGE, Paris, 2001.LA NAISSANCE DE LA VOLONTÉ, Paris, 2002, also a Brazilian translationPHILOSOPHIE ET RELIGION. Paris, 2006. Translation in Hungarian.NOUVELLES ÉTUDES SUR L’IDÉALISME ALLEMAND. Paris, 2009.L’ÉLARGISSEMENT DE LA MÉTAPHYSIQUE, Paris, 2012, English translation:THE EXPANSION OF METAPHYSICS. Eugene (Oregon), (in preparation).EXPLORATIONS MÉTAPHYSIQUES, Paris, 2012.GABRIEL MARCEL, Paris, 2014.DE WHITEHEAD A MARION. ECLATS DE PHILOSOPHIE CONTEMPORAINE, Paris, 2015.PIERRE DE BÉRULLE. LES THÈMES MAJEURS DE SA PENSÉE. PARIS, 2016.LA VOLONTÉ SELON FÉNELON, Paris (in print).Also over 400 other publications: articles, prefaces, book reviews.
|
[
"Université Félix Houphouët-Boigny",
"University of Poitiers"
] |
|
Which employer did Miklós Vető work for in Sep, 1993?
|
September 12, 1993
|
{
"text": [
"University of Poitiers"
]
}
|
L2_Q20480905_P108_2
|
Miklós Vető works for Université Félix Houphouët-Boigny from Jan, 1976 to Jan, 1978.
Miklós Vető works for University of Rennes 2 – Upper Brittany from Jan, 1979 to Jan, 1992.
Miklós Vető works for University of Poitiers from Jan, 1992 to Jan, 2005.
|
Miklós VetőMiklós Vető (22 August 1936 – 8 January 2020) was a Hungarian-born French philosopher. A historian of German Idealism, especially Schelling, he lived in Paris. As an author, many of his works were collected by libraries.Vető was born in Budapest, and studied law at the University of Szeged. Because of his participation in the Revolution of 1956 he had to flee Hungary. As a refugee he was admitted to France in 1957. He studied philosophy first at the Sorbonne and then Oxford. He taught at Marquette and Yale Universities in the United States, the University of Abidjan in the Ivory Coast and Rennes and Poitiers Universities in France. He was made Professor Emeritus in 2005.Vető was an external member of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences, and a member of the Catholic Academy of France and the Academy of Messina. He was awarded a Doctorate Honoris Causa by the Pázmány Péter Catholic University, Budapest and the University of Szeged. He was Honorary Professor at the Australian Catholic University, Melbourne and an officer of the National Order of the Ivory Coast. He died in Paris.Vető's philosophy is coordinated along three interrelated foci: 1. The History of Philosophy, particularly German Idealism (Kant, Hegel, Schelling). This is the central thread of his philosophical research. 2. The Philosophy of Religion, understood as the philosophical investigation of the intelligibility of Christian spirituality and theology. 3. A Constructive Metaphysics, concerned with the "enlargement" of philosophical reflection by intercourse with themes drawn from religion, art and ordinary experience.Foci 1 and 2 have involved parallel developments through his career, whereas focus 3 has appeared central in publications since 2002.LA MÉTAPHYSIQUE RELIGIEUSE DE SIMONE WEIL, Paris, 1971 ; 3. ed. Paris, 2014. English translation : THE RELIGIOUS METAPHYSICS OF SIMONE WEIL, Albany, 1994. Translations in Italian, Japanese and Hungarian.F.W.J. SCHELLING : STUTTGARTER PRIVATVORLESUNGEN. Critical edition, Turin, 1973, 2. edition Paris, 2009.LE FONDEMENT SELON SCHELLING, Paris, 1977, 2. ed. Paris, 2002.LA PENSÉE DE JONATHAN EDWARDS, Paris, 1987, 2. ed. Paris, 2007. English translation : THE THOUGHT OF JONATHAN EDWARDS, EUGENE (OREGON) (IN PRINT)ÉTUDES SUR L’IDÉALISME ALLEMAND, Paris, 1998.DE KANT À SCHELLING. LES DEUX VOIES DE L’IDÉALISME ALLEMAND I-II. Krisis, Grenoble, 1998–2000 (German translation in preparation).LE MAL. ESSAIS ET ÉTUDES, Paris, 2000.FICHTE. DE L’ACTION À L’IMAGE, Paris, 2001.LA NAISSANCE DE LA VOLONTÉ, Paris, 2002, also a Brazilian translationPHILOSOPHIE ET RELIGION. Paris, 2006. Translation in Hungarian.NOUVELLES ÉTUDES SUR L’IDÉALISME ALLEMAND. Paris, 2009.L’ÉLARGISSEMENT DE LA MÉTAPHYSIQUE, Paris, 2012, English translation:THE EXPANSION OF METAPHYSICS. Eugene (Oregon), (in preparation).EXPLORATIONS MÉTAPHYSIQUES, Paris, 2012.GABRIEL MARCEL, Paris, 2014.DE WHITEHEAD A MARION. ECLATS DE PHILOSOPHIE CONTEMPORAINE, Paris, 2015.PIERRE DE BÉRULLE. LES THÈMES MAJEURS DE SA PENSÉE. PARIS, 2016.LA VOLONTÉ SELON FÉNELON, Paris (in print).Also over 400 other publications: articles, prefaces, book reviews.
|
[
"Université Félix Houphouët-Boigny",
"University of Rennes 2 – Upper Brittany"
] |
|
Which position did Kojo Appiah-Kubi hold in Dec, 2011?
|
December 22, 2011
|
{
"text": [
"Member of the 5th Parliament of the 4th Republic of Ghana"
]
}
|
L2_Q61694734_P39_0
|
Kojo Appiah-Kubi holds the position of Member of the 7th Parliament of the 4th Republic of Ghana from Jan, 2017 to Dec, 2022.
Kojo Appiah-Kubi holds the position of Member of the 6th Parliament of the 4th Republic of Ghana from Jan, 2013 to Jan, 2017.
Kojo Appiah-Kubi holds the position of Member of the 5th Parliament of the 4th Republic of Ghana from Jan, 2009 to Jan, 2013.
|
Kojo Appiah-KubiKojo Appiah-Kubi (born 15 June 1956) is a Ghanaian politician and member of the Seventh Parliament of the Fourth Republic of Ghana representing the Atwima Kwawoma Constituency in the Ashanti Region on the ticket of the New Patriotic Party.Appiah-Kubi was born on 15 June 1956. He obtained his PhD degree from University of Mainz, Germany in 1994 where he studied Business Administration and Economics.Appiah-Kubi joined the Parliament of Ghana in 2009 as the New Patriotic Party candidate representing Atwima Kwawoma Constituency. He is an Economist/Management Consultant. He was the Director of Policy Planning and Development at the National Development Planning Commission (NDPC) in Accra.Appiah-Kubi represented the Atwima Kwanwoma constituency as the Member of Parliament in the 5th parliament of the 4th republic of Ghana. He was elected on the ticket of the New Patriotic Party in the 2008 Ghanaian general elections. He obtained 32,367votes of 39,660 total valid votes cast, equivalent to 81.61% of total valid votes cast. He won against Nana Kwadwo Appiah of the National Democratic Congress and Acquah Evans Fordjour of the Reformed Patriotic Democrats. These obtained 14.93% and 3.46% respectively of total valid votes cast.He is married with five children. He is a Christian who follows the Catholic doctrine.
|
[
"Member of the 6th Parliament of the 4th Republic of Ghana",
"Member of the 7th Parliament of the 4th Republic of Ghana"
] |
|
Which position did Kojo Appiah-Kubi hold in Dec, 2014?
|
December 20, 2014
|
{
"text": [
"Member of the 6th Parliament of the 4th Republic of Ghana"
]
}
|
L2_Q61694734_P39_1
|
Kojo Appiah-Kubi holds the position of Member of the 6th Parliament of the 4th Republic of Ghana from Jan, 2013 to Jan, 2017.
Kojo Appiah-Kubi holds the position of Member of the 7th Parliament of the 4th Republic of Ghana from Jan, 2017 to Dec, 2022.
Kojo Appiah-Kubi holds the position of Member of the 5th Parliament of the 4th Republic of Ghana from Jan, 2009 to Jan, 2013.
|
Kojo Appiah-KubiKojo Appiah-Kubi (born 15 June 1956) is a Ghanaian politician and member of the Seventh Parliament of the Fourth Republic of Ghana representing the Atwima Kwawoma Constituency in the Ashanti Region on the ticket of the New Patriotic Party.Appiah-Kubi was born on 15 June 1956. He obtained his PhD degree from University of Mainz, Germany in 1994 where he studied Business Administration and Economics.Appiah-Kubi joined the Parliament of Ghana in 2009 as the New Patriotic Party candidate representing Atwima Kwawoma Constituency. He is an Economist/Management Consultant. He was the Director of Policy Planning and Development at the National Development Planning Commission (NDPC) in Accra.Appiah-Kubi represented the Atwima Kwanwoma constituency as the Member of Parliament in the 5th parliament of the 4th republic of Ghana. He was elected on the ticket of the New Patriotic Party in the 2008 Ghanaian general elections. He obtained 32,367votes of 39,660 total valid votes cast, equivalent to 81.61% of total valid votes cast. He won against Nana Kwadwo Appiah of the National Democratic Congress and Acquah Evans Fordjour of the Reformed Patriotic Democrats. These obtained 14.93% and 3.46% respectively of total valid votes cast.He is married with five children. He is a Christian who follows the Catholic doctrine.
|
[
"Member of the 5th Parliament of the 4th Republic of Ghana",
"Member of the 7th Parliament of the 4th Republic of Ghana"
] |
|
Which position did Kojo Appiah-Kubi hold in Mar, 2018?
|
March 05, 2018
|
{
"text": [
"Member of the 7th Parliament of the 4th Republic of Ghana"
]
}
|
L2_Q61694734_P39_2
|
Kojo Appiah-Kubi holds the position of Member of the 7th Parliament of the 4th Republic of Ghana from Jan, 2017 to Dec, 2022.
Kojo Appiah-Kubi holds the position of Member of the 6th Parliament of the 4th Republic of Ghana from Jan, 2013 to Jan, 2017.
Kojo Appiah-Kubi holds the position of Member of the 5th Parliament of the 4th Republic of Ghana from Jan, 2009 to Jan, 2013.
|
Kojo Appiah-KubiKojo Appiah-Kubi (born 15 June 1956) is a Ghanaian politician and member of the Seventh Parliament of the Fourth Republic of Ghana representing the Atwima Kwawoma Constituency in the Ashanti Region on the ticket of the New Patriotic Party.Appiah-Kubi was born on 15 June 1956. He obtained his PhD degree from University of Mainz, Germany in 1994 where he studied Business Administration and Economics.Appiah-Kubi joined the Parliament of Ghana in 2009 as the New Patriotic Party candidate representing Atwima Kwawoma Constituency. He is an Economist/Management Consultant. He was the Director of Policy Planning and Development at the National Development Planning Commission (NDPC) in Accra.Appiah-Kubi represented the Atwima Kwanwoma constituency as the Member of Parliament in the 5th parliament of the 4th republic of Ghana. He was elected on the ticket of the New Patriotic Party in the 2008 Ghanaian general elections. He obtained 32,367votes of 39,660 total valid votes cast, equivalent to 81.61% of total valid votes cast. He won against Nana Kwadwo Appiah of the National Democratic Congress and Acquah Evans Fordjour of the Reformed Patriotic Democrats. These obtained 14.93% and 3.46% respectively of total valid votes cast.He is married with five children. He is a Christian who follows the Catholic doctrine.
|
[
"Member of the 6th Parliament of the 4th Republic of Ghana",
"Member of the 5th Parliament of the 4th Republic of Ghana"
] |
|
Which team did Mustafa Peštalić play for in Oct, 1980?
|
October 02, 1980
|
{
"text": [
"FK Lokomotiva Brčko"
]
}
|
L2_Q13085534_P54_0
|
Mustafa Peštalić plays for F.K. Vojvodina from Jan, 1982 to Jan, 1984.
Mustafa Peštalić plays for FK Sloboda Tuzla from Jan, 1988 to Jan, 1990.
Mustafa Peštalić plays for HNK Šibenik from Jan, 1986 to Jan, 1988.
Mustafa Peštalić plays for FK Velež Mostar from Jan, 1990 to Jan, 1991.
Mustafa Peštalić plays for A.D. Camacha from Jan, 1995 to Jan, 1997.
Mustafa Peštalić plays for FK Lokomotiva Brčko from Jan, 1980 to Jan, 1982.
Mustafa Peštalić plays for S.C. Campomaiorense from Jan, 1992 to Jan, 1994.
Mustafa Peštalić plays for Sing Tao SC from Jan, 1997 to Jan, 1999.
Mustafa Peštalić plays for FK Spartak Zlatibor Voda from Jan, 1984 to Jan, 1986.
Mustafa Peštalić plays for C.F. União de Lamas from Jan, 1994 to Jan, 1995.
Mustafa Peštalić plays for C.F. Estrela da Amadora from Jan, 1991 to Jan, 1992.
|
Mustafa PeštalićMustafa Peštalić (born 28 March 1963) is a Bosnian football manager and former goalkeeper who played in several clubs in Yugoslavia, Portugal and Hong Kong.Born in Brčko, SR Bosnia and Herzegovina, back then still part of Yugoslavia, he started playing in local side FK Lokomotiva Brčko before moving to Yugoslav First League side FK Vojvodina in 1982. However, in two seasons he managed to make only 5 league appearances deciding then to move to Yugoslav Second League side FK Spartak Subotica where he became a regular. After 2 seasons in Subotica, he played another 2 with same level side HNK Šibenik, before moving in 1988 to FK Sloboda Tuzla making this way a return to the Yugoslav top-flight. After two seasons in Tuzla, he played with FK Velež Mostar before leaving Yugoslavia in 1991.In summer 1991 he joined Portuguese side C.F. Estrela da Amadora, and for he next 6 years he will play in Portugal with S.C. Campomaiorense, C.F. União de Lamas and A.D. Camacha. He left Portugal in 1997 and joined Sing Tao SC playing in the Hong Kong Division 1 and stayed in the club until 1999 when the club was dissolved.After retiring, he became a coach. By February 2012 he was a goalkeeping coach at FK Spartak Subotica in the Serbian SuperLiga. Afterwards, he became sports director of NK Zvijezda Gradačac (a club playing in the Bosnian Premier League, a post he held until April 2014.
|
[
"HNK Šibenik",
"FK Velež Mostar",
"C.F. União de Lamas",
"A.D. Camacha",
"FK Spartak Zlatibor Voda",
"F.K. Vojvodina",
"FK Sloboda Tuzla",
"C.F. Estrela da Amadora",
"S.C. Campomaiorense",
"Sing Tao SC"
] |
|
Which team did Mustafa Peštalić play for in Dec, 1983?
|
December 18, 1983
|
{
"text": [
"F.K. Vojvodina"
]
}
|
L2_Q13085534_P54_1
|
Mustafa Peštalić plays for FK Lokomotiva Brčko from Jan, 1980 to Jan, 1982.
Mustafa Peštalić plays for S.C. Campomaiorense from Jan, 1992 to Jan, 1994.
Mustafa Peštalić plays for Sing Tao SC from Jan, 1997 to Jan, 1999.
Mustafa Peštalić plays for F.K. Vojvodina from Jan, 1982 to Jan, 1984.
Mustafa Peštalić plays for FK Spartak Zlatibor Voda from Jan, 1984 to Jan, 1986.
Mustafa Peštalić plays for FK Sloboda Tuzla from Jan, 1988 to Jan, 1990.
Mustafa Peštalić plays for FK Velež Mostar from Jan, 1990 to Jan, 1991.
Mustafa Peštalić plays for A.D. Camacha from Jan, 1995 to Jan, 1997.
Mustafa Peštalić plays for HNK Šibenik from Jan, 1986 to Jan, 1988.
Mustafa Peštalić plays for C.F. União de Lamas from Jan, 1994 to Jan, 1995.
Mustafa Peštalić plays for C.F. Estrela da Amadora from Jan, 1991 to Jan, 1992.
|
Mustafa PeštalićMustafa Peštalić (born 28 March 1963) is a Bosnian football manager and former goalkeeper who played in several clubs in Yugoslavia, Portugal and Hong Kong.Born in Brčko, SR Bosnia and Herzegovina, back then still part of Yugoslavia, he started playing in local side FK Lokomotiva Brčko before moving to Yugoslav First League side FK Vojvodina in 1982. However, in two seasons he managed to make only 5 league appearances deciding then to move to Yugoslav Second League side FK Spartak Subotica where he became a regular. After 2 seasons in Subotica, he played another 2 with same level side HNK Šibenik, before moving in 1988 to FK Sloboda Tuzla making this way a return to the Yugoslav top-flight. After two seasons in Tuzla, he played with FK Velež Mostar before leaving Yugoslavia in 1991.In summer 1991 he joined Portuguese side C.F. Estrela da Amadora, and for he next 6 years he will play in Portugal with S.C. Campomaiorense, C.F. União de Lamas and A.D. Camacha. He left Portugal in 1997 and joined Sing Tao SC playing in the Hong Kong Division 1 and stayed in the club until 1999 when the club was dissolved.After retiring, he became a coach. By February 2012 he was a goalkeeping coach at FK Spartak Subotica in the Serbian SuperLiga. Afterwards, he became sports director of NK Zvijezda Gradačac (a club playing in the Bosnian Premier League, a post he held until April 2014.
|
[
"HNK Šibenik",
"FK Velež Mostar",
"C.F. União de Lamas",
"A.D. Camacha",
"FK Spartak Zlatibor Voda",
"FK Sloboda Tuzla",
"C.F. Estrela da Amadora",
"S.C. Campomaiorense",
"FK Lokomotiva Brčko",
"Sing Tao SC"
] |
|
Which team did Mustafa Peštalić play for in Dec, 1984?
|
December 17, 1984
|
{
"text": [
"FK Spartak Zlatibor Voda"
]
}
|
L2_Q13085534_P54_2
|
Mustafa Peštalić plays for F.K. Vojvodina from Jan, 1982 to Jan, 1984.
Mustafa Peštalić plays for HNK Šibenik from Jan, 1986 to Jan, 1988.
Mustafa Peštalić plays for Sing Tao SC from Jan, 1997 to Jan, 1999.
Mustafa Peštalić plays for FK Velež Mostar from Jan, 1990 to Jan, 1991.
Mustafa Peštalić plays for FK Sloboda Tuzla from Jan, 1988 to Jan, 1990.
Mustafa Peštalić plays for C.F. União de Lamas from Jan, 1994 to Jan, 1995.
Mustafa Peštalić plays for A.D. Camacha from Jan, 1995 to Jan, 1997.
Mustafa Peštalić plays for FK Lokomotiva Brčko from Jan, 1980 to Jan, 1982.
Mustafa Peštalić plays for S.C. Campomaiorense from Jan, 1992 to Jan, 1994.
Mustafa Peštalić plays for C.F. Estrela da Amadora from Jan, 1991 to Jan, 1992.
Mustafa Peštalić plays for FK Spartak Zlatibor Voda from Jan, 1984 to Jan, 1986.
|
Mustafa PeštalićMustafa Peštalić (born 28 March 1963) is a Bosnian football manager and former goalkeeper who played in several clubs in Yugoslavia, Portugal and Hong Kong.Born in Brčko, SR Bosnia and Herzegovina, back then still part of Yugoslavia, he started playing in local side FK Lokomotiva Brčko before moving to Yugoslav First League side FK Vojvodina in 1982. However, in two seasons he managed to make only 5 league appearances deciding then to move to Yugoslav Second League side FK Spartak Subotica where he became a regular. After 2 seasons in Subotica, he played another 2 with same level side HNK Šibenik, before moving in 1988 to FK Sloboda Tuzla making this way a return to the Yugoslav top-flight. After two seasons in Tuzla, he played with FK Velež Mostar before leaving Yugoslavia in 1991.In summer 1991 he joined Portuguese side C.F. Estrela da Amadora, and for he next 6 years he will play in Portugal with S.C. Campomaiorense, C.F. União de Lamas and A.D. Camacha. He left Portugal in 1997 and joined Sing Tao SC playing in the Hong Kong Division 1 and stayed in the club until 1999 when the club was dissolved.After retiring, he became a coach. By February 2012 he was a goalkeeping coach at FK Spartak Subotica in the Serbian SuperLiga. Afterwards, he became sports director of NK Zvijezda Gradačac (a club playing in the Bosnian Premier League, a post he held until April 2014.
|
[
"HNK Šibenik",
"FK Velež Mostar",
"C.F. União de Lamas",
"A.D. Camacha",
"F.K. Vojvodina",
"FK Sloboda Tuzla",
"C.F. Estrela da Amadora",
"S.C. Campomaiorense",
"FK Lokomotiva Brčko",
"Sing Tao SC"
] |
|
Which team did Mustafa Peštalić play for in Jan, 1986?
|
January 17, 1986
|
{
"text": [
"HNK Šibenik",
"FK Spartak Zlatibor Voda"
]
}
|
L2_Q13085534_P54_3
|
Mustafa Peštalić plays for FK Sloboda Tuzla from Jan, 1988 to Jan, 1990.
Mustafa Peštalić plays for S.C. Campomaiorense from Jan, 1992 to Jan, 1994.
Mustafa Peštalić plays for HNK Šibenik from Jan, 1986 to Jan, 1988.
Mustafa Peštalić plays for A.D. Camacha from Jan, 1995 to Jan, 1997.
Mustafa Peštalić plays for FK Velež Mostar from Jan, 1990 to Jan, 1991.
Mustafa Peštalić plays for Sing Tao SC from Jan, 1997 to Jan, 1999.
Mustafa Peštalić plays for FK Spartak Zlatibor Voda from Jan, 1984 to Jan, 1986.
Mustafa Peštalić plays for C.F. União de Lamas from Jan, 1994 to Jan, 1995.
Mustafa Peštalić plays for C.F. Estrela da Amadora from Jan, 1991 to Jan, 1992.
Mustafa Peštalić plays for FK Lokomotiva Brčko from Jan, 1980 to Jan, 1982.
Mustafa Peštalić plays for F.K. Vojvodina from Jan, 1982 to Jan, 1984.
|
Mustafa PeštalićMustafa Peštalić (born 28 March 1963) is a Bosnian football manager and former goalkeeper who played in several clubs in Yugoslavia, Portugal and Hong Kong.Born in Brčko, SR Bosnia and Herzegovina, back then still part of Yugoslavia, he started playing in local side FK Lokomotiva Brčko before moving to Yugoslav First League side FK Vojvodina in 1982. However, in two seasons he managed to make only 5 league appearances deciding then to move to Yugoslav Second League side FK Spartak Subotica where he became a regular. After 2 seasons in Subotica, he played another 2 with same level side HNK Šibenik, before moving in 1988 to FK Sloboda Tuzla making this way a return to the Yugoslav top-flight. After two seasons in Tuzla, he played with FK Velež Mostar before leaving Yugoslavia in 1991.In summer 1991 he joined Portuguese side C.F. Estrela da Amadora, and for he next 6 years he will play in Portugal with S.C. Campomaiorense, C.F. União de Lamas and A.D. Camacha. He left Portugal in 1997 and joined Sing Tao SC playing in the Hong Kong Division 1 and stayed in the club until 1999 when the club was dissolved.After retiring, he became a coach. By February 2012 he was a goalkeeping coach at FK Spartak Subotica in the Serbian SuperLiga. Afterwards, he became sports director of NK Zvijezda Gradačac (a club playing in the Bosnian Premier League, a post he held until April 2014.
|
[
"FK Velež Mostar",
"C.F. União de Lamas",
"A.D. Camacha",
"FK Spartak Zlatibor Voda",
"F.K. Vojvodina",
"FK Sloboda Tuzla",
"C.F. Estrela da Amadora",
"S.C. Campomaiorense",
"FK Lokomotiva Brčko",
"Sing Tao SC",
"FK Velež Mostar",
"C.F. União de Lamas",
"A.D. Camacha",
"F.K. Vojvodina",
"FK Sloboda Tuzla",
"C.F. Estrela da Amadora",
"S.C. Campomaiorense",
"FK Lokomotiva Brčko",
"Sing Tao SC"
] |
|
Which team did Mustafa Peštalić play for in Aug, 1989?
|
August 09, 1989
|
{
"text": [
"FK Sloboda Tuzla"
]
}
|
L2_Q13085534_P54_4
|
Mustafa Peštalić plays for FK Sloboda Tuzla from Jan, 1988 to Jan, 1990.
Mustafa Peštalić plays for S.C. Campomaiorense from Jan, 1992 to Jan, 1994.
Mustafa Peštalić plays for C.F. União de Lamas from Jan, 1994 to Jan, 1995.
Mustafa Peštalić plays for A.D. Camacha from Jan, 1995 to Jan, 1997.
Mustafa Peštalić plays for FK Lokomotiva Brčko from Jan, 1980 to Jan, 1982.
Mustafa Peštalić plays for F.K. Vojvodina from Jan, 1982 to Jan, 1984.
Mustafa Peštalić plays for HNK Šibenik from Jan, 1986 to Jan, 1988.
Mustafa Peštalić plays for C.F. Estrela da Amadora from Jan, 1991 to Jan, 1992.
Mustafa Peštalić plays for Sing Tao SC from Jan, 1997 to Jan, 1999.
Mustafa Peštalić plays for FK Velež Mostar from Jan, 1990 to Jan, 1991.
Mustafa Peštalić plays for FK Spartak Zlatibor Voda from Jan, 1984 to Jan, 1986.
|
Mustafa PeštalićMustafa Peštalić (born 28 March 1963) is a Bosnian football manager and former goalkeeper who played in several clubs in Yugoslavia, Portugal and Hong Kong.Born in Brčko, SR Bosnia and Herzegovina, back then still part of Yugoslavia, he started playing in local side FK Lokomotiva Brčko before moving to Yugoslav First League side FK Vojvodina in 1982. However, in two seasons he managed to make only 5 league appearances deciding then to move to Yugoslav Second League side FK Spartak Subotica where he became a regular. After 2 seasons in Subotica, he played another 2 with same level side HNK Šibenik, before moving in 1988 to FK Sloboda Tuzla making this way a return to the Yugoslav top-flight. After two seasons in Tuzla, he played with FK Velež Mostar before leaving Yugoslavia in 1991.In summer 1991 he joined Portuguese side C.F. Estrela da Amadora, and for he next 6 years he will play in Portugal with S.C. Campomaiorense, C.F. União de Lamas and A.D. Camacha. He left Portugal in 1997 and joined Sing Tao SC playing in the Hong Kong Division 1 and stayed in the club until 1999 when the club was dissolved.After retiring, he became a coach. By February 2012 he was a goalkeeping coach at FK Spartak Subotica in the Serbian SuperLiga. Afterwards, he became sports director of NK Zvijezda Gradačac (a club playing in the Bosnian Premier League, a post he held until April 2014.
|
[
"HNK Šibenik",
"FK Velež Mostar",
"C.F. União de Lamas",
"A.D. Camacha",
"FK Spartak Zlatibor Voda",
"F.K. Vojvodina",
"C.F. Estrela da Amadora",
"S.C. Campomaiorense",
"FK Lokomotiva Brčko",
"Sing Tao SC"
] |
|
Which team did Mustafa Peštalić play for in Sep, 1990?
|
September 27, 1990
|
{
"text": [
"FK Velež Mostar"
]
}
|
L2_Q13085534_P54_5
|
Mustafa Peštalić plays for FK Velež Mostar from Jan, 1990 to Jan, 1991.
Mustafa Peštalić plays for Sing Tao SC from Jan, 1997 to Jan, 1999.
Mustafa Peštalić plays for S.C. Campomaiorense from Jan, 1992 to Jan, 1994.
Mustafa Peštalić plays for FK Lokomotiva Brčko from Jan, 1980 to Jan, 1982.
Mustafa Peštalić plays for FK Spartak Zlatibor Voda from Jan, 1984 to Jan, 1986.
Mustafa Peštalić plays for FK Sloboda Tuzla from Jan, 1988 to Jan, 1990.
Mustafa Peštalić plays for A.D. Camacha from Jan, 1995 to Jan, 1997.
Mustafa Peštalić plays for F.K. Vojvodina from Jan, 1982 to Jan, 1984.
Mustafa Peštalić plays for C.F. Estrela da Amadora from Jan, 1991 to Jan, 1992.
Mustafa Peštalić plays for HNK Šibenik from Jan, 1986 to Jan, 1988.
Mustafa Peštalić plays for C.F. União de Lamas from Jan, 1994 to Jan, 1995.
|
Mustafa PeštalićMustafa Peštalić (born 28 March 1963) is a Bosnian football manager and former goalkeeper who played in several clubs in Yugoslavia, Portugal and Hong Kong.Born in Brčko, SR Bosnia and Herzegovina, back then still part of Yugoslavia, he started playing in local side FK Lokomotiva Brčko before moving to Yugoslav First League side FK Vojvodina in 1982. However, in two seasons he managed to make only 5 league appearances deciding then to move to Yugoslav Second League side FK Spartak Subotica where he became a regular. After 2 seasons in Subotica, he played another 2 with same level side HNK Šibenik, before moving in 1988 to FK Sloboda Tuzla making this way a return to the Yugoslav top-flight. After two seasons in Tuzla, he played with FK Velež Mostar before leaving Yugoslavia in 1991.In summer 1991 he joined Portuguese side C.F. Estrela da Amadora, and for he next 6 years he will play in Portugal with S.C. Campomaiorense, C.F. União de Lamas and A.D. Camacha. He left Portugal in 1997 and joined Sing Tao SC playing in the Hong Kong Division 1 and stayed in the club until 1999 when the club was dissolved.After retiring, he became a coach. By February 2012 he was a goalkeeping coach at FK Spartak Subotica in the Serbian SuperLiga. Afterwards, he became sports director of NK Zvijezda Gradačac (a club playing in the Bosnian Premier League, a post he held until April 2014.
|
[
"HNK Šibenik",
"C.F. União de Lamas",
"A.D. Camacha",
"FK Spartak Zlatibor Voda",
"F.K. Vojvodina",
"FK Sloboda Tuzla",
"C.F. Estrela da Amadora",
"S.C. Campomaiorense",
"FK Lokomotiva Brčko",
"Sing Tao SC"
] |
|
Which team did Mustafa Peštalić play for in Sep, 1991?
|
September 26, 1991
|
{
"text": [
"C.F. Estrela da Amadora"
]
}
|
L2_Q13085534_P54_6
|
Mustafa Peštalić plays for C.F. Estrela da Amadora from Jan, 1991 to Jan, 1992.
Mustafa Peštalić plays for S.C. Campomaiorense from Jan, 1992 to Jan, 1994.
Mustafa Peštalić plays for FK Sloboda Tuzla from Jan, 1988 to Jan, 1990.
Mustafa Peštalić plays for FK Lokomotiva Brčko from Jan, 1980 to Jan, 1982.
Mustafa Peštalić plays for F.K. Vojvodina from Jan, 1982 to Jan, 1984.
Mustafa Peštalić plays for C.F. União de Lamas from Jan, 1994 to Jan, 1995.
Mustafa Peštalić plays for Sing Tao SC from Jan, 1997 to Jan, 1999.
Mustafa Peštalić plays for A.D. Camacha from Jan, 1995 to Jan, 1997.
Mustafa Peštalić plays for HNK Šibenik from Jan, 1986 to Jan, 1988.
Mustafa Peštalić plays for FK Velež Mostar from Jan, 1990 to Jan, 1991.
Mustafa Peštalić plays for FK Spartak Zlatibor Voda from Jan, 1984 to Jan, 1986.
|
Mustafa PeštalićMustafa Peštalić (born 28 March 1963) is a Bosnian football manager and former goalkeeper who played in several clubs in Yugoslavia, Portugal and Hong Kong.Born in Brčko, SR Bosnia and Herzegovina, back then still part of Yugoslavia, he started playing in local side FK Lokomotiva Brčko before moving to Yugoslav First League side FK Vojvodina in 1982. However, in two seasons he managed to make only 5 league appearances deciding then to move to Yugoslav Second League side FK Spartak Subotica where he became a regular. After 2 seasons in Subotica, he played another 2 with same level side HNK Šibenik, before moving in 1988 to FK Sloboda Tuzla making this way a return to the Yugoslav top-flight. After two seasons in Tuzla, he played with FK Velež Mostar before leaving Yugoslavia in 1991.In summer 1991 he joined Portuguese side C.F. Estrela da Amadora, and for he next 6 years he will play in Portugal with S.C. Campomaiorense, C.F. União de Lamas and A.D. Camacha. He left Portugal in 1997 and joined Sing Tao SC playing in the Hong Kong Division 1 and stayed in the club until 1999 when the club was dissolved.After retiring, he became a coach. By February 2012 he was a goalkeeping coach at FK Spartak Subotica in the Serbian SuperLiga. Afterwards, he became sports director of NK Zvijezda Gradačac (a club playing in the Bosnian Premier League, a post he held until April 2014.
|
[
"HNK Šibenik",
"FK Velež Mostar",
"C.F. União de Lamas",
"A.D. Camacha",
"FK Spartak Zlatibor Voda",
"F.K. Vojvodina",
"FK Sloboda Tuzla",
"S.C. Campomaiorense",
"FK Lokomotiva Brčko",
"Sing Tao SC"
] |
|
Which team did Mustafa Peštalić play for in Oct, 1993?
|
October 11, 1993
|
{
"text": [
"S.C. Campomaiorense"
]
}
|
L2_Q13085534_P54_7
|
Mustafa Peštalić plays for S.C. Campomaiorense from Jan, 1992 to Jan, 1994.
Mustafa Peštalić plays for C.F. Estrela da Amadora from Jan, 1991 to Jan, 1992.
Mustafa Peštalić plays for FK Sloboda Tuzla from Jan, 1988 to Jan, 1990.
Mustafa Peštalić plays for Sing Tao SC from Jan, 1997 to Jan, 1999.
Mustafa Peštalić plays for C.F. União de Lamas from Jan, 1994 to Jan, 1995.
Mustafa Peštalić plays for FK Spartak Zlatibor Voda from Jan, 1984 to Jan, 1986.
Mustafa Peštalić plays for FK Lokomotiva Brčko from Jan, 1980 to Jan, 1982.
Mustafa Peštalić plays for HNK Šibenik from Jan, 1986 to Jan, 1988.
Mustafa Peštalić plays for FK Velež Mostar from Jan, 1990 to Jan, 1991.
Mustafa Peštalić plays for A.D. Camacha from Jan, 1995 to Jan, 1997.
Mustafa Peštalić plays for F.K. Vojvodina from Jan, 1982 to Jan, 1984.
|
Mustafa PeštalićMustafa Peštalić (born 28 March 1963) is a Bosnian football manager and former goalkeeper who played in several clubs in Yugoslavia, Portugal and Hong Kong.Born in Brčko, SR Bosnia and Herzegovina, back then still part of Yugoslavia, he started playing in local side FK Lokomotiva Brčko before moving to Yugoslav First League side FK Vojvodina in 1982. However, in two seasons he managed to make only 5 league appearances deciding then to move to Yugoslav Second League side FK Spartak Subotica where he became a regular. After 2 seasons in Subotica, he played another 2 with same level side HNK Šibenik, before moving in 1988 to FK Sloboda Tuzla making this way a return to the Yugoslav top-flight. After two seasons in Tuzla, he played with FK Velež Mostar before leaving Yugoslavia in 1991.In summer 1991 he joined Portuguese side C.F. Estrela da Amadora, and for he next 6 years he will play in Portugal with S.C. Campomaiorense, C.F. União de Lamas and A.D. Camacha. He left Portugal in 1997 and joined Sing Tao SC playing in the Hong Kong Division 1 and stayed in the club until 1999 when the club was dissolved.After retiring, he became a coach. By February 2012 he was a goalkeeping coach at FK Spartak Subotica in the Serbian SuperLiga. Afterwards, he became sports director of NK Zvijezda Gradačac (a club playing in the Bosnian Premier League, a post he held until April 2014.
|
[
"HNK Šibenik",
"FK Velež Mostar",
"C.F. União de Lamas",
"A.D. Camacha",
"FK Spartak Zlatibor Voda",
"F.K. Vojvodina",
"FK Sloboda Tuzla",
"C.F. Estrela da Amadora",
"FK Lokomotiva Brčko",
"Sing Tao SC"
] |
|
Which team did Mustafa Peštalić play for in May, 1994?
|
May 09, 1994
|
{
"text": [
"C.F. União de Lamas"
]
}
|
L2_Q13085534_P54_8
|
Mustafa Peštalić plays for C.F. Estrela da Amadora from Jan, 1991 to Jan, 1992.
Mustafa Peštalić plays for FK Sloboda Tuzla from Jan, 1988 to Jan, 1990.
Mustafa Peštalić plays for FK Spartak Zlatibor Voda from Jan, 1984 to Jan, 1986.
Mustafa Peštalić plays for HNK Šibenik from Jan, 1986 to Jan, 1988.
Mustafa Peštalić plays for FK Velež Mostar from Jan, 1990 to Jan, 1991.
Mustafa Peštalić plays for Sing Tao SC from Jan, 1997 to Jan, 1999.
Mustafa Peštalić plays for F.K. Vojvodina from Jan, 1982 to Jan, 1984.
Mustafa Peštalić plays for FK Lokomotiva Brčko from Jan, 1980 to Jan, 1982.
Mustafa Peštalić plays for C.F. União de Lamas from Jan, 1994 to Jan, 1995.
Mustafa Peštalić plays for A.D. Camacha from Jan, 1995 to Jan, 1997.
Mustafa Peštalić plays for S.C. Campomaiorense from Jan, 1992 to Jan, 1994.
|
Mustafa PeštalićMustafa Peštalić (born 28 March 1963) is a Bosnian football manager and former goalkeeper who played in several clubs in Yugoslavia, Portugal and Hong Kong.Born in Brčko, SR Bosnia and Herzegovina, back then still part of Yugoslavia, he started playing in local side FK Lokomotiva Brčko before moving to Yugoslav First League side FK Vojvodina in 1982. However, in two seasons he managed to make only 5 league appearances deciding then to move to Yugoslav Second League side FK Spartak Subotica where he became a regular. After 2 seasons in Subotica, he played another 2 with same level side HNK Šibenik, before moving in 1988 to FK Sloboda Tuzla making this way a return to the Yugoslav top-flight. After two seasons in Tuzla, he played with FK Velež Mostar before leaving Yugoslavia in 1991.In summer 1991 he joined Portuguese side C.F. Estrela da Amadora, and for he next 6 years he will play in Portugal with S.C. Campomaiorense, C.F. União de Lamas and A.D. Camacha. He left Portugal in 1997 and joined Sing Tao SC playing in the Hong Kong Division 1 and stayed in the club until 1999 when the club was dissolved.After retiring, he became a coach. By February 2012 he was a goalkeeping coach at FK Spartak Subotica in the Serbian SuperLiga. Afterwards, he became sports director of NK Zvijezda Gradačac (a club playing in the Bosnian Premier League, a post he held until April 2014.
|
[
"HNK Šibenik",
"FK Velež Mostar",
"A.D. Camacha",
"FK Spartak Zlatibor Voda",
"F.K. Vojvodina",
"FK Sloboda Tuzla",
"C.F. Estrela da Amadora",
"S.C. Campomaiorense",
"FK Lokomotiva Brčko",
"Sing Tao SC"
] |
|
Which team did Mustafa Peštalić play for in May, 1995?
|
May 03, 1995
|
{
"text": [
"A.D. Camacha"
]
}
|
L2_Q13085534_P54_9
|
Mustafa Peštalić plays for A.D. Camacha from Jan, 1995 to Jan, 1997.
Mustafa Peštalić plays for HNK Šibenik from Jan, 1986 to Jan, 1988.
Mustafa Peštalić plays for FK Velež Mostar from Jan, 1990 to Jan, 1991.
Mustafa Peštalić plays for C.F. União de Lamas from Jan, 1994 to Jan, 1995.
Mustafa Peštalić plays for S.C. Campomaiorense from Jan, 1992 to Jan, 1994.
Mustafa Peštalić plays for F.K. Vojvodina from Jan, 1982 to Jan, 1984.
Mustafa Peštalić plays for C.F. Estrela da Amadora from Jan, 1991 to Jan, 1992.
Mustafa Peštalić plays for FK Sloboda Tuzla from Jan, 1988 to Jan, 1990.
Mustafa Peštalić plays for Sing Tao SC from Jan, 1997 to Jan, 1999.
Mustafa Peštalić plays for FK Lokomotiva Brčko from Jan, 1980 to Jan, 1982.
Mustafa Peštalić plays for FK Spartak Zlatibor Voda from Jan, 1984 to Jan, 1986.
|
Mustafa PeštalićMustafa Peštalić (born 28 March 1963) is a Bosnian football manager and former goalkeeper who played in several clubs in Yugoslavia, Portugal and Hong Kong.Born in Brčko, SR Bosnia and Herzegovina, back then still part of Yugoslavia, he started playing in local side FK Lokomotiva Brčko before moving to Yugoslav First League side FK Vojvodina in 1982. However, in two seasons he managed to make only 5 league appearances deciding then to move to Yugoslav Second League side FK Spartak Subotica where he became a regular. After 2 seasons in Subotica, he played another 2 with same level side HNK Šibenik, before moving in 1988 to FK Sloboda Tuzla making this way a return to the Yugoslav top-flight. After two seasons in Tuzla, he played with FK Velež Mostar before leaving Yugoslavia in 1991.In summer 1991 he joined Portuguese side C.F. Estrela da Amadora, and for he next 6 years he will play in Portugal with S.C. Campomaiorense, C.F. União de Lamas and A.D. Camacha. He left Portugal in 1997 and joined Sing Tao SC playing in the Hong Kong Division 1 and stayed in the club until 1999 when the club was dissolved.After retiring, he became a coach. By February 2012 he was a goalkeeping coach at FK Spartak Subotica in the Serbian SuperLiga. Afterwards, he became sports director of NK Zvijezda Gradačac (a club playing in the Bosnian Premier League, a post he held until April 2014.
|
[
"HNK Šibenik",
"FK Velež Mostar",
"C.F. União de Lamas",
"FK Spartak Zlatibor Voda",
"F.K. Vojvodina",
"FK Sloboda Tuzla",
"C.F. Estrela da Amadora",
"S.C. Campomaiorense",
"FK Lokomotiva Brčko",
"Sing Tao SC"
] |
|
Which team did Mustafa Peštalić play for in Dec, 1997?
|
December 10, 1997
|
{
"text": [
"Sing Tao SC"
]
}
|
L2_Q13085534_P54_10
|
Mustafa Peštalić plays for F.K. Vojvodina from Jan, 1982 to Jan, 1984.
Mustafa Peštalić plays for FK Lokomotiva Brčko from Jan, 1980 to Jan, 1982.
Mustafa Peštalić plays for HNK Šibenik from Jan, 1986 to Jan, 1988.
Mustafa Peštalić plays for S.C. Campomaiorense from Jan, 1992 to Jan, 1994.
Mustafa Peštalić plays for A.D. Camacha from Jan, 1995 to Jan, 1997.
Mustafa Peštalić plays for C.F. União de Lamas from Jan, 1994 to Jan, 1995.
Mustafa Peštalić plays for FK Velež Mostar from Jan, 1990 to Jan, 1991.
Mustafa Peštalić plays for C.F. Estrela da Amadora from Jan, 1991 to Jan, 1992.
Mustafa Peštalić plays for Sing Tao SC from Jan, 1997 to Jan, 1999.
Mustafa Peštalić plays for FK Spartak Zlatibor Voda from Jan, 1984 to Jan, 1986.
Mustafa Peštalić plays for FK Sloboda Tuzla from Jan, 1988 to Jan, 1990.
|
Mustafa PeštalićMustafa Peštalić (born 28 March 1963) is a Bosnian football manager and former goalkeeper who played in several clubs in Yugoslavia, Portugal and Hong Kong.Born in Brčko, SR Bosnia and Herzegovina, back then still part of Yugoslavia, he started playing in local side FK Lokomotiva Brčko before moving to Yugoslav First League side FK Vojvodina in 1982. However, in two seasons he managed to make only 5 league appearances deciding then to move to Yugoslav Second League side FK Spartak Subotica where he became a regular. After 2 seasons in Subotica, he played another 2 with same level side HNK Šibenik, before moving in 1988 to FK Sloboda Tuzla making this way a return to the Yugoslav top-flight. After two seasons in Tuzla, he played with FK Velež Mostar before leaving Yugoslavia in 1991.In summer 1991 he joined Portuguese side C.F. Estrela da Amadora, and for he next 6 years he will play in Portugal with S.C. Campomaiorense, C.F. União de Lamas and A.D. Camacha. He left Portugal in 1997 and joined Sing Tao SC playing in the Hong Kong Division 1 and stayed in the club until 1999 when the club was dissolved.After retiring, he became a coach. By February 2012 he was a goalkeeping coach at FK Spartak Subotica in the Serbian SuperLiga. Afterwards, he became sports director of NK Zvijezda Gradačac (a club playing in the Bosnian Premier League, a post he held until April 2014.
|
[
"HNK Šibenik",
"FK Velež Mostar",
"C.F. União de Lamas",
"A.D. Camacha",
"FK Spartak Zlatibor Voda",
"F.K. Vojvodina",
"FK Sloboda Tuzla",
"C.F. Estrela da Amadora",
"S.C. Campomaiorense",
"FK Lokomotiva Brčko"
] |
|
Which team did Mick Morris play for in Sep, 1964?
|
September 04, 1964
|
{
"text": [
"Oxford United F.C."
]
}
|
L2_Q6838349_P54_0
|
Mick Morris plays for Stafford Rangers F.C. from Jan, 1972 to Jan, 1977.
Mick Morris plays for Port Vale F.C. from Jan, 1967 to Jan, 1972.
Mick Morris plays for Oxford United F.C. from Jan, 1964 to Jan, 1967.
|
Mick Morris (footballer, born 1943)Michael John Morris (20 January 1943 – 15 March 2020) was an English footballer who played as a forward. He spent time with Barking, Grays Athletic, West Ham United (without making a first-team appearance), and Faversham Town, before he joined Oxford United in 1964. He helped the club to win promotion out of the Fourth Division in 1964–65, before he moved on to Port Vale in July 1967. He helped the "Valiants" to also win promotion out of the Fourth Division in 1969–70, before he was moved on to Stafford Rangers in May 1972. After five years with Rangers he ended his career at Leek Town.Morris played for Barking (Isthmian League), Grays Athletic, West Ham United (without making a first-team appearance), and Faversham Town, before he joined Oxford United in June 1964. He helped Arthur Turner's "U's" to win promotion out of the Fourth Division in the 1964–65 campaign. United managed to establish themselves in the Third Division in 1965–66 and 1966–67. He scored 15 goals in 90 league games during his time at the Manor Ground.Morris signed with Stanley Matthews's Port Vale in July 1967, having cut short his honeymoon in Spain in order to join the club. He scored six goals in 31 appearances in the 1967–68 season and scored five goals in 38 games during the 1968–69 season. He then found himself as a utility player at Vale Park under manager Gordon Lee, and missed just two of the "Valiants" 52 games in the 1969–70 Fourth Division promotion-winning campaign. He nevertheless had a fractured relationship with Lee. Morris was ever-present in the 1970–71 season, scoring eight goals in 48 appearances. He then scored three goals in 33 games in the 1971–72 campaign. The chant “We’ve got Micky, Micky Morris on the wing" was frequently sung on the terraces. He was given a free transfer in May 1972, after becoming disillusioned with Lee's defensive tactics. He then spent five years with nearby Northern Premier League side Stafford Rangers; he appeared for them at Wembley in the 1976 FA Trophy defeat to Scarborough. He later played for Leek Town and Jubilee W.M.C.After retiring as a player he settled in North Staffordshire. He also ran the first ten Potteries marathons, as well as twice in the London Marathon. In 2002, he underwent a double heart bypass operation. His wife, Avis, died in 2008. He was diagnosed with dementia in 2012 and died on 15 March 2020, leaving behind children Andrew and Laura.Source:
|
[
"Port Vale F.C.",
"Stafford Rangers F.C."
] |
|
Which team did Mick Morris play for in Jul, 1968?
|
July 15, 1968
|
{
"text": [
"Port Vale F.C."
]
}
|
L2_Q6838349_P54_1
|
Mick Morris plays for Oxford United F.C. from Jan, 1964 to Jan, 1967.
Mick Morris plays for Port Vale F.C. from Jan, 1967 to Jan, 1972.
Mick Morris plays for Stafford Rangers F.C. from Jan, 1972 to Jan, 1977.
|
Mick Morris (footballer, born 1943)Michael John Morris (20 January 1943 – 15 March 2020) was an English footballer who played as a forward. He spent time with Barking, Grays Athletic, West Ham United (without making a first-team appearance), and Faversham Town, before he joined Oxford United in 1964. He helped the club to win promotion out of the Fourth Division in 1964–65, before he moved on to Port Vale in July 1967. He helped the "Valiants" to also win promotion out of the Fourth Division in 1969–70, before he was moved on to Stafford Rangers in May 1972. After five years with Rangers he ended his career at Leek Town.Morris played for Barking (Isthmian League), Grays Athletic, West Ham United (without making a first-team appearance), and Faversham Town, before he joined Oxford United in June 1964. He helped Arthur Turner's "U's" to win promotion out of the Fourth Division in the 1964–65 campaign. United managed to establish themselves in the Third Division in 1965–66 and 1966–67. He scored 15 goals in 90 league games during his time at the Manor Ground.Morris signed with Stanley Matthews's Port Vale in July 1967, having cut short his honeymoon in Spain in order to join the club. He scored six goals in 31 appearances in the 1967–68 season and scored five goals in 38 games during the 1968–69 season. He then found himself as a utility player at Vale Park under manager Gordon Lee, and missed just two of the "Valiants" 52 games in the 1969–70 Fourth Division promotion-winning campaign. He nevertheless had a fractured relationship with Lee. Morris was ever-present in the 1970–71 season, scoring eight goals in 48 appearances. He then scored three goals in 33 games in the 1971–72 campaign. The chant “We’ve got Micky, Micky Morris on the wing" was frequently sung on the terraces. He was given a free transfer in May 1972, after becoming disillusioned with Lee's defensive tactics. He then spent five years with nearby Northern Premier League side Stafford Rangers; he appeared for them at Wembley in the 1976 FA Trophy defeat to Scarborough. He later played for Leek Town and Jubilee W.M.C.After retiring as a player he settled in North Staffordshire. He also ran the first ten Potteries marathons, as well as twice in the London Marathon. In 2002, he underwent a double heart bypass operation. His wife, Avis, died in 2008. He was diagnosed with dementia in 2012 and died on 15 March 2020, leaving behind children Andrew and Laura.Source:
|
[
"Oxford United F.C.",
"Stafford Rangers F.C."
] |
|
Which team did Mick Morris play for in Jul, 1973?
|
July 19, 1973
|
{
"text": [
"Stafford Rangers F.C."
]
}
|
L2_Q6838349_P54_2
|
Mick Morris plays for Stafford Rangers F.C. from Jan, 1972 to Jan, 1977.
Mick Morris plays for Oxford United F.C. from Jan, 1964 to Jan, 1967.
Mick Morris plays for Port Vale F.C. from Jan, 1967 to Jan, 1972.
|
Mick Morris (footballer, born 1943)Michael John Morris (20 January 1943 – 15 March 2020) was an English footballer who played as a forward. He spent time with Barking, Grays Athletic, West Ham United (without making a first-team appearance), and Faversham Town, before he joined Oxford United in 1964. He helped the club to win promotion out of the Fourth Division in 1964–65, before he moved on to Port Vale in July 1967. He helped the "Valiants" to also win promotion out of the Fourth Division in 1969–70, before he was moved on to Stafford Rangers in May 1972. After five years with Rangers he ended his career at Leek Town.Morris played for Barking (Isthmian League), Grays Athletic, West Ham United (without making a first-team appearance), and Faversham Town, before he joined Oxford United in June 1964. He helped Arthur Turner's "U's" to win promotion out of the Fourth Division in the 1964–65 campaign. United managed to establish themselves in the Third Division in 1965–66 and 1966–67. He scored 15 goals in 90 league games during his time at the Manor Ground.Morris signed with Stanley Matthews's Port Vale in July 1967, having cut short his honeymoon in Spain in order to join the club. He scored six goals in 31 appearances in the 1967–68 season and scored five goals in 38 games during the 1968–69 season. He then found himself as a utility player at Vale Park under manager Gordon Lee, and missed just two of the "Valiants" 52 games in the 1969–70 Fourth Division promotion-winning campaign. He nevertheless had a fractured relationship with Lee. Morris was ever-present in the 1970–71 season, scoring eight goals in 48 appearances. He then scored three goals in 33 games in the 1971–72 campaign. The chant “We’ve got Micky, Micky Morris on the wing" was frequently sung on the terraces. He was given a free transfer in May 1972, after becoming disillusioned with Lee's defensive tactics. He then spent five years with nearby Northern Premier League side Stafford Rangers; he appeared for them at Wembley in the 1976 FA Trophy defeat to Scarborough. He later played for Leek Town and Jubilee W.M.C.After retiring as a player he settled in North Staffordshire. He also ran the first ten Potteries marathons, as well as twice in the London Marathon. In 2002, he underwent a double heart bypass operation. His wife, Avis, died in 2008. He was diagnosed with dementia in 2012 and died on 15 March 2020, leaving behind children Andrew and Laura.Source:
|
[
"Port Vale F.C.",
"Oxford United F.C."
] |
|
Which political party did Masir Kujat belong to in Jun, 2018?
|
June 09, 2018
|
{
"text": [
"Parti Rakyat Sarawak"
]
}
|
L2_Q6783296_P102_0
|
Masir Kujat is a member of the Sarawak United Party from Mar, 2019 to Mar, 2022.
Masir Kujat is a member of the independent politician from Mar, 2022 to Dec, 2022.
Masir Kujat is a member of the Parti Rakyat Sarawak from Jan, 2008 to Mar, 2019.
|
Masir KujatDato' Masir anak Kujat (born 7 August 1954) is a Malaysian politician of Iban descent. He has served as Member of Parliament (MP) for Sri Aman since March 2008. He served as Deputy Minister of Home Affairs II in the Barisan Nasional (BN) administration under former Prime Minister Najib Razak and former Minister Ahmad Zahid Hamidi from July 2015 to the power loss of BN coalition in May 2018. He has been a member of the Parti Sarawak Bersatu (PSB) since 2019 and was a member of Parti Rakyat Sarawak (PRS), a former component party of Barisan Nasional (BN) and now Gabungan Parti Sarawak (GPS) coalitions, from 2008 to 2019. On 28 July 2015, Masir was elected as the Deputy Minister of Home Affairs succeeding fellow Sarawakian minister Dr. Wan Junaidi Tuanku Jaafar.
|
[
"Sarawak United Party",
"independent politician"
] |
|
Which political party did Masir Kujat belong to in Mar, 2020?
|
March 06, 2020
|
{
"text": [
"Sarawak United Party"
]
}
|
L2_Q6783296_P102_1
|
Masir Kujat is a member of the Sarawak United Party from Mar, 2019 to Mar, 2022.
Masir Kujat is a member of the Parti Rakyat Sarawak from Jan, 2008 to Mar, 2019.
Masir Kujat is a member of the independent politician from Mar, 2022 to Dec, 2022.
|
Masir KujatDato' Masir anak Kujat (born 7 August 1954) is a Malaysian politician of Iban descent. He has served as Member of Parliament (MP) for Sri Aman since March 2008. He served as Deputy Minister of Home Affairs II in the Barisan Nasional (BN) administration under former Prime Minister Najib Razak and former Minister Ahmad Zahid Hamidi from July 2015 to the power loss of BN coalition in May 2018. He has been a member of the Parti Sarawak Bersatu (PSB) since 2019 and was a member of Parti Rakyat Sarawak (PRS), a former component party of Barisan Nasional (BN) and now Gabungan Parti Sarawak (GPS) coalitions, from 2008 to 2019. On 28 July 2015, Masir was elected as the Deputy Minister of Home Affairs succeeding fellow Sarawakian minister Dr. Wan Junaidi Tuanku Jaafar.
|
[
"Parti Rakyat Sarawak",
"independent politician"
] |
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Which political party did Masir Kujat belong to in Aug, 2022?
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August 29, 2022
|
{
"text": [
"independent politician"
]
}
|
L2_Q6783296_P102_2
|
Masir Kujat is a member of the Sarawak United Party from Mar, 2019 to Mar, 2022.
Masir Kujat is a member of the Parti Rakyat Sarawak from Jan, 2008 to Mar, 2019.
Masir Kujat is a member of the independent politician from Mar, 2022 to Dec, 2022.
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Masir KujatDato' Masir anak Kujat (born 7 August 1954) is a Malaysian politician of Iban descent. He has served as Member of Parliament (MP) for Sri Aman since March 2008. He served as Deputy Minister of Home Affairs II in the Barisan Nasional (BN) administration under former Prime Minister Najib Razak and former Minister Ahmad Zahid Hamidi from July 2015 to the power loss of BN coalition in May 2018. He has been a member of the Parti Sarawak Bersatu (PSB) since 2019 and was a member of Parti Rakyat Sarawak (PRS), a former component party of Barisan Nasional (BN) and now Gabungan Parti Sarawak (GPS) coalitions, from 2008 to 2019. On 28 July 2015, Masir was elected as the Deputy Minister of Home Affairs succeeding fellow Sarawakian minister Dr. Wan Junaidi Tuanku Jaafar.
|
[
"Parti Rakyat Sarawak",
"Sarawak United Party"
] |
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Which position did George Jones hold in Sep, 1919?
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September 28, 1919
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{
"text": [
"Member of the 31st Parliament of the United Kingdom"
]
}
|
L2_Q5541150_P39_0
|
George Jones holds the position of Member of the 34th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1924 to May, 1929.
George Jones holds the position of Member of the 36th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1931 to Oct, 1935.
George Jones holds the position of Member of the 32nd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Nov, 1922 to Nov, 1923.
George Jones holds the position of Member of the 35th Parliament of the United Kingdom from May, 1929 to Oct, 1931.
George Jones holds the position of Member of the 31st Parliament of the United Kingdom from Dec, 1918 to Oct, 1922.
George Jones holds the position of Member of the 37th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Nov, 1935 to Jun, 1945.
|
George Jones (British politician)Sir George William Henry Jones (1874 – 3 January 1956) was a British barrister and Conservative politician.Jones spent his early years in business before deciding to study law in his thirties, and was called to the bar at Gray's Inn in 1907. He continued a successful legal practice until his retirement due to deafness in 1949. He famously defended the populist Member of Parliament (MP) Horatio Bottomley against fraud charges.In 1910 he entered local politics, when he was elected as a Municipal Reform Party member of the London County Council, representing Hackney North. He remained a member of the council until 1919.In the same year that he entered local government he made his first attempt to gain election to the Commons. He stood as Conservative candidate in the general election held in December, contesting the constituency of Leeds West. The seat was a safe Liberal one, and Jones failed to be elected.At the next general election held in 1918, he was elected as Conservative MP for Stoke Newington. He held the seat almost continuously until 1945, being briefly unseated from 1923 to 1924. He was knighted in 1928.Sir George Jones was unmarried, and died in a London nursing home in January 1956 aged 81.
|
[
"Member of the 34th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 32nd Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 35th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 37th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 36th Parliament of the United Kingdom"
] |
|
Which position did George Jones hold in Feb, 1923?
|
February 12, 1923
|
{
"text": [
"Member of the 32nd Parliament of the United Kingdom"
]
}
|
L2_Q5541150_P39_1
|
George Jones holds the position of Member of the 32nd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Nov, 1922 to Nov, 1923.
George Jones holds the position of Member of the 36th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1931 to Oct, 1935.
George Jones holds the position of Member of the 35th Parliament of the United Kingdom from May, 1929 to Oct, 1931.
George Jones holds the position of Member of the 34th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1924 to May, 1929.
George Jones holds the position of Member of the 31st Parliament of the United Kingdom from Dec, 1918 to Oct, 1922.
George Jones holds the position of Member of the 37th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Nov, 1935 to Jun, 1945.
|
George Jones (British politician)Sir George William Henry Jones (1874 – 3 January 1956) was a British barrister and Conservative politician.Jones spent his early years in business before deciding to study law in his thirties, and was called to the bar at Gray's Inn in 1907. He continued a successful legal practice until his retirement due to deafness in 1949. He famously defended the populist Member of Parliament (MP) Horatio Bottomley against fraud charges.In 1910 he entered local politics, when he was elected as a Municipal Reform Party member of the London County Council, representing Hackney North. He remained a member of the council until 1919.In the same year that he entered local government he made his first attempt to gain election to the Commons. He stood as Conservative candidate in the general election held in December, contesting the constituency of Leeds West. The seat was a safe Liberal one, and Jones failed to be elected.At the next general election held in 1918, he was elected as Conservative MP for Stoke Newington. He held the seat almost continuously until 1945, being briefly unseated from 1923 to 1924. He was knighted in 1928.Sir George Jones was unmarried, and died in a London nursing home in January 1956 aged 81.
|
[
"Member of the 34th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 35th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 37th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 31st Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 36th Parliament of the United Kingdom"
] |
|
Which position did George Jones hold in Mar, 1929?
|
March 03, 1929
|
{
"text": [
"Member of the 34th Parliament of the United Kingdom"
]
}
|
L2_Q5541150_P39_2
|
George Jones holds the position of Member of the 35th Parliament of the United Kingdom from May, 1929 to Oct, 1931.
George Jones holds the position of Member of the 34th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1924 to May, 1929.
George Jones holds the position of Member of the 36th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1931 to Oct, 1935.
George Jones holds the position of Member of the 31st Parliament of the United Kingdom from Dec, 1918 to Oct, 1922.
George Jones holds the position of Member of the 37th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Nov, 1935 to Jun, 1945.
George Jones holds the position of Member of the 32nd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Nov, 1922 to Nov, 1923.
|
George Jones (British politician)Sir George William Henry Jones (1874 – 3 January 1956) was a British barrister and Conservative politician.Jones spent his early years in business before deciding to study law in his thirties, and was called to the bar at Gray's Inn in 1907. He continued a successful legal practice until his retirement due to deafness in 1949. He famously defended the populist Member of Parliament (MP) Horatio Bottomley against fraud charges.In 1910 he entered local politics, when he was elected as a Municipal Reform Party member of the London County Council, representing Hackney North. He remained a member of the council until 1919.In the same year that he entered local government he made his first attempt to gain election to the Commons. He stood as Conservative candidate in the general election held in December, contesting the constituency of Leeds West. The seat was a safe Liberal one, and Jones failed to be elected.At the next general election held in 1918, he was elected as Conservative MP for Stoke Newington. He held the seat almost continuously until 1945, being briefly unseated from 1923 to 1924. He was knighted in 1928.Sir George Jones was unmarried, and died in a London nursing home in January 1956 aged 81.
|
[
"Member of the 32nd Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 35th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 37th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 31st Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 36th Parliament of the United Kingdom"
] |
|
Which position did George Jones hold in May, 1930?
|
May 31, 1930
|
{
"text": [
"Member of the 35th Parliament of the United Kingdom"
]
}
|
L2_Q5541150_P39_3
|
George Jones holds the position of Member of the 36th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1931 to Oct, 1935.
George Jones holds the position of Member of the 37th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Nov, 1935 to Jun, 1945.
George Jones holds the position of Member of the 34th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1924 to May, 1929.
George Jones holds the position of Member of the 32nd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Nov, 1922 to Nov, 1923.
George Jones holds the position of Member of the 35th Parliament of the United Kingdom from May, 1929 to Oct, 1931.
George Jones holds the position of Member of the 31st Parliament of the United Kingdom from Dec, 1918 to Oct, 1922.
|
George Jones (British politician)Sir George William Henry Jones (1874 – 3 January 1956) was a British barrister and Conservative politician.Jones spent his early years in business before deciding to study law in his thirties, and was called to the bar at Gray's Inn in 1907. He continued a successful legal practice until his retirement due to deafness in 1949. He famously defended the populist Member of Parliament (MP) Horatio Bottomley against fraud charges.In 1910 he entered local politics, when he was elected as a Municipal Reform Party member of the London County Council, representing Hackney North. He remained a member of the council until 1919.In the same year that he entered local government he made his first attempt to gain election to the Commons. He stood as Conservative candidate in the general election held in December, contesting the constituency of Leeds West. The seat was a safe Liberal one, and Jones failed to be elected.At the next general election held in 1918, he was elected as Conservative MP for Stoke Newington. He held the seat almost continuously until 1945, being briefly unseated from 1923 to 1924. He was knighted in 1928.Sir George Jones was unmarried, and died in a London nursing home in January 1956 aged 81.
|
[
"Member of the 34th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 32nd Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 37th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 31st Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 36th Parliament of the United Kingdom"
] |
|
Which position did George Jones hold in May, 1934?
|
May 21, 1934
|
{
"text": [
"Member of the 36th Parliament of the United Kingdom"
]
}
|
L2_Q5541150_P39_4
|
George Jones holds the position of Member of the 34th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1924 to May, 1929.
George Jones holds the position of Member of the 35th Parliament of the United Kingdom from May, 1929 to Oct, 1931.
George Jones holds the position of Member of the 32nd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Nov, 1922 to Nov, 1923.
George Jones holds the position of Member of the 31st Parliament of the United Kingdom from Dec, 1918 to Oct, 1922.
George Jones holds the position of Member of the 36th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1931 to Oct, 1935.
George Jones holds the position of Member of the 37th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Nov, 1935 to Jun, 1945.
|
George Jones (British politician)Sir George William Henry Jones (1874 – 3 January 1956) was a British barrister and Conservative politician.Jones spent his early years in business before deciding to study law in his thirties, and was called to the bar at Gray's Inn in 1907. He continued a successful legal practice until his retirement due to deafness in 1949. He famously defended the populist Member of Parliament (MP) Horatio Bottomley against fraud charges.In 1910 he entered local politics, when he was elected as a Municipal Reform Party member of the London County Council, representing Hackney North. He remained a member of the council until 1919.In the same year that he entered local government he made his first attempt to gain election to the Commons. He stood as Conservative candidate in the general election held in December, contesting the constituency of Leeds West. The seat was a safe Liberal one, and Jones failed to be elected.At the next general election held in 1918, he was elected as Conservative MP for Stoke Newington. He held the seat almost continuously until 1945, being briefly unseated from 1923 to 1924. He was knighted in 1928.Sir George Jones was unmarried, and died in a London nursing home in January 1956 aged 81.
|
[
"Member of the 34th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 32nd Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 35th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 37th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 31st Parliament of the United Kingdom"
] |
|
Which position did George Jones hold in Feb, 1945?
|
February 21, 1945
|
{
"text": [
"Member of the 37th Parliament of the United Kingdom"
]
}
|
L2_Q5541150_P39_5
|
George Jones holds the position of Member of the 32nd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Nov, 1922 to Nov, 1923.
George Jones holds the position of Member of the 34th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1924 to May, 1929.
George Jones holds the position of Member of the 35th Parliament of the United Kingdom from May, 1929 to Oct, 1931.
George Jones holds the position of Member of the 37th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Nov, 1935 to Jun, 1945.
George Jones holds the position of Member of the 31st Parliament of the United Kingdom from Dec, 1918 to Oct, 1922.
George Jones holds the position of Member of the 36th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1931 to Oct, 1935.
|
George Jones (British politician)Sir George William Henry Jones (1874 – 3 January 1956) was a British barrister and Conservative politician.Jones spent his early years in business before deciding to study law in his thirties, and was called to the bar at Gray's Inn in 1907. He continued a successful legal practice until his retirement due to deafness in 1949. He famously defended the populist Member of Parliament (MP) Horatio Bottomley against fraud charges.In 1910 he entered local politics, when he was elected as a Municipal Reform Party member of the London County Council, representing Hackney North. He remained a member of the council until 1919.In the same year that he entered local government he made his first attempt to gain election to the Commons. He stood as Conservative candidate in the general election held in December, contesting the constituency of Leeds West. The seat was a safe Liberal one, and Jones failed to be elected.At the next general election held in 1918, he was elected as Conservative MP for Stoke Newington. He held the seat almost continuously until 1945, being briefly unseated from 1923 to 1924. He was knighted in 1928.Sir George Jones was unmarried, and died in a London nursing home in January 1956 aged 81.
|
[
"Member of the 34th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 32nd Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 35th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 31st Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 36th Parliament of the United Kingdom"
] |
|
Who was the chair of Sweden Democrats in Aug, 1988?
|
August 05, 1988
|
{
"text": [
"Leif Zeilon"
]
}
|
L2_Q504069_P488_0
|
Jimmie Åkesson is the chair of Sweden Democrats from May, 2005 to Dec, 2022.
Leif Zeilon is the chair of Sweden Democrats from Jan, 1988 to Jan, 1989.
Mikael Jansson is the chair of Sweden Democrats from Mar, 1995 to May, 2005.
Anders Klarström is the chair of Sweden Democrats from Jan, 1992 to Mar, 1995.
|
Sweden DemocratsThe Sweden Democrats or Swedish Democrats ( ; SD ) is a nationalist and right-wing populist political party in Sweden founded in 1988. The party describes itself as social conservative with a nationalist foundation. The party has been variously characterised by academics, political commentators and the media as national-conservative, anti-immigration, eurosceptic or far-right. Jimmie Åkesson has been party leader since 2005.The party originally had its roots in Swedish fascism and white nationalism, but began distancing itself from its past during the late 1990s and early 2000s. Under the leadership of Jimmie Åkesson, the SD underwent a process of reform by expelling hard-line members and moderating its platform. Today, the Sweden Democrats officially reject both fascism and Nazism.Support for the Sweden Democrats has grown steadily since the 1990s and the party crossed the 4% threshold necessary for parliamentary representation for the first time during the 2010 general election, polling 5.7% and gaining 20 seats in the Riksdag. This increase in popularity has been compared by international media to other similar anti-immigration movements in Europe. The party received increased support in the 2018 Swedish general election, when it polled 17.5% and secured 62 seats in parliament, becoming the third largest party in Sweden. The Sweden Democrats remained isolated in the Riksdag for a long time because the other parties staunchly maintained a policy of refusing cooperation with them. However, in March 2019, Christian Democratic leader Ebba Busch announced that her party was ready to start negotiations with the Sweden Democrats in the Riksdag and since 2018, the SD has formed governing coalitions in municipal councils with the Moderate Party. The Sweden Democrats are a member of the European Conservatives and Reformists group in the European Parliament.The Sweden Democrats party was founded in 1988 as a direct successor to the Sweden Party, which in turn had been formed in 1986 by the merger of (BSS; in English: "Keep Sweden Swedish") and a faction of the Swedish Progress Party. SD claims 6 February 1988 as the date of its foundation, although observers tend to see the party's foundation as part of a complex decade-long series of events, with some even calling into question whether a meeting took place on 6 February.According to "Expo", it is generally agreed that the Sweden Democrats has never been a Nazi party, although some of the SD's early members had previously held connections to Swedish fascist and white nationalist groups. The party's first auditor, Gustaf Ekström, was a "Waffen-SS" veteran and had been a member of the national socialist party "Svensk Socialistisk Samling" in the1940s. In 1989, Ekström was a member of the Sweden Democrats' national board. The SD's first chairman Anders Klarström had been briefly active in the neo-Nazi ("Nordic Realm Party"). The SD's logo from the 1990s until 2006 was a version of the torch used by the British National Front. Academic Duncan McDonnell has argued that it is debated as to whether the SD itself was ever explicitly a neo-Nazi movement, but it was widely known to publicly align itself with extreme fringe politics and faced criticism in late 1980s and early 1990s for attracting skinheads to its public events. The SD also encountered controversy for some its early policy ideas before 1990, which included a proposal to repatriate most immigrants who came to Sweden from 1970, banning adoption of foreign born children and reinstating the death penalty.The party promoted concerts by the Swedish offshoot of Rock Against Communism and sponsored music of the nationalist Viking rock band Ultima Thule. Various party officials today acknowledge that being fans of Ultima Thule's music factored prominently in their decision to become politically engaged. Early on, the party recommended international connections to its members such as the National Democratic Party of Germany, the American National Association for the Advancement of White People (founded by David Duke) and publications like the Nazi "Nation Europa" and "", a newspaper that advocates racial biology and the British neo-Nazi Combat 18 movement.In 1995, Klarström was replaced as party chairman by Mikael Jansson, a former member of the Centre Party. Jansson strove to make the party more respectable and, after skinheads started to impose on party meetings, the wearing of any kind of political uniform was formally banned in 1996. Also in 1996 it was revealed that a party member, Tina Hallgren, had been to a party meeting of National Socialist Front posing in a Nazi uniform. Opposition to the party have mistakenly mixed these two events together and falsely claim that she was wearing the uniform at a rally of the Sweden Democrats and that it was because of this that the uniform ban came about. During the early 1990s, the party became more influenced by the French National Front, as well as the Freedom Party of Austria, the Danish People's Party, German The Republicans and Italian National Alliance. SDreceived economic support for the 1998 election from the French National Front, and became active in Le Pen's Euronat from the same time. By the end of the decade, the party took further steps to moderate itself by softening its policies on immigration and capital punishment. In 1999, the SD left Euronat although the youth wing remained affiliated until 2002. In 2001 the most extreme faction was expelled from the party, leading to the formation of the more radical National Democrats.During the 2000s the so-called "Scania gang", also known as the "Gang of Four" or "Fantastic Four," which consisted of the youth wing chairman Jimmie Åkesson, as well as Björn Söder, Mattias Karlsson and Richard Jomshof continued and expanded the moderation policy, which included ousting openly extremist members, banning both foreign and Swedish extreme-right activists from attending party events and obtaining membership, and further revising the SD's policy platform. Before the 2002 election, former Moderate Party MP Sten Christer Andersson defected to SD, citing that the party had gotten rid of its extreme-right elements. In 2003 the party declared the Universal Declaration of Human Rights to be a cornerstone of its policies. In 2005, Akesson defeated Jansson in a leadership contest. Shortly after, the party changed its logo from the flaming torch to one featuring an "Anemone hepatica", reminiscent of the party's very first, but short-lived, logo (a stylised "Myosotis scorpioides"). The party also formally introduced a charter against racism and extremism in 2010.In the 2010 general election, SDwon representation in the Swedish Riksdag for the first time, with5.7% of the vote and 20MPs.Sweden Democrat MP William Petzäll was persuaded to leave the party on 26 September 2011 while still retaining his parliamentary seat. This was done because of Petzäll's substance abuse and the problems this might cause for SD'spublic image. Petzäll later died of an overdose and his seat was turned over to Stellan Bojerud in September 2012.In November 2012, videos from August 2010 were released, in segments, over the course of three days by Swedish newspaper "Expressen" (a year earlier, "Expressen" had released the same videos without making much noise). This came to be known as the Iron pipe scandal, although the same videos had already been released on YouTube by Erik Almqvist in 2010. The videos, recorded by MP Kent Ekeroth, featured him along with fellow Sweden Democrats MP Erik Almqvist and Christian Westling. The videos show Almqvist arguing with comedian Soran Ismail: Almqvist is referring to Sweden as "my country, not your country", as an insult to Ismail. They are also shown arguing with a drunken man. A woman can also be seen approaching Kent Ekeroth while filming; he calls her a whore and pushes her out of the way. A few minutes later they are seen picking up iron bars. Coming only a month after party leader Åkesson had instated a zero-tolerance policy towards racism in the party, the release of the video caused Almqvist to leave his position as the party's economic policy spokesperson and his place in the executive committee on 14 November. He excused himself as having been under a lot of pressure and threats of violence at the time. As more segments of the video were released, revealing the other two men's involvement, the party announced on 15 November that Ekeroth would take a break from his position as the party's justice policy spokesman. Almqvist and Ekeroth both took time off from their parliament seats. Sweden Democratic Youth president Gustav Kasselstrand and vice president William Hahne criticised the decision to remove Almqvist and Ekeroth in an op-ed in "Dagens Nyheter", arguing that the party should not give in to media pressure.Only two weeks after Almqvist and Ekeroth were forced to step down, fellow MP Lars Isovaara reported being robbed of his backpack and pushed out of his wheelchair by "two unknown men of an immigrant background". When trying to get into the Riksdag, Isovaara was himself reported by the police for racial abuse against safety guards. The Sweden Democrats initially defended Isovaara, but backed down when "Expressen" revealed that Isovaara had actually forgotten his backpack at a restaurant, and that the two men had helped him when he fell out of his wheelchair. He left his seat in the Riksdag on 29 November, and was replaced by Markus Wiechel.In the European election of 2014 SD received 9.67% of votes, winning two seats in the European Parliament and becoming the fifth party of the country. The party later joined the Alliance for Direct Democracy in Europe and the Europe of Freedom and Direct Democracy group.In the 2014 election the Sweden Democrats received 12.9%of the votes, doubling their support and becoming the third-largest party. The party remained big in Scania and Blekinge; for example in Malmö the party received 14% of the votes, in Landskrona it received 19% of the votes and in Sjöbo a total of 30% rendering the party the largest in that municipality. Other parties, however, remained firm in their decision to isolate them from exerting influence. Out of 29 constituencies electing parliamentarians, the party was the second largest in "Scania North & East" while being the third largest party in 25. Although relying heavily on rural areas and the deep south, the party also made strong inroads and results above 15% in some medium-sized central Sweden cities such as Norrköping, Eskilstuna and Gävle, indicating a widening of its voter base in all areas.Some time after that, Åkesson announced he would go on sick leave due to burnout. Mattias Karlsson was appointed to temporarily take over Åkesson's duties as party leader.On Monday, 23 March 2015, it was announced that Åkesson would return from his leave of absence to resume his duties as party leader following an interview to be broadcast on the Friday, 27 March instalment of the "Skavlan" program on SVT, and a subsequent press conference with the Swedish media.Amid media coverage regarding the high immigration figures and the European migrant crisis, the Sweden Democrats soared in all opinion polls during the summer of 2015, even topping web-based polls from YouGov and Sentio in late summer, with a little over a quarter of the vote. The party also saw rising support in phone-based polls, although the swing was lower.On 2 July 2018 the two Sweden Democrats MEPs left the EFDD group and moved to the European Conservatives and Reformists group.In the 2018 general election, the SD increased its support to 17.5% of the vote, though it did not grow as much as most polls had predicted. According to Emily Schultheis of "Foreign Policy", the SD won an ideological victory, as it "effectively set the terms for debate" and forced its rivals to adopt immigration policies similar to its own, and other reporters made similar observations. The SD performed particularly well in Skåne County, having the highest number of voters in 21 out of the county's 33 municipalities. An SVT analysis of the results found that at least 22 seats in 17 city councils would be empty as the Sweden Democrats won more seats than the number of candidates it had. The party also received its first mayor, in Hörby Municipality.Following the election, Christian Democratic leader Ebba Busch announced that her party was willing to enter negotiations with the Sweden Democrats in the Riksdag. In December 2019, Moderate Party leader Ulf Kristersson held an official meeting with the Sweden Democrat leadership for the first time, despite having previously ruled out negotiating with the party. This led to speculation that the SD could be included in a new centre-right grouping to replace the Alliance which had collapsed after the Centre Party and the Liberal Party left to support the Social Democratic led government.In October 2018, the Sweden Democrats went into a governing coalitions with the Moderate Party and the Christian Democrats for the first time in Staffanstorp Municipality, Sölvesborg Municipality, Herrljunga Municipality and Bromölla Municipality. In Bromölla, coalition felt apart in 2020, while new coalitions with the SD emerged in Svalöv Municipality (2019), Bjuv Municipality (2020) and Surahammar Municipality (2021).The Sweden Democrats' party programme is based on 'democratic nationalism' and social conservatism. Nordic Studies scholar Benjamin R. Teitelbaum has called them radical nationalist and in 2018 said the party has since evolved to the "softer side" of European populist parties. The party has been described by sociologist Jens Rydgren and others as xenophobic, racist and right-wing populist. In 2013, a Sveriges Radio journalist called the party xenophobic, which resulted in a complaint lodged to the broadcasting regulator. The Swedish Broadcasting Commission determined that this description was acceptable to use. Oscar Sjöstedt, the party's financial spokesperson, places the party around the centre on the left-right political spectrum, while leader Jimmie Åkesson has stated that they are parallel with the Moderate Party. The party formally rejects Nazism, and in recent years has increasingly distanced itself from other European ultra-nationalist or far-right parties.The Sweden Democrats believe that current Swedish immigration and integration policies have been a national failure. In a statement filed before the Riksdag Committee on Migration in August 2020, SD claims that Sweden's "irresponsible" immigration and asylum policies have subjected Sweden to an on-going "long-term, albeit low-intensive crisis". Their official policy brief states that the party "welcomes those who contribute to our [Sweden's] society, who follow our laws and respect our customs. On the other hand, anyone who comes here and exploits our systems, commits crimes or exposes our citizens to danger is not welcome." When handling asylum seekers, the party supports protecting national sovereignty in regards to Sweden's decisions on migration and border control, as well as "the principle of first safe country", meaning that asylum seekers should only be able to seek asylum in the first safe country that they arrive in. Until such legislation is realized, SD supports setting limits on the right to welfare and making cultural integration mandatory. The party opposes offering permanent residency to asylum seekers, believing that temporary residency should be the standard for those who claim asylum in Sweden. SD supports Sweden eventually accepting refugees exclusively through the UNHCR resettlement programme in accordance with a quota based on each municipality's capacity. The party also supports giving priority to persecuted secular, Christian, former Muslim and other religious or sexual minorities fleeing war or death for apostasy believing that such individuals are less likely to be offered refuge elsewhere.Historically, SD sought to repatriate most immigrants and ban immigration entirely; however. these policies were moderated in the 1990s. before being scrapped altogether. Presently, SD wishes to strongly restrict and control immigration, and instead give generous support to immigrants who do not want to assimilate into Swedish society to emigrate back to their country of origin. As more state funds are made free from funding 'mass immigration', SD believes that Sweden will be better able to help refugees and economic migrants in their home areas. SD also favours assimilation over integration of immigrants from non-European backgrounds, arguing that integration is a meet in the middle approach and that Swedes should not have to bear the burden over what the party claims have been reckless immigration policies. SD calls for compulsory measures for immigrants to be employed, learn the Swedish language and be subject to a language and social skills test before becoming eligible for citizenship. The party also supports increased spending on border patrol forces, expulsion of illegal immigrants and foreign-born criminals, repatriations of Schengen area migrants who move to Sweden to make a living from street begging, changes in the law to enable the government to strip foreign-born Swedish nationals of their citizenship if found guilty of a serious crime, penalties against employers who use foreign and undocumented labor to circumvent Swedish working conditions and stricter laws against family migration.SD has referred to the recommendations from the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) which state that the return of refugees should be the solution to refugee problems. Torbjörn Kastell (former party secretary from 2003 to 2004) said in 2002 that the party wanted "a multicultural world, not a multicultural society". In recent years SDhas tried to approach the immigration policy of the Danish People's Party, which from 2001 to 2011 provided parliamentary support for the former Danish liberal/conservative government in return for a tightening of Danish immigration policies and stricter naturalisation laws.The SD wants European governments to construct a security wall along the European border with Turkey in response to illegal immigration, terrorism and incursions by the Grey Wolves into Greece. It also calls on Europe to commonly adopt a migration system based on the Australian model to prevent human trafficking across the Mediterranean which the party states enables illegal immigrants and would-be terrorists to reach Sweden.The Sweden Democrats are against further EU integration and cession of Swedish sovereignty to the European Union. The party is opposed to EU regulations on Swedish tax and domestic affairs, calls for EU influence over domestic political decision making of member states to be minimized and for the national sovereignty and cultural identity of European nations to be prioritized over the EU's political ambitions. SD rejects joining the Economic and Monetary Union by opposing the Euro currency and favors keeping the krona. They also seek to reduce Swedish financial contributions to Brussels, renegotiate Swedish membership of the Schengen Agreement, protect the free access to the internet from EU copyright bills, and are against the accession of Turkey to the European Union. The SD states that it supports pan-European political cooperation to combat cross-border organized crime, illegal immigration, Islamism, terrorism and environmental challenges but opposes creating a fully combined EU army or policies that could lead to the creation of a Federal European Superstate. The SD states that if the EU cannot be reformed and tries to transform itself into a Superstate, Sweden should immediately reconsider its membership via a referendum.The Sweden Democrats are supportive of Israel and favors recognising Jerusalem as Israel's capital and proposes moving the Swedish embassy there. The party also supports closer military cooperation with neighboring Nordic countries and an alignment with NATO without full membership. SD also supports the creation of an independent Kurdish state and for the Armenian genocide to be formally recognised by the international community.SD values a strong, common national and cultural identity, believing this to be one of the most basic cornerstones of a functioning democracy. Minimizing linguistic, cultural and religious differences in society has a positive effect on societal cohesion, according to the party. The Swedish nation is defined "in terms of loyalty, a common language and common culture." A requirement for becoming a member of the Swedish nation is to either "be born in it or [...] by actively choosing to be a part of it." For these reasons among others, SDfirmly rejects multiculturalism.In an interview for "Dagens Nyheter", Second Deputy Speaker of the Riksdag and then-party secretary Björn Söder elaborated on the SDparty programme with respect to its views on national identity by saying that he personally did not think people with dual national identities in Sweden would necessarily identify themselves as Swedish. Although an immigrant of any ethnic background in theory can become a Swedish citizen, they would have to adapt and be assimilated in order to be considered Swedish in the cultural sense. Björn Söder stated that the officially recognised Swedish minority peoples (e.g. Sami, Tornedalians and Jews) in many cases have dual cultural identities and that they probably would be proud of both heritages. It was widely interpreted that Söder had stated in the interview that Jews cannot be Swedish unless they abandon their Jewish identity. Söder's comments were understood to be anti-semitic and caused Swedish parliamentary groups and party leaders to call for Björn Söder's resignation. The Simon Wiesenthal Center listed the statement as number six on their list of the top ten most anti-semitic events of 2014. Söder responded in the "Jerusalem Post", denying the charges of anti-semitism and claiming "Dagens Nyheter" had taken his statements out of context.The Sweden Democrats advocates a cultural policy that would strip funding for multicultural initiatives and strengthen support for traditional Swedish culture. This agenda has often manifested itself as opposition to state funding of immigrant cultural organisations and festivals, and support for traditional Swedish craft, folk music, and folk dance groups. The party also tends to oppose state support for cultural initiatives deemed provocative or elitist. A 2014 letter signed by 52Swedish anthropologists, criticised the Sweden Democrats' use of the terms "culture" ("kultur" ) and "anthropology" ("antropologi" ), claiming their views on culture were "essentialist and obsolete", clarifying that culture is "dynamic" and "in constant change".The Sweden Democrats criticise modern art and have accused local councils of wasting public money on what it calls "provocative" art. The SD want citizens to be able to vote in local referendums on public art displayed near schools, public transport stations and town centres. "The important thing is that what is expressed in the public environment is anchored to the citizens and especially the local residents who are most often in the environment so that they feel an identification", says the party's cultural spokesperson Aron Emilsson. Sweden Democrats mayor in Sölvesborg Louise Erixon claimed "There's a big division between what the general public thinks is beautiful and interesting and what a tiny cultural elite thinks is exciting."The Sweden Democrats also support a ban on the burqa and niqab in public places, are against proposals to publicly broadcast the Islamic call to prayer from minarets, and want tougher enforcement of existing laws against female genital mutilation, honor violence and social segregation. The SD also want Swedish to remain Sweden's sole official language in state funded schools, government agencies and public funded media. It also supports prohibiting the hijab in primary schools, arguing that while it is not opposed to hijabs in general, the choice to wear it should be made on an individual basis when a child reaches adulthood.The Sweden Democrats have described themselves as supporters of the Swedish welfare state, labour rights and the public sector, but argue that welfare should be restricted to Swedish citizens and permanent residents. In its platform, the SD claims that its economic policies are neither left or right-wing, but designed to improve conditions for small and medium-sized companies, self-employed citizens and entrepreneurs to boost employment and stimulate the economy, as opposed to what it describes as "constructed jobs" created by the government to reduce unemployment but hold no long term benefits for the Swedish economy or for the people who work them. SD wants to abolish the Swedish Employment Service in its current form and replace it with a new authority for the supervision and close regulation of private employment services to ensure large corporations do not exploit or undercut Swedish workers. The party also supports affordable and free access to public healthcare for Swedish nationals. Anders Backlund described the party as "economically centrist," leaning towards economic nationalism (in contrast to the other Swedish conservative parties who tend to favour open free markets and global cosmopolitan philosophies) and supporting a mixed market economy combining centre-left and centre-right ideas, as well as promoting "welfare chauvinist" policies which blend national-populism with socio-economics.The Sweden Democrats considers children raised in a traditional nuclear family as the preferred option for the child's development. Those not raised by their biological parents should have the right to associate with or at least find out who they were. SD has been critical of adoption and artificial insemination for same-sex couples and polyamorous people. The party now supports same-sex marriage and civil partnerships for gay couples but believes the ultimate decision to perform ceremonies should be decided by the individual religious institution rather than the state.SD previously opposed government sanctioned adoption to single people, same-sex couples and polyamorous relationships unless the adopting party are close relatives or already have a close relationship with the child.Although SDhistorically criticised what it calls a "Homosex Lobby", the party claims that it is not hostile to homosexuals. Party leader Jimmie Åkesson expressed concern that what he describes as islamisation of Sweden will eventually lead to the rights of sexual minorities being violated. SD-Kuriren (the official SD party newspaper) regularly published articles attacking LGBT events and describing homosexuality as "perversion" throughout the early 2000s before moderating itself. A blog post claiming Stockholm Pride sexualised young children and equating homosexuality with pedophilia titled "Botten måste snart vara nådd" (Soon enough we'll hit rock bottom) was published by SD Party secretary Björn Söder on 1 August 2007. The post was widely criticised in the Swedish media as an attack on LGBT people.An unofficial gay pride parade called Pride Järva was organised by SD member and former party magazine editor Jan Sjunnesson in the Stockholm suburbs of Tensta and Husby, two areas with large immigrant populations. The event was disavowed by the official Stockholm Pride organisation and the Swedish Federation for Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Transgender Rights; in a joint statement both organisations called Sjunnesson "a person who's spreading hatred towards Muslims on social media [and] who's not supporting LGBT rights". Approximately 30 people participated in Pride Järva, with a larger amount of LGBT and heterosexual anti-racist counter protestors arriving to oppose them.In recent years, the SD has softened its stances on LGBT rights and same-sex parenting through updating its policies on LGBT issues. In its current platform, the SD states "everyone must be treated equally, regardless of sexual orientation, and discrimination must be combated." In a 2018 interview, SD member of the Riksdag and gender-equality spokesperson Paula Bieler stated that homophobes "are not welcome in our party."The party also calls for a ban on child, polygamous and forced marriages, as well as harsher penalties for honor violence.SD opposes any "negative or positive special treatment on the basis of gender, age, sexual orientation, nationality or ethnic origin" in the labour market.The party maintains that, collectively, there are biological differences between men and women, some of which that cannot be "observed with the naked eye". Perceived differences between men and women in regards to preference, behaviour and life choices exist due to each individual's choices and does not necessarily have to be "problematic, the result of discrimination nor the result of an oppressive gender power structure".The party argues that other countries should reduce their emissions instead of Sweden which they believe is already doing enough on that front. The party advocates keeping nuclear power plants as a prominent energy source in Sweden, believing it to be an efficient way to combat climate change. They also advocate in investing in climate research internationally and funding climate action on a global scale.The Sweden Democrats support generally increased minimum sentences as well as increased resources and personnel for the police. SD wishes to instate the possibility of life imprisonment without parole for the worst crimes and to repatriate foreign citizens found guilty of serious crimes. SD also wants to establish a public register of individuals convicted for certain sexual crimes.SD previously supported the reinstatement of capital punishment before dropping it as an official policy after the party program was updated in 1998, although individuals within the party continue to support the death penalty for serious crimes such as murder and infanticide.The SD is also opposed to repatriating and offering state funded assistance to Swedish citizens who joined ISIS.SD wants to increase the number of Swedish Army brigades to seven from today's two.The party has stated that it would seek to raise Sweden's defence spending to 2-2.5% of GDP.The party is a supporter of the Swedish monarchy but also supports an amendment to the constitution that obligates the Riksdag to elect a new monarch in the event of there being no heir to the throne.SD wishes to lower the tax rate for the elderly, as well as increase subsidised housing for the elderly. SD also wishes to allocate additional resources to municipalities in order to provide seniors with greater food assistance and, in general, improve their quality of life. SD has also emphasised a desire to crack down on abuses and crimes of which the elderly are particular targets.The Sweden Democrats are critical of the special rights given to the indigenous Sami people of northern Sweden. In 2008 the party accepted a motion against the rights to reindeer husbandry. They have argued that those "who do not involve themselves with reindeer husbandry are treated as second class citizens" and that the privileges the herders have are "undemocratic". They want to restructure the councils and funds that are used to benefit the Sami population, so that they are used "regardless of ethnic identity and business operations". They also want to abolish the Sami Parliament, which claims special privileges for an "ethnic minority while the society claims equal rights for others".In its early, days the Sweden Democrats was known to associate itself with both native Swedish and wider European extreme-right activist groups and parties. During the 1990s, the Sweden Democrats began distancing itself from such groups and made connections with the French National Front and Jean Marie Le Pen through his "Euronat" initiative, but otherwise the party did not actively seek formal relationships outside of Sweden. After party left Euronat, it became more influenced by the neighboring Danish People's Party. The SD also had some contacts with other European nationalist parties such as the Austrian FPÖ and the Flemish Vlaams Belang party prior to 2014. The Danish People's Party was initially reluctant to collaborate with the SD until 2010 when Pia Kjærsgaard travelled to Sweden to help with the party's general election campaign. Following the European election of 2014 there was some speculation that the SD would enter a grouping with other European nationalist parties led by Marine Le Pen. However, the party began to distance itself from other European far-right parties and elected to become a member of the more moderate right-wing Europe of Freedom and Direct Democracy group with the UK Independence Party. In 2015, SD began forging closer relations with the Danish People's Party and in 2018 announced an official cooperation pact with the Finns Party. All three parties are members of the Nordic Freedom group. In 2018, SD joined both the European Conservatives and Reformists group and the European Conservatives and Reformists Party in which it sits alongside the British Conservative Party.During the 1980s and early 1990s, many outspoken far-right and Nazi advocates were involved with the party. It was founded by, among others, the Swedish Waffen-SS veteran Gustaf Ekström and members of both older Nazi and neo-Nazi organisations. In its early days, the SD also had a reputation for attracting biker and skinhead gangs to its rallies. The party had flyers printed by the French National Front in the 1998 general election, and was financially backed for the 2004 European election by Belgian Bernard Mengal. The party was a member of the "Euronat" initiative which was set up by Jean-Marie Le Pen. However, as part of the moderation process, the Sweden Democrats have subsequently sought to distance themselves from far-right parties in Europe, including turning down an invitation to join a grouping in the European parliament with the National Front in 2014 and choosing to ally themselves with more moderate parties during the 2014 and 2019 European elections.Both before and after the 2010 Swedish general election all the major parties, including the Swedish Social Democrats and the Moderate Party, declared they would not collaborate or work with the Sweden Democrats. The move was described by international pundits as an unofficial "cordon sanitaire". The policy of non-cooperation was kept in place for the 2014 Swedish general election. However, at a local level other parties from the Moderates to the Left Party have collaborated or voted in favour of SD initiatives. Following the 2018 general election, which saw the disintegration of the centre-right Alliance, Christian Democrats leader Ebba Busch and Moderates leader Ulf Kristersson signaled an end to the non-cooperation policy and began talks with the SD.The Sweden Democrats have complained about difficulties buying advertising space due to the media banning the party from advertising and have accused media outlets of trying to censor or limit the party's campaign messages during elections. which has been criticised by free speech organisations. On 16 June 2006, "Dagens Nyheter" and "Svenska Dagbladet" decided to stop their boycott. "Expressen", however, still retains a ban on Sweden Democrat advertising. During the 2010 Swedish general election, broadcaster TV4 refused to air a Sweden Democrats campaign video which depicted a Swedish pensioner being outrun by burka-clad women with prams. TV4's decision was criticized by both free speech advocates and politicians from Denmark, including by Danish People's Party leader Pia Kjærsgaard, Venstre and the Conservative People's Party (who reacted to TV4's decision to ban the video by calling for international election observers to be sent to Sweden), and by members of the Norwegian Progress Party who called the decision a "violation of democratic rules." Journalist Hanne Kjöller argued that attempts to censor the SD in 2010 ended up emboldening their support by giving them more publicity.After the Danish daily newspaper "Jyllands-Posten" published twelve cartoons depicting Muhammad and ignited a controversy during the2005 autumn and winter, the Sweden Democrats gave their unreserved support to the publication with reference to the freedom of speech. SDstated that it saw no reason why a Danish newspaper should be forced to abide by Muslim rules and prohibitions regarding expression. When the boycott of Danish products was launched in the Middle East, SDlaunched a "Buy Danish" campaign in support of Danish workers. In 2006 SD entered the Muhammad cartoon debate by publishing a cartoon depicting Muhammad on its youth league (SDU) and "SD-Kuriren" () websites. The cartoon showed Muhammad from behind holding a mirror in front of his face. However, instead of any facial features, the mirror showed only a blank head. The cartoon was captioned "Muhammad's Face" ( ).The publication attracted the attention of the Swedish government, which informed internet service provider "Levonline" about the SD's publications. Subsequently, "Levonline" shut down SD's web page. The Minister for Foreign Affairs, Laila Freivalds, denied any direct interference. However, at the same time, Laila Freivalds condemned the publication as a provocation. Freivalds then resigned from the Persson Cabinet after being accused of interference with press freedom and lying about such actions.This event spurred debate on government censorship in Sweden. The Sweden Democrats also had a hate speech charge filed against them due to the posted caricature. Similar hate speech charges were filed against other Swedish publishers who had depicted Muhammad. However, these charges were immediately deemed to be unfounded by the Swedish Chancellor of Justice.The Sweden Democrats originally planned to publish a set of cartoons in their newspaper "SD-Kuriren". However, after the controversy erupted, Jimmie Åkesson issued a statement on SD's website on 9 February 2006, stating that they would refrain from further publications online and in print, due to concerns that publishing might spur hostile actions against Swedes and Swedish interests.The shutdown of the Sweden Democrats' websites was reported to the Committee on the Constitution by the Liberal People's Party leader Lars Leijonborg. SD filed charges against the Security Service ("Säpo") and the Ministry for Foreign Affairs with the "Justitiekansler" and "Justitieombudsmannen", alleging that the government's interference was unconstitutional. The spokesperson of the Green Party, Peter Eriksson, also expressed concern over possible government involvement in the event.The Sweden Democrats have, among all Swedish parliamentary parties, had the largest share of elected municipal representatives resign since the 2010 elections (27.8%). Many of these resignations were brought on by racist statements or actions by these representatives.In November 2012, party spokesperson Erik Almqvist resigned after he had been caught on tape making racist and sexist statements. Another video later surfaced, showing how Almqvist, in addition to party spokesperson Kent Ekeroth and party official Christian Westling were arming themselves with iron pipes before they sought out a confrontation with Soran Ismail, a Swedish comedian of Kurdish descent. In November 2012, parliamentarian Lars Isovaara resigned after accusing two people of foreign origin of stealing his bag (which Isovaara had left at a restaurant) and then proceeding to verbally abuse a security guard of a foreign background. Isovaara's replacement in parliament, Markus Wiechel, was found in April 2013 to have referred to a group of black people as "monkeys".In March 2013, 12 individuals were thrown out of the party for their involvement in neo-Nazi or other extremist movements. In November 2013, parliamentarian and then vice party leader Jonas Åkerlund gained attention for having called immigrants "parasites" during a broadcast on SD's own radio station in 2002, after the recording was publicly rediscovered. In his defence, Åkerlund stated that he only said it to provoke people. In September 2014, a few weeks before the general election, the party chairman of the local Stockholm branch, Christoffer Dulny, resigned from his position. He had been posting mocking comments about immigrants, calling them "shameless liars" on alternative media sites. He also resigned from his newly won position in parliament on the same day he was elected, 29 September 2014.In October 2016, a video of the parliamentarian and economic policy spokesperson Oscar Sjöstedt making antisemitic jokes was released. Whilst at a party, believed to have taken place in 2011, he laughingly told a story about former co-workers with Nazi sympathies mocking Jews and comparing them to sheep. During the same month, the parliamentarian and second vice party leader Carina Herrstedt was confronted with having sent an allegedly racist, antisemitic, homophobic and anti-romanyist email to her then spouse in 2011. The email, which had been leaked from the party's internal servers, for instance contained phrases that named black football players from the team Landskrona BoIS as "niggers" whilst also picturing Romani people as thieves. The email was meant to be playful and ironic, Herrstedt told Aftonbladet.Between 2015 and 2016 various members of the party were expelled from the SD for expressing extremist or racist views, or because of disagreement with the party's shift towards moderation and social conservatism. In April 2015, the Sweden Democratic Youth leaders were also expelled for these reasons, and the organisation was dissolved shortly after. In December 2016, the parliamentarian Anna Hagwall was thrown out of the party after using arguments associated with antisemitism to argue for a bill that she introduced in parliament intended to reduce concentration of media ownership in Sweden.In September 2017, a report from "Dagens ETC" found that 14 former municipal representatives of the party had infiltrated the SD in order to financially support the Nordic Resistance Movement, a neo-Nazi organisation, through financial transactions, memberships, or purchases of antisemitic and racist literature or souvenirs. In August 2018, 2 members were kicked out due to purchases of Nazi memorabilia online; following the expulsions, Michael Erlandsson, one of the SD spokesmen, publicly stated that people who "have these types of views and share these types of materials" have no place in the party. 14 candidates were expelled from the party as well after being exposed as former members of neo-Nazi organisations. Referring to the latest expulsions, SD leader Jimmie Åkesson declared that the party "works extremely hard to keep clean".Researcher on Nordic nationalism Benjamin R. Teitelbaum described the present day version Sweden Democrats as paradoxical compared to other European nationalist parties on the issues of racism and radicalism. Teitelbaum notes that in contrast to other Nordic and wider European populist parties, the SD differs by having a past rooted in white nationalism and extremism, but in the present day is comparably more proactive in rejecting ethno-nationalism and expelling members who make racist statements to the point where he considers the SD to be on the "softer side" of national-populism. Similar observations were made by British conservative author Douglas Murray who described the SD as undergoing one of the most significant transformations on the European political right from a party on the fringes that openly pushed extreme tendencies to a more mainstream movement that draws on diverse support.Ashley Fox, leader of the British Conservative MEPs, praised the Sweden Democrats regarding the party's policy decisions on the expulsion of extremist and racist members: "Over the past decade the Sweden Democrats have made progress in reforming themselves, expelling any members displaying unacceptable views or behaviour and diversifying their party base."The Sweden Democrats came under fire in 2015 for changing their position on profits made by private welfare companies. Before the election in 2014 they favored having restrictions on the amount of profit that welfare companies could take and use for their own gain. Since the election, they have favored the approach of the Alliance parties, that is higher and more restrictive quality standards. This has been suspected to be because of extensive lobbying done by the organisation Svenskt Näringsliv among others. The story was discovered by the Swedish newspaper "Dagens Industri" on 14 September 2015. SD has denied all accusations of corruption.According to the Statistiska Centralbyrån (SCB) 2017 party preference survey the Sweden Democrats (SD) have a stronger support among men than among women. There is no noticeable difference in support for the party among different age groups. The support for SD is greater among native born than among foreign born. Since 2014 the SD has substantially increased its support among both foreign-born and foreign-background voters, becoming the third largest party in Sweden also among this demographic by 2017. Sympathies are greater for the party among persons with primary and secondary education than among those with a higher education. The 2018 party preference survey of the SCB show that SD has twice as much support among men than among women.According to "Aftonbladet", 14%of SD members are of immigrant origin, which matches the share of foreign-born inhabitants of Sweden. For the 2010 election in the municipality of Södertälje (Stockholm County), SDwas the only party with a majority of immigrants on its electoral list, mostly Assyrians from the Middle East. Polling7.31%(3,447 votes), SD'smunicipal list in Södertälje got 5of the65 municipal seats. Nader Helawi and four other Swedes of immigrant origin will sit as municipal councilors. Since 2014, the SD has seen growing support from foreign-born Swedish voters, and was estimated to have become the third most popular party for voters of immigrant backgrounds by 2017.
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[
"Mikael Jansson",
"Jimmie Åkesson",
"Anders Klarström"
] |
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Who was the chair of Sweden Democrats in Feb, 1992?
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February 18, 1992
|
{
"text": [
"Anders Klarström"
]
}
|
L2_Q504069_P488_1
|
Leif Zeilon is the chair of Sweden Democrats from Jan, 1988 to Jan, 1989.
Jimmie Åkesson is the chair of Sweden Democrats from May, 2005 to Dec, 2022.
Anders Klarström is the chair of Sweden Democrats from Jan, 1992 to Mar, 1995.
Mikael Jansson is the chair of Sweden Democrats from Mar, 1995 to May, 2005.
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Sweden DemocratsThe Sweden Democrats or Swedish Democrats ( ; SD ) is a nationalist and right-wing populist political party in Sweden founded in 1988. The party describes itself as social conservative with a nationalist foundation. The party has been variously characterised by academics, political commentators and the media as national-conservative, anti-immigration, eurosceptic or far-right. Jimmie Åkesson has been party leader since 2005.The party originally had its roots in Swedish fascism and white nationalism, but began distancing itself from its past during the late 1990s and early 2000s. Under the leadership of Jimmie Åkesson, the SD underwent a process of reform by expelling hard-line members and moderating its platform. Today, the Sweden Democrats officially reject both fascism and Nazism.Support for the Sweden Democrats has grown steadily since the 1990s and the party crossed the 4% threshold necessary for parliamentary representation for the first time during the 2010 general election, polling 5.7% and gaining 20 seats in the Riksdag. This increase in popularity has been compared by international media to other similar anti-immigration movements in Europe. The party received increased support in the 2018 Swedish general election, when it polled 17.5% and secured 62 seats in parliament, becoming the third largest party in Sweden. The Sweden Democrats remained isolated in the Riksdag for a long time because the other parties staunchly maintained a policy of refusing cooperation with them. However, in March 2019, Christian Democratic leader Ebba Busch announced that her party was ready to start negotiations with the Sweden Democrats in the Riksdag and since 2018, the SD has formed governing coalitions in municipal councils with the Moderate Party. The Sweden Democrats are a member of the European Conservatives and Reformists group in the European Parliament.The Sweden Democrats party was founded in 1988 as a direct successor to the Sweden Party, which in turn had been formed in 1986 by the merger of (BSS; in English: "Keep Sweden Swedish") and a faction of the Swedish Progress Party. SD claims 6 February 1988 as the date of its foundation, although observers tend to see the party's foundation as part of a complex decade-long series of events, with some even calling into question whether a meeting took place on 6 February.According to "Expo", it is generally agreed that the Sweden Democrats has never been a Nazi party, although some of the SD's early members had previously held connections to Swedish fascist and white nationalist groups. The party's first auditor, Gustaf Ekström, was a "Waffen-SS" veteran and had been a member of the national socialist party "Svensk Socialistisk Samling" in the1940s. In 1989, Ekström was a member of the Sweden Democrats' national board. The SD's first chairman Anders Klarström had been briefly active in the neo-Nazi ("Nordic Realm Party"). The SD's logo from the 1990s until 2006 was a version of the torch used by the British National Front. Academic Duncan McDonnell has argued that it is debated as to whether the SD itself was ever explicitly a neo-Nazi movement, but it was widely known to publicly align itself with extreme fringe politics and faced criticism in late 1980s and early 1990s for attracting skinheads to its public events. The SD also encountered controversy for some its early policy ideas before 1990, which included a proposal to repatriate most immigrants who came to Sweden from 1970, banning adoption of foreign born children and reinstating the death penalty.The party promoted concerts by the Swedish offshoot of Rock Against Communism and sponsored music of the nationalist Viking rock band Ultima Thule. Various party officials today acknowledge that being fans of Ultima Thule's music factored prominently in their decision to become politically engaged. Early on, the party recommended international connections to its members such as the National Democratic Party of Germany, the American National Association for the Advancement of White People (founded by David Duke) and publications like the Nazi "Nation Europa" and "", a newspaper that advocates racial biology and the British neo-Nazi Combat 18 movement.In 1995, Klarström was replaced as party chairman by Mikael Jansson, a former member of the Centre Party. Jansson strove to make the party more respectable and, after skinheads started to impose on party meetings, the wearing of any kind of political uniform was formally banned in 1996. Also in 1996 it was revealed that a party member, Tina Hallgren, had been to a party meeting of National Socialist Front posing in a Nazi uniform. Opposition to the party have mistakenly mixed these two events together and falsely claim that she was wearing the uniform at a rally of the Sweden Democrats and that it was because of this that the uniform ban came about. During the early 1990s, the party became more influenced by the French National Front, as well as the Freedom Party of Austria, the Danish People's Party, German The Republicans and Italian National Alliance. SDreceived economic support for the 1998 election from the French National Front, and became active in Le Pen's Euronat from the same time. By the end of the decade, the party took further steps to moderate itself by softening its policies on immigration and capital punishment. In 1999, the SD left Euronat although the youth wing remained affiliated until 2002. In 2001 the most extreme faction was expelled from the party, leading to the formation of the more radical National Democrats.During the 2000s the so-called "Scania gang", also known as the "Gang of Four" or "Fantastic Four," which consisted of the youth wing chairman Jimmie Åkesson, as well as Björn Söder, Mattias Karlsson and Richard Jomshof continued and expanded the moderation policy, which included ousting openly extremist members, banning both foreign and Swedish extreme-right activists from attending party events and obtaining membership, and further revising the SD's policy platform. Before the 2002 election, former Moderate Party MP Sten Christer Andersson defected to SD, citing that the party had gotten rid of its extreme-right elements. In 2003 the party declared the Universal Declaration of Human Rights to be a cornerstone of its policies. In 2005, Akesson defeated Jansson in a leadership contest. Shortly after, the party changed its logo from the flaming torch to one featuring an "Anemone hepatica", reminiscent of the party's very first, but short-lived, logo (a stylised "Myosotis scorpioides"). The party also formally introduced a charter against racism and extremism in 2010.In the 2010 general election, SDwon representation in the Swedish Riksdag for the first time, with5.7% of the vote and 20MPs.Sweden Democrat MP William Petzäll was persuaded to leave the party on 26 September 2011 while still retaining his parliamentary seat. This was done because of Petzäll's substance abuse and the problems this might cause for SD'spublic image. Petzäll later died of an overdose and his seat was turned over to Stellan Bojerud in September 2012.In November 2012, videos from August 2010 were released, in segments, over the course of three days by Swedish newspaper "Expressen" (a year earlier, "Expressen" had released the same videos without making much noise). This came to be known as the Iron pipe scandal, although the same videos had already been released on YouTube by Erik Almqvist in 2010. The videos, recorded by MP Kent Ekeroth, featured him along with fellow Sweden Democrats MP Erik Almqvist and Christian Westling. The videos show Almqvist arguing with comedian Soran Ismail: Almqvist is referring to Sweden as "my country, not your country", as an insult to Ismail. They are also shown arguing with a drunken man. A woman can also be seen approaching Kent Ekeroth while filming; he calls her a whore and pushes her out of the way. A few minutes later they are seen picking up iron bars. Coming only a month after party leader Åkesson had instated a zero-tolerance policy towards racism in the party, the release of the video caused Almqvist to leave his position as the party's economic policy spokesperson and his place in the executive committee on 14 November. He excused himself as having been under a lot of pressure and threats of violence at the time. As more segments of the video were released, revealing the other two men's involvement, the party announced on 15 November that Ekeroth would take a break from his position as the party's justice policy spokesman. Almqvist and Ekeroth both took time off from their parliament seats. Sweden Democratic Youth president Gustav Kasselstrand and vice president William Hahne criticised the decision to remove Almqvist and Ekeroth in an op-ed in "Dagens Nyheter", arguing that the party should not give in to media pressure.Only two weeks after Almqvist and Ekeroth were forced to step down, fellow MP Lars Isovaara reported being robbed of his backpack and pushed out of his wheelchair by "two unknown men of an immigrant background". When trying to get into the Riksdag, Isovaara was himself reported by the police for racial abuse against safety guards. The Sweden Democrats initially defended Isovaara, but backed down when "Expressen" revealed that Isovaara had actually forgotten his backpack at a restaurant, and that the two men had helped him when he fell out of his wheelchair. He left his seat in the Riksdag on 29 November, and was replaced by Markus Wiechel.In the European election of 2014 SD received 9.67% of votes, winning two seats in the European Parliament and becoming the fifth party of the country. The party later joined the Alliance for Direct Democracy in Europe and the Europe of Freedom and Direct Democracy group.In the 2014 election the Sweden Democrats received 12.9%of the votes, doubling their support and becoming the third-largest party. The party remained big in Scania and Blekinge; for example in Malmö the party received 14% of the votes, in Landskrona it received 19% of the votes and in Sjöbo a total of 30% rendering the party the largest in that municipality. Other parties, however, remained firm in their decision to isolate them from exerting influence. Out of 29 constituencies electing parliamentarians, the party was the second largest in "Scania North & East" while being the third largest party in 25. Although relying heavily on rural areas and the deep south, the party also made strong inroads and results above 15% in some medium-sized central Sweden cities such as Norrköping, Eskilstuna and Gävle, indicating a widening of its voter base in all areas.Some time after that, Åkesson announced he would go on sick leave due to burnout. Mattias Karlsson was appointed to temporarily take over Åkesson's duties as party leader.On Monday, 23 March 2015, it was announced that Åkesson would return from his leave of absence to resume his duties as party leader following an interview to be broadcast on the Friday, 27 March instalment of the "Skavlan" program on SVT, and a subsequent press conference with the Swedish media.Amid media coverage regarding the high immigration figures and the European migrant crisis, the Sweden Democrats soared in all opinion polls during the summer of 2015, even topping web-based polls from YouGov and Sentio in late summer, with a little over a quarter of the vote. The party also saw rising support in phone-based polls, although the swing was lower.On 2 July 2018 the two Sweden Democrats MEPs left the EFDD group and moved to the European Conservatives and Reformists group.In the 2018 general election, the SD increased its support to 17.5% of the vote, though it did not grow as much as most polls had predicted. According to Emily Schultheis of "Foreign Policy", the SD won an ideological victory, as it "effectively set the terms for debate" and forced its rivals to adopt immigration policies similar to its own, and other reporters made similar observations. The SD performed particularly well in Skåne County, having the highest number of voters in 21 out of the county's 33 municipalities. An SVT analysis of the results found that at least 22 seats in 17 city councils would be empty as the Sweden Democrats won more seats than the number of candidates it had. The party also received its first mayor, in Hörby Municipality.Following the election, Christian Democratic leader Ebba Busch announced that her party was willing to enter negotiations with the Sweden Democrats in the Riksdag. In December 2019, Moderate Party leader Ulf Kristersson held an official meeting with the Sweden Democrat leadership for the first time, despite having previously ruled out negotiating with the party. This led to speculation that the SD could be included in a new centre-right grouping to replace the Alliance which had collapsed after the Centre Party and the Liberal Party left to support the Social Democratic led government.In October 2018, the Sweden Democrats went into a governing coalitions with the Moderate Party and the Christian Democrats for the first time in Staffanstorp Municipality, Sölvesborg Municipality, Herrljunga Municipality and Bromölla Municipality. In Bromölla, coalition felt apart in 2020, while new coalitions with the SD emerged in Svalöv Municipality (2019), Bjuv Municipality (2020) and Surahammar Municipality (2021).The Sweden Democrats' party programme is based on 'democratic nationalism' and social conservatism. Nordic Studies scholar Benjamin R. Teitelbaum has called them radical nationalist and in 2018 said the party has since evolved to the "softer side" of European populist parties. The party has been described by sociologist Jens Rydgren and others as xenophobic, racist and right-wing populist. In 2013, a Sveriges Radio journalist called the party xenophobic, which resulted in a complaint lodged to the broadcasting regulator. The Swedish Broadcasting Commission determined that this description was acceptable to use. Oscar Sjöstedt, the party's financial spokesperson, places the party around the centre on the left-right political spectrum, while leader Jimmie Åkesson has stated that they are parallel with the Moderate Party. The party formally rejects Nazism, and in recent years has increasingly distanced itself from other European ultra-nationalist or far-right parties.The Sweden Democrats believe that current Swedish immigration and integration policies have been a national failure. In a statement filed before the Riksdag Committee on Migration in August 2020, SD claims that Sweden's "irresponsible" immigration and asylum policies have subjected Sweden to an on-going "long-term, albeit low-intensive crisis". Their official policy brief states that the party "welcomes those who contribute to our [Sweden's] society, who follow our laws and respect our customs. On the other hand, anyone who comes here and exploits our systems, commits crimes or exposes our citizens to danger is not welcome." When handling asylum seekers, the party supports protecting national sovereignty in regards to Sweden's decisions on migration and border control, as well as "the principle of first safe country", meaning that asylum seekers should only be able to seek asylum in the first safe country that they arrive in. Until such legislation is realized, SD supports setting limits on the right to welfare and making cultural integration mandatory. The party opposes offering permanent residency to asylum seekers, believing that temporary residency should be the standard for those who claim asylum in Sweden. SD supports Sweden eventually accepting refugees exclusively through the UNHCR resettlement programme in accordance with a quota based on each municipality's capacity. The party also supports giving priority to persecuted secular, Christian, former Muslim and other religious or sexual minorities fleeing war or death for apostasy believing that such individuals are less likely to be offered refuge elsewhere.Historically, SD sought to repatriate most immigrants and ban immigration entirely; however. these policies were moderated in the 1990s. before being scrapped altogether. Presently, SD wishes to strongly restrict and control immigration, and instead give generous support to immigrants who do not want to assimilate into Swedish society to emigrate back to their country of origin. As more state funds are made free from funding 'mass immigration', SD believes that Sweden will be better able to help refugees and economic migrants in their home areas. SD also favours assimilation over integration of immigrants from non-European backgrounds, arguing that integration is a meet in the middle approach and that Swedes should not have to bear the burden over what the party claims have been reckless immigration policies. SD calls for compulsory measures for immigrants to be employed, learn the Swedish language and be subject to a language and social skills test before becoming eligible for citizenship. The party also supports increased spending on border patrol forces, expulsion of illegal immigrants and foreign-born criminals, repatriations of Schengen area migrants who move to Sweden to make a living from street begging, changes in the law to enable the government to strip foreign-born Swedish nationals of their citizenship if found guilty of a serious crime, penalties against employers who use foreign and undocumented labor to circumvent Swedish working conditions and stricter laws against family migration.SD has referred to the recommendations from the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) which state that the return of refugees should be the solution to refugee problems. Torbjörn Kastell (former party secretary from 2003 to 2004) said in 2002 that the party wanted "a multicultural world, not a multicultural society". In recent years SDhas tried to approach the immigration policy of the Danish People's Party, which from 2001 to 2011 provided parliamentary support for the former Danish liberal/conservative government in return for a tightening of Danish immigration policies and stricter naturalisation laws.The SD wants European governments to construct a security wall along the European border with Turkey in response to illegal immigration, terrorism and incursions by the Grey Wolves into Greece. It also calls on Europe to commonly adopt a migration system based on the Australian model to prevent human trafficking across the Mediterranean which the party states enables illegal immigrants and would-be terrorists to reach Sweden.The Sweden Democrats are against further EU integration and cession of Swedish sovereignty to the European Union. The party is opposed to EU regulations on Swedish tax and domestic affairs, calls for EU influence over domestic political decision making of member states to be minimized and for the national sovereignty and cultural identity of European nations to be prioritized over the EU's political ambitions. SD rejects joining the Economic and Monetary Union by opposing the Euro currency and favors keeping the krona. They also seek to reduce Swedish financial contributions to Brussels, renegotiate Swedish membership of the Schengen Agreement, protect the free access to the internet from EU copyright bills, and are against the accession of Turkey to the European Union. The SD states that it supports pan-European political cooperation to combat cross-border organized crime, illegal immigration, Islamism, terrorism and environmental challenges but opposes creating a fully combined EU army or policies that could lead to the creation of a Federal European Superstate. The SD states that if the EU cannot be reformed and tries to transform itself into a Superstate, Sweden should immediately reconsider its membership via a referendum.The Sweden Democrats are supportive of Israel and favors recognising Jerusalem as Israel's capital and proposes moving the Swedish embassy there. The party also supports closer military cooperation with neighboring Nordic countries and an alignment with NATO without full membership. SD also supports the creation of an independent Kurdish state and for the Armenian genocide to be formally recognised by the international community.SD values a strong, common national and cultural identity, believing this to be one of the most basic cornerstones of a functioning democracy. Minimizing linguistic, cultural and religious differences in society has a positive effect on societal cohesion, according to the party. The Swedish nation is defined "in terms of loyalty, a common language and common culture." A requirement for becoming a member of the Swedish nation is to either "be born in it or [...] by actively choosing to be a part of it." For these reasons among others, SDfirmly rejects multiculturalism.In an interview for "Dagens Nyheter", Second Deputy Speaker of the Riksdag and then-party secretary Björn Söder elaborated on the SDparty programme with respect to its views on national identity by saying that he personally did not think people with dual national identities in Sweden would necessarily identify themselves as Swedish. Although an immigrant of any ethnic background in theory can become a Swedish citizen, they would have to adapt and be assimilated in order to be considered Swedish in the cultural sense. Björn Söder stated that the officially recognised Swedish minority peoples (e.g. Sami, Tornedalians and Jews) in many cases have dual cultural identities and that they probably would be proud of both heritages. It was widely interpreted that Söder had stated in the interview that Jews cannot be Swedish unless they abandon their Jewish identity. Söder's comments were understood to be anti-semitic and caused Swedish parliamentary groups and party leaders to call for Björn Söder's resignation. The Simon Wiesenthal Center listed the statement as number six on their list of the top ten most anti-semitic events of 2014. Söder responded in the "Jerusalem Post", denying the charges of anti-semitism and claiming "Dagens Nyheter" had taken his statements out of context.The Sweden Democrats advocates a cultural policy that would strip funding for multicultural initiatives and strengthen support for traditional Swedish culture. This agenda has often manifested itself as opposition to state funding of immigrant cultural organisations and festivals, and support for traditional Swedish craft, folk music, and folk dance groups. The party also tends to oppose state support for cultural initiatives deemed provocative or elitist. A 2014 letter signed by 52Swedish anthropologists, criticised the Sweden Democrats' use of the terms "culture" ("kultur" ) and "anthropology" ("antropologi" ), claiming their views on culture were "essentialist and obsolete", clarifying that culture is "dynamic" and "in constant change".The Sweden Democrats criticise modern art and have accused local councils of wasting public money on what it calls "provocative" art. The SD want citizens to be able to vote in local referendums on public art displayed near schools, public transport stations and town centres. "The important thing is that what is expressed in the public environment is anchored to the citizens and especially the local residents who are most often in the environment so that they feel an identification", says the party's cultural spokesperson Aron Emilsson. Sweden Democrats mayor in Sölvesborg Louise Erixon claimed "There's a big division between what the general public thinks is beautiful and interesting and what a tiny cultural elite thinks is exciting."The Sweden Democrats also support a ban on the burqa and niqab in public places, are against proposals to publicly broadcast the Islamic call to prayer from minarets, and want tougher enforcement of existing laws against female genital mutilation, honor violence and social segregation. The SD also want Swedish to remain Sweden's sole official language in state funded schools, government agencies and public funded media. It also supports prohibiting the hijab in primary schools, arguing that while it is not opposed to hijabs in general, the choice to wear it should be made on an individual basis when a child reaches adulthood.The Sweden Democrats have described themselves as supporters of the Swedish welfare state, labour rights and the public sector, but argue that welfare should be restricted to Swedish citizens and permanent residents. In its platform, the SD claims that its economic policies are neither left or right-wing, but designed to improve conditions for small and medium-sized companies, self-employed citizens and entrepreneurs to boost employment and stimulate the economy, as opposed to what it describes as "constructed jobs" created by the government to reduce unemployment but hold no long term benefits for the Swedish economy or for the people who work them. SD wants to abolish the Swedish Employment Service in its current form and replace it with a new authority for the supervision and close regulation of private employment services to ensure large corporations do not exploit or undercut Swedish workers. The party also supports affordable and free access to public healthcare for Swedish nationals. Anders Backlund described the party as "economically centrist," leaning towards economic nationalism (in contrast to the other Swedish conservative parties who tend to favour open free markets and global cosmopolitan philosophies) and supporting a mixed market economy combining centre-left and centre-right ideas, as well as promoting "welfare chauvinist" policies which blend national-populism with socio-economics.The Sweden Democrats considers children raised in a traditional nuclear family as the preferred option for the child's development. Those not raised by their biological parents should have the right to associate with or at least find out who they were. SD has been critical of adoption and artificial insemination for same-sex couples and polyamorous people. The party now supports same-sex marriage and civil partnerships for gay couples but believes the ultimate decision to perform ceremonies should be decided by the individual religious institution rather than the state.SD previously opposed government sanctioned adoption to single people, same-sex couples and polyamorous relationships unless the adopting party are close relatives or already have a close relationship with the child.Although SDhistorically criticised what it calls a "Homosex Lobby", the party claims that it is not hostile to homosexuals. Party leader Jimmie Åkesson expressed concern that what he describes as islamisation of Sweden will eventually lead to the rights of sexual minorities being violated. SD-Kuriren (the official SD party newspaper) regularly published articles attacking LGBT events and describing homosexuality as "perversion" throughout the early 2000s before moderating itself. A blog post claiming Stockholm Pride sexualised young children and equating homosexuality with pedophilia titled "Botten måste snart vara nådd" (Soon enough we'll hit rock bottom) was published by SD Party secretary Björn Söder on 1 August 2007. The post was widely criticised in the Swedish media as an attack on LGBT people.An unofficial gay pride parade called Pride Järva was organised by SD member and former party magazine editor Jan Sjunnesson in the Stockholm suburbs of Tensta and Husby, two areas with large immigrant populations. The event was disavowed by the official Stockholm Pride organisation and the Swedish Federation for Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Transgender Rights; in a joint statement both organisations called Sjunnesson "a person who's spreading hatred towards Muslims on social media [and] who's not supporting LGBT rights". Approximately 30 people participated in Pride Järva, with a larger amount of LGBT and heterosexual anti-racist counter protestors arriving to oppose them.In recent years, the SD has softened its stances on LGBT rights and same-sex parenting through updating its policies on LGBT issues. In its current platform, the SD states "everyone must be treated equally, regardless of sexual orientation, and discrimination must be combated." In a 2018 interview, SD member of the Riksdag and gender-equality spokesperson Paula Bieler stated that homophobes "are not welcome in our party."The party also calls for a ban on child, polygamous and forced marriages, as well as harsher penalties for honor violence.SD opposes any "negative or positive special treatment on the basis of gender, age, sexual orientation, nationality or ethnic origin" in the labour market.The party maintains that, collectively, there are biological differences between men and women, some of which that cannot be "observed with the naked eye". Perceived differences between men and women in regards to preference, behaviour and life choices exist due to each individual's choices and does not necessarily have to be "problematic, the result of discrimination nor the result of an oppressive gender power structure".The party argues that other countries should reduce their emissions instead of Sweden which they believe is already doing enough on that front. The party advocates keeping nuclear power plants as a prominent energy source in Sweden, believing it to be an efficient way to combat climate change. They also advocate in investing in climate research internationally and funding climate action on a global scale.The Sweden Democrats support generally increased minimum sentences as well as increased resources and personnel for the police. SD wishes to instate the possibility of life imprisonment without parole for the worst crimes and to repatriate foreign citizens found guilty of serious crimes. SD also wants to establish a public register of individuals convicted for certain sexual crimes.SD previously supported the reinstatement of capital punishment before dropping it as an official policy after the party program was updated in 1998, although individuals within the party continue to support the death penalty for serious crimes such as murder and infanticide.The SD is also opposed to repatriating and offering state funded assistance to Swedish citizens who joined ISIS.SD wants to increase the number of Swedish Army brigades to seven from today's two.The party has stated that it would seek to raise Sweden's defence spending to 2-2.5% of GDP.The party is a supporter of the Swedish monarchy but also supports an amendment to the constitution that obligates the Riksdag to elect a new monarch in the event of there being no heir to the throne.SD wishes to lower the tax rate for the elderly, as well as increase subsidised housing for the elderly. SD also wishes to allocate additional resources to municipalities in order to provide seniors with greater food assistance and, in general, improve their quality of life. SD has also emphasised a desire to crack down on abuses and crimes of which the elderly are particular targets.The Sweden Democrats are critical of the special rights given to the indigenous Sami people of northern Sweden. In 2008 the party accepted a motion against the rights to reindeer husbandry. They have argued that those "who do not involve themselves with reindeer husbandry are treated as second class citizens" and that the privileges the herders have are "undemocratic". They want to restructure the councils and funds that are used to benefit the Sami population, so that they are used "regardless of ethnic identity and business operations". They also want to abolish the Sami Parliament, which claims special privileges for an "ethnic minority while the society claims equal rights for others".In its early, days the Sweden Democrats was known to associate itself with both native Swedish and wider European extreme-right activist groups and parties. During the 1990s, the Sweden Democrats began distancing itself from such groups and made connections with the French National Front and Jean Marie Le Pen through his "Euronat" initiative, but otherwise the party did not actively seek formal relationships outside of Sweden. After party left Euronat, it became more influenced by the neighboring Danish People's Party. The SD also had some contacts with other European nationalist parties such as the Austrian FPÖ and the Flemish Vlaams Belang party prior to 2014. The Danish People's Party was initially reluctant to collaborate with the SD until 2010 when Pia Kjærsgaard travelled to Sweden to help with the party's general election campaign. Following the European election of 2014 there was some speculation that the SD would enter a grouping with other European nationalist parties led by Marine Le Pen. However, the party began to distance itself from other European far-right parties and elected to become a member of the more moderate right-wing Europe of Freedom and Direct Democracy group with the UK Independence Party. In 2015, SD began forging closer relations with the Danish People's Party and in 2018 announced an official cooperation pact with the Finns Party. All three parties are members of the Nordic Freedom group. In 2018, SD joined both the European Conservatives and Reformists group and the European Conservatives and Reformists Party in which it sits alongside the British Conservative Party.During the 1980s and early 1990s, many outspoken far-right and Nazi advocates were involved with the party. It was founded by, among others, the Swedish Waffen-SS veteran Gustaf Ekström and members of both older Nazi and neo-Nazi organisations. In its early days, the SD also had a reputation for attracting biker and skinhead gangs to its rallies. The party had flyers printed by the French National Front in the 1998 general election, and was financially backed for the 2004 European election by Belgian Bernard Mengal. The party was a member of the "Euronat" initiative which was set up by Jean-Marie Le Pen. However, as part of the moderation process, the Sweden Democrats have subsequently sought to distance themselves from far-right parties in Europe, including turning down an invitation to join a grouping in the European parliament with the National Front in 2014 and choosing to ally themselves with more moderate parties during the 2014 and 2019 European elections.Both before and after the 2010 Swedish general election all the major parties, including the Swedish Social Democrats and the Moderate Party, declared they would not collaborate or work with the Sweden Democrats. The move was described by international pundits as an unofficial "cordon sanitaire". The policy of non-cooperation was kept in place for the 2014 Swedish general election. However, at a local level other parties from the Moderates to the Left Party have collaborated or voted in favour of SD initiatives. Following the 2018 general election, which saw the disintegration of the centre-right Alliance, Christian Democrats leader Ebba Busch and Moderates leader Ulf Kristersson signaled an end to the non-cooperation policy and began talks with the SD.The Sweden Democrats have complained about difficulties buying advertising space due to the media banning the party from advertising and have accused media outlets of trying to censor or limit the party's campaign messages during elections. which has been criticised by free speech organisations. On 16 June 2006, "Dagens Nyheter" and "Svenska Dagbladet" decided to stop their boycott. "Expressen", however, still retains a ban on Sweden Democrat advertising. During the 2010 Swedish general election, broadcaster TV4 refused to air a Sweden Democrats campaign video which depicted a Swedish pensioner being outrun by burka-clad women with prams. TV4's decision was criticized by both free speech advocates and politicians from Denmark, including by Danish People's Party leader Pia Kjærsgaard, Venstre and the Conservative People's Party (who reacted to TV4's decision to ban the video by calling for international election observers to be sent to Sweden), and by members of the Norwegian Progress Party who called the decision a "violation of democratic rules." Journalist Hanne Kjöller argued that attempts to censor the SD in 2010 ended up emboldening their support by giving them more publicity.After the Danish daily newspaper "Jyllands-Posten" published twelve cartoons depicting Muhammad and ignited a controversy during the2005 autumn and winter, the Sweden Democrats gave their unreserved support to the publication with reference to the freedom of speech. SDstated that it saw no reason why a Danish newspaper should be forced to abide by Muslim rules and prohibitions regarding expression. When the boycott of Danish products was launched in the Middle East, SDlaunched a "Buy Danish" campaign in support of Danish workers. In 2006 SD entered the Muhammad cartoon debate by publishing a cartoon depicting Muhammad on its youth league (SDU) and "SD-Kuriren" () websites. The cartoon showed Muhammad from behind holding a mirror in front of his face. However, instead of any facial features, the mirror showed only a blank head. The cartoon was captioned "Muhammad's Face" ( ).The publication attracted the attention of the Swedish government, which informed internet service provider "Levonline" about the SD's publications. Subsequently, "Levonline" shut down SD's web page. The Minister for Foreign Affairs, Laila Freivalds, denied any direct interference. However, at the same time, Laila Freivalds condemned the publication as a provocation. Freivalds then resigned from the Persson Cabinet after being accused of interference with press freedom and lying about such actions.This event spurred debate on government censorship in Sweden. The Sweden Democrats also had a hate speech charge filed against them due to the posted caricature. Similar hate speech charges were filed against other Swedish publishers who had depicted Muhammad. However, these charges were immediately deemed to be unfounded by the Swedish Chancellor of Justice.The Sweden Democrats originally planned to publish a set of cartoons in their newspaper "SD-Kuriren". However, after the controversy erupted, Jimmie Åkesson issued a statement on SD's website on 9 February 2006, stating that they would refrain from further publications online and in print, due to concerns that publishing might spur hostile actions against Swedes and Swedish interests.The shutdown of the Sweden Democrats' websites was reported to the Committee on the Constitution by the Liberal People's Party leader Lars Leijonborg. SD filed charges against the Security Service ("Säpo") and the Ministry for Foreign Affairs with the "Justitiekansler" and "Justitieombudsmannen", alleging that the government's interference was unconstitutional. The spokesperson of the Green Party, Peter Eriksson, also expressed concern over possible government involvement in the event.The Sweden Democrats have, among all Swedish parliamentary parties, had the largest share of elected municipal representatives resign since the 2010 elections (27.8%). Many of these resignations were brought on by racist statements or actions by these representatives.In November 2012, party spokesperson Erik Almqvist resigned after he had been caught on tape making racist and sexist statements. Another video later surfaced, showing how Almqvist, in addition to party spokesperson Kent Ekeroth and party official Christian Westling were arming themselves with iron pipes before they sought out a confrontation with Soran Ismail, a Swedish comedian of Kurdish descent. In November 2012, parliamentarian Lars Isovaara resigned after accusing two people of foreign origin of stealing his bag (which Isovaara had left at a restaurant) and then proceeding to verbally abuse a security guard of a foreign background. Isovaara's replacement in parliament, Markus Wiechel, was found in April 2013 to have referred to a group of black people as "monkeys".In March 2013, 12 individuals were thrown out of the party for their involvement in neo-Nazi or other extremist movements. In November 2013, parliamentarian and then vice party leader Jonas Åkerlund gained attention for having called immigrants "parasites" during a broadcast on SD's own radio station in 2002, after the recording was publicly rediscovered. In his defence, Åkerlund stated that he only said it to provoke people. In September 2014, a few weeks before the general election, the party chairman of the local Stockholm branch, Christoffer Dulny, resigned from his position. He had been posting mocking comments about immigrants, calling them "shameless liars" on alternative media sites. He also resigned from his newly won position in parliament on the same day he was elected, 29 September 2014.In October 2016, a video of the parliamentarian and economic policy spokesperson Oscar Sjöstedt making antisemitic jokes was released. Whilst at a party, believed to have taken place in 2011, he laughingly told a story about former co-workers with Nazi sympathies mocking Jews and comparing them to sheep. During the same month, the parliamentarian and second vice party leader Carina Herrstedt was confronted with having sent an allegedly racist, antisemitic, homophobic and anti-romanyist email to her then spouse in 2011. The email, which had been leaked from the party's internal servers, for instance contained phrases that named black football players from the team Landskrona BoIS as "niggers" whilst also picturing Romani people as thieves. The email was meant to be playful and ironic, Herrstedt told Aftonbladet.Between 2015 and 2016 various members of the party were expelled from the SD for expressing extremist or racist views, or because of disagreement with the party's shift towards moderation and social conservatism. In April 2015, the Sweden Democratic Youth leaders were also expelled for these reasons, and the organisation was dissolved shortly after. In December 2016, the parliamentarian Anna Hagwall was thrown out of the party after using arguments associated with antisemitism to argue for a bill that she introduced in parliament intended to reduce concentration of media ownership in Sweden.In September 2017, a report from "Dagens ETC" found that 14 former municipal representatives of the party had infiltrated the SD in order to financially support the Nordic Resistance Movement, a neo-Nazi organisation, through financial transactions, memberships, or purchases of antisemitic and racist literature or souvenirs. In August 2018, 2 members were kicked out due to purchases of Nazi memorabilia online; following the expulsions, Michael Erlandsson, one of the SD spokesmen, publicly stated that people who "have these types of views and share these types of materials" have no place in the party. 14 candidates were expelled from the party as well after being exposed as former members of neo-Nazi organisations. Referring to the latest expulsions, SD leader Jimmie Åkesson declared that the party "works extremely hard to keep clean".Researcher on Nordic nationalism Benjamin R. Teitelbaum described the present day version Sweden Democrats as paradoxical compared to other European nationalist parties on the issues of racism and radicalism. Teitelbaum notes that in contrast to other Nordic and wider European populist parties, the SD differs by having a past rooted in white nationalism and extremism, but in the present day is comparably more proactive in rejecting ethno-nationalism and expelling members who make racist statements to the point where he considers the SD to be on the "softer side" of national-populism. Similar observations were made by British conservative author Douglas Murray who described the SD as undergoing one of the most significant transformations on the European political right from a party on the fringes that openly pushed extreme tendencies to a more mainstream movement that draws on diverse support.Ashley Fox, leader of the British Conservative MEPs, praised the Sweden Democrats regarding the party's policy decisions on the expulsion of extremist and racist members: "Over the past decade the Sweden Democrats have made progress in reforming themselves, expelling any members displaying unacceptable views or behaviour and diversifying their party base."The Sweden Democrats came under fire in 2015 for changing their position on profits made by private welfare companies. Before the election in 2014 they favored having restrictions on the amount of profit that welfare companies could take and use for their own gain. Since the election, they have favored the approach of the Alliance parties, that is higher and more restrictive quality standards. This has been suspected to be because of extensive lobbying done by the organisation Svenskt Näringsliv among others. The story was discovered by the Swedish newspaper "Dagens Industri" on 14 September 2015. SD has denied all accusations of corruption.According to the Statistiska Centralbyrån (SCB) 2017 party preference survey the Sweden Democrats (SD) have a stronger support among men than among women. There is no noticeable difference in support for the party among different age groups. The support for SD is greater among native born than among foreign born. Since 2014 the SD has substantially increased its support among both foreign-born and foreign-background voters, becoming the third largest party in Sweden also among this demographic by 2017. Sympathies are greater for the party among persons with primary and secondary education than among those with a higher education. The 2018 party preference survey of the SCB show that SD has twice as much support among men than among women.According to "Aftonbladet", 14%of SD members are of immigrant origin, which matches the share of foreign-born inhabitants of Sweden. For the 2010 election in the municipality of Södertälje (Stockholm County), SDwas the only party with a majority of immigrants on its electoral list, mostly Assyrians from the Middle East. Polling7.31%(3,447 votes), SD'smunicipal list in Södertälje got 5of the65 municipal seats. Nader Helawi and four other Swedes of immigrant origin will sit as municipal councilors. Since 2014, the SD has seen growing support from foreign-born Swedish voters, and was estimated to have become the third most popular party for voters of immigrant backgrounds by 2017.
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[
"Leif Zeilon",
"Mikael Jansson",
"Jimmie Åkesson"
] |
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Who was the chair of Sweden Democrats in Oct, 2002?
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October 24, 2002
|
{
"text": [
"Mikael Jansson"
]
}
|
L2_Q504069_P488_2
|
Leif Zeilon is the chair of Sweden Democrats from Jan, 1988 to Jan, 1989.
Anders Klarström is the chair of Sweden Democrats from Jan, 1992 to Mar, 1995.
Jimmie Åkesson is the chair of Sweden Democrats from May, 2005 to Dec, 2022.
Mikael Jansson is the chair of Sweden Democrats from Mar, 1995 to May, 2005.
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Sweden DemocratsThe Sweden Democrats or Swedish Democrats ( ; SD ) is a nationalist and right-wing populist political party in Sweden founded in 1988. The party describes itself as social conservative with a nationalist foundation. The party has been variously characterised by academics, political commentators and the media as national-conservative, anti-immigration, eurosceptic or far-right. Jimmie Åkesson has been party leader since 2005.The party originally had its roots in Swedish fascism and white nationalism, but began distancing itself from its past during the late 1990s and early 2000s. Under the leadership of Jimmie Åkesson, the SD underwent a process of reform by expelling hard-line members and moderating its platform. Today, the Sweden Democrats officially reject both fascism and Nazism.Support for the Sweden Democrats has grown steadily since the 1990s and the party crossed the 4% threshold necessary for parliamentary representation for the first time during the 2010 general election, polling 5.7% and gaining 20 seats in the Riksdag. This increase in popularity has been compared by international media to other similar anti-immigration movements in Europe. The party received increased support in the 2018 Swedish general election, when it polled 17.5% and secured 62 seats in parliament, becoming the third largest party in Sweden. The Sweden Democrats remained isolated in the Riksdag for a long time because the other parties staunchly maintained a policy of refusing cooperation with them. However, in March 2019, Christian Democratic leader Ebba Busch announced that her party was ready to start negotiations with the Sweden Democrats in the Riksdag and since 2018, the SD has formed governing coalitions in municipal councils with the Moderate Party. The Sweden Democrats are a member of the European Conservatives and Reformists group in the European Parliament.The Sweden Democrats party was founded in 1988 as a direct successor to the Sweden Party, which in turn had been formed in 1986 by the merger of (BSS; in English: "Keep Sweden Swedish") and a faction of the Swedish Progress Party. SD claims 6 February 1988 as the date of its foundation, although observers tend to see the party's foundation as part of a complex decade-long series of events, with some even calling into question whether a meeting took place on 6 February.According to "Expo", it is generally agreed that the Sweden Democrats has never been a Nazi party, although some of the SD's early members had previously held connections to Swedish fascist and white nationalist groups. The party's first auditor, Gustaf Ekström, was a "Waffen-SS" veteran and had been a member of the national socialist party "Svensk Socialistisk Samling" in the1940s. In 1989, Ekström was a member of the Sweden Democrats' national board. The SD's first chairman Anders Klarström had been briefly active in the neo-Nazi ("Nordic Realm Party"). The SD's logo from the 1990s until 2006 was a version of the torch used by the British National Front. Academic Duncan McDonnell has argued that it is debated as to whether the SD itself was ever explicitly a neo-Nazi movement, but it was widely known to publicly align itself with extreme fringe politics and faced criticism in late 1980s and early 1990s for attracting skinheads to its public events. The SD also encountered controversy for some its early policy ideas before 1990, which included a proposal to repatriate most immigrants who came to Sweden from 1970, banning adoption of foreign born children and reinstating the death penalty.The party promoted concerts by the Swedish offshoot of Rock Against Communism and sponsored music of the nationalist Viking rock band Ultima Thule. Various party officials today acknowledge that being fans of Ultima Thule's music factored prominently in their decision to become politically engaged. Early on, the party recommended international connections to its members such as the National Democratic Party of Germany, the American National Association for the Advancement of White People (founded by David Duke) and publications like the Nazi "Nation Europa" and "", a newspaper that advocates racial biology and the British neo-Nazi Combat 18 movement.In 1995, Klarström was replaced as party chairman by Mikael Jansson, a former member of the Centre Party. Jansson strove to make the party more respectable and, after skinheads started to impose on party meetings, the wearing of any kind of political uniform was formally banned in 1996. Also in 1996 it was revealed that a party member, Tina Hallgren, had been to a party meeting of National Socialist Front posing in a Nazi uniform. Opposition to the party have mistakenly mixed these two events together and falsely claim that she was wearing the uniform at a rally of the Sweden Democrats and that it was because of this that the uniform ban came about. During the early 1990s, the party became more influenced by the French National Front, as well as the Freedom Party of Austria, the Danish People's Party, German The Republicans and Italian National Alliance. SDreceived economic support for the 1998 election from the French National Front, and became active in Le Pen's Euronat from the same time. By the end of the decade, the party took further steps to moderate itself by softening its policies on immigration and capital punishment. In 1999, the SD left Euronat although the youth wing remained affiliated until 2002. In 2001 the most extreme faction was expelled from the party, leading to the formation of the more radical National Democrats.During the 2000s the so-called "Scania gang", also known as the "Gang of Four" or "Fantastic Four," which consisted of the youth wing chairman Jimmie Åkesson, as well as Björn Söder, Mattias Karlsson and Richard Jomshof continued and expanded the moderation policy, which included ousting openly extremist members, banning both foreign and Swedish extreme-right activists from attending party events and obtaining membership, and further revising the SD's policy platform. Before the 2002 election, former Moderate Party MP Sten Christer Andersson defected to SD, citing that the party had gotten rid of its extreme-right elements. In 2003 the party declared the Universal Declaration of Human Rights to be a cornerstone of its policies. In 2005, Akesson defeated Jansson in a leadership contest. Shortly after, the party changed its logo from the flaming torch to one featuring an "Anemone hepatica", reminiscent of the party's very first, but short-lived, logo (a stylised "Myosotis scorpioides"). The party also formally introduced a charter against racism and extremism in 2010.In the 2010 general election, SDwon representation in the Swedish Riksdag for the first time, with5.7% of the vote and 20MPs.Sweden Democrat MP William Petzäll was persuaded to leave the party on 26 September 2011 while still retaining his parliamentary seat. This was done because of Petzäll's substance abuse and the problems this might cause for SD'spublic image. Petzäll later died of an overdose and his seat was turned over to Stellan Bojerud in September 2012.In November 2012, videos from August 2010 were released, in segments, over the course of three days by Swedish newspaper "Expressen" (a year earlier, "Expressen" had released the same videos without making much noise). This came to be known as the Iron pipe scandal, although the same videos had already been released on YouTube by Erik Almqvist in 2010. The videos, recorded by MP Kent Ekeroth, featured him along with fellow Sweden Democrats MP Erik Almqvist and Christian Westling. The videos show Almqvist arguing with comedian Soran Ismail: Almqvist is referring to Sweden as "my country, not your country", as an insult to Ismail. They are also shown arguing with a drunken man. A woman can also be seen approaching Kent Ekeroth while filming; he calls her a whore and pushes her out of the way. A few minutes later they are seen picking up iron bars. Coming only a month after party leader Åkesson had instated a zero-tolerance policy towards racism in the party, the release of the video caused Almqvist to leave his position as the party's economic policy spokesperson and his place in the executive committee on 14 November. He excused himself as having been under a lot of pressure and threats of violence at the time. As more segments of the video were released, revealing the other two men's involvement, the party announced on 15 November that Ekeroth would take a break from his position as the party's justice policy spokesman. Almqvist and Ekeroth both took time off from their parliament seats. Sweden Democratic Youth president Gustav Kasselstrand and vice president William Hahne criticised the decision to remove Almqvist and Ekeroth in an op-ed in "Dagens Nyheter", arguing that the party should not give in to media pressure.Only two weeks after Almqvist and Ekeroth were forced to step down, fellow MP Lars Isovaara reported being robbed of his backpack and pushed out of his wheelchair by "two unknown men of an immigrant background". When trying to get into the Riksdag, Isovaara was himself reported by the police for racial abuse against safety guards. The Sweden Democrats initially defended Isovaara, but backed down when "Expressen" revealed that Isovaara had actually forgotten his backpack at a restaurant, and that the two men had helped him when he fell out of his wheelchair. He left his seat in the Riksdag on 29 November, and was replaced by Markus Wiechel.In the European election of 2014 SD received 9.67% of votes, winning two seats in the European Parliament and becoming the fifth party of the country. The party later joined the Alliance for Direct Democracy in Europe and the Europe of Freedom and Direct Democracy group.In the 2014 election the Sweden Democrats received 12.9%of the votes, doubling their support and becoming the third-largest party. The party remained big in Scania and Blekinge; for example in Malmö the party received 14% of the votes, in Landskrona it received 19% of the votes and in Sjöbo a total of 30% rendering the party the largest in that municipality. Other parties, however, remained firm in their decision to isolate them from exerting influence. Out of 29 constituencies electing parliamentarians, the party was the second largest in "Scania North & East" while being the third largest party in 25. Although relying heavily on rural areas and the deep south, the party also made strong inroads and results above 15% in some medium-sized central Sweden cities such as Norrköping, Eskilstuna and Gävle, indicating a widening of its voter base in all areas.Some time after that, Åkesson announced he would go on sick leave due to burnout. Mattias Karlsson was appointed to temporarily take over Åkesson's duties as party leader.On Monday, 23 March 2015, it was announced that Åkesson would return from his leave of absence to resume his duties as party leader following an interview to be broadcast on the Friday, 27 March instalment of the "Skavlan" program on SVT, and a subsequent press conference with the Swedish media.Amid media coverage regarding the high immigration figures and the European migrant crisis, the Sweden Democrats soared in all opinion polls during the summer of 2015, even topping web-based polls from YouGov and Sentio in late summer, with a little over a quarter of the vote. The party also saw rising support in phone-based polls, although the swing was lower.On 2 July 2018 the two Sweden Democrats MEPs left the EFDD group and moved to the European Conservatives and Reformists group.In the 2018 general election, the SD increased its support to 17.5% of the vote, though it did not grow as much as most polls had predicted. According to Emily Schultheis of "Foreign Policy", the SD won an ideological victory, as it "effectively set the terms for debate" and forced its rivals to adopt immigration policies similar to its own, and other reporters made similar observations. The SD performed particularly well in Skåne County, having the highest number of voters in 21 out of the county's 33 municipalities. An SVT analysis of the results found that at least 22 seats in 17 city councils would be empty as the Sweden Democrats won more seats than the number of candidates it had. The party also received its first mayor, in Hörby Municipality.Following the election, Christian Democratic leader Ebba Busch announced that her party was willing to enter negotiations with the Sweden Democrats in the Riksdag. In December 2019, Moderate Party leader Ulf Kristersson held an official meeting with the Sweden Democrat leadership for the first time, despite having previously ruled out negotiating with the party. This led to speculation that the SD could be included in a new centre-right grouping to replace the Alliance which had collapsed after the Centre Party and the Liberal Party left to support the Social Democratic led government.In October 2018, the Sweden Democrats went into a governing coalitions with the Moderate Party and the Christian Democrats for the first time in Staffanstorp Municipality, Sölvesborg Municipality, Herrljunga Municipality and Bromölla Municipality. In Bromölla, coalition felt apart in 2020, while new coalitions with the SD emerged in Svalöv Municipality (2019), Bjuv Municipality (2020) and Surahammar Municipality (2021).The Sweden Democrats' party programme is based on 'democratic nationalism' and social conservatism. Nordic Studies scholar Benjamin R. Teitelbaum has called them radical nationalist and in 2018 said the party has since evolved to the "softer side" of European populist parties. The party has been described by sociologist Jens Rydgren and others as xenophobic, racist and right-wing populist. In 2013, a Sveriges Radio journalist called the party xenophobic, which resulted in a complaint lodged to the broadcasting regulator. The Swedish Broadcasting Commission determined that this description was acceptable to use. Oscar Sjöstedt, the party's financial spokesperson, places the party around the centre on the left-right political spectrum, while leader Jimmie Åkesson has stated that they are parallel with the Moderate Party. The party formally rejects Nazism, and in recent years has increasingly distanced itself from other European ultra-nationalist or far-right parties.The Sweden Democrats believe that current Swedish immigration and integration policies have been a national failure. In a statement filed before the Riksdag Committee on Migration in August 2020, SD claims that Sweden's "irresponsible" immigration and asylum policies have subjected Sweden to an on-going "long-term, albeit low-intensive crisis". Their official policy brief states that the party "welcomes those who contribute to our [Sweden's] society, who follow our laws and respect our customs. On the other hand, anyone who comes here and exploits our systems, commits crimes or exposes our citizens to danger is not welcome." When handling asylum seekers, the party supports protecting national sovereignty in regards to Sweden's decisions on migration and border control, as well as "the principle of first safe country", meaning that asylum seekers should only be able to seek asylum in the first safe country that they arrive in. Until such legislation is realized, SD supports setting limits on the right to welfare and making cultural integration mandatory. The party opposes offering permanent residency to asylum seekers, believing that temporary residency should be the standard for those who claim asylum in Sweden. SD supports Sweden eventually accepting refugees exclusively through the UNHCR resettlement programme in accordance with a quota based on each municipality's capacity. The party also supports giving priority to persecuted secular, Christian, former Muslim and other religious or sexual minorities fleeing war or death for apostasy believing that such individuals are less likely to be offered refuge elsewhere.Historically, SD sought to repatriate most immigrants and ban immigration entirely; however. these policies were moderated in the 1990s. before being scrapped altogether. Presently, SD wishes to strongly restrict and control immigration, and instead give generous support to immigrants who do not want to assimilate into Swedish society to emigrate back to their country of origin. As more state funds are made free from funding 'mass immigration', SD believes that Sweden will be better able to help refugees and economic migrants in their home areas. SD also favours assimilation over integration of immigrants from non-European backgrounds, arguing that integration is a meet in the middle approach and that Swedes should not have to bear the burden over what the party claims have been reckless immigration policies. SD calls for compulsory measures for immigrants to be employed, learn the Swedish language and be subject to a language and social skills test before becoming eligible for citizenship. The party also supports increased spending on border patrol forces, expulsion of illegal immigrants and foreign-born criminals, repatriations of Schengen area migrants who move to Sweden to make a living from street begging, changes in the law to enable the government to strip foreign-born Swedish nationals of their citizenship if found guilty of a serious crime, penalties against employers who use foreign and undocumented labor to circumvent Swedish working conditions and stricter laws against family migration.SD has referred to the recommendations from the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) which state that the return of refugees should be the solution to refugee problems. Torbjörn Kastell (former party secretary from 2003 to 2004) said in 2002 that the party wanted "a multicultural world, not a multicultural society". In recent years SDhas tried to approach the immigration policy of the Danish People's Party, which from 2001 to 2011 provided parliamentary support for the former Danish liberal/conservative government in return for a tightening of Danish immigration policies and stricter naturalisation laws.The SD wants European governments to construct a security wall along the European border with Turkey in response to illegal immigration, terrorism and incursions by the Grey Wolves into Greece. It also calls on Europe to commonly adopt a migration system based on the Australian model to prevent human trafficking across the Mediterranean which the party states enables illegal immigrants and would-be terrorists to reach Sweden.The Sweden Democrats are against further EU integration and cession of Swedish sovereignty to the European Union. The party is opposed to EU regulations on Swedish tax and domestic affairs, calls for EU influence over domestic political decision making of member states to be minimized and for the national sovereignty and cultural identity of European nations to be prioritized over the EU's political ambitions. SD rejects joining the Economic and Monetary Union by opposing the Euro currency and favors keeping the krona. They also seek to reduce Swedish financial contributions to Brussels, renegotiate Swedish membership of the Schengen Agreement, protect the free access to the internet from EU copyright bills, and are against the accession of Turkey to the European Union. The SD states that it supports pan-European political cooperation to combat cross-border organized crime, illegal immigration, Islamism, terrorism and environmental challenges but opposes creating a fully combined EU army or policies that could lead to the creation of a Federal European Superstate. The SD states that if the EU cannot be reformed and tries to transform itself into a Superstate, Sweden should immediately reconsider its membership via a referendum.The Sweden Democrats are supportive of Israel and favors recognising Jerusalem as Israel's capital and proposes moving the Swedish embassy there. The party also supports closer military cooperation with neighboring Nordic countries and an alignment with NATO without full membership. SD also supports the creation of an independent Kurdish state and for the Armenian genocide to be formally recognised by the international community.SD values a strong, common national and cultural identity, believing this to be one of the most basic cornerstones of a functioning democracy. Minimizing linguistic, cultural and religious differences in society has a positive effect on societal cohesion, according to the party. The Swedish nation is defined "in terms of loyalty, a common language and common culture." A requirement for becoming a member of the Swedish nation is to either "be born in it or [...] by actively choosing to be a part of it." For these reasons among others, SDfirmly rejects multiculturalism.In an interview for "Dagens Nyheter", Second Deputy Speaker of the Riksdag and then-party secretary Björn Söder elaborated on the SDparty programme with respect to its views on national identity by saying that he personally did not think people with dual national identities in Sweden would necessarily identify themselves as Swedish. Although an immigrant of any ethnic background in theory can become a Swedish citizen, they would have to adapt and be assimilated in order to be considered Swedish in the cultural sense. Björn Söder stated that the officially recognised Swedish minority peoples (e.g. Sami, Tornedalians and Jews) in many cases have dual cultural identities and that they probably would be proud of both heritages. It was widely interpreted that Söder had stated in the interview that Jews cannot be Swedish unless they abandon their Jewish identity. Söder's comments were understood to be anti-semitic and caused Swedish parliamentary groups and party leaders to call for Björn Söder's resignation. The Simon Wiesenthal Center listed the statement as number six on their list of the top ten most anti-semitic events of 2014. Söder responded in the "Jerusalem Post", denying the charges of anti-semitism and claiming "Dagens Nyheter" had taken his statements out of context.The Sweden Democrats advocates a cultural policy that would strip funding for multicultural initiatives and strengthen support for traditional Swedish culture. This agenda has often manifested itself as opposition to state funding of immigrant cultural organisations and festivals, and support for traditional Swedish craft, folk music, and folk dance groups. The party also tends to oppose state support for cultural initiatives deemed provocative or elitist. A 2014 letter signed by 52Swedish anthropologists, criticised the Sweden Democrats' use of the terms "culture" ("kultur" ) and "anthropology" ("antropologi" ), claiming their views on culture were "essentialist and obsolete", clarifying that culture is "dynamic" and "in constant change".The Sweden Democrats criticise modern art and have accused local councils of wasting public money on what it calls "provocative" art. The SD want citizens to be able to vote in local referendums on public art displayed near schools, public transport stations and town centres. "The important thing is that what is expressed in the public environment is anchored to the citizens and especially the local residents who are most often in the environment so that they feel an identification", says the party's cultural spokesperson Aron Emilsson. Sweden Democrats mayor in Sölvesborg Louise Erixon claimed "There's a big division between what the general public thinks is beautiful and interesting and what a tiny cultural elite thinks is exciting."The Sweden Democrats also support a ban on the burqa and niqab in public places, are against proposals to publicly broadcast the Islamic call to prayer from minarets, and want tougher enforcement of existing laws against female genital mutilation, honor violence and social segregation. The SD also want Swedish to remain Sweden's sole official language in state funded schools, government agencies and public funded media. It also supports prohibiting the hijab in primary schools, arguing that while it is not opposed to hijabs in general, the choice to wear it should be made on an individual basis when a child reaches adulthood.The Sweden Democrats have described themselves as supporters of the Swedish welfare state, labour rights and the public sector, but argue that welfare should be restricted to Swedish citizens and permanent residents. In its platform, the SD claims that its economic policies are neither left or right-wing, but designed to improve conditions for small and medium-sized companies, self-employed citizens and entrepreneurs to boost employment and stimulate the economy, as opposed to what it describes as "constructed jobs" created by the government to reduce unemployment but hold no long term benefits for the Swedish economy or for the people who work them. SD wants to abolish the Swedish Employment Service in its current form and replace it with a new authority for the supervision and close regulation of private employment services to ensure large corporations do not exploit or undercut Swedish workers. The party also supports affordable and free access to public healthcare for Swedish nationals. Anders Backlund described the party as "economically centrist," leaning towards economic nationalism (in contrast to the other Swedish conservative parties who tend to favour open free markets and global cosmopolitan philosophies) and supporting a mixed market economy combining centre-left and centre-right ideas, as well as promoting "welfare chauvinist" policies which blend national-populism with socio-economics.The Sweden Democrats considers children raised in a traditional nuclear family as the preferred option for the child's development. Those not raised by their biological parents should have the right to associate with or at least find out who they were. SD has been critical of adoption and artificial insemination for same-sex couples and polyamorous people. The party now supports same-sex marriage and civil partnerships for gay couples but believes the ultimate decision to perform ceremonies should be decided by the individual religious institution rather than the state.SD previously opposed government sanctioned adoption to single people, same-sex couples and polyamorous relationships unless the adopting party are close relatives or already have a close relationship with the child.Although SDhistorically criticised what it calls a "Homosex Lobby", the party claims that it is not hostile to homosexuals. Party leader Jimmie Åkesson expressed concern that what he describes as islamisation of Sweden will eventually lead to the rights of sexual minorities being violated. SD-Kuriren (the official SD party newspaper) regularly published articles attacking LGBT events and describing homosexuality as "perversion" throughout the early 2000s before moderating itself. A blog post claiming Stockholm Pride sexualised young children and equating homosexuality with pedophilia titled "Botten måste snart vara nådd" (Soon enough we'll hit rock bottom) was published by SD Party secretary Björn Söder on 1 August 2007. The post was widely criticised in the Swedish media as an attack on LGBT people.An unofficial gay pride parade called Pride Järva was organised by SD member and former party magazine editor Jan Sjunnesson in the Stockholm suburbs of Tensta and Husby, two areas with large immigrant populations. The event was disavowed by the official Stockholm Pride organisation and the Swedish Federation for Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Transgender Rights; in a joint statement both organisations called Sjunnesson "a person who's spreading hatred towards Muslims on social media [and] who's not supporting LGBT rights". Approximately 30 people participated in Pride Järva, with a larger amount of LGBT and heterosexual anti-racist counter protestors arriving to oppose them.In recent years, the SD has softened its stances on LGBT rights and same-sex parenting through updating its policies on LGBT issues. In its current platform, the SD states "everyone must be treated equally, regardless of sexual orientation, and discrimination must be combated." In a 2018 interview, SD member of the Riksdag and gender-equality spokesperson Paula Bieler stated that homophobes "are not welcome in our party."The party also calls for a ban on child, polygamous and forced marriages, as well as harsher penalties for honor violence.SD opposes any "negative or positive special treatment on the basis of gender, age, sexual orientation, nationality or ethnic origin" in the labour market.The party maintains that, collectively, there are biological differences between men and women, some of which that cannot be "observed with the naked eye". Perceived differences between men and women in regards to preference, behaviour and life choices exist due to each individual's choices and does not necessarily have to be "problematic, the result of discrimination nor the result of an oppressive gender power structure".The party argues that other countries should reduce their emissions instead of Sweden which they believe is already doing enough on that front. The party advocates keeping nuclear power plants as a prominent energy source in Sweden, believing it to be an efficient way to combat climate change. They also advocate in investing in climate research internationally and funding climate action on a global scale.The Sweden Democrats support generally increased minimum sentences as well as increased resources and personnel for the police. SD wishes to instate the possibility of life imprisonment without parole for the worst crimes and to repatriate foreign citizens found guilty of serious crimes. SD also wants to establish a public register of individuals convicted for certain sexual crimes.SD previously supported the reinstatement of capital punishment before dropping it as an official policy after the party program was updated in 1998, although individuals within the party continue to support the death penalty for serious crimes such as murder and infanticide.The SD is also opposed to repatriating and offering state funded assistance to Swedish citizens who joined ISIS.SD wants to increase the number of Swedish Army brigades to seven from today's two.The party has stated that it would seek to raise Sweden's defence spending to 2-2.5% of GDP.The party is a supporter of the Swedish monarchy but also supports an amendment to the constitution that obligates the Riksdag to elect a new monarch in the event of there being no heir to the throne.SD wishes to lower the tax rate for the elderly, as well as increase subsidised housing for the elderly. SD also wishes to allocate additional resources to municipalities in order to provide seniors with greater food assistance and, in general, improve their quality of life. SD has also emphasised a desire to crack down on abuses and crimes of which the elderly are particular targets.The Sweden Democrats are critical of the special rights given to the indigenous Sami people of northern Sweden. In 2008 the party accepted a motion against the rights to reindeer husbandry. They have argued that those "who do not involve themselves with reindeer husbandry are treated as second class citizens" and that the privileges the herders have are "undemocratic". They want to restructure the councils and funds that are used to benefit the Sami population, so that they are used "regardless of ethnic identity and business operations". They also want to abolish the Sami Parliament, which claims special privileges for an "ethnic minority while the society claims equal rights for others".In its early, days the Sweden Democrats was known to associate itself with both native Swedish and wider European extreme-right activist groups and parties. During the 1990s, the Sweden Democrats began distancing itself from such groups and made connections with the French National Front and Jean Marie Le Pen through his "Euronat" initiative, but otherwise the party did not actively seek formal relationships outside of Sweden. After party left Euronat, it became more influenced by the neighboring Danish People's Party. The SD also had some contacts with other European nationalist parties such as the Austrian FPÖ and the Flemish Vlaams Belang party prior to 2014. The Danish People's Party was initially reluctant to collaborate with the SD until 2010 when Pia Kjærsgaard travelled to Sweden to help with the party's general election campaign. Following the European election of 2014 there was some speculation that the SD would enter a grouping with other European nationalist parties led by Marine Le Pen. However, the party began to distance itself from other European far-right parties and elected to become a member of the more moderate right-wing Europe of Freedom and Direct Democracy group with the UK Independence Party. In 2015, SD began forging closer relations with the Danish People's Party and in 2018 announced an official cooperation pact with the Finns Party. All three parties are members of the Nordic Freedom group. In 2018, SD joined both the European Conservatives and Reformists group and the European Conservatives and Reformists Party in which it sits alongside the British Conservative Party.During the 1980s and early 1990s, many outspoken far-right and Nazi advocates were involved with the party. It was founded by, among others, the Swedish Waffen-SS veteran Gustaf Ekström and members of both older Nazi and neo-Nazi organisations. In its early days, the SD also had a reputation for attracting biker and skinhead gangs to its rallies. The party had flyers printed by the French National Front in the 1998 general election, and was financially backed for the 2004 European election by Belgian Bernard Mengal. The party was a member of the "Euronat" initiative which was set up by Jean-Marie Le Pen. However, as part of the moderation process, the Sweden Democrats have subsequently sought to distance themselves from far-right parties in Europe, including turning down an invitation to join a grouping in the European parliament with the National Front in 2014 and choosing to ally themselves with more moderate parties during the 2014 and 2019 European elections.Both before and after the 2010 Swedish general election all the major parties, including the Swedish Social Democrats and the Moderate Party, declared they would not collaborate or work with the Sweden Democrats. The move was described by international pundits as an unofficial "cordon sanitaire". The policy of non-cooperation was kept in place for the 2014 Swedish general election. However, at a local level other parties from the Moderates to the Left Party have collaborated or voted in favour of SD initiatives. Following the 2018 general election, which saw the disintegration of the centre-right Alliance, Christian Democrats leader Ebba Busch and Moderates leader Ulf Kristersson signaled an end to the non-cooperation policy and began talks with the SD.The Sweden Democrats have complained about difficulties buying advertising space due to the media banning the party from advertising and have accused media outlets of trying to censor or limit the party's campaign messages during elections. which has been criticised by free speech organisations. On 16 June 2006, "Dagens Nyheter" and "Svenska Dagbladet" decided to stop their boycott. "Expressen", however, still retains a ban on Sweden Democrat advertising. During the 2010 Swedish general election, broadcaster TV4 refused to air a Sweden Democrats campaign video which depicted a Swedish pensioner being outrun by burka-clad women with prams. TV4's decision was criticized by both free speech advocates and politicians from Denmark, including by Danish People's Party leader Pia Kjærsgaard, Venstre and the Conservative People's Party (who reacted to TV4's decision to ban the video by calling for international election observers to be sent to Sweden), and by members of the Norwegian Progress Party who called the decision a "violation of democratic rules." Journalist Hanne Kjöller argued that attempts to censor the SD in 2010 ended up emboldening their support by giving them more publicity.After the Danish daily newspaper "Jyllands-Posten" published twelve cartoons depicting Muhammad and ignited a controversy during the2005 autumn and winter, the Sweden Democrats gave their unreserved support to the publication with reference to the freedom of speech. SDstated that it saw no reason why a Danish newspaper should be forced to abide by Muslim rules and prohibitions regarding expression. When the boycott of Danish products was launched in the Middle East, SDlaunched a "Buy Danish" campaign in support of Danish workers. In 2006 SD entered the Muhammad cartoon debate by publishing a cartoon depicting Muhammad on its youth league (SDU) and "SD-Kuriren" () websites. The cartoon showed Muhammad from behind holding a mirror in front of his face. However, instead of any facial features, the mirror showed only a blank head. The cartoon was captioned "Muhammad's Face" ( ).The publication attracted the attention of the Swedish government, which informed internet service provider "Levonline" about the SD's publications. Subsequently, "Levonline" shut down SD's web page. The Minister for Foreign Affairs, Laila Freivalds, denied any direct interference. However, at the same time, Laila Freivalds condemned the publication as a provocation. Freivalds then resigned from the Persson Cabinet after being accused of interference with press freedom and lying about such actions.This event spurred debate on government censorship in Sweden. The Sweden Democrats also had a hate speech charge filed against them due to the posted caricature. Similar hate speech charges were filed against other Swedish publishers who had depicted Muhammad. However, these charges were immediately deemed to be unfounded by the Swedish Chancellor of Justice.The Sweden Democrats originally planned to publish a set of cartoons in their newspaper "SD-Kuriren". However, after the controversy erupted, Jimmie Åkesson issued a statement on SD's website on 9 February 2006, stating that they would refrain from further publications online and in print, due to concerns that publishing might spur hostile actions against Swedes and Swedish interests.The shutdown of the Sweden Democrats' websites was reported to the Committee on the Constitution by the Liberal People's Party leader Lars Leijonborg. SD filed charges against the Security Service ("Säpo") and the Ministry for Foreign Affairs with the "Justitiekansler" and "Justitieombudsmannen", alleging that the government's interference was unconstitutional. The spokesperson of the Green Party, Peter Eriksson, also expressed concern over possible government involvement in the event.The Sweden Democrats have, among all Swedish parliamentary parties, had the largest share of elected municipal representatives resign since the 2010 elections (27.8%). Many of these resignations were brought on by racist statements or actions by these representatives.In November 2012, party spokesperson Erik Almqvist resigned after he had been caught on tape making racist and sexist statements. Another video later surfaced, showing how Almqvist, in addition to party spokesperson Kent Ekeroth and party official Christian Westling were arming themselves with iron pipes before they sought out a confrontation with Soran Ismail, a Swedish comedian of Kurdish descent. In November 2012, parliamentarian Lars Isovaara resigned after accusing two people of foreign origin of stealing his bag (which Isovaara had left at a restaurant) and then proceeding to verbally abuse a security guard of a foreign background. Isovaara's replacement in parliament, Markus Wiechel, was found in April 2013 to have referred to a group of black people as "monkeys".In March 2013, 12 individuals were thrown out of the party for their involvement in neo-Nazi or other extremist movements. In November 2013, parliamentarian and then vice party leader Jonas Åkerlund gained attention for having called immigrants "parasites" during a broadcast on SD's own radio station in 2002, after the recording was publicly rediscovered. In his defence, Åkerlund stated that he only said it to provoke people. In September 2014, a few weeks before the general election, the party chairman of the local Stockholm branch, Christoffer Dulny, resigned from his position. He had been posting mocking comments about immigrants, calling them "shameless liars" on alternative media sites. He also resigned from his newly won position in parliament on the same day he was elected, 29 September 2014.In October 2016, a video of the parliamentarian and economic policy spokesperson Oscar Sjöstedt making antisemitic jokes was released. Whilst at a party, believed to have taken place in 2011, he laughingly told a story about former co-workers with Nazi sympathies mocking Jews and comparing them to sheep. During the same month, the parliamentarian and second vice party leader Carina Herrstedt was confronted with having sent an allegedly racist, antisemitic, homophobic and anti-romanyist email to her then spouse in 2011. The email, which had been leaked from the party's internal servers, for instance contained phrases that named black football players from the team Landskrona BoIS as "niggers" whilst also picturing Romani people as thieves. The email was meant to be playful and ironic, Herrstedt told Aftonbladet.Between 2015 and 2016 various members of the party were expelled from the SD for expressing extremist or racist views, or because of disagreement with the party's shift towards moderation and social conservatism. In April 2015, the Sweden Democratic Youth leaders were also expelled for these reasons, and the organisation was dissolved shortly after. In December 2016, the parliamentarian Anna Hagwall was thrown out of the party after using arguments associated with antisemitism to argue for a bill that she introduced in parliament intended to reduce concentration of media ownership in Sweden.In September 2017, a report from "Dagens ETC" found that 14 former municipal representatives of the party had infiltrated the SD in order to financially support the Nordic Resistance Movement, a neo-Nazi organisation, through financial transactions, memberships, or purchases of antisemitic and racist literature or souvenirs. In August 2018, 2 members were kicked out due to purchases of Nazi memorabilia online; following the expulsions, Michael Erlandsson, one of the SD spokesmen, publicly stated that people who "have these types of views and share these types of materials" have no place in the party. 14 candidates were expelled from the party as well after being exposed as former members of neo-Nazi organisations. Referring to the latest expulsions, SD leader Jimmie Åkesson declared that the party "works extremely hard to keep clean".Researcher on Nordic nationalism Benjamin R. Teitelbaum described the present day version Sweden Democrats as paradoxical compared to other European nationalist parties on the issues of racism and radicalism. Teitelbaum notes that in contrast to other Nordic and wider European populist parties, the SD differs by having a past rooted in white nationalism and extremism, but in the present day is comparably more proactive in rejecting ethno-nationalism and expelling members who make racist statements to the point where he considers the SD to be on the "softer side" of national-populism. Similar observations were made by British conservative author Douglas Murray who described the SD as undergoing one of the most significant transformations on the European political right from a party on the fringes that openly pushed extreme tendencies to a more mainstream movement that draws on diverse support.Ashley Fox, leader of the British Conservative MEPs, praised the Sweden Democrats regarding the party's policy decisions on the expulsion of extremist and racist members: "Over the past decade the Sweden Democrats have made progress in reforming themselves, expelling any members displaying unacceptable views or behaviour and diversifying their party base."The Sweden Democrats came under fire in 2015 for changing their position on profits made by private welfare companies. Before the election in 2014 they favored having restrictions on the amount of profit that welfare companies could take and use for their own gain. Since the election, they have favored the approach of the Alliance parties, that is higher and more restrictive quality standards. This has been suspected to be because of extensive lobbying done by the organisation Svenskt Näringsliv among others. The story was discovered by the Swedish newspaper "Dagens Industri" on 14 September 2015. SD has denied all accusations of corruption.According to the Statistiska Centralbyrån (SCB) 2017 party preference survey the Sweden Democrats (SD) have a stronger support among men than among women. There is no noticeable difference in support for the party among different age groups. The support for SD is greater among native born than among foreign born. Since 2014 the SD has substantially increased its support among both foreign-born and foreign-background voters, becoming the third largest party in Sweden also among this demographic by 2017. Sympathies are greater for the party among persons with primary and secondary education than among those with a higher education. The 2018 party preference survey of the SCB show that SD has twice as much support among men than among women.According to "Aftonbladet", 14%of SD members are of immigrant origin, which matches the share of foreign-born inhabitants of Sweden. For the 2010 election in the municipality of Södertälje (Stockholm County), SDwas the only party with a majority of immigrants on its electoral list, mostly Assyrians from the Middle East. Polling7.31%(3,447 votes), SD'smunicipal list in Södertälje got 5of the65 municipal seats. Nader Helawi and four other Swedes of immigrant origin will sit as municipal councilors. Since 2014, the SD has seen growing support from foreign-born Swedish voters, and was estimated to have become the third most popular party for voters of immigrant backgrounds by 2017.
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[
"Leif Zeilon",
"Jimmie Åkesson",
"Anders Klarström"
] |
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Who was the chair of Sweden Democrats in Jun, 2014?
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June 29, 2014
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{
"text": [
"Jimmie Åkesson"
]
}
|
L2_Q504069_P488_3
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Leif Zeilon is the chair of Sweden Democrats from Jan, 1988 to Jan, 1989.
Anders Klarström is the chair of Sweden Democrats from Jan, 1992 to Mar, 1995.
Mikael Jansson is the chair of Sweden Democrats from Mar, 1995 to May, 2005.
Jimmie Åkesson is the chair of Sweden Democrats from May, 2005 to Dec, 2022.
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Sweden DemocratsThe Sweden Democrats or Swedish Democrats ( ; SD ) is a nationalist and right-wing populist political party in Sweden founded in 1988. The party describes itself as social conservative with a nationalist foundation. The party has been variously characterised by academics, political commentators and the media as national-conservative, anti-immigration, eurosceptic or far-right. Jimmie Åkesson has been party leader since 2005.The party originally had its roots in Swedish fascism and white nationalism, but began distancing itself from its past during the late 1990s and early 2000s. Under the leadership of Jimmie Åkesson, the SD underwent a process of reform by expelling hard-line members and moderating its platform. Today, the Sweden Democrats officially reject both fascism and Nazism.Support for the Sweden Democrats has grown steadily since the 1990s and the party crossed the 4% threshold necessary for parliamentary representation for the first time during the 2010 general election, polling 5.7% and gaining 20 seats in the Riksdag. This increase in popularity has been compared by international media to other similar anti-immigration movements in Europe. The party received increased support in the 2018 Swedish general election, when it polled 17.5% and secured 62 seats in parliament, becoming the third largest party in Sweden. The Sweden Democrats remained isolated in the Riksdag for a long time because the other parties staunchly maintained a policy of refusing cooperation with them. However, in March 2019, Christian Democratic leader Ebba Busch announced that her party was ready to start negotiations with the Sweden Democrats in the Riksdag and since 2018, the SD has formed governing coalitions in municipal councils with the Moderate Party. The Sweden Democrats are a member of the European Conservatives and Reformists group in the European Parliament.The Sweden Democrats party was founded in 1988 as a direct successor to the Sweden Party, which in turn had been formed in 1986 by the merger of (BSS; in English: "Keep Sweden Swedish") and a faction of the Swedish Progress Party. SD claims 6 February 1988 as the date of its foundation, although observers tend to see the party's foundation as part of a complex decade-long series of events, with some even calling into question whether a meeting took place on 6 February.According to "Expo", it is generally agreed that the Sweden Democrats has never been a Nazi party, although some of the SD's early members had previously held connections to Swedish fascist and white nationalist groups. The party's first auditor, Gustaf Ekström, was a "Waffen-SS" veteran and had been a member of the national socialist party "Svensk Socialistisk Samling" in the1940s. In 1989, Ekström was a member of the Sweden Democrats' national board. The SD's first chairman Anders Klarström had been briefly active in the neo-Nazi ("Nordic Realm Party"). The SD's logo from the 1990s until 2006 was a version of the torch used by the British National Front. Academic Duncan McDonnell has argued that it is debated as to whether the SD itself was ever explicitly a neo-Nazi movement, but it was widely known to publicly align itself with extreme fringe politics and faced criticism in late 1980s and early 1990s for attracting skinheads to its public events. The SD also encountered controversy for some its early policy ideas before 1990, which included a proposal to repatriate most immigrants who came to Sweden from 1970, banning adoption of foreign born children and reinstating the death penalty.The party promoted concerts by the Swedish offshoot of Rock Against Communism and sponsored music of the nationalist Viking rock band Ultima Thule. Various party officials today acknowledge that being fans of Ultima Thule's music factored prominently in their decision to become politically engaged. Early on, the party recommended international connections to its members such as the National Democratic Party of Germany, the American National Association for the Advancement of White People (founded by David Duke) and publications like the Nazi "Nation Europa" and "", a newspaper that advocates racial biology and the British neo-Nazi Combat 18 movement.In 1995, Klarström was replaced as party chairman by Mikael Jansson, a former member of the Centre Party. Jansson strove to make the party more respectable and, after skinheads started to impose on party meetings, the wearing of any kind of political uniform was formally banned in 1996. Also in 1996 it was revealed that a party member, Tina Hallgren, had been to a party meeting of National Socialist Front posing in a Nazi uniform. Opposition to the party have mistakenly mixed these two events together and falsely claim that she was wearing the uniform at a rally of the Sweden Democrats and that it was because of this that the uniform ban came about. During the early 1990s, the party became more influenced by the French National Front, as well as the Freedom Party of Austria, the Danish People's Party, German The Republicans and Italian National Alliance. SDreceived economic support for the 1998 election from the French National Front, and became active in Le Pen's Euronat from the same time. By the end of the decade, the party took further steps to moderate itself by softening its policies on immigration and capital punishment. In 1999, the SD left Euronat although the youth wing remained affiliated until 2002. In 2001 the most extreme faction was expelled from the party, leading to the formation of the more radical National Democrats.During the 2000s the so-called "Scania gang", also known as the "Gang of Four" or "Fantastic Four," which consisted of the youth wing chairman Jimmie Åkesson, as well as Björn Söder, Mattias Karlsson and Richard Jomshof continued and expanded the moderation policy, which included ousting openly extremist members, banning both foreign and Swedish extreme-right activists from attending party events and obtaining membership, and further revising the SD's policy platform. Before the 2002 election, former Moderate Party MP Sten Christer Andersson defected to SD, citing that the party had gotten rid of its extreme-right elements. In 2003 the party declared the Universal Declaration of Human Rights to be a cornerstone of its policies. In 2005, Akesson defeated Jansson in a leadership contest. Shortly after, the party changed its logo from the flaming torch to one featuring an "Anemone hepatica", reminiscent of the party's very first, but short-lived, logo (a stylised "Myosotis scorpioides"). The party also formally introduced a charter against racism and extremism in 2010.In the 2010 general election, SDwon representation in the Swedish Riksdag for the first time, with5.7% of the vote and 20MPs.Sweden Democrat MP William Petzäll was persuaded to leave the party on 26 September 2011 while still retaining his parliamentary seat. This was done because of Petzäll's substance abuse and the problems this might cause for SD'spublic image. Petzäll later died of an overdose and his seat was turned over to Stellan Bojerud in September 2012.In November 2012, videos from August 2010 were released, in segments, over the course of three days by Swedish newspaper "Expressen" (a year earlier, "Expressen" had released the same videos without making much noise). This came to be known as the Iron pipe scandal, although the same videos had already been released on YouTube by Erik Almqvist in 2010. The videos, recorded by MP Kent Ekeroth, featured him along with fellow Sweden Democrats MP Erik Almqvist and Christian Westling. The videos show Almqvist arguing with comedian Soran Ismail: Almqvist is referring to Sweden as "my country, not your country", as an insult to Ismail. They are also shown arguing with a drunken man. A woman can also be seen approaching Kent Ekeroth while filming; he calls her a whore and pushes her out of the way. A few minutes later they are seen picking up iron bars. Coming only a month after party leader Åkesson had instated a zero-tolerance policy towards racism in the party, the release of the video caused Almqvist to leave his position as the party's economic policy spokesperson and his place in the executive committee on 14 November. He excused himself as having been under a lot of pressure and threats of violence at the time. As more segments of the video were released, revealing the other two men's involvement, the party announced on 15 November that Ekeroth would take a break from his position as the party's justice policy spokesman. Almqvist and Ekeroth both took time off from their parliament seats. Sweden Democratic Youth president Gustav Kasselstrand and vice president William Hahne criticised the decision to remove Almqvist and Ekeroth in an op-ed in "Dagens Nyheter", arguing that the party should not give in to media pressure.Only two weeks after Almqvist and Ekeroth were forced to step down, fellow MP Lars Isovaara reported being robbed of his backpack and pushed out of his wheelchair by "two unknown men of an immigrant background". When trying to get into the Riksdag, Isovaara was himself reported by the police for racial abuse against safety guards. The Sweden Democrats initially defended Isovaara, but backed down when "Expressen" revealed that Isovaara had actually forgotten his backpack at a restaurant, and that the two men had helped him when he fell out of his wheelchair. He left his seat in the Riksdag on 29 November, and was replaced by Markus Wiechel.In the European election of 2014 SD received 9.67% of votes, winning two seats in the European Parliament and becoming the fifth party of the country. The party later joined the Alliance for Direct Democracy in Europe and the Europe of Freedom and Direct Democracy group.In the 2014 election the Sweden Democrats received 12.9%of the votes, doubling their support and becoming the third-largest party. The party remained big in Scania and Blekinge; for example in Malmö the party received 14% of the votes, in Landskrona it received 19% of the votes and in Sjöbo a total of 30% rendering the party the largest in that municipality. Other parties, however, remained firm in their decision to isolate them from exerting influence. Out of 29 constituencies electing parliamentarians, the party was the second largest in "Scania North & East" while being the third largest party in 25. Although relying heavily on rural areas and the deep south, the party also made strong inroads and results above 15% in some medium-sized central Sweden cities such as Norrköping, Eskilstuna and Gävle, indicating a widening of its voter base in all areas.Some time after that, Åkesson announced he would go on sick leave due to burnout. Mattias Karlsson was appointed to temporarily take over Åkesson's duties as party leader.On Monday, 23 March 2015, it was announced that Åkesson would return from his leave of absence to resume his duties as party leader following an interview to be broadcast on the Friday, 27 March instalment of the "Skavlan" program on SVT, and a subsequent press conference with the Swedish media.Amid media coverage regarding the high immigration figures and the European migrant crisis, the Sweden Democrats soared in all opinion polls during the summer of 2015, even topping web-based polls from YouGov and Sentio in late summer, with a little over a quarter of the vote. The party also saw rising support in phone-based polls, although the swing was lower.On 2 July 2018 the two Sweden Democrats MEPs left the EFDD group and moved to the European Conservatives and Reformists group.In the 2018 general election, the SD increased its support to 17.5% of the vote, though it did not grow as much as most polls had predicted. According to Emily Schultheis of "Foreign Policy", the SD won an ideological victory, as it "effectively set the terms for debate" and forced its rivals to adopt immigration policies similar to its own, and other reporters made similar observations. The SD performed particularly well in Skåne County, having the highest number of voters in 21 out of the county's 33 municipalities. An SVT analysis of the results found that at least 22 seats in 17 city councils would be empty as the Sweden Democrats won more seats than the number of candidates it had. The party also received its first mayor, in Hörby Municipality.Following the election, Christian Democratic leader Ebba Busch announced that her party was willing to enter negotiations with the Sweden Democrats in the Riksdag. In December 2019, Moderate Party leader Ulf Kristersson held an official meeting with the Sweden Democrat leadership for the first time, despite having previously ruled out negotiating with the party. This led to speculation that the SD could be included in a new centre-right grouping to replace the Alliance which had collapsed after the Centre Party and the Liberal Party left to support the Social Democratic led government.In October 2018, the Sweden Democrats went into a governing coalitions with the Moderate Party and the Christian Democrats for the first time in Staffanstorp Municipality, Sölvesborg Municipality, Herrljunga Municipality and Bromölla Municipality. In Bromölla, coalition felt apart in 2020, while new coalitions with the SD emerged in Svalöv Municipality (2019), Bjuv Municipality (2020) and Surahammar Municipality (2021).The Sweden Democrats' party programme is based on 'democratic nationalism' and social conservatism. Nordic Studies scholar Benjamin R. Teitelbaum has called them radical nationalist and in 2018 said the party has since evolved to the "softer side" of European populist parties. The party has been described by sociologist Jens Rydgren and others as xenophobic, racist and right-wing populist. In 2013, a Sveriges Radio journalist called the party xenophobic, which resulted in a complaint lodged to the broadcasting regulator. The Swedish Broadcasting Commission determined that this description was acceptable to use. Oscar Sjöstedt, the party's financial spokesperson, places the party around the centre on the left-right political spectrum, while leader Jimmie Åkesson has stated that they are parallel with the Moderate Party. The party formally rejects Nazism, and in recent years has increasingly distanced itself from other European ultra-nationalist or far-right parties.The Sweden Democrats believe that current Swedish immigration and integration policies have been a national failure. In a statement filed before the Riksdag Committee on Migration in August 2020, SD claims that Sweden's "irresponsible" immigration and asylum policies have subjected Sweden to an on-going "long-term, albeit low-intensive crisis". Their official policy brief states that the party "welcomes those who contribute to our [Sweden's] society, who follow our laws and respect our customs. On the other hand, anyone who comes here and exploits our systems, commits crimes or exposes our citizens to danger is not welcome." When handling asylum seekers, the party supports protecting national sovereignty in regards to Sweden's decisions on migration and border control, as well as "the principle of first safe country", meaning that asylum seekers should only be able to seek asylum in the first safe country that they arrive in. Until such legislation is realized, SD supports setting limits on the right to welfare and making cultural integration mandatory. The party opposes offering permanent residency to asylum seekers, believing that temporary residency should be the standard for those who claim asylum in Sweden. SD supports Sweden eventually accepting refugees exclusively through the UNHCR resettlement programme in accordance with a quota based on each municipality's capacity. The party also supports giving priority to persecuted secular, Christian, former Muslim and other religious or sexual minorities fleeing war or death for apostasy believing that such individuals are less likely to be offered refuge elsewhere.Historically, SD sought to repatriate most immigrants and ban immigration entirely; however. these policies were moderated in the 1990s. before being scrapped altogether. Presently, SD wishes to strongly restrict and control immigration, and instead give generous support to immigrants who do not want to assimilate into Swedish society to emigrate back to their country of origin. As more state funds are made free from funding 'mass immigration', SD believes that Sweden will be better able to help refugees and economic migrants in their home areas. SD also favours assimilation over integration of immigrants from non-European backgrounds, arguing that integration is a meet in the middle approach and that Swedes should not have to bear the burden over what the party claims have been reckless immigration policies. SD calls for compulsory measures for immigrants to be employed, learn the Swedish language and be subject to a language and social skills test before becoming eligible for citizenship. The party also supports increased spending on border patrol forces, expulsion of illegal immigrants and foreign-born criminals, repatriations of Schengen area migrants who move to Sweden to make a living from street begging, changes in the law to enable the government to strip foreign-born Swedish nationals of their citizenship if found guilty of a serious crime, penalties against employers who use foreign and undocumented labor to circumvent Swedish working conditions and stricter laws against family migration.SD has referred to the recommendations from the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) which state that the return of refugees should be the solution to refugee problems. Torbjörn Kastell (former party secretary from 2003 to 2004) said in 2002 that the party wanted "a multicultural world, not a multicultural society". In recent years SDhas tried to approach the immigration policy of the Danish People's Party, which from 2001 to 2011 provided parliamentary support for the former Danish liberal/conservative government in return for a tightening of Danish immigration policies and stricter naturalisation laws.The SD wants European governments to construct a security wall along the European border with Turkey in response to illegal immigration, terrorism and incursions by the Grey Wolves into Greece. It also calls on Europe to commonly adopt a migration system based on the Australian model to prevent human trafficking across the Mediterranean which the party states enables illegal immigrants and would-be terrorists to reach Sweden.The Sweden Democrats are against further EU integration and cession of Swedish sovereignty to the European Union. The party is opposed to EU regulations on Swedish tax and domestic affairs, calls for EU influence over domestic political decision making of member states to be minimized and for the national sovereignty and cultural identity of European nations to be prioritized over the EU's political ambitions. SD rejects joining the Economic and Monetary Union by opposing the Euro currency and favors keeping the krona. They also seek to reduce Swedish financial contributions to Brussels, renegotiate Swedish membership of the Schengen Agreement, protect the free access to the internet from EU copyright bills, and are against the accession of Turkey to the European Union. The SD states that it supports pan-European political cooperation to combat cross-border organized crime, illegal immigration, Islamism, terrorism and environmental challenges but opposes creating a fully combined EU army or policies that could lead to the creation of a Federal European Superstate. The SD states that if the EU cannot be reformed and tries to transform itself into a Superstate, Sweden should immediately reconsider its membership via a referendum.The Sweden Democrats are supportive of Israel and favors recognising Jerusalem as Israel's capital and proposes moving the Swedish embassy there. The party also supports closer military cooperation with neighboring Nordic countries and an alignment with NATO without full membership. SD also supports the creation of an independent Kurdish state and for the Armenian genocide to be formally recognised by the international community.SD values a strong, common national and cultural identity, believing this to be one of the most basic cornerstones of a functioning democracy. Minimizing linguistic, cultural and religious differences in society has a positive effect on societal cohesion, according to the party. The Swedish nation is defined "in terms of loyalty, a common language and common culture." A requirement for becoming a member of the Swedish nation is to either "be born in it or [...] by actively choosing to be a part of it." For these reasons among others, SDfirmly rejects multiculturalism.In an interview for "Dagens Nyheter", Second Deputy Speaker of the Riksdag and then-party secretary Björn Söder elaborated on the SDparty programme with respect to its views on national identity by saying that he personally did not think people with dual national identities in Sweden would necessarily identify themselves as Swedish. Although an immigrant of any ethnic background in theory can become a Swedish citizen, they would have to adapt and be assimilated in order to be considered Swedish in the cultural sense. Björn Söder stated that the officially recognised Swedish minority peoples (e.g. Sami, Tornedalians and Jews) in many cases have dual cultural identities and that they probably would be proud of both heritages. It was widely interpreted that Söder had stated in the interview that Jews cannot be Swedish unless they abandon their Jewish identity. Söder's comments were understood to be anti-semitic and caused Swedish parliamentary groups and party leaders to call for Björn Söder's resignation. The Simon Wiesenthal Center listed the statement as number six on their list of the top ten most anti-semitic events of 2014. Söder responded in the "Jerusalem Post", denying the charges of anti-semitism and claiming "Dagens Nyheter" had taken his statements out of context.The Sweden Democrats advocates a cultural policy that would strip funding for multicultural initiatives and strengthen support for traditional Swedish culture. This agenda has often manifested itself as opposition to state funding of immigrant cultural organisations and festivals, and support for traditional Swedish craft, folk music, and folk dance groups. The party also tends to oppose state support for cultural initiatives deemed provocative or elitist. A 2014 letter signed by 52Swedish anthropologists, criticised the Sweden Democrats' use of the terms "culture" ("kultur" ) and "anthropology" ("antropologi" ), claiming their views on culture were "essentialist and obsolete", clarifying that culture is "dynamic" and "in constant change".The Sweden Democrats criticise modern art and have accused local councils of wasting public money on what it calls "provocative" art. The SD want citizens to be able to vote in local referendums on public art displayed near schools, public transport stations and town centres. "The important thing is that what is expressed in the public environment is anchored to the citizens and especially the local residents who are most often in the environment so that they feel an identification", says the party's cultural spokesperson Aron Emilsson. Sweden Democrats mayor in Sölvesborg Louise Erixon claimed "There's a big division between what the general public thinks is beautiful and interesting and what a tiny cultural elite thinks is exciting."The Sweden Democrats also support a ban on the burqa and niqab in public places, are against proposals to publicly broadcast the Islamic call to prayer from minarets, and want tougher enforcement of existing laws against female genital mutilation, honor violence and social segregation. The SD also want Swedish to remain Sweden's sole official language in state funded schools, government agencies and public funded media. It also supports prohibiting the hijab in primary schools, arguing that while it is not opposed to hijabs in general, the choice to wear it should be made on an individual basis when a child reaches adulthood.The Sweden Democrats have described themselves as supporters of the Swedish welfare state, labour rights and the public sector, but argue that welfare should be restricted to Swedish citizens and permanent residents. In its platform, the SD claims that its economic policies are neither left or right-wing, but designed to improve conditions for small and medium-sized companies, self-employed citizens and entrepreneurs to boost employment and stimulate the economy, as opposed to what it describes as "constructed jobs" created by the government to reduce unemployment but hold no long term benefits for the Swedish economy or for the people who work them. SD wants to abolish the Swedish Employment Service in its current form and replace it with a new authority for the supervision and close regulation of private employment services to ensure large corporations do not exploit or undercut Swedish workers. The party also supports affordable and free access to public healthcare for Swedish nationals. Anders Backlund described the party as "economically centrist," leaning towards economic nationalism (in contrast to the other Swedish conservative parties who tend to favour open free markets and global cosmopolitan philosophies) and supporting a mixed market economy combining centre-left and centre-right ideas, as well as promoting "welfare chauvinist" policies which blend national-populism with socio-economics.The Sweden Democrats considers children raised in a traditional nuclear family as the preferred option for the child's development. Those not raised by their biological parents should have the right to associate with or at least find out who they were. SD has been critical of adoption and artificial insemination for same-sex couples and polyamorous people. The party now supports same-sex marriage and civil partnerships for gay couples but believes the ultimate decision to perform ceremonies should be decided by the individual religious institution rather than the state.SD previously opposed government sanctioned adoption to single people, same-sex couples and polyamorous relationships unless the adopting party are close relatives or already have a close relationship with the child.Although SDhistorically criticised what it calls a "Homosex Lobby", the party claims that it is not hostile to homosexuals. Party leader Jimmie Åkesson expressed concern that what he describes as islamisation of Sweden will eventually lead to the rights of sexual minorities being violated. SD-Kuriren (the official SD party newspaper) regularly published articles attacking LGBT events and describing homosexuality as "perversion" throughout the early 2000s before moderating itself. A blog post claiming Stockholm Pride sexualised young children and equating homosexuality with pedophilia titled "Botten måste snart vara nådd" (Soon enough we'll hit rock bottom) was published by SD Party secretary Björn Söder on 1 August 2007. The post was widely criticised in the Swedish media as an attack on LGBT people.An unofficial gay pride parade called Pride Järva was organised by SD member and former party magazine editor Jan Sjunnesson in the Stockholm suburbs of Tensta and Husby, two areas with large immigrant populations. The event was disavowed by the official Stockholm Pride organisation and the Swedish Federation for Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Transgender Rights; in a joint statement both organisations called Sjunnesson "a person who's spreading hatred towards Muslims on social media [and] who's not supporting LGBT rights". Approximately 30 people participated in Pride Järva, with a larger amount of LGBT and heterosexual anti-racist counter protestors arriving to oppose them.In recent years, the SD has softened its stances on LGBT rights and same-sex parenting through updating its policies on LGBT issues. In its current platform, the SD states "everyone must be treated equally, regardless of sexual orientation, and discrimination must be combated." In a 2018 interview, SD member of the Riksdag and gender-equality spokesperson Paula Bieler stated that homophobes "are not welcome in our party."The party also calls for a ban on child, polygamous and forced marriages, as well as harsher penalties for honor violence.SD opposes any "negative or positive special treatment on the basis of gender, age, sexual orientation, nationality or ethnic origin" in the labour market.The party maintains that, collectively, there are biological differences between men and women, some of which that cannot be "observed with the naked eye". Perceived differences between men and women in regards to preference, behaviour and life choices exist due to each individual's choices and does not necessarily have to be "problematic, the result of discrimination nor the result of an oppressive gender power structure".The party argues that other countries should reduce their emissions instead of Sweden which they believe is already doing enough on that front. The party advocates keeping nuclear power plants as a prominent energy source in Sweden, believing it to be an efficient way to combat climate change. They also advocate in investing in climate research internationally and funding climate action on a global scale.The Sweden Democrats support generally increased minimum sentences as well as increased resources and personnel for the police. SD wishes to instate the possibility of life imprisonment without parole for the worst crimes and to repatriate foreign citizens found guilty of serious crimes. SD also wants to establish a public register of individuals convicted for certain sexual crimes.SD previously supported the reinstatement of capital punishment before dropping it as an official policy after the party program was updated in 1998, although individuals within the party continue to support the death penalty for serious crimes such as murder and infanticide.The SD is also opposed to repatriating and offering state funded assistance to Swedish citizens who joined ISIS.SD wants to increase the number of Swedish Army brigades to seven from today's two.The party has stated that it would seek to raise Sweden's defence spending to 2-2.5% of GDP.The party is a supporter of the Swedish monarchy but also supports an amendment to the constitution that obligates the Riksdag to elect a new monarch in the event of there being no heir to the throne.SD wishes to lower the tax rate for the elderly, as well as increase subsidised housing for the elderly. SD also wishes to allocate additional resources to municipalities in order to provide seniors with greater food assistance and, in general, improve their quality of life. SD has also emphasised a desire to crack down on abuses and crimes of which the elderly are particular targets.The Sweden Democrats are critical of the special rights given to the indigenous Sami people of northern Sweden. In 2008 the party accepted a motion against the rights to reindeer husbandry. They have argued that those "who do not involve themselves with reindeer husbandry are treated as second class citizens" and that the privileges the herders have are "undemocratic". They want to restructure the councils and funds that are used to benefit the Sami population, so that they are used "regardless of ethnic identity and business operations". They also want to abolish the Sami Parliament, which claims special privileges for an "ethnic minority while the society claims equal rights for others".In its early, days the Sweden Democrats was known to associate itself with both native Swedish and wider European extreme-right activist groups and parties. During the 1990s, the Sweden Democrats began distancing itself from such groups and made connections with the French National Front and Jean Marie Le Pen through his "Euronat" initiative, but otherwise the party did not actively seek formal relationships outside of Sweden. After party left Euronat, it became more influenced by the neighboring Danish People's Party. The SD also had some contacts with other European nationalist parties such as the Austrian FPÖ and the Flemish Vlaams Belang party prior to 2014. The Danish People's Party was initially reluctant to collaborate with the SD until 2010 when Pia Kjærsgaard travelled to Sweden to help with the party's general election campaign. Following the European election of 2014 there was some speculation that the SD would enter a grouping with other European nationalist parties led by Marine Le Pen. However, the party began to distance itself from other European far-right parties and elected to become a member of the more moderate right-wing Europe of Freedom and Direct Democracy group with the UK Independence Party. In 2015, SD began forging closer relations with the Danish People's Party and in 2018 announced an official cooperation pact with the Finns Party. All three parties are members of the Nordic Freedom group. In 2018, SD joined both the European Conservatives and Reformists group and the European Conservatives and Reformists Party in which it sits alongside the British Conservative Party.During the 1980s and early 1990s, many outspoken far-right and Nazi advocates were involved with the party. It was founded by, among others, the Swedish Waffen-SS veteran Gustaf Ekström and members of both older Nazi and neo-Nazi organisations. In its early days, the SD also had a reputation for attracting biker and skinhead gangs to its rallies. The party had flyers printed by the French National Front in the 1998 general election, and was financially backed for the 2004 European election by Belgian Bernard Mengal. The party was a member of the "Euronat" initiative which was set up by Jean-Marie Le Pen. However, as part of the moderation process, the Sweden Democrats have subsequently sought to distance themselves from far-right parties in Europe, including turning down an invitation to join a grouping in the European parliament with the National Front in 2014 and choosing to ally themselves with more moderate parties during the 2014 and 2019 European elections.Both before and after the 2010 Swedish general election all the major parties, including the Swedish Social Democrats and the Moderate Party, declared they would not collaborate or work with the Sweden Democrats. The move was described by international pundits as an unofficial "cordon sanitaire". The policy of non-cooperation was kept in place for the 2014 Swedish general election. However, at a local level other parties from the Moderates to the Left Party have collaborated or voted in favour of SD initiatives. Following the 2018 general election, which saw the disintegration of the centre-right Alliance, Christian Democrats leader Ebba Busch and Moderates leader Ulf Kristersson signaled an end to the non-cooperation policy and began talks with the SD.The Sweden Democrats have complained about difficulties buying advertising space due to the media banning the party from advertising and have accused media outlets of trying to censor or limit the party's campaign messages during elections. which has been criticised by free speech organisations. On 16 June 2006, "Dagens Nyheter" and "Svenska Dagbladet" decided to stop their boycott. "Expressen", however, still retains a ban on Sweden Democrat advertising. During the 2010 Swedish general election, broadcaster TV4 refused to air a Sweden Democrats campaign video which depicted a Swedish pensioner being outrun by burka-clad women with prams. TV4's decision was criticized by both free speech advocates and politicians from Denmark, including by Danish People's Party leader Pia Kjærsgaard, Venstre and the Conservative People's Party (who reacted to TV4's decision to ban the video by calling for international election observers to be sent to Sweden), and by members of the Norwegian Progress Party who called the decision a "violation of democratic rules." Journalist Hanne Kjöller argued that attempts to censor the SD in 2010 ended up emboldening their support by giving them more publicity.After the Danish daily newspaper "Jyllands-Posten" published twelve cartoons depicting Muhammad and ignited a controversy during the2005 autumn and winter, the Sweden Democrats gave their unreserved support to the publication with reference to the freedom of speech. SDstated that it saw no reason why a Danish newspaper should be forced to abide by Muslim rules and prohibitions regarding expression. When the boycott of Danish products was launched in the Middle East, SDlaunched a "Buy Danish" campaign in support of Danish workers. In 2006 SD entered the Muhammad cartoon debate by publishing a cartoon depicting Muhammad on its youth league (SDU) and "SD-Kuriren" () websites. The cartoon showed Muhammad from behind holding a mirror in front of his face. However, instead of any facial features, the mirror showed only a blank head. The cartoon was captioned "Muhammad's Face" ( ).The publication attracted the attention of the Swedish government, which informed internet service provider "Levonline" about the SD's publications. Subsequently, "Levonline" shut down SD's web page. The Minister for Foreign Affairs, Laila Freivalds, denied any direct interference. However, at the same time, Laila Freivalds condemned the publication as a provocation. Freivalds then resigned from the Persson Cabinet after being accused of interference with press freedom and lying about such actions.This event spurred debate on government censorship in Sweden. The Sweden Democrats also had a hate speech charge filed against them due to the posted caricature. Similar hate speech charges were filed against other Swedish publishers who had depicted Muhammad. However, these charges were immediately deemed to be unfounded by the Swedish Chancellor of Justice.The Sweden Democrats originally planned to publish a set of cartoons in their newspaper "SD-Kuriren". However, after the controversy erupted, Jimmie Åkesson issued a statement on SD's website on 9 February 2006, stating that they would refrain from further publications online and in print, due to concerns that publishing might spur hostile actions against Swedes and Swedish interests.The shutdown of the Sweden Democrats' websites was reported to the Committee on the Constitution by the Liberal People's Party leader Lars Leijonborg. SD filed charges against the Security Service ("Säpo") and the Ministry for Foreign Affairs with the "Justitiekansler" and "Justitieombudsmannen", alleging that the government's interference was unconstitutional. The spokesperson of the Green Party, Peter Eriksson, also expressed concern over possible government involvement in the event.The Sweden Democrats have, among all Swedish parliamentary parties, had the largest share of elected municipal representatives resign since the 2010 elections (27.8%). Many of these resignations were brought on by racist statements or actions by these representatives.In November 2012, party spokesperson Erik Almqvist resigned after he had been caught on tape making racist and sexist statements. Another video later surfaced, showing how Almqvist, in addition to party spokesperson Kent Ekeroth and party official Christian Westling were arming themselves with iron pipes before they sought out a confrontation with Soran Ismail, a Swedish comedian of Kurdish descent. In November 2012, parliamentarian Lars Isovaara resigned after accusing two people of foreign origin of stealing his bag (which Isovaara had left at a restaurant) and then proceeding to verbally abuse a security guard of a foreign background. Isovaara's replacement in parliament, Markus Wiechel, was found in April 2013 to have referred to a group of black people as "monkeys".In March 2013, 12 individuals were thrown out of the party for their involvement in neo-Nazi or other extremist movements. In November 2013, parliamentarian and then vice party leader Jonas Åkerlund gained attention for having called immigrants "parasites" during a broadcast on SD's own radio station in 2002, after the recording was publicly rediscovered. In his defence, Åkerlund stated that he only said it to provoke people. In September 2014, a few weeks before the general election, the party chairman of the local Stockholm branch, Christoffer Dulny, resigned from his position. He had been posting mocking comments about immigrants, calling them "shameless liars" on alternative media sites. He also resigned from his newly won position in parliament on the same day he was elected, 29 September 2014.In October 2016, a video of the parliamentarian and economic policy spokesperson Oscar Sjöstedt making antisemitic jokes was released. Whilst at a party, believed to have taken place in 2011, he laughingly told a story about former co-workers with Nazi sympathies mocking Jews and comparing them to sheep. During the same month, the parliamentarian and second vice party leader Carina Herrstedt was confronted with having sent an allegedly racist, antisemitic, homophobic and anti-romanyist email to her then spouse in 2011. The email, which had been leaked from the party's internal servers, for instance contained phrases that named black football players from the team Landskrona BoIS as "niggers" whilst also picturing Romani people as thieves. The email was meant to be playful and ironic, Herrstedt told Aftonbladet.Between 2015 and 2016 various members of the party were expelled from the SD for expressing extremist or racist views, or because of disagreement with the party's shift towards moderation and social conservatism. In April 2015, the Sweden Democratic Youth leaders were also expelled for these reasons, and the organisation was dissolved shortly after. In December 2016, the parliamentarian Anna Hagwall was thrown out of the party after using arguments associated with antisemitism to argue for a bill that she introduced in parliament intended to reduce concentration of media ownership in Sweden.In September 2017, a report from "Dagens ETC" found that 14 former municipal representatives of the party had infiltrated the SD in order to financially support the Nordic Resistance Movement, a neo-Nazi organisation, through financial transactions, memberships, or purchases of antisemitic and racist literature or souvenirs. In August 2018, 2 members were kicked out due to purchases of Nazi memorabilia online; following the expulsions, Michael Erlandsson, one of the SD spokesmen, publicly stated that people who "have these types of views and share these types of materials" have no place in the party. 14 candidates were expelled from the party as well after being exposed as former members of neo-Nazi organisations. Referring to the latest expulsions, SD leader Jimmie Åkesson declared that the party "works extremely hard to keep clean".Researcher on Nordic nationalism Benjamin R. Teitelbaum described the present day version Sweden Democrats as paradoxical compared to other European nationalist parties on the issues of racism and radicalism. Teitelbaum notes that in contrast to other Nordic and wider European populist parties, the SD differs by having a past rooted in white nationalism and extremism, but in the present day is comparably more proactive in rejecting ethno-nationalism and expelling members who make racist statements to the point where he considers the SD to be on the "softer side" of national-populism. Similar observations were made by British conservative author Douglas Murray who described the SD as undergoing one of the most significant transformations on the European political right from a party on the fringes that openly pushed extreme tendencies to a more mainstream movement that draws on diverse support.Ashley Fox, leader of the British Conservative MEPs, praised the Sweden Democrats regarding the party's policy decisions on the expulsion of extremist and racist members: "Over the past decade the Sweden Democrats have made progress in reforming themselves, expelling any members displaying unacceptable views or behaviour and diversifying their party base."The Sweden Democrats came under fire in 2015 for changing their position on profits made by private welfare companies. Before the election in 2014 they favored having restrictions on the amount of profit that welfare companies could take and use for their own gain. Since the election, they have favored the approach of the Alliance parties, that is higher and more restrictive quality standards. This has been suspected to be because of extensive lobbying done by the organisation Svenskt Näringsliv among others. The story was discovered by the Swedish newspaper "Dagens Industri" on 14 September 2015. SD has denied all accusations of corruption.According to the Statistiska Centralbyrån (SCB) 2017 party preference survey the Sweden Democrats (SD) have a stronger support among men than among women. There is no noticeable difference in support for the party among different age groups. The support for SD is greater among native born than among foreign born. Since 2014 the SD has substantially increased its support among both foreign-born and foreign-background voters, becoming the third largest party in Sweden also among this demographic by 2017. Sympathies are greater for the party among persons with primary and secondary education than among those with a higher education. The 2018 party preference survey of the SCB show that SD has twice as much support among men than among women.According to "Aftonbladet", 14%of SD members are of immigrant origin, which matches the share of foreign-born inhabitants of Sweden. For the 2010 election in the municipality of Södertälje (Stockholm County), SDwas the only party with a majority of immigrants on its electoral list, mostly Assyrians from the Middle East. Polling7.31%(3,447 votes), SD'smunicipal list in Södertälje got 5of the65 municipal seats. Nader Helawi and four other Swedes of immigrant origin will sit as municipal councilors. Since 2014, the SD has seen growing support from foreign-born Swedish voters, and was estimated to have become the third most popular party for voters of immigrant backgrounds by 2017.
|
[
"Leif Zeilon",
"Mikael Jansson",
"Anders Klarström"
] |
|
Which employer did Sofie Carsten Nielsen work for in Dec, 2003?
|
December 10, 2003
|
{
"text": [
"European Parliament"
]
}
|
L2_Q12336294_P108_0
|
Sofie Carsten Nielsen works for Danish Ministry of Children, Gender Equality, Integration and Social Affairs from Jan, 2004 to Jan, 2009.
Sofie Carsten Nielsen works for Danish Society of Engineers from Jan, 2010 to Jan, 2011.
Sofie Carsten Nielsen works for European Parliament from Jan, 2002 to Jan, 2004.
|
Sofie Carsten NielsenSofie Carsten Nielsen (born 24 May 1975) is the current leader of the Danish Social Liberal Party since October 2020. In the 2000s, Nielsen began her political career with the European Parliament as a consultant before working for the Ministry of Gender Equality as a deputy minister. After being elected to the Folketing at the 2011 Danish general election for the Greater Copenhagen riding, Nielsen became the Minister for Higher Education and Science in 2014. Nielsen remained in her minister position until she was replaced by Esben Lunde Larsen in 2015.Nielsen was born on 24 May 1975 in Hørsholm, Denmark. Nielsen graduated with a politics master's degree from the College of Europe in 2001 and later a Master of Science at the University of Copenhagen in 2002.In an interview with Naturejobs, Nielsen mentioned that she originally did not plan to become involved in politics. She started her career at the European Parliament as a consultant from 2002 to 2004 before becoming a deputy minister of the Ministry of Gender Equality until 2009. After a brief position at the Danish Society of Engineers, Nielsen was elected to the Folketing for the Greater Copenhagen riding at the 2011 Danish general election. During her term, Nielsen was a spokesperson for several topics including gender equality and the European Union. With the Danish Social Liberal Party, Nielsen became their vice-chairperson in 2011 before being promoted to chair in 2012. After holding her chair position for two years, Nielsen became the Minister for Higher Education and Science in 2014. As Minister for Higher Education and Science, Nielsen declared in 2014 that 4,000 student admissions to low turnover programs would be cut. Universities Denmark later negotiated a deal with her to have the number of cuts lowered and implemented starting in 2018. On 28 June 2015, Nielsen was replaced by Esben Lunde Larsen for the position of Minister for Higher Education and Science.After her minister position ended, Nielsen returned to her position as the Danish Social Liberal Party's vice-chairperson in 2015. In October 2020, Nielsen was named Morten Østergaard's replacement as head of the Danish Social Liberal Party after Østergaard resigned from his leadership position.Nielsen is married with two children.
|
[
"Danish Ministry of Children, Gender Equality, Integration and Social Affairs",
"Danish Society of Engineers"
] |
|
Which employer did Sofie Carsten Nielsen work for in Aug, 2008?
|
August 25, 2008
|
{
"text": [
"Danish Ministry of Children, Gender Equality, Integration and Social Affairs"
]
}
|
L2_Q12336294_P108_1
|
Sofie Carsten Nielsen works for Danish Society of Engineers from Jan, 2010 to Jan, 2011.
Sofie Carsten Nielsen works for European Parliament from Jan, 2002 to Jan, 2004.
Sofie Carsten Nielsen works for Danish Ministry of Children, Gender Equality, Integration and Social Affairs from Jan, 2004 to Jan, 2009.
|
Sofie Carsten NielsenSofie Carsten Nielsen (born 24 May 1975) is the current leader of the Danish Social Liberal Party since October 2020. In the 2000s, Nielsen began her political career with the European Parliament as a consultant before working for the Ministry of Gender Equality as a deputy minister. After being elected to the Folketing at the 2011 Danish general election for the Greater Copenhagen riding, Nielsen became the Minister for Higher Education and Science in 2014. Nielsen remained in her minister position until she was replaced by Esben Lunde Larsen in 2015.Nielsen was born on 24 May 1975 in Hørsholm, Denmark. Nielsen graduated with a politics master's degree from the College of Europe in 2001 and later a Master of Science at the University of Copenhagen in 2002.In an interview with Naturejobs, Nielsen mentioned that she originally did not plan to become involved in politics. She started her career at the European Parliament as a consultant from 2002 to 2004 before becoming a deputy minister of the Ministry of Gender Equality until 2009. After a brief position at the Danish Society of Engineers, Nielsen was elected to the Folketing for the Greater Copenhagen riding at the 2011 Danish general election. During her term, Nielsen was a spokesperson for several topics including gender equality and the European Union. With the Danish Social Liberal Party, Nielsen became their vice-chairperson in 2011 before being promoted to chair in 2012. After holding her chair position for two years, Nielsen became the Minister for Higher Education and Science in 2014. As Minister for Higher Education and Science, Nielsen declared in 2014 that 4,000 student admissions to low turnover programs would be cut. Universities Denmark later negotiated a deal with her to have the number of cuts lowered and implemented starting in 2018. On 28 June 2015, Nielsen was replaced by Esben Lunde Larsen for the position of Minister for Higher Education and Science.After her minister position ended, Nielsen returned to her position as the Danish Social Liberal Party's vice-chairperson in 2015. In October 2020, Nielsen was named Morten Østergaard's replacement as head of the Danish Social Liberal Party after Østergaard resigned from his leadership position.Nielsen is married with two children.
|
[
"Danish Society of Engineers",
"European Parliament"
] |
|
Which employer did Sofie Carsten Nielsen work for in Sep, 2010?
|
September 17, 2010
|
{
"text": [
"Danish Society of Engineers"
]
}
|
L2_Q12336294_P108_2
|
Sofie Carsten Nielsen works for European Parliament from Jan, 2002 to Jan, 2004.
Sofie Carsten Nielsen works for Danish Ministry of Children, Gender Equality, Integration and Social Affairs from Jan, 2004 to Jan, 2009.
Sofie Carsten Nielsen works for Danish Society of Engineers from Jan, 2010 to Jan, 2011.
|
Sofie Carsten NielsenSofie Carsten Nielsen (born 24 May 1975) is the current leader of the Danish Social Liberal Party since October 2020. In the 2000s, Nielsen began her political career with the European Parliament as a consultant before working for the Ministry of Gender Equality as a deputy minister. After being elected to the Folketing at the 2011 Danish general election for the Greater Copenhagen riding, Nielsen became the Minister for Higher Education and Science in 2014. Nielsen remained in her minister position until she was replaced by Esben Lunde Larsen in 2015.Nielsen was born on 24 May 1975 in Hørsholm, Denmark. Nielsen graduated with a politics master's degree from the College of Europe in 2001 and later a Master of Science at the University of Copenhagen in 2002.In an interview with Naturejobs, Nielsen mentioned that she originally did not plan to become involved in politics. She started her career at the European Parliament as a consultant from 2002 to 2004 before becoming a deputy minister of the Ministry of Gender Equality until 2009. After a brief position at the Danish Society of Engineers, Nielsen was elected to the Folketing for the Greater Copenhagen riding at the 2011 Danish general election. During her term, Nielsen was a spokesperson for several topics including gender equality and the European Union. With the Danish Social Liberal Party, Nielsen became their vice-chairperson in 2011 before being promoted to chair in 2012. After holding her chair position for two years, Nielsen became the Minister for Higher Education and Science in 2014. As Minister for Higher Education and Science, Nielsen declared in 2014 that 4,000 student admissions to low turnover programs would be cut. Universities Denmark later negotiated a deal with her to have the number of cuts lowered and implemented starting in 2018. On 28 June 2015, Nielsen was replaced by Esben Lunde Larsen for the position of Minister for Higher Education and Science.After her minister position ended, Nielsen returned to her position as the Danish Social Liberal Party's vice-chairperson in 2015. In October 2020, Nielsen was named Morten Østergaard's replacement as head of the Danish Social Liberal Party after Østergaard resigned from his leadership position.Nielsen is married with two children.
|
[
"Danish Ministry of Children, Gender Equality, Integration and Social Affairs",
"European Parliament"
] |
|
Which position did Leonard Lyell, 1st Baron Lyell hold in Nov, 1885?
|
November 25, 1885
|
{
"text": [
"Member of the 23rd Parliament of the United Kingdom"
]
}
|
L2_Q6525517_P39_0
|
Leonard Lyell, 1st Baron Lyell holds the position of Member of the 23rd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Nov, 1885 to Jun, 1886.
Leonard Lyell, 1st Baron Lyell holds the position of Member of the 26th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1895 to Sep, 1900.
Leonard Lyell, 1st Baron Lyell holds the position of Member of the 24th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1886 to Jun, 1892.
Leonard Lyell, 1st Baron Lyell holds the position of Member of the 25th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1892 to Jul, 1895.
|
Leonard Lyell, 1st Baron LyellSir Leonard Lyell, 1st Baron Lyell, Bt (21 October 1850 – 18 September 1926), was a Scottish Liberal politician.The eldest son of Colonel Henry Lyell and Katharine Murray Lyell, he was a nephew of Sir Charles Lyell, 1st Baronet, the geologist.He served as Liberal Member of Parliament for Orkney and Shetland from 1885 to 1900, and was commissioned a Deputy Lieutenant for Forfarshire in December 1901.He was created a baronet in 1894 and raised to the peerage as Baron Lyell of Kinnordy in the County of Forfar, on 8 July 1914.He married Mary Stirling in 1874, and had one son, Charles Henry (1875-1918) and two daughters, Mary Leonora (Nora), born 1877, and Helen (Nelly), born 1878.His only son Charles Henry Lyell was also a Liberal MP but as he died in 1918 his son Charles Anthony Lyell succeeded to both the baronetcy and barony.
|
[
"Member of the 25th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 26th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 24th Parliament of the United Kingdom"
] |
|
Which position did Leonard Lyell, 1st Baron Lyell hold in Jun, 1888?
|
June 03, 1888
|
{
"text": [
"Member of the 24th Parliament of the United Kingdom"
]
}
|
L2_Q6525517_P39_1
|
Leonard Lyell, 1st Baron Lyell holds the position of Member of the 23rd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Nov, 1885 to Jun, 1886.
Leonard Lyell, 1st Baron Lyell holds the position of Member of the 24th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1886 to Jun, 1892.
Leonard Lyell, 1st Baron Lyell holds the position of Member of the 25th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1892 to Jul, 1895.
Leonard Lyell, 1st Baron Lyell holds the position of Member of the 26th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1895 to Sep, 1900.
|
Leonard Lyell, 1st Baron LyellSir Leonard Lyell, 1st Baron Lyell, Bt (21 October 1850 – 18 September 1926), was a Scottish Liberal politician.The eldest son of Colonel Henry Lyell and Katharine Murray Lyell, he was a nephew of Sir Charles Lyell, 1st Baronet, the geologist.He served as Liberal Member of Parliament for Orkney and Shetland from 1885 to 1900, and was commissioned a Deputy Lieutenant for Forfarshire in December 1901.He was created a baronet in 1894 and raised to the peerage as Baron Lyell of Kinnordy in the County of Forfar, on 8 July 1914.He married Mary Stirling in 1874, and had one son, Charles Henry (1875-1918) and two daughters, Mary Leonora (Nora), born 1877, and Helen (Nelly), born 1878.His only son Charles Henry Lyell was also a Liberal MP but as he died in 1918 his son Charles Anthony Lyell succeeded to both the baronetcy and barony.
|
[
"Member of the 25th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 26th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 23rd Parliament of the United Kingdom"
] |
|
Which position did Leonard Lyell, 1st Baron Lyell hold in Feb, 1893?
|
February 01, 1893
|
{
"text": [
"Member of the 25th Parliament of the United Kingdom"
]
}
|
L2_Q6525517_P39_2
|
Leonard Lyell, 1st Baron Lyell holds the position of Member of the 26th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1895 to Sep, 1900.
Leonard Lyell, 1st Baron Lyell holds the position of Member of the 23rd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Nov, 1885 to Jun, 1886.
Leonard Lyell, 1st Baron Lyell holds the position of Member of the 24th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1886 to Jun, 1892.
Leonard Lyell, 1st Baron Lyell holds the position of Member of the 25th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1892 to Jul, 1895.
|
Leonard Lyell, 1st Baron LyellSir Leonard Lyell, 1st Baron Lyell, Bt (21 October 1850 – 18 September 1926), was a Scottish Liberal politician.The eldest son of Colonel Henry Lyell and Katharine Murray Lyell, he was a nephew of Sir Charles Lyell, 1st Baronet, the geologist.He served as Liberal Member of Parliament for Orkney and Shetland from 1885 to 1900, and was commissioned a Deputy Lieutenant for Forfarshire in December 1901.He was created a baronet in 1894 and raised to the peerage as Baron Lyell of Kinnordy in the County of Forfar, on 8 July 1914.He married Mary Stirling in 1874, and had one son, Charles Henry (1875-1918) and two daughters, Mary Leonora (Nora), born 1877, and Helen (Nelly), born 1878.His only son Charles Henry Lyell was also a Liberal MP but as he died in 1918 his son Charles Anthony Lyell succeeded to both the baronetcy and barony.
|
[
"Member of the 26th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 23rd Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 24th Parliament of the United Kingdom"
] |
|
Which position did Leonard Lyell, 1st Baron Lyell hold in Mar, 1899?
|
March 14, 1899
|
{
"text": [
"Member of the 26th Parliament of the United Kingdom"
]
}
|
L2_Q6525517_P39_3
|
Leonard Lyell, 1st Baron Lyell holds the position of Member of the 25th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1892 to Jul, 1895.
Leonard Lyell, 1st Baron Lyell holds the position of Member of the 24th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1886 to Jun, 1892.
Leonard Lyell, 1st Baron Lyell holds the position of Member of the 23rd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Nov, 1885 to Jun, 1886.
Leonard Lyell, 1st Baron Lyell holds the position of Member of the 26th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1895 to Sep, 1900.
|
Leonard Lyell, 1st Baron LyellSir Leonard Lyell, 1st Baron Lyell, Bt (21 October 1850 – 18 September 1926), was a Scottish Liberal politician.The eldest son of Colonel Henry Lyell and Katharine Murray Lyell, he was a nephew of Sir Charles Lyell, 1st Baronet, the geologist.He served as Liberal Member of Parliament for Orkney and Shetland from 1885 to 1900, and was commissioned a Deputy Lieutenant for Forfarshire in December 1901.He was created a baronet in 1894 and raised to the peerage as Baron Lyell of Kinnordy in the County of Forfar, on 8 July 1914.He married Mary Stirling in 1874, and had one son, Charles Henry (1875-1918) and two daughters, Mary Leonora (Nora), born 1877, and Helen (Nelly), born 1878.His only son Charles Henry Lyell was also a Liberal MP but as he died in 1918 his son Charles Anthony Lyell succeeded to both the baronetcy and barony.
|
[
"Member of the 25th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 23rd Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 24th Parliament of the United Kingdom"
] |
|
Which political party did Rosemarie Hein belong to in Nov, 1989?
|
November 30, 1989
|
{
"text": [
"Socialist Unity Party of Germany"
]
}
|
L2_Q2166877_P102_0
|
Rosemarie Hein is a member of the The Left Party.PDS from Feb, 1990 to Jun, 2007.
Rosemarie Hein is a member of the The Left from Jun, 2007 to Dec, 2022.
Rosemarie Hein is a member of the Socialist Unity Party of Germany from Jan, 1976 to Feb, 1990.
|
Rosemarie HeinAnna Gertrud Rosemarie Hein (born 17 January 1953 in Leipzig) is a German politician, currently Education spokeswoman for the Left Party. From 1990 to 2006 she was a member of the Landtag of Saxony-Anhalt, and since 2009 she has been a member of the Bundestag.After completing school in Hennigsdorf, in 1971 Hein began studying Education at the then College of Educate in Dresden, from which she graduated in 1975 as a teacher of German and Art. She spent the next five years working at the extended secondary school in OscherslebenFrom 1982 to 1986, Hein completed a doctorate in Social Science, writing a thesis on the subject of "Visual art in the DDR for world peace: positions and problems in the Seventies and Eighties"She is married and has two daughters.Rosemarie Hein entered the Socialist Unity Party in 1976. From 1980 to 1982 she worked in the district leadership for Oschersleben. After re-unification she became District Chair of the PDS in Magdeburg, and that summer was elected as deputy national chair. She carried out this function until 1995. From 1997-2005 she was state chair of the PDS in Saxony-Anhalt. Since June 2007 she has been part of the party leadership of Die Linke.In October 1990 she was first elected to the state parliament of Saxony-Anhalt. Her political focus was on education policy.In June 2004 she was elected to the Magdeburg city council and is involved here mainly for the education policies of the city.In the federal elections of September 2009, she was elected with 32.0% of the vote as a direct candidate in the constituency of Magdeburg (constituency 70). She lost the constituency to the CDU at the 2013 election. She is the party education spokesperson.
|
[
"The Left Party.PDS",
"The Left"
] |
|
Which political party did Rosemarie Hein belong to in Oct, 2004?
|
October 17, 2004
|
{
"text": [
"The Left Party.PDS"
]
}
|
L2_Q2166877_P102_1
|
Rosemarie Hein is a member of the The Left Party.PDS from Feb, 1990 to Jun, 2007.
Rosemarie Hein is a member of the Socialist Unity Party of Germany from Jan, 1976 to Feb, 1990.
Rosemarie Hein is a member of the The Left from Jun, 2007 to Dec, 2022.
|
Rosemarie HeinAnna Gertrud Rosemarie Hein (born 17 January 1953 in Leipzig) is a German politician, currently Education spokeswoman for the Left Party. From 1990 to 2006 she was a member of the Landtag of Saxony-Anhalt, and since 2009 she has been a member of the Bundestag.After completing school in Hennigsdorf, in 1971 Hein began studying Education at the then College of Educate in Dresden, from which she graduated in 1975 as a teacher of German and Art. She spent the next five years working at the extended secondary school in OscherslebenFrom 1982 to 1986, Hein completed a doctorate in Social Science, writing a thesis on the subject of "Visual art in the DDR for world peace: positions and problems in the Seventies and Eighties"She is married and has two daughters.Rosemarie Hein entered the Socialist Unity Party in 1976. From 1980 to 1982 she worked in the district leadership for Oschersleben. After re-unification she became District Chair of the PDS in Magdeburg, and that summer was elected as deputy national chair. She carried out this function until 1995. From 1997-2005 she was state chair of the PDS in Saxony-Anhalt. Since June 2007 she has been part of the party leadership of Die Linke.In October 1990 she was first elected to the state parliament of Saxony-Anhalt. Her political focus was on education policy.In June 2004 she was elected to the Magdeburg city council and is involved here mainly for the education policies of the city.In the federal elections of September 2009, she was elected with 32.0% of the vote as a direct candidate in the constituency of Magdeburg (constituency 70). She lost the constituency to the CDU at the 2013 election. She is the party education spokesperson.
|
[
"The Left",
"Socialist Unity Party of Germany"
] |
|
Which political party did Rosemarie Hein belong to in Feb, 2015?
|
February 27, 2015
|
{
"text": [
"The Left"
]
}
|
L2_Q2166877_P102_2
|
Rosemarie Hein is a member of the The Left Party.PDS from Feb, 1990 to Jun, 2007.
Rosemarie Hein is a member of the The Left from Jun, 2007 to Dec, 2022.
Rosemarie Hein is a member of the Socialist Unity Party of Germany from Jan, 1976 to Feb, 1990.
|
Rosemarie HeinAnna Gertrud Rosemarie Hein (born 17 January 1953 in Leipzig) is a German politician, currently Education spokeswoman for the Left Party. From 1990 to 2006 she was a member of the Landtag of Saxony-Anhalt, and since 2009 she has been a member of the Bundestag.After completing school in Hennigsdorf, in 1971 Hein began studying Education at the then College of Educate in Dresden, from which she graduated in 1975 as a teacher of German and Art. She spent the next five years working at the extended secondary school in OscherslebenFrom 1982 to 1986, Hein completed a doctorate in Social Science, writing a thesis on the subject of "Visual art in the DDR for world peace: positions and problems in the Seventies and Eighties"She is married and has two daughters.Rosemarie Hein entered the Socialist Unity Party in 1976. From 1980 to 1982 she worked in the district leadership for Oschersleben. After re-unification she became District Chair of the PDS in Magdeburg, and that summer was elected as deputy national chair. She carried out this function until 1995. From 1997-2005 she was state chair of the PDS in Saxony-Anhalt. Since June 2007 she has been part of the party leadership of Die Linke.In October 1990 she was first elected to the state parliament of Saxony-Anhalt. Her political focus was on education policy.In June 2004 she was elected to the Magdeburg city council and is involved here mainly for the education policies of the city.In the federal elections of September 2009, she was elected with 32.0% of the vote as a direct candidate in the constituency of Magdeburg (constituency 70). She lost the constituency to the CDU at the 2013 election. She is the party education spokesperson.
|
[
"The Left Party.PDS",
"Socialist Unity Party of Germany"
] |
|
Which employer did Hua Luogeng work for in Jan, 1944?
|
January 31, 1944
|
{
"text": [
"Yunnan University"
]
}
|
L2_Q590111_P108_0
|
Hua Luogeng works for Tsinghua University from Jan, 1950 to Jan, 1965.
Hua Luogeng works for Institute for Advanced Study from Jan, 1946 to Jan, 1948.
Hua Luogeng works for University of Illinois at Urbana–Champaign from Jan, 1948 to Jan, 1950.
Hua Luogeng works for Yunnan University from Jan, 1938 to Jan, 1945.
|
Hua LuogengHua Luogeng or Hua Loo-Keng (; 12 November 1910 – 12 June 1985) was a Chinese mathematician and politician famous for his important contributions to number theory and for his role as the leader of mathematics research and education in the People's Republic of China. He was largely responsible for identifying and nurturing the renowned mathematician Chen Jingrun who proved Chen's theorem, the best known result on the Goldbach conjecture. In addition, Hua's later work on mathematical optimization and operations research made an enormous impact on China's economy. He was elected a foreign associate of the US National Academy of Sciences in 1982. He was elected a member of the standing Committee of the first to sixth National people's Congress, Vice-Chairman of the sixth National Committee of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference (April 1985) and Vice-Chairman of the China Democratic League (1979). He joined the Communist Party of China in 1979.Hua did not receive a formal university education. Although awarded several honorary PhDs, he never got a formal degree from any university. In fact, his formal education only consisted of six years of primary school and three years of middle school. For that reason, Xiong Qinglai, after reading one of Hua's early papers, was amazed by Hua's mathematical talent, and in 1931 Xiong invited him to study mathematics at Tsinghua University.Hua Luogeng was born in Jintan, Jiangsu on 12 November, 1910. Hua's father was a small businessman. Hua met a capable math teacher in middle school who recognized his talent early and encouraged him to read advanced texts. After middle school, Hua enrolled in Chinese Vocational College in Shanghai, and there he distinguished himself by winning a national abacus competition. Although tuition fees at the college were low, living costs proved too high for his means, and Hua was forced to leave a term before graduating. After failing to find a job in Shanghai, Hua returned home in 1927 to help in his father's store. In 1929, Hua contracted typhoid fever and was in bed for half a year. The culmination of Hua's illness resulted in the partial paralysis of his left leg, which impeded his movement quite severely for the rest of his life.After middle school, Hua continued to study mathematics independently with the few books he had, and studied the entire high school and early undergraduate math curriculum. By the time Hua returned to Jintan, he was already engaged in independent mathematics research, and his first publication "Some Researches on the Theorem of Sturm", appeared in the December 1929 issue of the Shanghai periodical "Science". In the following year Hua showed in a short note in the same journal that a certain 1926 paper claiming to have solved the quintic was fundamentally flawed. Hua's lucid analysis caught the eye of Prof. Xiong Qinglai at Tsinghua University in Beijing, and in 1931 Hua was invited, despite his lack of formal qualification and not without some reservations on the part of several faculty members, to join the mathematics department there. At Tsinghua, Hua began as a clerk in the library, and then moved to become an assistant in mathematics. By September 1932, he was an instructor, and two years later, after having published another dozen papers, he was promoted to the rank of lecturer.During 1935–36 Jacques Hadamard and Norbert Wiener visited Tsinghua, and Hua eagerly attended the lectures of both and created a good impression. Wiener visited England soon afterward and spoke of Hua to G. H. Hardy. In this way Hua received an invitation to come to Cambridge, England, where he stayed for two years.While at Cambridge University, Hua worked on applying the Hardy–Littlewood circle method towards problems in number theory. He produced seminal work on Waring's problem, which would establish his fame within the international math community. In 1938, after the full outbreak of the Second Sino-Japanese War, Hua chose to return to China to Tsinghua, where he was appointed full professor despite not having any degree. At the time, with vast areas of China under Japanese occupation, Tsinghua University, Peking University, and Nankai University had merged into the Southwest Associated University in Kunming, capital of the southern province Yunnan. In spite of the hardships of poverty, enemy bombings, and relative academic isolation from the rest of the world, Hua continued to produce first-rate mathematics. During his eight years there, Hua studied Vinogradov's seminal method of estimating trigonometric sums and reformulated it in sharper form, in what is now known universally as Vinogradov's mean value theorem. This famous result is central to improved versions of the Hilbert–Waring theorem, and has important applications to the study of the Riemann zeta function. Hua wrote up this work in a booklet titled "Additive Theory of Prime Numbers" that was accepted for publication in Russia as early as 1940, but owing to the war, did not appear in expanded form until 1947 as a monograph of the Steklov Institute. In the closing years of the Kunming period, Hua turned his interests to algebra and analysis towards which he soon began to make original contributions.After the war, Hua spent three months in the Soviet Union in the spring of 1946, at Ivan Vinogradov's invitation, following which Hua departed for Institute for Advanced Study in Princeton University. At Princeton, Hua worked on matrix theory, functions of several complex variables, and group theory. At this time civil war was raging in China and it was not easy to travel, and for "convenience of travel," the Chinese authorities had assigned Hua the rank of general in his passport.In the spring of 1948, Hua accepted appointment as full professor at the University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign. However, his stay in Illinois was far too brief. In October 1949, the People's Republic of China was established, and Hua, wanting to be part of a new epoch, decided to return to China with his wife and kids, despite having settled comfortably in the United States.Back in China, Hua threw himself into educational reform and the organization of mathematical activity at the graduate level, in the schools, and among workers in the burgeoning industry. In July 1952 the Mathematical Institute of the Academia Sinica came into being, with Hua as its first director. The following year he was one of a 26-member delegation from the Academia Sinica to visit the Soviet Union in order to establish links with Russian science. Later, he was the first Chair of the Department of Mathematics and Vice President of University of Science & Technology of China (USTC), a new type of Chinese university established by the Chinese Academy of Sciences (CAS) in 1958, which was aimed at fostering skilled researchers necessary for the economic development, defense and education in science and technology. Despite his many teaching and administrative duties, Hua remained active in research and continued to write, not only on topics that had engaged him before but also in areas that were new to him or had been only lightly touched on before. In 1956, his voluminous text, "Introduction to Number Theory", appeared, and later it was published in English by Springer. "Harmonic Analysis of Functions of Several Complex Variables in the Classical Domains" came out in 1958 and was translated into Russian in the same year, followed by an English translation by the American Mathematical Society in 1963.Outside of pure math, Hua first proposed in 1952 the development of China's electronic computer, and in early 1953, an initial research team for this project was formed under Hua's leadership by the Mathematical Institute of the Academia Sinica.The start of the Great Leap Forward in 1958 came with a vehement attack on pure mathematics and intellectuals, which prompted Hua to shift towards applied mathematics. Hua developed, with Wang Yuan, a broad interest in linear programming, operations research, and multidimensional numerical integration. In connection with the last of these, the study of the Monte Carlo method and the role of uniform distribution led them to invent an alternative deterministic method based on ideas from algebraic number theory. Their theory was set out in "Applications of Number Theory to Numerical Analysis", which was published much later, in 1978, and by Springer in English translation in 1981. The newfound interest in applicable mathematics took him in the 1960s, accompanied by a team of assistants, all over China to show workers of all kinds how to apply their reasoning faculty to the solution of shop-floor and everyday problems. Whether in ad hoc problem-solving sessions in factories or open-air teachings, he touched his audiences with the spirit of mathematics to such an extent that he became a national hero and even earned an unsolicited letter of commendation from Mao Zedong, this last a valuable protection in uncertain times. Hua had a commanding presence, a genial personality, and a wonderful way of putting things simply, and the impact of his travels spread his fame and the popularity of mathematics across the land.Following the Cultural Revolution, Hua resumed contact with Western mathematicians. In 1980 Hua became a cultural ambassador of China charged with re-establishing links with Western academics, and during the next five years he travelled extensively in Europe, the United States, and Japan. In 1979 he was a visiting research fellow of the then Science Research Council of the United Kingdom at the University of Birmingham and during 1983–84 he was Sherman Fairchild Distinguished Scholar at the California Institute of Technology. He died of a heart attack at the end of a lecture he gave in Tokyo on 12 June 1985.Hua Luogeng Park in Jintan, Jiangsu has been named after him.
|
[
"Tsinghua University",
"Institute for Advanced Study",
"University of Illinois at Urbana–Champaign"
] |
|
Which employer did Hua Luogeng work for in Feb, 1947?
|
February 23, 1947
|
{
"text": [
"Institute for Advanced Study"
]
}
|
L2_Q590111_P108_1
|
Hua Luogeng works for Yunnan University from Jan, 1938 to Jan, 1945.
Hua Luogeng works for University of Illinois at Urbana–Champaign from Jan, 1948 to Jan, 1950.
Hua Luogeng works for Tsinghua University from Jan, 1950 to Jan, 1965.
Hua Luogeng works for Institute for Advanced Study from Jan, 1946 to Jan, 1948.
|
Hua LuogengHua Luogeng or Hua Loo-Keng (; 12 November 1910 – 12 June 1985) was a Chinese mathematician and politician famous for his important contributions to number theory and for his role as the leader of mathematics research and education in the People's Republic of China. He was largely responsible for identifying and nurturing the renowned mathematician Chen Jingrun who proved Chen's theorem, the best known result on the Goldbach conjecture. In addition, Hua's later work on mathematical optimization and operations research made an enormous impact on China's economy. He was elected a foreign associate of the US National Academy of Sciences in 1982. He was elected a member of the standing Committee of the first to sixth National people's Congress, Vice-Chairman of the sixth National Committee of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference (April 1985) and Vice-Chairman of the China Democratic League (1979). He joined the Communist Party of China in 1979.Hua did not receive a formal university education. Although awarded several honorary PhDs, he never got a formal degree from any university. In fact, his formal education only consisted of six years of primary school and three years of middle school. For that reason, Xiong Qinglai, after reading one of Hua's early papers, was amazed by Hua's mathematical talent, and in 1931 Xiong invited him to study mathematics at Tsinghua University.Hua Luogeng was born in Jintan, Jiangsu on 12 November, 1910. Hua's father was a small businessman. Hua met a capable math teacher in middle school who recognized his talent early and encouraged him to read advanced texts. After middle school, Hua enrolled in Chinese Vocational College in Shanghai, and there he distinguished himself by winning a national abacus competition. Although tuition fees at the college were low, living costs proved too high for his means, and Hua was forced to leave a term before graduating. After failing to find a job in Shanghai, Hua returned home in 1927 to help in his father's store. In 1929, Hua contracted typhoid fever and was in bed for half a year. The culmination of Hua's illness resulted in the partial paralysis of his left leg, which impeded his movement quite severely for the rest of his life.After middle school, Hua continued to study mathematics independently with the few books he had, and studied the entire high school and early undergraduate math curriculum. By the time Hua returned to Jintan, he was already engaged in independent mathematics research, and his first publication "Some Researches on the Theorem of Sturm", appeared in the December 1929 issue of the Shanghai periodical "Science". In the following year Hua showed in a short note in the same journal that a certain 1926 paper claiming to have solved the quintic was fundamentally flawed. Hua's lucid analysis caught the eye of Prof. Xiong Qinglai at Tsinghua University in Beijing, and in 1931 Hua was invited, despite his lack of formal qualification and not without some reservations on the part of several faculty members, to join the mathematics department there. At Tsinghua, Hua began as a clerk in the library, and then moved to become an assistant in mathematics. By September 1932, he was an instructor, and two years later, after having published another dozen papers, he was promoted to the rank of lecturer.During 1935–36 Jacques Hadamard and Norbert Wiener visited Tsinghua, and Hua eagerly attended the lectures of both and created a good impression. Wiener visited England soon afterward and spoke of Hua to G. H. Hardy. In this way Hua received an invitation to come to Cambridge, England, where he stayed for two years.While at Cambridge University, Hua worked on applying the Hardy–Littlewood circle method towards problems in number theory. He produced seminal work on Waring's problem, which would establish his fame within the international math community. In 1938, after the full outbreak of the Second Sino-Japanese War, Hua chose to return to China to Tsinghua, where he was appointed full professor despite not having any degree. At the time, with vast areas of China under Japanese occupation, Tsinghua University, Peking University, and Nankai University had merged into the Southwest Associated University in Kunming, capital of the southern province Yunnan. In spite of the hardships of poverty, enemy bombings, and relative academic isolation from the rest of the world, Hua continued to produce first-rate mathematics. During his eight years there, Hua studied Vinogradov's seminal method of estimating trigonometric sums and reformulated it in sharper form, in what is now known universally as Vinogradov's mean value theorem. This famous result is central to improved versions of the Hilbert–Waring theorem, and has important applications to the study of the Riemann zeta function. Hua wrote up this work in a booklet titled "Additive Theory of Prime Numbers" that was accepted for publication in Russia as early as 1940, but owing to the war, did not appear in expanded form until 1947 as a monograph of the Steklov Institute. In the closing years of the Kunming period, Hua turned his interests to algebra and analysis towards which he soon began to make original contributions.After the war, Hua spent three months in the Soviet Union in the spring of 1946, at Ivan Vinogradov's invitation, following which Hua departed for Institute for Advanced Study in Princeton University. At Princeton, Hua worked on matrix theory, functions of several complex variables, and group theory. At this time civil war was raging in China and it was not easy to travel, and for "convenience of travel," the Chinese authorities had assigned Hua the rank of general in his passport.In the spring of 1948, Hua accepted appointment as full professor at the University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign. However, his stay in Illinois was far too brief. In October 1949, the People's Republic of China was established, and Hua, wanting to be part of a new epoch, decided to return to China with his wife and kids, despite having settled comfortably in the United States.Back in China, Hua threw himself into educational reform and the organization of mathematical activity at the graduate level, in the schools, and among workers in the burgeoning industry. In July 1952 the Mathematical Institute of the Academia Sinica came into being, with Hua as its first director. The following year he was one of a 26-member delegation from the Academia Sinica to visit the Soviet Union in order to establish links with Russian science. Later, he was the first Chair of the Department of Mathematics and Vice President of University of Science & Technology of China (USTC), a new type of Chinese university established by the Chinese Academy of Sciences (CAS) in 1958, which was aimed at fostering skilled researchers necessary for the economic development, defense and education in science and technology. Despite his many teaching and administrative duties, Hua remained active in research and continued to write, not only on topics that had engaged him before but also in areas that were new to him or had been only lightly touched on before. In 1956, his voluminous text, "Introduction to Number Theory", appeared, and later it was published in English by Springer. "Harmonic Analysis of Functions of Several Complex Variables in the Classical Domains" came out in 1958 and was translated into Russian in the same year, followed by an English translation by the American Mathematical Society in 1963.Outside of pure math, Hua first proposed in 1952 the development of China's electronic computer, and in early 1953, an initial research team for this project was formed under Hua's leadership by the Mathematical Institute of the Academia Sinica.The start of the Great Leap Forward in 1958 came with a vehement attack on pure mathematics and intellectuals, which prompted Hua to shift towards applied mathematics. Hua developed, with Wang Yuan, a broad interest in linear programming, operations research, and multidimensional numerical integration. In connection with the last of these, the study of the Monte Carlo method and the role of uniform distribution led them to invent an alternative deterministic method based on ideas from algebraic number theory. Their theory was set out in "Applications of Number Theory to Numerical Analysis", which was published much later, in 1978, and by Springer in English translation in 1981. The newfound interest in applicable mathematics took him in the 1960s, accompanied by a team of assistants, all over China to show workers of all kinds how to apply their reasoning faculty to the solution of shop-floor and everyday problems. Whether in ad hoc problem-solving sessions in factories or open-air teachings, he touched his audiences with the spirit of mathematics to such an extent that he became a national hero and even earned an unsolicited letter of commendation from Mao Zedong, this last a valuable protection in uncertain times. Hua had a commanding presence, a genial personality, and a wonderful way of putting things simply, and the impact of his travels spread his fame and the popularity of mathematics across the land.Following the Cultural Revolution, Hua resumed contact with Western mathematicians. In 1980 Hua became a cultural ambassador of China charged with re-establishing links with Western academics, and during the next five years he travelled extensively in Europe, the United States, and Japan. In 1979 he was a visiting research fellow of the then Science Research Council of the United Kingdom at the University of Birmingham and during 1983–84 he was Sherman Fairchild Distinguished Scholar at the California Institute of Technology. He died of a heart attack at the end of a lecture he gave in Tokyo on 12 June 1985.Hua Luogeng Park in Jintan, Jiangsu has been named after him.
|
[
"Tsinghua University",
"Yunnan University",
"University of Illinois at Urbana–Champaign"
] |
|
Which employer did Hua Luogeng work for in Aug, 1949?
|
August 13, 1949
|
{
"text": [
"University of Illinois at Urbana–Champaign"
]
}
|
L2_Q590111_P108_2
|
Hua Luogeng works for Yunnan University from Jan, 1938 to Jan, 1945.
Hua Luogeng works for Institute for Advanced Study from Jan, 1946 to Jan, 1948.
Hua Luogeng works for University of Illinois at Urbana–Champaign from Jan, 1948 to Jan, 1950.
Hua Luogeng works for Tsinghua University from Jan, 1950 to Jan, 1965.
|
Hua LuogengHua Luogeng or Hua Loo-Keng (; 12 November 1910 – 12 June 1985) was a Chinese mathematician and politician famous for his important contributions to number theory and for his role as the leader of mathematics research and education in the People's Republic of China. He was largely responsible for identifying and nurturing the renowned mathematician Chen Jingrun who proved Chen's theorem, the best known result on the Goldbach conjecture. In addition, Hua's later work on mathematical optimization and operations research made an enormous impact on China's economy. He was elected a foreign associate of the US National Academy of Sciences in 1982. He was elected a member of the standing Committee of the first to sixth National people's Congress, Vice-Chairman of the sixth National Committee of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference (April 1985) and Vice-Chairman of the China Democratic League (1979). He joined the Communist Party of China in 1979.Hua did not receive a formal university education. Although awarded several honorary PhDs, he never got a formal degree from any university. In fact, his formal education only consisted of six years of primary school and three years of middle school. For that reason, Xiong Qinglai, after reading one of Hua's early papers, was amazed by Hua's mathematical talent, and in 1931 Xiong invited him to study mathematics at Tsinghua University.Hua Luogeng was born in Jintan, Jiangsu on 12 November, 1910. Hua's father was a small businessman. Hua met a capable math teacher in middle school who recognized his talent early and encouraged him to read advanced texts. After middle school, Hua enrolled in Chinese Vocational College in Shanghai, and there he distinguished himself by winning a national abacus competition. Although tuition fees at the college were low, living costs proved too high for his means, and Hua was forced to leave a term before graduating. After failing to find a job in Shanghai, Hua returned home in 1927 to help in his father's store. In 1929, Hua contracted typhoid fever and was in bed for half a year. The culmination of Hua's illness resulted in the partial paralysis of his left leg, which impeded his movement quite severely for the rest of his life.After middle school, Hua continued to study mathematics independently with the few books he had, and studied the entire high school and early undergraduate math curriculum. By the time Hua returned to Jintan, he was already engaged in independent mathematics research, and his first publication "Some Researches on the Theorem of Sturm", appeared in the December 1929 issue of the Shanghai periodical "Science". In the following year Hua showed in a short note in the same journal that a certain 1926 paper claiming to have solved the quintic was fundamentally flawed. Hua's lucid analysis caught the eye of Prof. Xiong Qinglai at Tsinghua University in Beijing, and in 1931 Hua was invited, despite his lack of formal qualification and not without some reservations on the part of several faculty members, to join the mathematics department there. At Tsinghua, Hua began as a clerk in the library, and then moved to become an assistant in mathematics. By September 1932, he was an instructor, and two years later, after having published another dozen papers, he was promoted to the rank of lecturer.During 1935–36 Jacques Hadamard and Norbert Wiener visited Tsinghua, and Hua eagerly attended the lectures of both and created a good impression. Wiener visited England soon afterward and spoke of Hua to G. H. Hardy. In this way Hua received an invitation to come to Cambridge, England, where he stayed for two years.While at Cambridge University, Hua worked on applying the Hardy–Littlewood circle method towards problems in number theory. He produced seminal work on Waring's problem, which would establish his fame within the international math community. In 1938, after the full outbreak of the Second Sino-Japanese War, Hua chose to return to China to Tsinghua, where he was appointed full professor despite not having any degree. At the time, with vast areas of China under Japanese occupation, Tsinghua University, Peking University, and Nankai University had merged into the Southwest Associated University in Kunming, capital of the southern province Yunnan. In spite of the hardships of poverty, enemy bombings, and relative academic isolation from the rest of the world, Hua continued to produce first-rate mathematics. During his eight years there, Hua studied Vinogradov's seminal method of estimating trigonometric sums and reformulated it in sharper form, in what is now known universally as Vinogradov's mean value theorem. This famous result is central to improved versions of the Hilbert–Waring theorem, and has important applications to the study of the Riemann zeta function. Hua wrote up this work in a booklet titled "Additive Theory of Prime Numbers" that was accepted for publication in Russia as early as 1940, but owing to the war, did not appear in expanded form until 1947 as a monograph of the Steklov Institute. In the closing years of the Kunming period, Hua turned his interests to algebra and analysis towards which he soon began to make original contributions.After the war, Hua spent three months in the Soviet Union in the spring of 1946, at Ivan Vinogradov's invitation, following which Hua departed for Institute for Advanced Study in Princeton University. At Princeton, Hua worked on matrix theory, functions of several complex variables, and group theory. At this time civil war was raging in China and it was not easy to travel, and for "convenience of travel," the Chinese authorities had assigned Hua the rank of general in his passport.In the spring of 1948, Hua accepted appointment as full professor at the University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign. However, his stay in Illinois was far too brief. In October 1949, the People's Republic of China was established, and Hua, wanting to be part of a new epoch, decided to return to China with his wife and kids, despite having settled comfortably in the United States.Back in China, Hua threw himself into educational reform and the organization of mathematical activity at the graduate level, in the schools, and among workers in the burgeoning industry. In July 1952 the Mathematical Institute of the Academia Sinica came into being, with Hua as its first director. The following year he was one of a 26-member delegation from the Academia Sinica to visit the Soviet Union in order to establish links with Russian science. Later, he was the first Chair of the Department of Mathematics and Vice President of University of Science & Technology of China (USTC), a new type of Chinese university established by the Chinese Academy of Sciences (CAS) in 1958, which was aimed at fostering skilled researchers necessary for the economic development, defense and education in science and technology. Despite his many teaching and administrative duties, Hua remained active in research and continued to write, not only on topics that had engaged him before but also in areas that were new to him or had been only lightly touched on before. In 1956, his voluminous text, "Introduction to Number Theory", appeared, and later it was published in English by Springer. "Harmonic Analysis of Functions of Several Complex Variables in the Classical Domains" came out in 1958 and was translated into Russian in the same year, followed by an English translation by the American Mathematical Society in 1963.Outside of pure math, Hua first proposed in 1952 the development of China's electronic computer, and in early 1953, an initial research team for this project was formed under Hua's leadership by the Mathematical Institute of the Academia Sinica.The start of the Great Leap Forward in 1958 came with a vehement attack on pure mathematics and intellectuals, which prompted Hua to shift towards applied mathematics. Hua developed, with Wang Yuan, a broad interest in linear programming, operations research, and multidimensional numerical integration. In connection with the last of these, the study of the Monte Carlo method and the role of uniform distribution led them to invent an alternative deterministic method based on ideas from algebraic number theory. Their theory was set out in "Applications of Number Theory to Numerical Analysis", which was published much later, in 1978, and by Springer in English translation in 1981. The newfound interest in applicable mathematics took him in the 1960s, accompanied by a team of assistants, all over China to show workers of all kinds how to apply their reasoning faculty to the solution of shop-floor and everyday problems. Whether in ad hoc problem-solving sessions in factories or open-air teachings, he touched his audiences with the spirit of mathematics to such an extent that he became a national hero and even earned an unsolicited letter of commendation from Mao Zedong, this last a valuable protection in uncertain times. Hua had a commanding presence, a genial personality, and a wonderful way of putting things simply, and the impact of his travels spread his fame and the popularity of mathematics across the land.Following the Cultural Revolution, Hua resumed contact with Western mathematicians. In 1980 Hua became a cultural ambassador of China charged with re-establishing links with Western academics, and during the next five years he travelled extensively in Europe, the United States, and Japan. In 1979 he was a visiting research fellow of the then Science Research Council of the United Kingdom at the University of Birmingham and during 1983–84 he was Sherman Fairchild Distinguished Scholar at the California Institute of Technology. He died of a heart attack at the end of a lecture he gave in Tokyo on 12 June 1985.Hua Luogeng Park in Jintan, Jiangsu has been named after him.
|
[
"Tsinghua University",
"Yunnan University",
"Institute for Advanced Study"
] |
|
Which employer did Hua Luogeng work for in Jan, 1959?
|
January 08, 1959
|
{
"text": [
"Tsinghua University"
]
}
|
L2_Q590111_P108_3
|
Hua Luogeng works for University of Illinois at Urbana–Champaign from Jan, 1948 to Jan, 1950.
Hua Luogeng works for Tsinghua University from Jan, 1950 to Jan, 1965.
Hua Luogeng works for Yunnan University from Jan, 1938 to Jan, 1945.
Hua Luogeng works for Institute for Advanced Study from Jan, 1946 to Jan, 1948.
|
Hua LuogengHua Luogeng or Hua Loo-Keng (; 12 November 1910 – 12 June 1985) was a Chinese mathematician and politician famous for his important contributions to number theory and for his role as the leader of mathematics research and education in the People's Republic of China. He was largely responsible for identifying and nurturing the renowned mathematician Chen Jingrun who proved Chen's theorem, the best known result on the Goldbach conjecture. In addition, Hua's later work on mathematical optimization and operations research made an enormous impact on China's economy. He was elected a foreign associate of the US National Academy of Sciences in 1982. He was elected a member of the standing Committee of the first to sixth National people's Congress, Vice-Chairman of the sixth National Committee of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference (April 1985) and Vice-Chairman of the China Democratic League (1979). He joined the Communist Party of China in 1979.Hua did not receive a formal university education. Although awarded several honorary PhDs, he never got a formal degree from any university. In fact, his formal education only consisted of six years of primary school and three years of middle school. For that reason, Xiong Qinglai, after reading one of Hua's early papers, was amazed by Hua's mathematical talent, and in 1931 Xiong invited him to study mathematics at Tsinghua University.Hua Luogeng was born in Jintan, Jiangsu on 12 November, 1910. Hua's father was a small businessman. Hua met a capable math teacher in middle school who recognized his talent early and encouraged him to read advanced texts. After middle school, Hua enrolled in Chinese Vocational College in Shanghai, and there he distinguished himself by winning a national abacus competition. Although tuition fees at the college were low, living costs proved too high for his means, and Hua was forced to leave a term before graduating. After failing to find a job in Shanghai, Hua returned home in 1927 to help in his father's store. In 1929, Hua contracted typhoid fever and was in bed for half a year. The culmination of Hua's illness resulted in the partial paralysis of his left leg, which impeded his movement quite severely for the rest of his life.After middle school, Hua continued to study mathematics independently with the few books he had, and studied the entire high school and early undergraduate math curriculum. By the time Hua returned to Jintan, he was already engaged in independent mathematics research, and his first publication "Some Researches on the Theorem of Sturm", appeared in the December 1929 issue of the Shanghai periodical "Science". In the following year Hua showed in a short note in the same journal that a certain 1926 paper claiming to have solved the quintic was fundamentally flawed. Hua's lucid analysis caught the eye of Prof. Xiong Qinglai at Tsinghua University in Beijing, and in 1931 Hua was invited, despite his lack of formal qualification and not without some reservations on the part of several faculty members, to join the mathematics department there. At Tsinghua, Hua began as a clerk in the library, and then moved to become an assistant in mathematics. By September 1932, he was an instructor, and two years later, after having published another dozen papers, he was promoted to the rank of lecturer.During 1935–36 Jacques Hadamard and Norbert Wiener visited Tsinghua, and Hua eagerly attended the lectures of both and created a good impression. Wiener visited England soon afterward and spoke of Hua to G. H. Hardy. In this way Hua received an invitation to come to Cambridge, England, where he stayed for two years.While at Cambridge University, Hua worked on applying the Hardy–Littlewood circle method towards problems in number theory. He produced seminal work on Waring's problem, which would establish his fame within the international math community. In 1938, after the full outbreak of the Second Sino-Japanese War, Hua chose to return to China to Tsinghua, where he was appointed full professor despite not having any degree. At the time, with vast areas of China under Japanese occupation, Tsinghua University, Peking University, and Nankai University had merged into the Southwest Associated University in Kunming, capital of the southern province Yunnan. In spite of the hardships of poverty, enemy bombings, and relative academic isolation from the rest of the world, Hua continued to produce first-rate mathematics. During his eight years there, Hua studied Vinogradov's seminal method of estimating trigonometric sums and reformulated it in sharper form, in what is now known universally as Vinogradov's mean value theorem. This famous result is central to improved versions of the Hilbert–Waring theorem, and has important applications to the study of the Riemann zeta function. Hua wrote up this work in a booklet titled "Additive Theory of Prime Numbers" that was accepted for publication in Russia as early as 1940, but owing to the war, did not appear in expanded form until 1947 as a monograph of the Steklov Institute. In the closing years of the Kunming period, Hua turned his interests to algebra and analysis towards which he soon began to make original contributions.After the war, Hua spent three months in the Soviet Union in the spring of 1946, at Ivan Vinogradov's invitation, following which Hua departed for Institute for Advanced Study in Princeton University. At Princeton, Hua worked on matrix theory, functions of several complex variables, and group theory. At this time civil war was raging in China and it was not easy to travel, and for "convenience of travel," the Chinese authorities had assigned Hua the rank of general in his passport.In the spring of 1948, Hua accepted appointment as full professor at the University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign. However, his stay in Illinois was far too brief. In October 1949, the People's Republic of China was established, and Hua, wanting to be part of a new epoch, decided to return to China with his wife and kids, despite having settled comfortably in the United States.Back in China, Hua threw himself into educational reform and the organization of mathematical activity at the graduate level, in the schools, and among workers in the burgeoning industry. In July 1952 the Mathematical Institute of the Academia Sinica came into being, with Hua as its first director. The following year he was one of a 26-member delegation from the Academia Sinica to visit the Soviet Union in order to establish links with Russian science. Later, he was the first Chair of the Department of Mathematics and Vice President of University of Science & Technology of China (USTC), a new type of Chinese university established by the Chinese Academy of Sciences (CAS) in 1958, which was aimed at fostering skilled researchers necessary for the economic development, defense and education in science and technology. Despite his many teaching and administrative duties, Hua remained active in research and continued to write, not only on topics that had engaged him before but also in areas that were new to him or had been only lightly touched on before. In 1956, his voluminous text, "Introduction to Number Theory", appeared, and later it was published in English by Springer. "Harmonic Analysis of Functions of Several Complex Variables in the Classical Domains" came out in 1958 and was translated into Russian in the same year, followed by an English translation by the American Mathematical Society in 1963.Outside of pure math, Hua first proposed in 1952 the development of China's electronic computer, and in early 1953, an initial research team for this project was formed under Hua's leadership by the Mathematical Institute of the Academia Sinica.The start of the Great Leap Forward in 1958 came with a vehement attack on pure mathematics and intellectuals, which prompted Hua to shift towards applied mathematics. Hua developed, with Wang Yuan, a broad interest in linear programming, operations research, and multidimensional numerical integration. In connection with the last of these, the study of the Monte Carlo method and the role of uniform distribution led them to invent an alternative deterministic method based on ideas from algebraic number theory. Their theory was set out in "Applications of Number Theory to Numerical Analysis", which was published much later, in 1978, and by Springer in English translation in 1981. The newfound interest in applicable mathematics took him in the 1960s, accompanied by a team of assistants, all over China to show workers of all kinds how to apply their reasoning faculty to the solution of shop-floor and everyday problems. Whether in ad hoc problem-solving sessions in factories or open-air teachings, he touched his audiences with the spirit of mathematics to such an extent that he became a national hero and even earned an unsolicited letter of commendation from Mao Zedong, this last a valuable protection in uncertain times. Hua had a commanding presence, a genial personality, and a wonderful way of putting things simply, and the impact of his travels spread his fame and the popularity of mathematics across the land.Following the Cultural Revolution, Hua resumed contact with Western mathematicians. In 1980 Hua became a cultural ambassador of China charged with re-establishing links with Western academics, and during the next five years he travelled extensively in Europe, the United States, and Japan. In 1979 he was a visiting research fellow of the then Science Research Council of the United Kingdom at the University of Birmingham and during 1983–84 he was Sherman Fairchild Distinguished Scholar at the California Institute of Technology. He died of a heart attack at the end of a lecture he gave in Tokyo on 12 June 1985.Hua Luogeng Park in Jintan, Jiangsu has been named after him.
|
[
"Yunnan University",
"Institute for Advanced Study",
"University of Illinois at Urbana–Champaign"
] |
|
Who was the head of Free Hanseatic City of Bremen in Apr, 1945?
|
April 30, 1945
|
{
"text": [
"Johannes Schroers"
]
}
|
L2_Q1209_P6_0
|
Willi Dehnkamp is the head of the government of Free Hanseatic City of Bremen from Jul, 1965 to Nov, 1967.
Andreas Bovenschulte is the head of the government of Free Hanseatic City of Bremen from Aug, 2019 to Dec, 2022.
Erich Vagts is the head of the government of Free Hanseatic City of Bremen from May, 1945 to Jul, 1945.
Jens Böhrnsen is the head of the government of Free Hanseatic City of Bremen from Nov, 2005 to Jul, 2015.
Johannes Schroers is the head of the government of Free Hanseatic City of Bremen from Apr, 1945 to Apr, 1945.
Wilhelm Kaisen is the head of the government of Free Hanseatic City of Bremen from Jul, 1945 to Jul, 1965.
Hans Koschnick is the head of the government of Free Hanseatic City of Bremen from Nov, 1967 to Sep, 1985.
Carsten Sieling is the head of the government of Free Hanseatic City of Bremen from Jul, 2015 to Aug, 2019.
Klaus Wedemeier is the head of the government of Free Hanseatic City of Bremen from Sep, 1985 to Jul, 1995.
Henning Scherf is the head of the government of Free Hanseatic City of Bremen from Jul, 1995 to Nov, 2005.
|
Bremen (state)Bremen (), officially the Free Hanseatic City of Bremen (), is the smallest and least populous of Germany's 16 states. It is informally called ("State of Bremen"), although this is sometimes used in official contexts. The state consists of the city of Bremen and its seaport exclave, Bremerhaven, surrounded by the larger state of Lower Saxony in northern Germany.The state of Bremen consists of two non-contiguous territories. These enclaves contain Bremen, officially the 'City' ("Stadtgemeinde Bremen") which is the state capital, and the city of Bremerhaven ("Stadt Bremerhaven"). Both are located on the River Weser; Bremerhaven (i"Bremen's harbour") is further downstream on the mouth of the Weser with open access to the North Sea. Both enclaves are completely surrounded by the neighbouring State of Lower Saxony ("Niedersachsen"). The highest point in the state is in Friedehorst Park (32.5m)."Main articles: History of Bremen (city) and Timeline of Bremen"At the unwinding of the Holy Roman Empire in 1806 the Free Imperial City of Bremen (as of 1646, after earlier privileges of autonomy of 1186) was not mediatised (incorporated into the enlarged territory of one of the surrounding monarchies) but became a sovereign state officially titled "Free Hanseatic City of Bremen". Her currency was the Bremen thaler (until 1873). In 1811 the First French Empire annexed the city-state in an effort to enforce Napoleon's Berlin Decree closing the European continent to British trade. At the Congress of Vienna of 1815 Bremen's emissary, and later burgomaster, Johann Smidt, lobbied successfully to have the city's independence confirmed as one of the 39 sovereign states within the new German Confederation. In 1827 the Bremen bought land at the mouth of the Weser from the Kingdom of Hanover, to build a new seaport, Bremerhaven. This ensured that Bremen remained the Germany's principal port of embarkation for emigrants to the Americas, and later that it developed as an entrepôt for Germany's late developing colonial trade.Following her defeat of Austria and annexation of Hannover, in 1867 Prussia drew Bremen into North German Confederation, and then, following the German victory over France in 1871, into the new Prussian-led German Empire as one of its 26 constituent states.As an international port and industrial centre Bremen had a strong left and liberal tradition. In the last elections to the Imperial Reichstag in Berlin, in January 1912, the Social Democrats (SPD) secured over half the vote, 53.4%. Left Liberals (Linksliberale) took another 41.4%. Just 5.1% went to the Conservatives. In the last broadly free election of the Weimar Republic, in November 1932, the Social Democrats won 31.2% of the vote, and the Communists (KPD) 17.4%, compared to 20.8 for the Nazis. When after the heavily compromised national elections of March 1933, the Nazis still achieved only a third of the popular vote in Bremen (32.7%), the regime dissolved the state parliament, the "Bürgerschaft" and its executive Senate. Bremen remained for the next twelve years under the direct authority of a party Gauleiter. During these years, Bremen's small Jewish community (1,438 people registered at the beginning of 1933) was destroyed through coerced emigration and deportation to death camps in the occupied east.Allied bombing destroyed the majority of the historical Hanseatic city as well as 60% of the built up area of Bremen during World War II. The British 3rd Infantry Division under General Lashmer Whistler captured Bremen in late April 1945. The British handed over to the Americans; Bremen became an American-controlled port for the supply of the US zones of occupation in west Berlin and the south of Germany.Bremen, was reestablished as a state in 1947 and in 1949, again named the "Free Hanseatic City of Bremen", became a Land or state of new Federal Republic of Germany, referred to as "West Germany" until 1990. The legislature of the state of Bremen is the 83-member Bürgerschaft (citizens' assembly), elected by the citizens in the two cities of Bremen and Bremerhaven.The executive is constituted by the Senate of Bremen, elected by the Bürgerschaft. The Senate is chaired by the President of the senate ("Senatspräsident"), who is also one of the mayors of the city of Bremen ("Bürgermeister") and is elected directly by the Bürgerschaft. The Senate selects of its members as a second mayor who serves as deputy of the president. In contrast to the Federal Chancellor of Germany or other German states, the President of the Senate has no authority to override senators on policy, which is decided upon by the senate collectively. Since 1945, the Senate has continuously been dominated by the Social Democratic Party.On a municipal level, the two cities in the state are administered separately:In post-war Bremen, the port, shipyards and related industries sustained a large and unionised working class. As before 1933, this translated into support for the Social Democrats, considered Bremen's natural governing party. However, in the 1980s mechanisation of the port and closure of the city's leading shipbuilder induced an employment crisis and shook the confidence of the party's traditional voter base. The SPD, which had still polled 51% in 1987, lost its effective majority. The once dominant left-liberal vote split, and coalition government became the norm.The 2019 Bremen state election was held on 26 May 2019 to elect the members of the Bürgerschaft of Bremen, as well as the city councils of Bremen and Bremerhaven. The election took place on the same day as the 2019 European Parliament election. The Christian Democratic Union (CDU), for the first time, became the largest party in the Bürgerschaft, while the Social Democratic Party (SPD) fell to second place. The Greens and The Left made small gains. After the election, the SPD, Greens, and Left agreed to form a coalition government. Carsten Sieling resigned as mayor and was replaced by fellow SPD member Andreas Bovenschulte.Summary of the 26 May 2019 election results for the Bürgerschaft of Bremen! rowspan="2" colspan="2" | Party! rowspan="2" | Votes! rowspan="2" | %! rowspan="2" | +/-! colspan="2" | Seats! rowspan="2" | Totalseats! rowspan="2" | +/-! rowspan="2" | Seats %! Bremen! Bremerhaven! colspan=8|! align=right colspan=2| Total! align=right| 1,469,506! align=right| 100.0! align=right| ! align=right| 69! align=right| 15! align=right| 84! align=right| 1! align=right| ! align=right colspan=2| Voter turnout! align=right| ! align=right| 64.1! align=right| 13.9! align=right| ! align=right| ! align=right| ! align=right| ! align=right| The coat of arms and flag of Bremen state include:Bremen's post-World War II economy boomed in line with the West German "Wirtschaftswunder" of the 1950s and 60s. This saw the growth, and permanent settlement, in Bremen of a large migrant worker population, drawn largely from Turkey and southern Europe.Some of the city's heavier industries failed to recover from the oil-price-shock recession of the early 1970s. Specialist construction yards, ship outfitters and parts suppliers remain, but AG Weser (which employed 16,000 workers at its peak) and Bremer Vulcan, Bremen's major shipbuilders, closed in 1983 and 1997 respectively. Further job losses were caused by the restructuring and increasing mechanisation of harbour-related activities and other industrial sectors. Semi and unskilled harbour workers found it very difficult to re-enter the labour market, and unemployment--for a period in the 1980s almost double the West German average--remained comparatively high.At a time when structural change in the economy has forced Bremen to spend more on social services. suburbanisation has reduced population and tax revenue. Incorporating surrounding suburban municipalities, is not an option for Bremen as these belong to the state of Lower Saxony. With financial assistance from the European Union, and from the Federal Government, economic policy has focussed on supporting those established economic sectors that are based on advanced technology, such as aerospace and aircraft production, automobile production, maritime and logistics services, and on developing the education and business-park infrastructure for new science-based and digital enterprises. In this an important tole is accorded to the growing university sector. Further investment went into the revitalisation of the city centre but a culture-driven regeneration around entertainment and tourism was not very successful. Several experts described Bremen’s service sector as underdeveloped, due to a lack of major company headquarters.At the turn of the new century, unemployment In Bremen stood at 13%, a rate matched in the Federal Republic only by the "new states" in former East Germany.[2]The unemployment rate stood at 9.5% in October 2018 and was the highest of all 16 German states.The University of Bremen is the largest university in Bremen. It is one of 11 institutions classed as an "Elite university" in Germany, and teaches approximately 23,500 people from 126 countries. Bremen also has a University of the Arts Bremen, a University of Applied Sciences with campuses in both Bremen city and Bremerhaven, and more recently the Jacobs University Bremen, an international research university located in Vegesack,
|
[
"Klaus Wedemeier",
"Willi Dehnkamp",
"Carsten Sieling",
"Hans Koschnick",
"Erich Vagts",
"Wilhelm Kaisen",
"Jens Böhrnsen",
"Andreas Bovenschulte",
"Henning Scherf"
] |
|
Who was the head of Free Hanseatic City of Bremen in Jun, 1945?
|
June 05, 1945
|
{
"text": [
"Erich Vagts"
]
}
|
L2_Q1209_P6_1
|
Andreas Bovenschulte is the head of the government of Free Hanseatic City of Bremen from Aug, 2019 to Dec, 2022.
Carsten Sieling is the head of the government of Free Hanseatic City of Bremen from Jul, 2015 to Aug, 2019.
Erich Vagts is the head of the government of Free Hanseatic City of Bremen from May, 1945 to Jul, 1945.
Wilhelm Kaisen is the head of the government of Free Hanseatic City of Bremen from Jul, 1945 to Jul, 1965.
Jens Böhrnsen is the head of the government of Free Hanseatic City of Bremen from Nov, 2005 to Jul, 2015.
Hans Koschnick is the head of the government of Free Hanseatic City of Bremen from Nov, 1967 to Sep, 1985.
Klaus Wedemeier is the head of the government of Free Hanseatic City of Bremen from Sep, 1985 to Jul, 1995.
Willi Dehnkamp is the head of the government of Free Hanseatic City of Bremen from Jul, 1965 to Nov, 1967.
Henning Scherf is the head of the government of Free Hanseatic City of Bremen from Jul, 1995 to Nov, 2005.
Johannes Schroers is the head of the government of Free Hanseatic City of Bremen from Apr, 1945 to Apr, 1945.
|
Bremen (state)Bremen (), officially the Free Hanseatic City of Bremen (), is the smallest and least populous of Germany's 16 states. It is informally called ("State of Bremen"), although this is sometimes used in official contexts. The state consists of the city of Bremen and its seaport exclave, Bremerhaven, surrounded by the larger state of Lower Saxony in northern Germany.The state of Bremen consists of two non-contiguous territories. These enclaves contain Bremen, officially the 'City' ("Stadtgemeinde Bremen") which is the state capital, and the city of Bremerhaven ("Stadt Bremerhaven"). Both are located on the River Weser; Bremerhaven (i"Bremen's harbour") is further downstream on the mouth of the Weser with open access to the North Sea. Both enclaves are completely surrounded by the neighbouring State of Lower Saxony ("Niedersachsen"). The highest point in the state is in Friedehorst Park (32.5m)."Main articles: History of Bremen (city) and Timeline of Bremen"At the unwinding of the Holy Roman Empire in 1806 the Free Imperial City of Bremen (as of 1646, after earlier privileges of autonomy of 1186) was not mediatised (incorporated into the enlarged territory of one of the surrounding monarchies) but became a sovereign state officially titled "Free Hanseatic City of Bremen". Her currency was the Bremen thaler (until 1873). In 1811 the First French Empire annexed the city-state in an effort to enforce Napoleon's Berlin Decree closing the European continent to British trade. At the Congress of Vienna of 1815 Bremen's emissary, and later burgomaster, Johann Smidt, lobbied successfully to have the city's independence confirmed as one of the 39 sovereign states within the new German Confederation. In 1827 the Bremen bought land at the mouth of the Weser from the Kingdom of Hanover, to build a new seaport, Bremerhaven. This ensured that Bremen remained the Germany's principal port of embarkation for emigrants to the Americas, and later that it developed as an entrepôt for Germany's late developing colonial trade.Following her defeat of Austria and annexation of Hannover, in 1867 Prussia drew Bremen into North German Confederation, and then, following the German victory over France in 1871, into the new Prussian-led German Empire as one of its 26 constituent states.As an international port and industrial centre Bremen had a strong left and liberal tradition. In the last elections to the Imperial Reichstag in Berlin, in January 1912, the Social Democrats (SPD) secured over half the vote, 53.4%. Left Liberals (Linksliberale) took another 41.4%. Just 5.1% went to the Conservatives. In the last broadly free election of the Weimar Republic, in November 1932, the Social Democrats won 31.2% of the vote, and the Communists (KPD) 17.4%, compared to 20.8 for the Nazis. When after the heavily compromised national elections of March 1933, the Nazis still achieved only a third of the popular vote in Bremen (32.7%), the regime dissolved the state parliament, the "Bürgerschaft" and its executive Senate. Bremen remained for the next twelve years under the direct authority of a party Gauleiter. During these years, Bremen's small Jewish community (1,438 people registered at the beginning of 1933) was destroyed through coerced emigration and deportation to death camps in the occupied east.Allied bombing destroyed the majority of the historical Hanseatic city as well as 60% of the built up area of Bremen during World War II. The British 3rd Infantry Division under General Lashmer Whistler captured Bremen in late April 1945. The British handed over to the Americans; Bremen became an American-controlled port for the supply of the US zones of occupation in west Berlin and the south of Germany.Bremen, was reestablished as a state in 1947 and in 1949, again named the "Free Hanseatic City of Bremen", became a Land or state of new Federal Republic of Germany, referred to as "West Germany" until 1990. The legislature of the state of Bremen is the 83-member Bürgerschaft (citizens' assembly), elected by the citizens in the two cities of Bremen and Bremerhaven.The executive is constituted by the Senate of Bremen, elected by the Bürgerschaft. The Senate is chaired by the President of the senate ("Senatspräsident"), who is also one of the mayors of the city of Bremen ("Bürgermeister") and is elected directly by the Bürgerschaft. The Senate selects of its members as a second mayor who serves as deputy of the president. In contrast to the Federal Chancellor of Germany or other German states, the President of the Senate has no authority to override senators on policy, which is decided upon by the senate collectively. Since 1945, the Senate has continuously been dominated by the Social Democratic Party.On a municipal level, the two cities in the state are administered separately:In post-war Bremen, the port, shipyards and related industries sustained a large and unionised working class. As before 1933, this translated into support for the Social Democrats, considered Bremen's natural governing party. However, in the 1980s mechanisation of the port and closure of the city's leading shipbuilder induced an employment crisis and shook the confidence of the party's traditional voter base. The SPD, which had still polled 51% in 1987, lost its effective majority. The once dominant left-liberal vote split, and coalition government became the norm.The 2019 Bremen state election was held on 26 May 2019 to elect the members of the Bürgerschaft of Bremen, as well as the city councils of Bremen and Bremerhaven. The election took place on the same day as the 2019 European Parliament election. The Christian Democratic Union (CDU), for the first time, became the largest party in the Bürgerschaft, while the Social Democratic Party (SPD) fell to second place. The Greens and The Left made small gains. After the election, the SPD, Greens, and Left agreed to form a coalition government. Carsten Sieling resigned as mayor and was replaced by fellow SPD member Andreas Bovenschulte.Summary of the 26 May 2019 election results for the Bürgerschaft of Bremen! rowspan="2" colspan="2" | Party! rowspan="2" | Votes! rowspan="2" | %! rowspan="2" | +/-! colspan="2" | Seats! rowspan="2" | Totalseats! rowspan="2" | +/-! rowspan="2" | Seats %! Bremen! Bremerhaven! colspan=8|! align=right colspan=2| Total! align=right| 1,469,506! align=right| 100.0! align=right| ! align=right| 69! align=right| 15! align=right| 84! align=right| 1! align=right| ! align=right colspan=2| Voter turnout! align=right| ! align=right| 64.1! align=right| 13.9! align=right| ! align=right| ! align=right| ! align=right| ! align=right| The coat of arms and flag of Bremen state include:Bremen's post-World War II economy boomed in line with the West German "Wirtschaftswunder" of the 1950s and 60s. This saw the growth, and permanent settlement, in Bremen of a large migrant worker population, drawn largely from Turkey and southern Europe.Some of the city's heavier industries failed to recover from the oil-price-shock recession of the early 1970s. Specialist construction yards, ship outfitters and parts suppliers remain, but AG Weser (which employed 16,000 workers at its peak) and Bremer Vulcan, Bremen's major shipbuilders, closed in 1983 and 1997 respectively. Further job losses were caused by the restructuring and increasing mechanisation of harbour-related activities and other industrial sectors. Semi and unskilled harbour workers found it very difficult to re-enter the labour market, and unemployment--for a period in the 1980s almost double the West German average--remained comparatively high.At a time when structural change in the economy has forced Bremen to spend more on social services. suburbanisation has reduced population and tax revenue. Incorporating surrounding suburban municipalities, is not an option for Bremen as these belong to the state of Lower Saxony. With financial assistance from the European Union, and from the Federal Government, economic policy has focussed on supporting those established economic sectors that are based on advanced technology, such as aerospace and aircraft production, automobile production, maritime and logistics services, and on developing the education and business-park infrastructure for new science-based and digital enterprises. In this an important tole is accorded to the growing university sector. Further investment went into the revitalisation of the city centre but a culture-driven regeneration around entertainment and tourism was not very successful. Several experts described Bremen’s service sector as underdeveloped, due to a lack of major company headquarters.At the turn of the new century, unemployment In Bremen stood at 13%, a rate matched in the Federal Republic only by the "new states" in former East Germany.[2]The unemployment rate stood at 9.5% in October 2018 and was the highest of all 16 German states.The University of Bremen is the largest university in Bremen. It is one of 11 institutions classed as an "Elite university" in Germany, and teaches approximately 23,500 people from 126 countries. Bremen also has a University of the Arts Bremen, a University of Applied Sciences with campuses in both Bremen city and Bremerhaven, and more recently the Jacobs University Bremen, an international research university located in Vegesack,
|
[
"Klaus Wedemeier",
"Johannes Schroers",
"Willi Dehnkamp",
"Carsten Sieling",
"Hans Koschnick",
"Wilhelm Kaisen",
"Jens Böhrnsen",
"Andreas Bovenschulte",
"Henning Scherf"
] |
|
Who was the head of Free Hanseatic City of Bremen in Jun, 1951?
|
June 13, 1951
|
{
"text": [
"Wilhelm Kaisen"
]
}
|
L2_Q1209_P6_2
|
Willi Dehnkamp is the head of the government of Free Hanseatic City of Bremen from Jul, 1965 to Nov, 1967.
Henning Scherf is the head of the government of Free Hanseatic City of Bremen from Jul, 1995 to Nov, 2005.
Andreas Bovenschulte is the head of the government of Free Hanseatic City of Bremen from Aug, 2019 to Dec, 2022.
Jens Böhrnsen is the head of the government of Free Hanseatic City of Bremen from Nov, 2005 to Jul, 2015.
Wilhelm Kaisen is the head of the government of Free Hanseatic City of Bremen from Jul, 1945 to Jul, 1965.
Carsten Sieling is the head of the government of Free Hanseatic City of Bremen from Jul, 2015 to Aug, 2019.
Erich Vagts is the head of the government of Free Hanseatic City of Bremen from May, 1945 to Jul, 1945.
Klaus Wedemeier is the head of the government of Free Hanseatic City of Bremen from Sep, 1985 to Jul, 1995.
Hans Koschnick is the head of the government of Free Hanseatic City of Bremen from Nov, 1967 to Sep, 1985.
Johannes Schroers is the head of the government of Free Hanseatic City of Bremen from Apr, 1945 to Apr, 1945.
|
Bremen (state)Bremen (), officially the Free Hanseatic City of Bremen (), is the smallest and least populous of Germany's 16 states. It is informally called ("State of Bremen"), although this is sometimes used in official contexts. The state consists of the city of Bremen and its seaport exclave, Bremerhaven, surrounded by the larger state of Lower Saxony in northern Germany.The state of Bremen consists of two non-contiguous territories. These enclaves contain Bremen, officially the 'City' ("Stadtgemeinde Bremen") which is the state capital, and the city of Bremerhaven ("Stadt Bremerhaven"). Both are located on the River Weser; Bremerhaven (i"Bremen's harbour") is further downstream on the mouth of the Weser with open access to the North Sea. Both enclaves are completely surrounded by the neighbouring State of Lower Saxony ("Niedersachsen"). The highest point in the state is in Friedehorst Park (32.5m)."Main articles: History of Bremen (city) and Timeline of Bremen"At the unwinding of the Holy Roman Empire in 1806 the Free Imperial City of Bremen (as of 1646, after earlier privileges of autonomy of 1186) was not mediatised (incorporated into the enlarged territory of one of the surrounding monarchies) but became a sovereign state officially titled "Free Hanseatic City of Bremen". Her currency was the Bremen thaler (until 1873). In 1811 the First French Empire annexed the city-state in an effort to enforce Napoleon's Berlin Decree closing the European continent to British trade. At the Congress of Vienna of 1815 Bremen's emissary, and later burgomaster, Johann Smidt, lobbied successfully to have the city's independence confirmed as one of the 39 sovereign states within the new German Confederation. In 1827 the Bremen bought land at the mouth of the Weser from the Kingdom of Hanover, to build a new seaport, Bremerhaven. This ensured that Bremen remained the Germany's principal port of embarkation for emigrants to the Americas, and later that it developed as an entrepôt for Germany's late developing colonial trade.Following her defeat of Austria and annexation of Hannover, in 1867 Prussia drew Bremen into North German Confederation, and then, following the German victory over France in 1871, into the new Prussian-led German Empire as one of its 26 constituent states.As an international port and industrial centre Bremen had a strong left and liberal tradition. In the last elections to the Imperial Reichstag in Berlin, in January 1912, the Social Democrats (SPD) secured over half the vote, 53.4%. Left Liberals (Linksliberale) took another 41.4%. Just 5.1% went to the Conservatives. In the last broadly free election of the Weimar Republic, in November 1932, the Social Democrats won 31.2% of the vote, and the Communists (KPD) 17.4%, compared to 20.8 for the Nazis. When after the heavily compromised national elections of March 1933, the Nazis still achieved only a third of the popular vote in Bremen (32.7%), the regime dissolved the state parliament, the "Bürgerschaft" and its executive Senate. Bremen remained for the next twelve years under the direct authority of a party Gauleiter. During these years, Bremen's small Jewish community (1,438 people registered at the beginning of 1933) was destroyed through coerced emigration and deportation to death camps in the occupied east.Allied bombing destroyed the majority of the historical Hanseatic city as well as 60% of the built up area of Bremen during World War II. The British 3rd Infantry Division under General Lashmer Whistler captured Bremen in late April 1945. The British handed over to the Americans; Bremen became an American-controlled port for the supply of the US zones of occupation in west Berlin and the south of Germany.Bremen, was reestablished as a state in 1947 and in 1949, again named the "Free Hanseatic City of Bremen", became a Land or state of new Federal Republic of Germany, referred to as "West Germany" until 1990. The legislature of the state of Bremen is the 83-member Bürgerschaft (citizens' assembly), elected by the citizens in the two cities of Bremen and Bremerhaven.The executive is constituted by the Senate of Bremen, elected by the Bürgerschaft. The Senate is chaired by the President of the senate ("Senatspräsident"), who is also one of the mayors of the city of Bremen ("Bürgermeister") and is elected directly by the Bürgerschaft. The Senate selects of its members as a second mayor who serves as deputy of the president. In contrast to the Federal Chancellor of Germany or other German states, the President of the Senate has no authority to override senators on policy, which is decided upon by the senate collectively. Since 1945, the Senate has continuously been dominated by the Social Democratic Party.On a municipal level, the two cities in the state are administered separately:In post-war Bremen, the port, shipyards and related industries sustained a large and unionised working class. As before 1933, this translated into support for the Social Democrats, considered Bremen's natural governing party. However, in the 1980s mechanisation of the port and closure of the city's leading shipbuilder induced an employment crisis and shook the confidence of the party's traditional voter base. The SPD, which had still polled 51% in 1987, lost its effective majority. The once dominant left-liberal vote split, and coalition government became the norm.The 2019 Bremen state election was held on 26 May 2019 to elect the members of the Bürgerschaft of Bremen, as well as the city councils of Bremen and Bremerhaven. The election took place on the same day as the 2019 European Parliament election. The Christian Democratic Union (CDU), for the first time, became the largest party in the Bürgerschaft, while the Social Democratic Party (SPD) fell to second place. The Greens and The Left made small gains. After the election, the SPD, Greens, and Left agreed to form a coalition government. Carsten Sieling resigned as mayor and was replaced by fellow SPD member Andreas Bovenschulte.Summary of the 26 May 2019 election results for the Bürgerschaft of Bremen! rowspan="2" colspan="2" | Party! rowspan="2" | Votes! rowspan="2" | %! rowspan="2" | +/-! colspan="2" | Seats! rowspan="2" | Totalseats! rowspan="2" | +/-! rowspan="2" | Seats %! Bremen! Bremerhaven! colspan=8|! align=right colspan=2| Total! align=right| 1,469,506! align=right| 100.0! align=right| ! align=right| 69! align=right| 15! align=right| 84! align=right| 1! align=right| ! align=right colspan=2| Voter turnout! align=right| ! align=right| 64.1! align=right| 13.9! align=right| ! align=right| ! align=right| ! align=right| ! align=right| The coat of arms and flag of Bremen state include:Bremen's post-World War II economy boomed in line with the West German "Wirtschaftswunder" of the 1950s and 60s. This saw the growth, and permanent settlement, in Bremen of a large migrant worker population, drawn largely from Turkey and southern Europe.Some of the city's heavier industries failed to recover from the oil-price-shock recession of the early 1970s. Specialist construction yards, ship outfitters and parts suppliers remain, but AG Weser (which employed 16,000 workers at its peak) and Bremer Vulcan, Bremen's major shipbuilders, closed in 1983 and 1997 respectively. Further job losses were caused by the restructuring and increasing mechanisation of harbour-related activities and other industrial sectors. Semi and unskilled harbour workers found it very difficult to re-enter the labour market, and unemployment--for a period in the 1980s almost double the West German average--remained comparatively high.At a time when structural change in the economy has forced Bremen to spend more on social services. suburbanisation has reduced population and tax revenue. Incorporating surrounding suburban municipalities, is not an option for Bremen as these belong to the state of Lower Saxony. With financial assistance from the European Union, and from the Federal Government, economic policy has focussed on supporting those established economic sectors that are based on advanced technology, such as aerospace and aircraft production, automobile production, maritime and logistics services, and on developing the education and business-park infrastructure for new science-based and digital enterprises. In this an important tole is accorded to the growing university sector. Further investment went into the revitalisation of the city centre but a culture-driven regeneration around entertainment and tourism was not very successful. Several experts described Bremen’s service sector as underdeveloped, due to a lack of major company headquarters.At the turn of the new century, unemployment In Bremen stood at 13%, a rate matched in the Federal Republic only by the "new states" in former East Germany.[2]The unemployment rate stood at 9.5% in October 2018 and was the highest of all 16 German states.The University of Bremen is the largest university in Bremen. It is one of 11 institutions classed as an "Elite university" in Germany, and teaches approximately 23,500 people from 126 countries. Bremen also has a University of the Arts Bremen, a University of Applied Sciences with campuses in both Bremen city and Bremerhaven, and more recently the Jacobs University Bremen, an international research university located in Vegesack,
|
[
"Klaus Wedemeier",
"Johannes Schroers",
"Willi Dehnkamp",
"Carsten Sieling",
"Hans Koschnick",
"Erich Vagts",
"Jens Böhrnsen",
"Andreas Bovenschulte",
"Henning Scherf"
] |
|
Who was the head of Free Hanseatic City of Bremen in Jun, 1967?
|
June 09, 1967
|
{
"text": [
"Willi Dehnkamp"
]
}
|
L2_Q1209_P6_3
|
Klaus Wedemeier is the head of the government of Free Hanseatic City of Bremen from Sep, 1985 to Jul, 1995.
Erich Vagts is the head of the government of Free Hanseatic City of Bremen from May, 1945 to Jul, 1945.
Carsten Sieling is the head of the government of Free Hanseatic City of Bremen from Jul, 2015 to Aug, 2019.
Willi Dehnkamp is the head of the government of Free Hanseatic City of Bremen from Jul, 1965 to Nov, 1967.
Hans Koschnick is the head of the government of Free Hanseatic City of Bremen from Nov, 1967 to Sep, 1985.
Wilhelm Kaisen is the head of the government of Free Hanseatic City of Bremen from Jul, 1945 to Jul, 1965.
Jens Böhrnsen is the head of the government of Free Hanseatic City of Bremen from Nov, 2005 to Jul, 2015.
Henning Scherf is the head of the government of Free Hanseatic City of Bremen from Jul, 1995 to Nov, 2005.
Johannes Schroers is the head of the government of Free Hanseatic City of Bremen from Apr, 1945 to Apr, 1945.
Andreas Bovenschulte is the head of the government of Free Hanseatic City of Bremen from Aug, 2019 to Dec, 2022.
|
Bremen (state)Bremen (), officially the Free Hanseatic City of Bremen (), is the smallest and least populous of Germany's 16 states. It is informally called ("State of Bremen"), although this is sometimes used in official contexts. The state consists of the city of Bremen and its seaport exclave, Bremerhaven, surrounded by the larger state of Lower Saxony in northern Germany.The state of Bremen consists of two non-contiguous territories. These enclaves contain Bremen, officially the 'City' ("Stadtgemeinde Bremen") which is the state capital, and the city of Bremerhaven ("Stadt Bremerhaven"). Both are located on the River Weser; Bremerhaven (i"Bremen's harbour") is further downstream on the mouth of the Weser with open access to the North Sea. Both enclaves are completely surrounded by the neighbouring State of Lower Saxony ("Niedersachsen"). The highest point in the state is in Friedehorst Park (32.5m)."Main articles: History of Bremen (city) and Timeline of Bremen"At the unwinding of the Holy Roman Empire in 1806 the Free Imperial City of Bremen (as of 1646, after earlier privileges of autonomy of 1186) was not mediatised (incorporated into the enlarged territory of one of the surrounding monarchies) but became a sovereign state officially titled "Free Hanseatic City of Bremen". Her currency was the Bremen thaler (until 1873). In 1811 the First French Empire annexed the city-state in an effort to enforce Napoleon's Berlin Decree closing the European continent to British trade. At the Congress of Vienna of 1815 Bremen's emissary, and later burgomaster, Johann Smidt, lobbied successfully to have the city's independence confirmed as one of the 39 sovereign states within the new German Confederation. In 1827 the Bremen bought land at the mouth of the Weser from the Kingdom of Hanover, to build a new seaport, Bremerhaven. This ensured that Bremen remained the Germany's principal port of embarkation for emigrants to the Americas, and later that it developed as an entrepôt for Germany's late developing colonial trade.Following her defeat of Austria and annexation of Hannover, in 1867 Prussia drew Bremen into North German Confederation, and then, following the German victory over France in 1871, into the new Prussian-led German Empire as one of its 26 constituent states.As an international port and industrial centre Bremen had a strong left and liberal tradition. In the last elections to the Imperial Reichstag in Berlin, in January 1912, the Social Democrats (SPD) secured over half the vote, 53.4%. Left Liberals (Linksliberale) took another 41.4%. Just 5.1% went to the Conservatives. In the last broadly free election of the Weimar Republic, in November 1932, the Social Democrats won 31.2% of the vote, and the Communists (KPD) 17.4%, compared to 20.8 for the Nazis. When after the heavily compromised national elections of March 1933, the Nazis still achieved only a third of the popular vote in Bremen (32.7%), the regime dissolved the state parliament, the "Bürgerschaft" and its executive Senate. Bremen remained for the next twelve years under the direct authority of a party Gauleiter. During these years, Bremen's small Jewish community (1,438 people registered at the beginning of 1933) was destroyed through coerced emigration and deportation to death camps in the occupied east.Allied bombing destroyed the majority of the historical Hanseatic city as well as 60% of the built up area of Bremen during World War II. The British 3rd Infantry Division under General Lashmer Whistler captured Bremen in late April 1945. The British handed over to the Americans; Bremen became an American-controlled port for the supply of the US zones of occupation in west Berlin and the south of Germany.Bremen, was reestablished as a state in 1947 and in 1949, again named the "Free Hanseatic City of Bremen", became a Land or state of new Federal Republic of Germany, referred to as "West Germany" until 1990. The legislature of the state of Bremen is the 83-member Bürgerschaft (citizens' assembly), elected by the citizens in the two cities of Bremen and Bremerhaven.The executive is constituted by the Senate of Bremen, elected by the Bürgerschaft. The Senate is chaired by the President of the senate ("Senatspräsident"), who is also one of the mayors of the city of Bremen ("Bürgermeister") and is elected directly by the Bürgerschaft. The Senate selects of its members as a second mayor who serves as deputy of the president. In contrast to the Federal Chancellor of Germany or other German states, the President of the Senate has no authority to override senators on policy, which is decided upon by the senate collectively. Since 1945, the Senate has continuously been dominated by the Social Democratic Party.On a municipal level, the two cities in the state are administered separately:In post-war Bremen, the port, shipyards and related industries sustained a large and unionised working class. As before 1933, this translated into support for the Social Democrats, considered Bremen's natural governing party. However, in the 1980s mechanisation of the port and closure of the city's leading shipbuilder induced an employment crisis and shook the confidence of the party's traditional voter base. The SPD, which had still polled 51% in 1987, lost its effective majority. The once dominant left-liberal vote split, and coalition government became the norm.The 2019 Bremen state election was held on 26 May 2019 to elect the members of the Bürgerschaft of Bremen, as well as the city councils of Bremen and Bremerhaven. The election took place on the same day as the 2019 European Parliament election. The Christian Democratic Union (CDU), for the first time, became the largest party in the Bürgerschaft, while the Social Democratic Party (SPD) fell to second place. The Greens and The Left made small gains. After the election, the SPD, Greens, and Left agreed to form a coalition government. Carsten Sieling resigned as mayor and was replaced by fellow SPD member Andreas Bovenschulte.Summary of the 26 May 2019 election results for the Bürgerschaft of Bremen! rowspan="2" colspan="2" | Party! rowspan="2" | Votes! rowspan="2" | %! rowspan="2" | +/-! colspan="2" | Seats! rowspan="2" | Totalseats! rowspan="2" | +/-! rowspan="2" | Seats %! Bremen! Bremerhaven! colspan=8|! align=right colspan=2| Total! align=right| 1,469,506! align=right| 100.0! align=right| ! align=right| 69! align=right| 15! align=right| 84! align=right| 1! align=right| ! align=right colspan=2| Voter turnout! align=right| ! align=right| 64.1! align=right| 13.9! align=right| ! align=right| ! align=right| ! align=right| ! align=right| The coat of arms and flag of Bremen state include:Bremen's post-World War II economy boomed in line with the West German "Wirtschaftswunder" of the 1950s and 60s. This saw the growth, and permanent settlement, in Bremen of a large migrant worker population, drawn largely from Turkey and southern Europe.Some of the city's heavier industries failed to recover from the oil-price-shock recession of the early 1970s. Specialist construction yards, ship outfitters and parts suppliers remain, but AG Weser (which employed 16,000 workers at its peak) and Bremer Vulcan, Bremen's major shipbuilders, closed in 1983 and 1997 respectively. Further job losses were caused by the restructuring and increasing mechanisation of harbour-related activities and other industrial sectors. Semi and unskilled harbour workers found it very difficult to re-enter the labour market, and unemployment--for a period in the 1980s almost double the West German average--remained comparatively high.At a time when structural change in the economy has forced Bremen to spend more on social services. suburbanisation has reduced population and tax revenue. Incorporating surrounding suburban municipalities, is not an option for Bremen as these belong to the state of Lower Saxony. With financial assistance from the European Union, and from the Federal Government, economic policy has focussed on supporting those established economic sectors that are based on advanced technology, such as aerospace and aircraft production, automobile production, maritime and logistics services, and on developing the education and business-park infrastructure for new science-based and digital enterprises. In this an important tole is accorded to the growing university sector. Further investment went into the revitalisation of the city centre but a culture-driven regeneration around entertainment and tourism was not very successful. Several experts described Bremen’s service sector as underdeveloped, due to a lack of major company headquarters.At the turn of the new century, unemployment In Bremen stood at 13%, a rate matched in the Federal Republic only by the "new states" in former East Germany.[2]The unemployment rate stood at 9.5% in October 2018 and was the highest of all 16 German states.The University of Bremen is the largest university in Bremen. It is one of 11 institutions classed as an "Elite university" in Germany, and teaches approximately 23,500 people from 126 countries. Bremen also has a University of the Arts Bremen, a University of Applied Sciences with campuses in both Bremen city and Bremerhaven, and more recently the Jacobs University Bremen, an international research university located in Vegesack,
|
[
"Klaus Wedemeier",
"Johannes Schroers",
"Carsten Sieling",
"Hans Koschnick",
"Erich Vagts",
"Wilhelm Kaisen",
"Jens Böhrnsen",
"Andreas Bovenschulte",
"Henning Scherf"
] |
|
Who was the head of Free Hanseatic City of Bremen in Jan, 1979?
|
January 11, 1979
|
{
"text": [
"Hans Koschnick"
]
}
|
L2_Q1209_P6_4
|
Wilhelm Kaisen is the head of the government of Free Hanseatic City of Bremen from Jul, 1945 to Jul, 1965.
Klaus Wedemeier is the head of the government of Free Hanseatic City of Bremen from Sep, 1985 to Jul, 1995.
Henning Scherf is the head of the government of Free Hanseatic City of Bremen from Jul, 1995 to Nov, 2005.
Hans Koschnick is the head of the government of Free Hanseatic City of Bremen from Nov, 1967 to Sep, 1985.
Carsten Sieling is the head of the government of Free Hanseatic City of Bremen from Jul, 2015 to Aug, 2019.
Erich Vagts is the head of the government of Free Hanseatic City of Bremen from May, 1945 to Jul, 1945.
Jens Böhrnsen is the head of the government of Free Hanseatic City of Bremen from Nov, 2005 to Jul, 2015.
Johannes Schroers is the head of the government of Free Hanseatic City of Bremen from Apr, 1945 to Apr, 1945.
Andreas Bovenschulte is the head of the government of Free Hanseatic City of Bremen from Aug, 2019 to Dec, 2022.
Willi Dehnkamp is the head of the government of Free Hanseatic City of Bremen from Jul, 1965 to Nov, 1967.
|
Bremen (state)Bremen (), officially the Free Hanseatic City of Bremen (), is the smallest and least populous of Germany's 16 states. It is informally called ("State of Bremen"), although this is sometimes used in official contexts. The state consists of the city of Bremen and its seaport exclave, Bremerhaven, surrounded by the larger state of Lower Saxony in northern Germany.The state of Bremen consists of two non-contiguous territories. These enclaves contain Bremen, officially the 'City' ("Stadtgemeinde Bremen") which is the state capital, and the city of Bremerhaven ("Stadt Bremerhaven"). Both are located on the River Weser; Bremerhaven (i"Bremen's harbour") is further downstream on the mouth of the Weser with open access to the North Sea. Both enclaves are completely surrounded by the neighbouring State of Lower Saxony ("Niedersachsen"). The highest point in the state is in Friedehorst Park (32.5m)."Main articles: History of Bremen (city) and Timeline of Bremen"At the unwinding of the Holy Roman Empire in 1806 the Free Imperial City of Bremen (as of 1646, after earlier privileges of autonomy of 1186) was not mediatised (incorporated into the enlarged territory of one of the surrounding monarchies) but became a sovereign state officially titled "Free Hanseatic City of Bremen". Her currency was the Bremen thaler (until 1873). In 1811 the First French Empire annexed the city-state in an effort to enforce Napoleon's Berlin Decree closing the European continent to British trade. At the Congress of Vienna of 1815 Bremen's emissary, and later burgomaster, Johann Smidt, lobbied successfully to have the city's independence confirmed as one of the 39 sovereign states within the new German Confederation. In 1827 the Bremen bought land at the mouth of the Weser from the Kingdom of Hanover, to build a new seaport, Bremerhaven. This ensured that Bremen remained the Germany's principal port of embarkation for emigrants to the Americas, and later that it developed as an entrepôt for Germany's late developing colonial trade.Following her defeat of Austria and annexation of Hannover, in 1867 Prussia drew Bremen into North German Confederation, and then, following the German victory over France in 1871, into the new Prussian-led German Empire as one of its 26 constituent states.As an international port and industrial centre Bremen had a strong left and liberal tradition. In the last elections to the Imperial Reichstag in Berlin, in January 1912, the Social Democrats (SPD) secured over half the vote, 53.4%. Left Liberals (Linksliberale) took another 41.4%. Just 5.1% went to the Conservatives. In the last broadly free election of the Weimar Republic, in November 1932, the Social Democrats won 31.2% of the vote, and the Communists (KPD) 17.4%, compared to 20.8 for the Nazis. When after the heavily compromised national elections of March 1933, the Nazis still achieved only a third of the popular vote in Bremen (32.7%), the regime dissolved the state parliament, the "Bürgerschaft" and its executive Senate. Bremen remained for the next twelve years under the direct authority of a party Gauleiter. During these years, Bremen's small Jewish community (1,438 people registered at the beginning of 1933) was destroyed through coerced emigration and deportation to death camps in the occupied east.Allied bombing destroyed the majority of the historical Hanseatic city as well as 60% of the built up area of Bremen during World War II. The British 3rd Infantry Division under General Lashmer Whistler captured Bremen in late April 1945. The British handed over to the Americans; Bremen became an American-controlled port for the supply of the US zones of occupation in west Berlin and the south of Germany.Bremen, was reestablished as a state in 1947 and in 1949, again named the "Free Hanseatic City of Bremen", became a Land or state of new Federal Republic of Germany, referred to as "West Germany" until 1990. The legislature of the state of Bremen is the 83-member Bürgerschaft (citizens' assembly), elected by the citizens in the two cities of Bremen and Bremerhaven.The executive is constituted by the Senate of Bremen, elected by the Bürgerschaft. The Senate is chaired by the President of the senate ("Senatspräsident"), who is also one of the mayors of the city of Bremen ("Bürgermeister") and is elected directly by the Bürgerschaft. The Senate selects of its members as a second mayor who serves as deputy of the president. In contrast to the Federal Chancellor of Germany or other German states, the President of the Senate has no authority to override senators on policy, which is decided upon by the senate collectively. Since 1945, the Senate has continuously been dominated by the Social Democratic Party.On a municipal level, the two cities in the state are administered separately:In post-war Bremen, the port, shipyards and related industries sustained a large and unionised working class. As before 1933, this translated into support for the Social Democrats, considered Bremen's natural governing party. However, in the 1980s mechanisation of the port and closure of the city's leading shipbuilder induced an employment crisis and shook the confidence of the party's traditional voter base. The SPD, which had still polled 51% in 1987, lost its effective majority. The once dominant left-liberal vote split, and coalition government became the norm.The 2019 Bremen state election was held on 26 May 2019 to elect the members of the Bürgerschaft of Bremen, as well as the city councils of Bremen and Bremerhaven. The election took place on the same day as the 2019 European Parliament election. The Christian Democratic Union (CDU), for the first time, became the largest party in the Bürgerschaft, while the Social Democratic Party (SPD) fell to second place. The Greens and The Left made small gains. After the election, the SPD, Greens, and Left agreed to form a coalition government. Carsten Sieling resigned as mayor and was replaced by fellow SPD member Andreas Bovenschulte.Summary of the 26 May 2019 election results for the Bürgerschaft of Bremen! rowspan="2" colspan="2" | Party! rowspan="2" | Votes! rowspan="2" | %! rowspan="2" | +/-! colspan="2" | Seats! rowspan="2" | Totalseats! rowspan="2" | +/-! rowspan="2" | Seats %! Bremen! Bremerhaven! colspan=8|! align=right colspan=2| Total! align=right| 1,469,506! align=right| 100.0! align=right| ! align=right| 69! align=right| 15! align=right| 84! align=right| 1! align=right| ! align=right colspan=2| Voter turnout! align=right| ! align=right| 64.1! align=right| 13.9! align=right| ! align=right| ! align=right| ! align=right| ! align=right| The coat of arms and flag of Bremen state include:Bremen's post-World War II economy boomed in line with the West German "Wirtschaftswunder" of the 1950s and 60s. This saw the growth, and permanent settlement, in Bremen of a large migrant worker population, drawn largely from Turkey and southern Europe.Some of the city's heavier industries failed to recover from the oil-price-shock recession of the early 1970s. Specialist construction yards, ship outfitters and parts suppliers remain, but AG Weser (which employed 16,000 workers at its peak) and Bremer Vulcan, Bremen's major shipbuilders, closed in 1983 and 1997 respectively. Further job losses were caused by the restructuring and increasing mechanisation of harbour-related activities and other industrial sectors. Semi and unskilled harbour workers found it very difficult to re-enter the labour market, and unemployment--for a period in the 1980s almost double the West German average--remained comparatively high.At a time when structural change in the economy has forced Bremen to spend more on social services. suburbanisation has reduced population and tax revenue. Incorporating surrounding suburban municipalities, is not an option for Bremen as these belong to the state of Lower Saxony. With financial assistance from the European Union, and from the Federal Government, economic policy has focussed on supporting those established economic sectors that are based on advanced technology, such as aerospace and aircraft production, automobile production, maritime and logistics services, and on developing the education and business-park infrastructure for new science-based and digital enterprises. In this an important tole is accorded to the growing university sector. Further investment went into the revitalisation of the city centre but a culture-driven regeneration around entertainment and tourism was not very successful. Several experts described Bremen’s service sector as underdeveloped, due to a lack of major company headquarters.At the turn of the new century, unemployment In Bremen stood at 13%, a rate matched in the Federal Republic only by the "new states" in former East Germany.[2]The unemployment rate stood at 9.5% in October 2018 and was the highest of all 16 German states.The University of Bremen is the largest university in Bremen. It is one of 11 institutions classed as an "Elite university" in Germany, and teaches approximately 23,500 people from 126 countries. Bremen also has a University of the Arts Bremen, a University of Applied Sciences with campuses in both Bremen city and Bremerhaven, and more recently the Jacobs University Bremen, an international research university located in Vegesack,
|
[
"Klaus Wedemeier",
"Johannes Schroers",
"Willi Dehnkamp",
"Carsten Sieling",
"Erich Vagts",
"Wilhelm Kaisen",
"Jens Böhrnsen",
"Andreas Bovenschulte",
"Henning Scherf"
] |
|
Who was the head of Free Hanseatic City of Bremen in Feb, 1989?
|
February 05, 1989
|
{
"text": [
"Klaus Wedemeier"
]
}
|
L2_Q1209_P6_5
|
Wilhelm Kaisen is the head of the government of Free Hanseatic City of Bremen from Jul, 1945 to Jul, 1965.
Hans Koschnick is the head of the government of Free Hanseatic City of Bremen from Nov, 1967 to Sep, 1985.
Willi Dehnkamp is the head of the government of Free Hanseatic City of Bremen from Jul, 1965 to Nov, 1967.
Henning Scherf is the head of the government of Free Hanseatic City of Bremen from Jul, 1995 to Nov, 2005.
Jens Böhrnsen is the head of the government of Free Hanseatic City of Bremen from Nov, 2005 to Jul, 2015.
Carsten Sieling is the head of the government of Free Hanseatic City of Bremen from Jul, 2015 to Aug, 2019.
Johannes Schroers is the head of the government of Free Hanseatic City of Bremen from Apr, 1945 to Apr, 1945.
Erich Vagts is the head of the government of Free Hanseatic City of Bremen from May, 1945 to Jul, 1945.
Andreas Bovenschulte is the head of the government of Free Hanseatic City of Bremen from Aug, 2019 to Dec, 2022.
Klaus Wedemeier is the head of the government of Free Hanseatic City of Bremen from Sep, 1985 to Jul, 1995.
|
Bremen (state)Bremen (), officially the Free Hanseatic City of Bremen (), is the smallest and least populous of Germany's 16 states. It is informally called ("State of Bremen"), although this is sometimes used in official contexts. The state consists of the city of Bremen and its seaport exclave, Bremerhaven, surrounded by the larger state of Lower Saxony in northern Germany.The state of Bremen consists of two non-contiguous territories. These enclaves contain Bremen, officially the 'City' ("Stadtgemeinde Bremen") which is the state capital, and the city of Bremerhaven ("Stadt Bremerhaven"). Both are located on the River Weser; Bremerhaven (i"Bremen's harbour") is further downstream on the mouth of the Weser with open access to the North Sea. Both enclaves are completely surrounded by the neighbouring State of Lower Saxony ("Niedersachsen"). The highest point in the state is in Friedehorst Park (32.5m)."Main articles: History of Bremen (city) and Timeline of Bremen"At the unwinding of the Holy Roman Empire in 1806 the Free Imperial City of Bremen (as of 1646, after earlier privileges of autonomy of 1186) was not mediatised (incorporated into the enlarged territory of one of the surrounding monarchies) but became a sovereign state officially titled "Free Hanseatic City of Bremen". Her currency was the Bremen thaler (until 1873). In 1811 the First French Empire annexed the city-state in an effort to enforce Napoleon's Berlin Decree closing the European continent to British trade. At the Congress of Vienna of 1815 Bremen's emissary, and later burgomaster, Johann Smidt, lobbied successfully to have the city's independence confirmed as one of the 39 sovereign states within the new German Confederation. In 1827 the Bremen bought land at the mouth of the Weser from the Kingdom of Hanover, to build a new seaport, Bremerhaven. This ensured that Bremen remained the Germany's principal port of embarkation for emigrants to the Americas, and later that it developed as an entrepôt for Germany's late developing colonial trade.Following her defeat of Austria and annexation of Hannover, in 1867 Prussia drew Bremen into North German Confederation, and then, following the German victory over France in 1871, into the new Prussian-led German Empire as one of its 26 constituent states.As an international port and industrial centre Bremen had a strong left and liberal tradition. In the last elections to the Imperial Reichstag in Berlin, in January 1912, the Social Democrats (SPD) secured over half the vote, 53.4%. Left Liberals (Linksliberale) took another 41.4%. Just 5.1% went to the Conservatives. In the last broadly free election of the Weimar Republic, in November 1932, the Social Democrats won 31.2% of the vote, and the Communists (KPD) 17.4%, compared to 20.8 for the Nazis. When after the heavily compromised national elections of March 1933, the Nazis still achieved only a third of the popular vote in Bremen (32.7%), the regime dissolved the state parliament, the "Bürgerschaft" and its executive Senate. Bremen remained for the next twelve years under the direct authority of a party Gauleiter. During these years, Bremen's small Jewish community (1,438 people registered at the beginning of 1933) was destroyed through coerced emigration and deportation to death camps in the occupied east.Allied bombing destroyed the majority of the historical Hanseatic city as well as 60% of the built up area of Bremen during World War II. The British 3rd Infantry Division under General Lashmer Whistler captured Bremen in late April 1945. The British handed over to the Americans; Bremen became an American-controlled port for the supply of the US zones of occupation in west Berlin and the south of Germany.Bremen, was reestablished as a state in 1947 and in 1949, again named the "Free Hanseatic City of Bremen", became a Land or state of new Federal Republic of Germany, referred to as "West Germany" until 1990. The legislature of the state of Bremen is the 83-member Bürgerschaft (citizens' assembly), elected by the citizens in the two cities of Bremen and Bremerhaven.The executive is constituted by the Senate of Bremen, elected by the Bürgerschaft. The Senate is chaired by the President of the senate ("Senatspräsident"), who is also one of the mayors of the city of Bremen ("Bürgermeister") and is elected directly by the Bürgerschaft. The Senate selects of its members as a second mayor who serves as deputy of the president. In contrast to the Federal Chancellor of Germany or other German states, the President of the Senate has no authority to override senators on policy, which is decided upon by the senate collectively. Since 1945, the Senate has continuously been dominated by the Social Democratic Party.On a municipal level, the two cities in the state are administered separately:In post-war Bremen, the port, shipyards and related industries sustained a large and unionised working class. As before 1933, this translated into support for the Social Democrats, considered Bremen's natural governing party. However, in the 1980s mechanisation of the port and closure of the city's leading shipbuilder induced an employment crisis and shook the confidence of the party's traditional voter base. The SPD, which had still polled 51% in 1987, lost its effective majority. The once dominant left-liberal vote split, and coalition government became the norm.The 2019 Bremen state election was held on 26 May 2019 to elect the members of the Bürgerschaft of Bremen, as well as the city councils of Bremen and Bremerhaven. The election took place on the same day as the 2019 European Parliament election. The Christian Democratic Union (CDU), for the first time, became the largest party in the Bürgerschaft, while the Social Democratic Party (SPD) fell to second place. The Greens and The Left made small gains. After the election, the SPD, Greens, and Left agreed to form a coalition government. Carsten Sieling resigned as mayor and was replaced by fellow SPD member Andreas Bovenschulte.Summary of the 26 May 2019 election results for the Bürgerschaft of Bremen! rowspan="2" colspan="2" | Party! rowspan="2" | Votes! rowspan="2" | %! rowspan="2" | +/-! colspan="2" | Seats! rowspan="2" | Totalseats! rowspan="2" | +/-! rowspan="2" | Seats %! Bremen! Bremerhaven! colspan=8|! align=right colspan=2| Total! align=right| 1,469,506! align=right| 100.0! align=right| ! align=right| 69! align=right| 15! align=right| 84! align=right| 1! align=right| ! align=right colspan=2| Voter turnout! align=right| ! align=right| 64.1! align=right| 13.9! align=right| ! align=right| ! align=right| ! align=right| ! align=right| The coat of arms and flag of Bremen state include:Bremen's post-World War II economy boomed in line with the West German "Wirtschaftswunder" of the 1950s and 60s. This saw the growth, and permanent settlement, in Bremen of a large migrant worker population, drawn largely from Turkey and southern Europe.Some of the city's heavier industries failed to recover from the oil-price-shock recession of the early 1970s. Specialist construction yards, ship outfitters and parts suppliers remain, but AG Weser (which employed 16,000 workers at its peak) and Bremer Vulcan, Bremen's major shipbuilders, closed in 1983 and 1997 respectively. Further job losses were caused by the restructuring and increasing mechanisation of harbour-related activities and other industrial sectors. Semi and unskilled harbour workers found it very difficult to re-enter the labour market, and unemployment--for a period in the 1980s almost double the West German average--remained comparatively high.At a time when structural change in the economy has forced Bremen to spend more on social services. suburbanisation has reduced population and tax revenue. Incorporating surrounding suburban municipalities, is not an option for Bremen as these belong to the state of Lower Saxony. With financial assistance from the European Union, and from the Federal Government, economic policy has focussed on supporting those established economic sectors that are based on advanced technology, such as aerospace and aircraft production, automobile production, maritime and logistics services, and on developing the education and business-park infrastructure for new science-based and digital enterprises. In this an important tole is accorded to the growing university sector. Further investment went into the revitalisation of the city centre but a culture-driven regeneration around entertainment and tourism was not very successful. Several experts described Bremen’s service sector as underdeveloped, due to a lack of major company headquarters.At the turn of the new century, unemployment In Bremen stood at 13%, a rate matched in the Federal Republic only by the "new states" in former East Germany.[2]The unemployment rate stood at 9.5% in October 2018 and was the highest of all 16 German states.The University of Bremen is the largest university in Bremen. It is one of 11 institutions classed as an "Elite university" in Germany, and teaches approximately 23,500 people from 126 countries. Bremen also has a University of the Arts Bremen, a University of Applied Sciences with campuses in both Bremen city and Bremerhaven, and more recently the Jacobs University Bremen, an international research university located in Vegesack,
|
[
"Johannes Schroers",
"Willi Dehnkamp",
"Carsten Sieling",
"Hans Koschnick",
"Erich Vagts",
"Wilhelm Kaisen",
"Jens Böhrnsen",
"Andreas Bovenschulte",
"Henning Scherf"
] |
|
Who was the head of Free Hanseatic City of Bremen in Feb, 2001?
|
February 17, 2001
|
{
"text": [
"Henning Scherf"
]
}
|
L2_Q1209_P6_6
|
Erich Vagts is the head of the government of Free Hanseatic City of Bremen from May, 1945 to Jul, 1945.
Henning Scherf is the head of the government of Free Hanseatic City of Bremen from Jul, 1995 to Nov, 2005.
Wilhelm Kaisen is the head of the government of Free Hanseatic City of Bremen from Jul, 1945 to Jul, 1965.
Andreas Bovenschulte is the head of the government of Free Hanseatic City of Bremen from Aug, 2019 to Dec, 2022.
Jens Böhrnsen is the head of the government of Free Hanseatic City of Bremen from Nov, 2005 to Jul, 2015.
Carsten Sieling is the head of the government of Free Hanseatic City of Bremen from Jul, 2015 to Aug, 2019.
Johannes Schroers is the head of the government of Free Hanseatic City of Bremen from Apr, 1945 to Apr, 1945.
Willi Dehnkamp is the head of the government of Free Hanseatic City of Bremen from Jul, 1965 to Nov, 1967.
Hans Koschnick is the head of the government of Free Hanseatic City of Bremen from Nov, 1967 to Sep, 1985.
Klaus Wedemeier is the head of the government of Free Hanseatic City of Bremen from Sep, 1985 to Jul, 1995.
|
Bremen (state)Bremen (), officially the Free Hanseatic City of Bremen (), is the smallest and least populous of Germany's 16 states. It is informally called ("State of Bremen"), although this is sometimes used in official contexts. The state consists of the city of Bremen and its seaport exclave, Bremerhaven, surrounded by the larger state of Lower Saxony in northern Germany.The state of Bremen consists of two non-contiguous territories. These enclaves contain Bremen, officially the 'City' ("Stadtgemeinde Bremen") which is the state capital, and the city of Bremerhaven ("Stadt Bremerhaven"). Both are located on the River Weser; Bremerhaven (i"Bremen's harbour") is further downstream on the mouth of the Weser with open access to the North Sea. Both enclaves are completely surrounded by the neighbouring State of Lower Saxony ("Niedersachsen"). The highest point in the state is in Friedehorst Park (32.5m)."Main articles: History of Bremen (city) and Timeline of Bremen"At the unwinding of the Holy Roman Empire in 1806 the Free Imperial City of Bremen (as of 1646, after earlier privileges of autonomy of 1186) was not mediatised (incorporated into the enlarged territory of one of the surrounding monarchies) but became a sovereign state officially titled "Free Hanseatic City of Bremen". Her currency was the Bremen thaler (until 1873). In 1811 the First French Empire annexed the city-state in an effort to enforce Napoleon's Berlin Decree closing the European continent to British trade. At the Congress of Vienna of 1815 Bremen's emissary, and later burgomaster, Johann Smidt, lobbied successfully to have the city's independence confirmed as one of the 39 sovereign states within the new German Confederation. In 1827 the Bremen bought land at the mouth of the Weser from the Kingdom of Hanover, to build a new seaport, Bremerhaven. This ensured that Bremen remained the Germany's principal port of embarkation for emigrants to the Americas, and later that it developed as an entrepôt for Germany's late developing colonial trade.Following her defeat of Austria and annexation of Hannover, in 1867 Prussia drew Bremen into North German Confederation, and then, following the German victory over France in 1871, into the new Prussian-led German Empire as one of its 26 constituent states.As an international port and industrial centre Bremen had a strong left and liberal tradition. In the last elections to the Imperial Reichstag in Berlin, in January 1912, the Social Democrats (SPD) secured over half the vote, 53.4%. Left Liberals (Linksliberale) took another 41.4%. Just 5.1% went to the Conservatives. In the last broadly free election of the Weimar Republic, in November 1932, the Social Democrats won 31.2% of the vote, and the Communists (KPD) 17.4%, compared to 20.8 for the Nazis. When after the heavily compromised national elections of March 1933, the Nazis still achieved only a third of the popular vote in Bremen (32.7%), the regime dissolved the state parliament, the "Bürgerschaft" and its executive Senate. Bremen remained for the next twelve years under the direct authority of a party Gauleiter. During these years, Bremen's small Jewish community (1,438 people registered at the beginning of 1933) was destroyed through coerced emigration and deportation to death camps in the occupied east.Allied bombing destroyed the majority of the historical Hanseatic city as well as 60% of the built up area of Bremen during World War II. The British 3rd Infantry Division under General Lashmer Whistler captured Bremen in late April 1945. The British handed over to the Americans; Bremen became an American-controlled port for the supply of the US zones of occupation in west Berlin and the south of Germany.Bremen, was reestablished as a state in 1947 and in 1949, again named the "Free Hanseatic City of Bremen", became a Land or state of new Federal Republic of Germany, referred to as "West Germany" until 1990. The legislature of the state of Bremen is the 83-member Bürgerschaft (citizens' assembly), elected by the citizens in the two cities of Bremen and Bremerhaven.The executive is constituted by the Senate of Bremen, elected by the Bürgerschaft. The Senate is chaired by the President of the senate ("Senatspräsident"), who is also one of the mayors of the city of Bremen ("Bürgermeister") and is elected directly by the Bürgerschaft. The Senate selects of its members as a second mayor who serves as deputy of the president. In contrast to the Federal Chancellor of Germany or other German states, the President of the Senate has no authority to override senators on policy, which is decided upon by the senate collectively. Since 1945, the Senate has continuously been dominated by the Social Democratic Party.On a municipal level, the two cities in the state are administered separately:In post-war Bremen, the port, shipyards and related industries sustained a large and unionised working class. As before 1933, this translated into support for the Social Democrats, considered Bremen's natural governing party. However, in the 1980s mechanisation of the port and closure of the city's leading shipbuilder induced an employment crisis and shook the confidence of the party's traditional voter base. The SPD, which had still polled 51% in 1987, lost its effective majority. The once dominant left-liberal vote split, and coalition government became the norm.The 2019 Bremen state election was held on 26 May 2019 to elect the members of the Bürgerschaft of Bremen, as well as the city councils of Bremen and Bremerhaven. The election took place on the same day as the 2019 European Parliament election. The Christian Democratic Union (CDU), for the first time, became the largest party in the Bürgerschaft, while the Social Democratic Party (SPD) fell to second place. The Greens and The Left made small gains. After the election, the SPD, Greens, and Left agreed to form a coalition government. Carsten Sieling resigned as mayor and was replaced by fellow SPD member Andreas Bovenschulte.Summary of the 26 May 2019 election results for the Bürgerschaft of Bremen! rowspan="2" colspan="2" | Party! rowspan="2" | Votes! rowspan="2" | %! rowspan="2" | +/-! colspan="2" | Seats! rowspan="2" | Totalseats! rowspan="2" | +/-! rowspan="2" | Seats %! Bremen! Bremerhaven! colspan=8|! align=right colspan=2| Total! align=right| 1,469,506! align=right| 100.0! align=right| ! align=right| 69! align=right| 15! align=right| 84! align=right| 1! align=right| ! align=right colspan=2| Voter turnout! align=right| ! align=right| 64.1! align=right| 13.9! align=right| ! align=right| ! align=right| ! align=right| ! align=right| The coat of arms and flag of Bremen state include:Bremen's post-World War II economy boomed in line with the West German "Wirtschaftswunder" of the 1950s and 60s. This saw the growth, and permanent settlement, in Bremen of a large migrant worker population, drawn largely from Turkey and southern Europe.Some of the city's heavier industries failed to recover from the oil-price-shock recession of the early 1970s. Specialist construction yards, ship outfitters and parts suppliers remain, but AG Weser (which employed 16,000 workers at its peak) and Bremer Vulcan, Bremen's major shipbuilders, closed in 1983 and 1997 respectively. Further job losses were caused by the restructuring and increasing mechanisation of harbour-related activities and other industrial sectors. Semi and unskilled harbour workers found it very difficult to re-enter the labour market, and unemployment--for a period in the 1980s almost double the West German average--remained comparatively high.At a time when structural change in the economy has forced Bremen to spend more on social services. suburbanisation has reduced population and tax revenue. Incorporating surrounding suburban municipalities, is not an option for Bremen as these belong to the state of Lower Saxony. With financial assistance from the European Union, and from the Federal Government, economic policy has focussed on supporting those established economic sectors that are based on advanced technology, such as aerospace and aircraft production, automobile production, maritime and logistics services, and on developing the education and business-park infrastructure for new science-based and digital enterprises. In this an important tole is accorded to the growing university sector. Further investment went into the revitalisation of the city centre but a culture-driven regeneration around entertainment and tourism was not very successful. Several experts described Bremen’s service sector as underdeveloped, due to a lack of major company headquarters.At the turn of the new century, unemployment In Bremen stood at 13%, a rate matched in the Federal Republic only by the "new states" in former East Germany.[2]The unemployment rate stood at 9.5% in October 2018 and was the highest of all 16 German states.The University of Bremen is the largest university in Bremen. It is one of 11 institutions classed as an "Elite university" in Germany, and teaches approximately 23,500 people from 126 countries. Bremen also has a University of the Arts Bremen, a University of Applied Sciences with campuses in both Bremen city and Bremerhaven, and more recently the Jacobs University Bremen, an international research university located in Vegesack,
|
[
"Klaus Wedemeier",
"Johannes Schroers",
"Willi Dehnkamp",
"Carsten Sieling",
"Hans Koschnick",
"Erich Vagts",
"Wilhelm Kaisen",
"Jens Böhrnsen",
"Andreas Bovenschulte"
] |
|
Who was the head of Free Hanseatic City of Bremen in Jan, 2014?
|
January 07, 2014
|
{
"text": [
"Jens Böhrnsen"
]
}
|
L2_Q1209_P6_7
|
Andreas Bovenschulte is the head of the government of Free Hanseatic City of Bremen from Aug, 2019 to Dec, 2022.
Wilhelm Kaisen is the head of the government of Free Hanseatic City of Bremen from Jul, 1945 to Jul, 1965.
Erich Vagts is the head of the government of Free Hanseatic City of Bremen from May, 1945 to Jul, 1945.
Johannes Schroers is the head of the government of Free Hanseatic City of Bremen from Apr, 1945 to Apr, 1945.
Willi Dehnkamp is the head of the government of Free Hanseatic City of Bremen from Jul, 1965 to Nov, 1967.
Jens Böhrnsen is the head of the government of Free Hanseatic City of Bremen from Nov, 2005 to Jul, 2015.
Hans Koschnick is the head of the government of Free Hanseatic City of Bremen from Nov, 1967 to Sep, 1985.
Carsten Sieling is the head of the government of Free Hanseatic City of Bremen from Jul, 2015 to Aug, 2019.
Klaus Wedemeier is the head of the government of Free Hanseatic City of Bremen from Sep, 1985 to Jul, 1995.
Henning Scherf is the head of the government of Free Hanseatic City of Bremen from Jul, 1995 to Nov, 2005.
|
Bremen (state)Bremen (), officially the Free Hanseatic City of Bremen (), is the smallest and least populous of Germany's 16 states. It is informally called ("State of Bremen"), although this is sometimes used in official contexts. The state consists of the city of Bremen and its seaport exclave, Bremerhaven, surrounded by the larger state of Lower Saxony in northern Germany.The state of Bremen consists of two non-contiguous territories. These enclaves contain Bremen, officially the 'City' ("Stadtgemeinde Bremen") which is the state capital, and the city of Bremerhaven ("Stadt Bremerhaven"). Both are located on the River Weser; Bremerhaven (i"Bremen's harbour") is further downstream on the mouth of the Weser with open access to the North Sea. Both enclaves are completely surrounded by the neighbouring State of Lower Saxony ("Niedersachsen"). The highest point in the state is in Friedehorst Park (32.5m)."Main articles: History of Bremen (city) and Timeline of Bremen"At the unwinding of the Holy Roman Empire in 1806 the Free Imperial City of Bremen (as of 1646, after earlier privileges of autonomy of 1186) was not mediatised (incorporated into the enlarged territory of one of the surrounding monarchies) but became a sovereign state officially titled "Free Hanseatic City of Bremen". Her currency was the Bremen thaler (until 1873). In 1811 the First French Empire annexed the city-state in an effort to enforce Napoleon's Berlin Decree closing the European continent to British trade. At the Congress of Vienna of 1815 Bremen's emissary, and later burgomaster, Johann Smidt, lobbied successfully to have the city's independence confirmed as one of the 39 sovereign states within the new German Confederation. In 1827 the Bremen bought land at the mouth of the Weser from the Kingdom of Hanover, to build a new seaport, Bremerhaven. This ensured that Bremen remained the Germany's principal port of embarkation for emigrants to the Americas, and later that it developed as an entrepôt for Germany's late developing colonial trade.Following her defeat of Austria and annexation of Hannover, in 1867 Prussia drew Bremen into North German Confederation, and then, following the German victory over France in 1871, into the new Prussian-led German Empire as one of its 26 constituent states.As an international port and industrial centre Bremen had a strong left and liberal tradition. In the last elections to the Imperial Reichstag in Berlin, in January 1912, the Social Democrats (SPD) secured over half the vote, 53.4%. Left Liberals (Linksliberale) took another 41.4%. Just 5.1% went to the Conservatives. In the last broadly free election of the Weimar Republic, in November 1932, the Social Democrats won 31.2% of the vote, and the Communists (KPD) 17.4%, compared to 20.8 for the Nazis. When after the heavily compromised national elections of March 1933, the Nazis still achieved only a third of the popular vote in Bremen (32.7%), the regime dissolved the state parliament, the "Bürgerschaft" and its executive Senate. Bremen remained for the next twelve years under the direct authority of a party Gauleiter. During these years, Bremen's small Jewish community (1,438 people registered at the beginning of 1933) was destroyed through coerced emigration and deportation to death camps in the occupied east.Allied bombing destroyed the majority of the historical Hanseatic city as well as 60% of the built up area of Bremen during World War II. The British 3rd Infantry Division under General Lashmer Whistler captured Bremen in late April 1945. The British handed over to the Americans; Bremen became an American-controlled port for the supply of the US zones of occupation in west Berlin and the south of Germany.Bremen, was reestablished as a state in 1947 and in 1949, again named the "Free Hanseatic City of Bremen", became a Land or state of new Federal Republic of Germany, referred to as "West Germany" until 1990. The legislature of the state of Bremen is the 83-member Bürgerschaft (citizens' assembly), elected by the citizens in the two cities of Bremen and Bremerhaven.The executive is constituted by the Senate of Bremen, elected by the Bürgerschaft. The Senate is chaired by the President of the senate ("Senatspräsident"), who is also one of the mayors of the city of Bremen ("Bürgermeister") and is elected directly by the Bürgerschaft. The Senate selects of its members as a second mayor who serves as deputy of the president. In contrast to the Federal Chancellor of Germany or other German states, the President of the Senate has no authority to override senators on policy, which is decided upon by the senate collectively. Since 1945, the Senate has continuously been dominated by the Social Democratic Party.On a municipal level, the two cities in the state are administered separately:In post-war Bremen, the port, shipyards and related industries sustained a large and unionised working class. As before 1933, this translated into support for the Social Democrats, considered Bremen's natural governing party. However, in the 1980s mechanisation of the port and closure of the city's leading shipbuilder induced an employment crisis and shook the confidence of the party's traditional voter base. The SPD, which had still polled 51% in 1987, lost its effective majority. The once dominant left-liberal vote split, and coalition government became the norm.The 2019 Bremen state election was held on 26 May 2019 to elect the members of the Bürgerschaft of Bremen, as well as the city councils of Bremen and Bremerhaven. The election took place on the same day as the 2019 European Parliament election. The Christian Democratic Union (CDU), for the first time, became the largest party in the Bürgerschaft, while the Social Democratic Party (SPD) fell to second place. The Greens and The Left made small gains. After the election, the SPD, Greens, and Left agreed to form a coalition government. Carsten Sieling resigned as mayor and was replaced by fellow SPD member Andreas Bovenschulte.Summary of the 26 May 2019 election results for the Bürgerschaft of Bremen! rowspan="2" colspan="2" | Party! rowspan="2" | Votes! rowspan="2" | %! rowspan="2" | +/-! colspan="2" | Seats! rowspan="2" | Totalseats! rowspan="2" | +/-! rowspan="2" | Seats %! Bremen! Bremerhaven! colspan=8|! align=right colspan=2| Total! align=right| 1,469,506! align=right| 100.0! align=right| ! align=right| 69! align=right| 15! align=right| 84! align=right| 1! align=right| ! align=right colspan=2| Voter turnout! align=right| ! align=right| 64.1! align=right| 13.9! align=right| ! align=right| ! align=right| ! align=right| ! align=right| The coat of arms and flag of Bremen state include:Bremen's post-World War II economy boomed in line with the West German "Wirtschaftswunder" of the 1950s and 60s. This saw the growth, and permanent settlement, in Bremen of a large migrant worker population, drawn largely from Turkey and southern Europe.Some of the city's heavier industries failed to recover from the oil-price-shock recession of the early 1970s. Specialist construction yards, ship outfitters and parts suppliers remain, but AG Weser (which employed 16,000 workers at its peak) and Bremer Vulcan, Bremen's major shipbuilders, closed in 1983 and 1997 respectively. Further job losses were caused by the restructuring and increasing mechanisation of harbour-related activities and other industrial sectors. Semi and unskilled harbour workers found it very difficult to re-enter the labour market, and unemployment--for a period in the 1980s almost double the West German average--remained comparatively high.At a time when structural change in the economy has forced Bremen to spend more on social services. suburbanisation has reduced population and tax revenue. Incorporating surrounding suburban municipalities, is not an option for Bremen as these belong to the state of Lower Saxony. With financial assistance from the European Union, and from the Federal Government, economic policy has focussed on supporting those established economic sectors that are based on advanced technology, such as aerospace and aircraft production, automobile production, maritime and logistics services, and on developing the education and business-park infrastructure for new science-based and digital enterprises. In this an important tole is accorded to the growing university sector. Further investment went into the revitalisation of the city centre but a culture-driven regeneration around entertainment and tourism was not very successful. Several experts described Bremen’s service sector as underdeveloped, due to a lack of major company headquarters.At the turn of the new century, unemployment In Bremen stood at 13%, a rate matched in the Federal Republic only by the "new states" in former East Germany.[2]The unemployment rate stood at 9.5% in October 2018 and was the highest of all 16 German states.The University of Bremen is the largest university in Bremen. It is one of 11 institutions classed as an "Elite university" in Germany, and teaches approximately 23,500 people from 126 countries. Bremen also has a University of the Arts Bremen, a University of Applied Sciences with campuses in both Bremen city and Bremerhaven, and more recently the Jacobs University Bremen, an international research university located in Vegesack,
|
[
"Klaus Wedemeier",
"Johannes Schroers",
"Willi Dehnkamp",
"Carsten Sieling",
"Hans Koschnick",
"Erich Vagts",
"Wilhelm Kaisen",
"Andreas Bovenschulte",
"Henning Scherf"
] |
|
Who was the head of Free Hanseatic City of Bremen in Dec, 2018?
|
December 13, 2018
|
{
"text": [
"Carsten Sieling"
]
}
|
L2_Q1209_P6_8
|
Hans Koschnick is the head of the government of Free Hanseatic City of Bremen from Nov, 1967 to Sep, 1985.
Erich Vagts is the head of the government of Free Hanseatic City of Bremen from May, 1945 to Jul, 1945.
Andreas Bovenschulte is the head of the government of Free Hanseatic City of Bremen from Aug, 2019 to Dec, 2022.
Willi Dehnkamp is the head of the government of Free Hanseatic City of Bremen from Jul, 1965 to Nov, 1967.
Johannes Schroers is the head of the government of Free Hanseatic City of Bremen from Apr, 1945 to Apr, 1945.
Jens Böhrnsen is the head of the government of Free Hanseatic City of Bremen from Nov, 2005 to Jul, 2015.
Carsten Sieling is the head of the government of Free Hanseatic City of Bremen from Jul, 2015 to Aug, 2019.
Henning Scherf is the head of the government of Free Hanseatic City of Bremen from Jul, 1995 to Nov, 2005.
Wilhelm Kaisen is the head of the government of Free Hanseatic City of Bremen from Jul, 1945 to Jul, 1965.
Klaus Wedemeier is the head of the government of Free Hanseatic City of Bremen from Sep, 1985 to Jul, 1995.
|
Bremen (state)Bremen (), officially the Free Hanseatic City of Bremen (), is the smallest and least populous of Germany's 16 states. It is informally called ("State of Bremen"), although this is sometimes used in official contexts. The state consists of the city of Bremen and its seaport exclave, Bremerhaven, surrounded by the larger state of Lower Saxony in northern Germany.The state of Bremen consists of two non-contiguous territories. These enclaves contain Bremen, officially the 'City' ("Stadtgemeinde Bremen") which is the state capital, and the city of Bremerhaven ("Stadt Bremerhaven"). Both are located on the River Weser; Bremerhaven (i"Bremen's harbour") is further downstream on the mouth of the Weser with open access to the North Sea. Both enclaves are completely surrounded by the neighbouring State of Lower Saxony ("Niedersachsen"). The highest point in the state is in Friedehorst Park (32.5m)."Main articles: History of Bremen (city) and Timeline of Bremen"At the unwinding of the Holy Roman Empire in 1806 the Free Imperial City of Bremen (as of 1646, after earlier privileges of autonomy of 1186) was not mediatised (incorporated into the enlarged territory of one of the surrounding monarchies) but became a sovereign state officially titled "Free Hanseatic City of Bremen". Her currency was the Bremen thaler (until 1873). In 1811 the First French Empire annexed the city-state in an effort to enforce Napoleon's Berlin Decree closing the European continent to British trade. At the Congress of Vienna of 1815 Bremen's emissary, and later burgomaster, Johann Smidt, lobbied successfully to have the city's independence confirmed as one of the 39 sovereign states within the new German Confederation. In 1827 the Bremen bought land at the mouth of the Weser from the Kingdom of Hanover, to build a new seaport, Bremerhaven. This ensured that Bremen remained the Germany's principal port of embarkation for emigrants to the Americas, and later that it developed as an entrepôt for Germany's late developing colonial trade.Following her defeat of Austria and annexation of Hannover, in 1867 Prussia drew Bremen into North German Confederation, and then, following the German victory over France in 1871, into the new Prussian-led German Empire as one of its 26 constituent states.As an international port and industrial centre Bremen had a strong left and liberal tradition. In the last elections to the Imperial Reichstag in Berlin, in January 1912, the Social Democrats (SPD) secured over half the vote, 53.4%. Left Liberals (Linksliberale) took another 41.4%. Just 5.1% went to the Conservatives. In the last broadly free election of the Weimar Republic, in November 1932, the Social Democrats won 31.2% of the vote, and the Communists (KPD) 17.4%, compared to 20.8 for the Nazis. When after the heavily compromised national elections of March 1933, the Nazis still achieved only a third of the popular vote in Bremen (32.7%), the regime dissolved the state parliament, the "Bürgerschaft" and its executive Senate. Bremen remained for the next twelve years under the direct authority of a party Gauleiter. During these years, Bremen's small Jewish community (1,438 people registered at the beginning of 1933) was destroyed through coerced emigration and deportation to death camps in the occupied east.Allied bombing destroyed the majority of the historical Hanseatic city as well as 60% of the built up area of Bremen during World War II. The British 3rd Infantry Division under General Lashmer Whistler captured Bremen in late April 1945. The British handed over to the Americans; Bremen became an American-controlled port for the supply of the US zones of occupation in west Berlin and the south of Germany.Bremen, was reestablished as a state in 1947 and in 1949, again named the "Free Hanseatic City of Bremen", became a Land or state of new Federal Republic of Germany, referred to as "West Germany" until 1990. The legislature of the state of Bremen is the 83-member Bürgerschaft (citizens' assembly), elected by the citizens in the two cities of Bremen and Bremerhaven.The executive is constituted by the Senate of Bremen, elected by the Bürgerschaft. The Senate is chaired by the President of the senate ("Senatspräsident"), who is also one of the mayors of the city of Bremen ("Bürgermeister") and is elected directly by the Bürgerschaft. The Senate selects of its members as a second mayor who serves as deputy of the president. In contrast to the Federal Chancellor of Germany or other German states, the President of the Senate has no authority to override senators on policy, which is decided upon by the senate collectively. Since 1945, the Senate has continuously been dominated by the Social Democratic Party.On a municipal level, the two cities in the state are administered separately:In post-war Bremen, the port, shipyards and related industries sustained a large and unionised working class. As before 1933, this translated into support for the Social Democrats, considered Bremen's natural governing party. However, in the 1980s mechanisation of the port and closure of the city's leading shipbuilder induced an employment crisis and shook the confidence of the party's traditional voter base. The SPD, which had still polled 51% in 1987, lost its effective majority. The once dominant left-liberal vote split, and coalition government became the norm.The 2019 Bremen state election was held on 26 May 2019 to elect the members of the Bürgerschaft of Bremen, as well as the city councils of Bremen and Bremerhaven. The election took place on the same day as the 2019 European Parliament election. The Christian Democratic Union (CDU), for the first time, became the largest party in the Bürgerschaft, while the Social Democratic Party (SPD) fell to second place. The Greens and The Left made small gains. After the election, the SPD, Greens, and Left agreed to form a coalition government. Carsten Sieling resigned as mayor and was replaced by fellow SPD member Andreas Bovenschulte.Summary of the 26 May 2019 election results for the Bürgerschaft of Bremen! rowspan="2" colspan="2" | Party! rowspan="2" | Votes! rowspan="2" | %! rowspan="2" | +/-! colspan="2" | Seats! rowspan="2" | Totalseats! rowspan="2" | +/-! rowspan="2" | Seats %! Bremen! Bremerhaven! colspan=8|! align=right colspan=2| Total! align=right| 1,469,506! align=right| 100.0! align=right| ! align=right| 69! align=right| 15! align=right| 84! align=right| 1! align=right| ! align=right colspan=2| Voter turnout! align=right| ! align=right| 64.1! align=right| 13.9! align=right| ! align=right| ! align=right| ! align=right| ! align=right| The coat of arms and flag of Bremen state include:Bremen's post-World War II economy boomed in line with the West German "Wirtschaftswunder" of the 1950s and 60s. This saw the growth, and permanent settlement, in Bremen of a large migrant worker population, drawn largely from Turkey and southern Europe.Some of the city's heavier industries failed to recover from the oil-price-shock recession of the early 1970s. Specialist construction yards, ship outfitters and parts suppliers remain, but AG Weser (which employed 16,000 workers at its peak) and Bremer Vulcan, Bremen's major shipbuilders, closed in 1983 and 1997 respectively. Further job losses were caused by the restructuring and increasing mechanisation of harbour-related activities and other industrial sectors. Semi and unskilled harbour workers found it very difficult to re-enter the labour market, and unemployment--for a period in the 1980s almost double the West German average--remained comparatively high.At a time when structural change in the economy has forced Bremen to spend more on social services. suburbanisation has reduced population and tax revenue. Incorporating surrounding suburban municipalities, is not an option for Bremen as these belong to the state of Lower Saxony. With financial assistance from the European Union, and from the Federal Government, economic policy has focussed on supporting those established economic sectors that are based on advanced technology, such as aerospace and aircraft production, automobile production, maritime and logistics services, and on developing the education and business-park infrastructure for new science-based and digital enterprises. In this an important tole is accorded to the growing university sector. Further investment went into the revitalisation of the city centre but a culture-driven regeneration around entertainment and tourism was not very successful. Several experts described Bremen’s service sector as underdeveloped, due to a lack of major company headquarters.At the turn of the new century, unemployment In Bremen stood at 13%, a rate matched in the Federal Republic only by the "new states" in former East Germany.[2]The unemployment rate stood at 9.5% in October 2018 and was the highest of all 16 German states.The University of Bremen is the largest university in Bremen. It is one of 11 institutions classed as an "Elite university" in Germany, and teaches approximately 23,500 people from 126 countries. Bremen also has a University of the Arts Bremen, a University of Applied Sciences with campuses in both Bremen city and Bremerhaven, and more recently the Jacobs University Bremen, an international research university located in Vegesack,
|
[
"Klaus Wedemeier",
"Johannes Schroers",
"Willi Dehnkamp",
"Hans Koschnick",
"Erich Vagts",
"Wilhelm Kaisen",
"Jens Böhrnsen",
"Andreas Bovenschulte",
"Henning Scherf"
] |
|
Who was the head of Free Hanseatic City of Bremen in Dec, 2021?
|
December 15, 2021
|
{
"text": [
"Andreas Bovenschulte"
]
}
|
L2_Q1209_P6_9
|
Wilhelm Kaisen is the head of the government of Free Hanseatic City of Bremen from Jul, 1945 to Jul, 1965.
Johannes Schroers is the head of the government of Free Hanseatic City of Bremen from Apr, 1945 to Apr, 1945.
Henning Scherf is the head of the government of Free Hanseatic City of Bremen from Jul, 1995 to Nov, 2005.
Willi Dehnkamp is the head of the government of Free Hanseatic City of Bremen from Jul, 1965 to Nov, 1967.
Andreas Bovenschulte is the head of the government of Free Hanseatic City of Bremen from Aug, 2019 to Dec, 2022.
Klaus Wedemeier is the head of the government of Free Hanseatic City of Bremen from Sep, 1985 to Jul, 1995.
Erich Vagts is the head of the government of Free Hanseatic City of Bremen from May, 1945 to Jul, 1945.
Hans Koschnick is the head of the government of Free Hanseatic City of Bremen from Nov, 1967 to Sep, 1985.
Jens Böhrnsen is the head of the government of Free Hanseatic City of Bremen from Nov, 2005 to Jul, 2015.
Carsten Sieling is the head of the government of Free Hanseatic City of Bremen from Jul, 2015 to Aug, 2019.
|
Bremen (state)Bremen (), officially the Free Hanseatic City of Bremen (), is the smallest and least populous of Germany's 16 states. It is informally called ("State of Bremen"), although this is sometimes used in official contexts. The state consists of the city of Bremen and its seaport exclave, Bremerhaven, surrounded by the larger state of Lower Saxony in northern Germany.The state of Bremen consists of two non-contiguous territories. These enclaves contain Bremen, officially the 'City' ("Stadtgemeinde Bremen") which is the state capital, and the city of Bremerhaven ("Stadt Bremerhaven"). Both are located on the River Weser; Bremerhaven (i"Bremen's harbour") is further downstream on the mouth of the Weser with open access to the North Sea. Both enclaves are completely surrounded by the neighbouring State of Lower Saxony ("Niedersachsen"). The highest point in the state is in Friedehorst Park (32.5m)."Main articles: History of Bremen (city) and Timeline of Bremen"At the unwinding of the Holy Roman Empire in 1806 the Free Imperial City of Bremen (as of 1646, after earlier privileges of autonomy of 1186) was not mediatised (incorporated into the enlarged territory of one of the surrounding monarchies) but became a sovereign state officially titled "Free Hanseatic City of Bremen". Her currency was the Bremen thaler (until 1873). In 1811 the First French Empire annexed the city-state in an effort to enforce Napoleon's Berlin Decree closing the European continent to British trade. At the Congress of Vienna of 1815 Bremen's emissary, and later burgomaster, Johann Smidt, lobbied successfully to have the city's independence confirmed as one of the 39 sovereign states within the new German Confederation. In 1827 the Bremen bought land at the mouth of the Weser from the Kingdom of Hanover, to build a new seaport, Bremerhaven. This ensured that Bremen remained the Germany's principal port of embarkation for emigrants to the Americas, and later that it developed as an entrepôt for Germany's late developing colonial trade.Following her defeat of Austria and annexation of Hannover, in 1867 Prussia drew Bremen into North German Confederation, and then, following the German victory over France in 1871, into the new Prussian-led German Empire as one of its 26 constituent states.As an international port and industrial centre Bremen had a strong left and liberal tradition. In the last elections to the Imperial Reichstag in Berlin, in January 1912, the Social Democrats (SPD) secured over half the vote, 53.4%. Left Liberals (Linksliberale) took another 41.4%. Just 5.1% went to the Conservatives. In the last broadly free election of the Weimar Republic, in November 1932, the Social Democrats won 31.2% of the vote, and the Communists (KPD) 17.4%, compared to 20.8 for the Nazis. When after the heavily compromised national elections of March 1933, the Nazis still achieved only a third of the popular vote in Bremen (32.7%), the regime dissolved the state parliament, the "Bürgerschaft" and its executive Senate. Bremen remained for the next twelve years under the direct authority of a party Gauleiter. During these years, Bremen's small Jewish community (1,438 people registered at the beginning of 1933) was destroyed through coerced emigration and deportation to death camps in the occupied east.Allied bombing destroyed the majority of the historical Hanseatic city as well as 60% of the built up area of Bremen during World War II. The British 3rd Infantry Division under General Lashmer Whistler captured Bremen in late April 1945. The British handed over to the Americans; Bremen became an American-controlled port for the supply of the US zones of occupation in west Berlin and the south of Germany.Bremen, was reestablished as a state in 1947 and in 1949, again named the "Free Hanseatic City of Bremen", became a Land or state of new Federal Republic of Germany, referred to as "West Germany" until 1990. The legislature of the state of Bremen is the 83-member Bürgerschaft (citizens' assembly), elected by the citizens in the two cities of Bremen and Bremerhaven.The executive is constituted by the Senate of Bremen, elected by the Bürgerschaft. The Senate is chaired by the President of the senate ("Senatspräsident"), who is also one of the mayors of the city of Bremen ("Bürgermeister") and is elected directly by the Bürgerschaft. The Senate selects of its members as a second mayor who serves as deputy of the president. In contrast to the Federal Chancellor of Germany or other German states, the President of the Senate has no authority to override senators on policy, which is decided upon by the senate collectively. Since 1945, the Senate has continuously been dominated by the Social Democratic Party.On a municipal level, the two cities in the state are administered separately:In post-war Bremen, the port, shipyards and related industries sustained a large and unionised working class. As before 1933, this translated into support for the Social Democrats, considered Bremen's natural governing party. However, in the 1980s mechanisation of the port and closure of the city's leading shipbuilder induced an employment crisis and shook the confidence of the party's traditional voter base. The SPD, which had still polled 51% in 1987, lost its effective majority. The once dominant left-liberal vote split, and coalition government became the norm.The 2019 Bremen state election was held on 26 May 2019 to elect the members of the Bürgerschaft of Bremen, as well as the city councils of Bremen and Bremerhaven. The election took place on the same day as the 2019 European Parliament election. The Christian Democratic Union (CDU), for the first time, became the largest party in the Bürgerschaft, while the Social Democratic Party (SPD) fell to second place. The Greens and The Left made small gains. After the election, the SPD, Greens, and Left agreed to form a coalition government. Carsten Sieling resigned as mayor and was replaced by fellow SPD member Andreas Bovenschulte.Summary of the 26 May 2019 election results for the Bürgerschaft of Bremen! rowspan="2" colspan="2" | Party! rowspan="2" | Votes! rowspan="2" | %! rowspan="2" | +/-! colspan="2" | Seats! rowspan="2" | Totalseats! rowspan="2" | +/-! rowspan="2" | Seats %! Bremen! Bremerhaven! colspan=8|! align=right colspan=2| Total! align=right| 1,469,506! align=right| 100.0! align=right| ! align=right| 69! align=right| 15! align=right| 84! align=right| 1! align=right| ! align=right colspan=2| Voter turnout! align=right| ! align=right| 64.1! align=right| 13.9! align=right| ! align=right| ! align=right| ! align=right| ! align=right| The coat of arms and flag of Bremen state include:Bremen's post-World War II economy boomed in line with the West German "Wirtschaftswunder" of the 1950s and 60s. This saw the growth, and permanent settlement, in Bremen of a large migrant worker population, drawn largely from Turkey and southern Europe.Some of the city's heavier industries failed to recover from the oil-price-shock recession of the early 1970s. Specialist construction yards, ship outfitters and parts suppliers remain, but AG Weser (which employed 16,000 workers at its peak) and Bremer Vulcan, Bremen's major shipbuilders, closed in 1983 and 1997 respectively. Further job losses were caused by the restructuring and increasing mechanisation of harbour-related activities and other industrial sectors. Semi and unskilled harbour workers found it very difficult to re-enter the labour market, and unemployment--for a period in the 1980s almost double the West German average--remained comparatively high.At a time when structural change in the economy has forced Bremen to spend more on social services. suburbanisation has reduced population and tax revenue. Incorporating surrounding suburban municipalities, is not an option for Bremen as these belong to the state of Lower Saxony. With financial assistance from the European Union, and from the Federal Government, economic policy has focussed on supporting those established economic sectors that are based on advanced technology, such as aerospace and aircraft production, automobile production, maritime and logistics services, and on developing the education and business-park infrastructure for new science-based and digital enterprises. In this an important tole is accorded to the growing university sector. Further investment went into the revitalisation of the city centre but a culture-driven regeneration around entertainment and tourism was not very successful. Several experts described Bremen’s service sector as underdeveloped, due to a lack of major company headquarters.At the turn of the new century, unemployment In Bremen stood at 13%, a rate matched in the Federal Republic only by the "new states" in former East Germany.[2]The unemployment rate stood at 9.5% in October 2018 and was the highest of all 16 German states.The University of Bremen is the largest university in Bremen. It is one of 11 institutions classed as an "Elite university" in Germany, and teaches approximately 23,500 people from 126 countries. Bremen also has a University of the Arts Bremen, a University of Applied Sciences with campuses in both Bremen city and Bremerhaven, and more recently the Jacobs University Bremen, an international research university located in Vegesack,
|
[
"Klaus Wedemeier",
"Johannes Schroers",
"Willi Dehnkamp",
"Carsten Sieling",
"Hans Koschnick",
"Erich Vagts",
"Wilhelm Kaisen",
"Jens Böhrnsen",
"Henning Scherf"
] |
|
Which team did Cyril Granon play for in Nov, 1990?
|
November 14, 1990
|
{
"text": [
"AS Monaco FC"
]
}
|
L2_Q5200742_P54_0
|
Cyril Granon plays for FC Mulhouse from Jan, 1994 to Jan, 1996.
Cyril Granon plays for AS Aix-en-Provence from Jan, 2007 to Jan, 2008.
Cyril Granon plays for A.C. Ajaccio from Jan, 1997 to Jan, 2004.
Cyril Granon plays for Racing Club de Ferrol from Jan, 2004 to Jan, 2006.
Cyril Granon plays for F.C. Lorient from Jan, 1992 to Jan, 1993.
Cyril Granon plays for AS Monaco FC from Jan, 1990 to Jan, 1992.
|
Cyril GranonCyril Granon (born February 21, 1972 in Aix-en-Provence) is a French professional football coach and a former player.
|
[
"FC Mulhouse",
"F.C. Lorient",
"AS Aix-en-Provence",
"A.C. Ajaccio",
"Racing Club de Ferrol"
] |
|
Which team did Cyril Granon play for in Sep, 1992?
|
September 30, 1992
|
{
"text": [
"F.C. Lorient"
]
}
|
L2_Q5200742_P54_1
|
Cyril Granon plays for AS Monaco FC from Jan, 1990 to Jan, 1992.
Cyril Granon plays for Racing Club de Ferrol from Jan, 2004 to Jan, 2006.
Cyril Granon plays for AS Aix-en-Provence from Jan, 2007 to Jan, 2008.
Cyril Granon plays for F.C. Lorient from Jan, 1992 to Jan, 1993.
Cyril Granon plays for FC Mulhouse from Jan, 1994 to Jan, 1996.
Cyril Granon plays for A.C. Ajaccio from Jan, 1997 to Jan, 2004.
|
Cyril GranonCyril Granon (born February 21, 1972 in Aix-en-Provence) is a French professional football coach and a former player.
|
[
"AS Monaco FC",
"FC Mulhouse",
"A.C. Ajaccio",
"AS Aix-en-Provence",
"Racing Club de Ferrol"
] |
|
Which team did Cyril Granon play for in Jan, 1995?
|
January 21, 1995
|
{
"text": [
"FC Mulhouse"
]
}
|
L2_Q5200742_P54_2
|
Cyril Granon plays for A.C. Ajaccio from Jan, 1997 to Jan, 2004.
Cyril Granon plays for F.C. Lorient from Jan, 1992 to Jan, 1993.
Cyril Granon plays for Racing Club de Ferrol from Jan, 2004 to Jan, 2006.
Cyril Granon plays for AS Monaco FC from Jan, 1990 to Jan, 1992.
Cyril Granon plays for FC Mulhouse from Jan, 1994 to Jan, 1996.
Cyril Granon plays for AS Aix-en-Provence from Jan, 2007 to Jan, 2008.
|
Cyril GranonCyril Granon (born February 21, 1972 in Aix-en-Provence) is a French professional football coach and a former player.
|
[
"AS Monaco FC",
"F.C. Lorient",
"AS Aix-en-Provence",
"A.C. Ajaccio",
"Racing Club de Ferrol"
] |
|
Which team did Cyril Granon play for in Jan, 2000?
|
January 10, 2000
|
{
"text": [
"A.C. Ajaccio"
]
}
|
L2_Q5200742_P54_3
|
Cyril Granon plays for Racing Club de Ferrol from Jan, 2004 to Jan, 2006.
Cyril Granon plays for AS Aix-en-Provence from Jan, 2007 to Jan, 2008.
Cyril Granon plays for AS Monaco FC from Jan, 1990 to Jan, 1992.
Cyril Granon plays for FC Mulhouse from Jan, 1994 to Jan, 1996.
Cyril Granon plays for F.C. Lorient from Jan, 1992 to Jan, 1993.
Cyril Granon plays for A.C. Ajaccio from Jan, 1997 to Jan, 2004.
|
Cyril GranonCyril Granon (born February 21, 1972 in Aix-en-Provence) is a French professional football coach and a former player.
|
[
"AS Monaco FC",
"FC Mulhouse",
"F.C. Lorient",
"AS Aix-en-Provence",
"Racing Club de Ferrol"
] |
|
Which team did Cyril Granon play for in Oct, 2005?
|
October 27, 2005
|
{
"text": [
"Racing Club de Ferrol"
]
}
|
L2_Q5200742_P54_4
|
Cyril Granon plays for AS Aix-en-Provence from Jan, 2007 to Jan, 2008.
Cyril Granon plays for FC Mulhouse from Jan, 1994 to Jan, 1996.
Cyril Granon plays for F.C. Lorient from Jan, 1992 to Jan, 1993.
Cyril Granon plays for A.C. Ajaccio from Jan, 1997 to Jan, 2004.
Cyril Granon plays for AS Monaco FC from Jan, 1990 to Jan, 1992.
Cyril Granon plays for Racing Club de Ferrol from Jan, 2004 to Jan, 2006.
|
Cyril GranonCyril Granon (born February 21, 1972 in Aix-en-Provence) is a French professional football coach and a former player.
|
[
"AS Monaco FC",
"FC Mulhouse",
"F.C. Lorient",
"AS Aix-en-Provence",
"A.C. Ajaccio"
] |
|
Which team did Cyril Granon play for in Apr, 2007?
|
April 24, 2007
|
{
"text": [
"AS Aix-en-Provence"
]
}
|
L2_Q5200742_P54_5
|
Cyril Granon plays for AS Aix-en-Provence from Jan, 2007 to Jan, 2008.
Cyril Granon plays for AS Monaco FC from Jan, 1990 to Jan, 1992.
Cyril Granon plays for Racing Club de Ferrol from Jan, 2004 to Jan, 2006.
Cyril Granon plays for FC Mulhouse from Jan, 1994 to Jan, 1996.
Cyril Granon plays for A.C. Ajaccio from Jan, 1997 to Jan, 2004.
Cyril Granon plays for F.C. Lorient from Jan, 1992 to Jan, 1993.
|
Cyril GranonCyril Granon (born February 21, 1972 in Aix-en-Provence) is a French professional football coach and a former player.
|
[
"AS Monaco FC",
"FC Mulhouse",
"F.C. Lorient",
"A.C. Ajaccio",
"Racing Club de Ferrol"
] |
|
Which team did Zoran Slišković play for in Dec, 1989?
|
December 02, 1989
|
{
"text": [
"F.K. Željezničar Sarajevo"
]
}
|
L2_Q8074394_P54_0
|
Zoran Slišković plays for Paniliakos F.C. from Jan, 1994 to Jan, 1995.
Zoran Slišković plays for GNK Dinamo Zagreb from Jan, 1995 to Jan, 1997.
Zoran Slišković plays for F.K. Željezničar Sarajevo from Jan, 1985 to Jan, 1991.
Zoran Slišković plays for A.E.K. Athens F.C. from Jan, 1992 to Jan, 1994.
Zoran Slišković plays for NK Slaven Belupo from Jan, 1997 to Jan, 1999.
|
Zoran SliškovićZoran Slišković (born 1 March 1966) is a retired Croatian footballer, who played as a forward. He is most notable for his spells at Željezničar Sarajevo, AEK Athens and Dinamo Zagreb (with whom he had two spells in 1992 and 1995–1997 when the club was called HAŠK Građanski and Croatia Zagreb).Born in Trpanj on the Croatian peninsula of Pelješac, Slišković trained, without proper coaching, on his own, at the local , before moving on as a teenager to play for a couple of seasons to the nearby . He claims to have been coached properly only when he came, aged 18, to , quickly ascending to the first team. The following season, Slišković joined FK Željezničar Sarajevo in the Yugoslav First League, with coach Ivica Osim giving him green light after a trial.Slišković moved to Greece in July 1992, initially joining Greek first division side AEK Athens F.C. for two seasons before spending one season with Paniliakos F.C. in the Greek second division.
|
[
"A.E.K. Athens F.C.",
"Paniliakos F.C.",
"GNK Dinamo Zagreb",
"NK Slaven Belupo"
] |
|
Which team did Zoran Slišković play for in Oct, 1992?
|
October 11, 1992
|
{
"text": [
"A.E.K. Athens F.C."
]
}
|
L2_Q8074394_P54_1
|
Zoran Slišković plays for A.E.K. Athens F.C. from Jan, 1992 to Jan, 1994.
Zoran Slišković plays for GNK Dinamo Zagreb from Jan, 1995 to Jan, 1997.
Zoran Slišković plays for Paniliakos F.C. from Jan, 1994 to Jan, 1995.
Zoran Slišković plays for F.K. Željezničar Sarajevo from Jan, 1985 to Jan, 1991.
Zoran Slišković plays for NK Slaven Belupo from Jan, 1997 to Jan, 1999.
|
Zoran SliškovićZoran Slišković (born 1 March 1966) is a retired Croatian footballer, who played as a forward. He is most notable for his spells at Željezničar Sarajevo, AEK Athens and Dinamo Zagreb (with whom he had two spells in 1992 and 1995–1997 when the club was called HAŠK Građanski and Croatia Zagreb).Born in Trpanj on the Croatian peninsula of Pelješac, Slišković trained, without proper coaching, on his own, at the local , before moving on as a teenager to play for a couple of seasons to the nearby . He claims to have been coached properly only when he came, aged 18, to , quickly ascending to the first team. The following season, Slišković joined FK Željezničar Sarajevo in the Yugoslav First League, with coach Ivica Osim giving him green light after a trial.Slišković moved to Greece in July 1992, initially joining Greek first division side AEK Athens F.C. for two seasons before spending one season with Paniliakos F.C. in the Greek second division.
|
[
"GNK Dinamo Zagreb",
"Paniliakos F.C.",
"F.K. Željezničar Sarajevo",
"NK Slaven Belupo"
] |
|
Which team did Zoran Slišković play for in Aug, 1994?
|
August 31, 1994
|
{
"text": [
"Paniliakos F.C."
]
}
|
L2_Q8074394_P54_2
|
Zoran Slišković plays for A.E.K. Athens F.C. from Jan, 1992 to Jan, 1994.
Zoran Slišković plays for GNK Dinamo Zagreb from Jan, 1995 to Jan, 1997.
Zoran Slišković plays for NK Slaven Belupo from Jan, 1997 to Jan, 1999.
Zoran Slišković plays for F.K. Željezničar Sarajevo from Jan, 1985 to Jan, 1991.
Zoran Slišković plays for Paniliakos F.C. from Jan, 1994 to Jan, 1995.
|
Zoran SliškovićZoran Slišković (born 1 March 1966) is a retired Croatian footballer, who played as a forward. He is most notable for his spells at Željezničar Sarajevo, AEK Athens and Dinamo Zagreb (with whom he had two spells in 1992 and 1995–1997 when the club was called HAŠK Građanski and Croatia Zagreb).Born in Trpanj on the Croatian peninsula of Pelješac, Slišković trained, without proper coaching, on his own, at the local , before moving on as a teenager to play for a couple of seasons to the nearby . He claims to have been coached properly only when he came, aged 18, to , quickly ascending to the first team. The following season, Slišković joined FK Željezničar Sarajevo in the Yugoslav First League, with coach Ivica Osim giving him green light after a trial.Slišković moved to Greece in July 1992, initially joining Greek first division side AEK Athens F.C. for two seasons before spending one season with Paniliakos F.C. in the Greek second division.
|
[
"A.E.K. Athens F.C.",
"GNK Dinamo Zagreb",
"F.K. Željezničar Sarajevo",
"NK Slaven Belupo"
] |
|
Which team did Zoran Slišković play for in Feb, 1996?
|
February 19, 1996
|
{
"text": [
"GNK Dinamo Zagreb"
]
}
|
L2_Q8074394_P54_3
|
Zoran Slišković plays for F.K. Željezničar Sarajevo from Jan, 1985 to Jan, 1991.
Zoran Slišković plays for Paniliakos F.C. from Jan, 1994 to Jan, 1995.
Zoran Slišković plays for GNK Dinamo Zagreb from Jan, 1995 to Jan, 1997.
Zoran Slišković plays for NK Slaven Belupo from Jan, 1997 to Jan, 1999.
Zoran Slišković plays for A.E.K. Athens F.C. from Jan, 1992 to Jan, 1994.
|
Zoran SliškovićZoran Slišković (born 1 March 1966) is a retired Croatian footballer, who played as a forward. He is most notable for his spells at Željezničar Sarajevo, AEK Athens and Dinamo Zagreb (with whom he had two spells in 1992 and 1995–1997 when the club was called HAŠK Građanski and Croatia Zagreb).Born in Trpanj on the Croatian peninsula of Pelješac, Slišković trained, without proper coaching, on his own, at the local , before moving on as a teenager to play for a couple of seasons to the nearby . He claims to have been coached properly only when he came, aged 18, to , quickly ascending to the first team. The following season, Slišković joined FK Željezničar Sarajevo in the Yugoslav First League, with coach Ivica Osim giving him green light after a trial.Slišković moved to Greece in July 1992, initially joining Greek first division side AEK Athens F.C. for two seasons before spending one season with Paniliakos F.C. in the Greek second division.
|
[
"A.E.K. Athens F.C.",
"Paniliakos F.C.",
"F.K. Željezničar Sarajevo",
"NK Slaven Belupo"
] |
|
Which team did Zoran Slišković play for in Jun, 1998?
|
June 06, 1998
|
{
"text": [
"NK Slaven Belupo"
]
}
|
L2_Q8074394_P54_4
|
Zoran Slišković plays for GNK Dinamo Zagreb from Jan, 1995 to Jan, 1997.
Zoran Slišković plays for A.E.K. Athens F.C. from Jan, 1992 to Jan, 1994.
Zoran Slišković plays for F.K. Željezničar Sarajevo from Jan, 1985 to Jan, 1991.
Zoran Slišković plays for Paniliakos F.C. from Jan, 1994 to Jan, 1995.
Zoran Slišković plays for NK Slaven Belupo from Jan, 1997 to Jan, 1999.
|
Zoran SliškovićZoran Slišković (born 1 March 1966) is a retired Croatian footballer, who played as a forward. He is most notable for his spells at Željezničar Sarajevo, AEK Athens and Dinamo Zagreb (with whom he had two spells in 1992 and 1995–1997 when the club was called HAŠK Građanski and Croatia Zagreb).Born in Trpanj on the Croatian peninsula of Pelješac, Slišković trained, without proper coaching, on his own, at the local , before moving on as a teenager to play for a couple of seasons to the nearby . He claims to have been coached properly only when he came, aged 18, to , quickly ascending to the first team. The following season, Slišković joined FK Željezničar Sarajevo in the Yugoslav First League, with coach Ivica Osim giving him green light after a trial.Slišković moved to Greece in July 1992, initially joining Greek first division side AEK Athens F.C. for two seasons before spending one season with Paniliakos F.C. in the Greek second division.
|
[
"A.E.K. Athens F.C.",
"GNK Dinamo Zagreb",
"Paniliakos F.C.",
"F.K. Željezničar Sarajevo"
] |
|
Which employer did Laurent Schwartz work for in Aug, 1940?
|
August 13, 1940
|
{
"text": [
"National Center for Scientific Research"
]
}
|
L2_Q212081_P108_0
|
Laurent Schwartz works for École polytechnique from Jan, 1959 to Jan, 1980.
Laurent Schwartz works for University of Paris from Jan, 1953 to Jan, 1959.
Laurent Schwartz works for Grenoble Alpes University from Jan, 1944 to Jan, 1945.
Laurent Schwartz works for National Center for Scientific Research from Jan, 1940 to Jan, 1942.
Laurent Schwartz works for Université de Nancy from Jan, 1945 to Jan, 1953.
Laurent Schwartz works for Paris Diderot University from Jan, 1980 to Jan, 1983.
|
Laurent SchwartzLaurent-Moïse Schwartz (; 5 March 1915 – 4 July 2002) was a French mathematician. He pioneered the theory of distributions, which gives a well-defined meaning to objects such as the Dirac delta function. He was awarded the Fields Medal in 1950 for his work on the theory of distributions. For several years he taught at the École polytechnique.Laurent Schwartz came from a Jewish family of Alsatian origin, with a strong scientific background: his father was a well-known surgeon, his uncle Robert Debré (who contributed to the creation of UNICEF) was a famous pediatrician, and his great-uncle-in-law, Jacques Hadamard, was a famous mathematician.During his training at Lycée Louis-le-Grand to enter the École Normale Supérieure, he fell in love with Marie-Hélène Lévy, daughter of the probabilist Paul Lévy who was then teaching at the École polytechnique. Later they would have two children, Marc-André and Claudine. Marie-Hélène was gifted in mathematics as well, as she contributed to the geometry of singular analytic spaces and taught at the University of Lille.Angelo Guerraggio describes "Mathematics, politics and butterflies" as his "three great loves".According to his teachers, Schwartz was an exceptional student. He was particularly gifted in Latin, Greek and mathematics. One of his teachers told his parents: "Beware, some will say your son has a gift for languages, but he is only interested in the scientific and mathematical aspect of languages: he should become a mathematician."In 1934, he was admitted at the École Normale Supérieure, and in 1937 he obtained the agrégation (with rank 2).As a man of Trotskyist affinities and Jewish descent, life was difficult for Schwartz during World War II. He had to hide and change his identity to avoid being deported after Nazi Germany overran France. He worked for the University of Strasbourg (which had been relocated in Clermont-Ferrand because of the war) under the name of Laurent-Marie Sélimartin, while Marie-Hélène used the name Lengé instead of Lévy. Unlike other mathematicians at Clermont-Ferrand such as Feldbau, the couple managed to escape the Nazis.Schwartz taught mainly at École Polytechnique, from 1958 to 1980. At the end of the war, he spent one year in Grenoble (1944), then in 1945 joined the University of Nancy on the advice of Jean Delsarte and Jean Dieudonné, where he spent seven years. He was both an influential researcher and teacher, with students such as Bernard Malgrange, Jacques-Louis Lions, François Bruhat and Alexander Grothendieck. He joined the science faculty of the University of Paris in 1952. In 1958 he became a teacher at the École polytechnique after having at first refused this position. From 1961 to 1963 the École polytechnique suspended his right to teach, because of his having signed the Manifesto of the 121 about the Algerian war, a gesture not appreciated by Polytechnique's military administration. However, Schwartz had a lasting influence on mathematics at the École polytechnique, having reorganized both teaching and research there. In 1965 he established the "Centre de mathématiques Laurent-Schwartz" (CMLS) as its first director.In 1973 he was elected corresponding member of the French Academy of Sciences, and was promoted to full membership in 1975.In 1950 at the ICM, Schwartz was a plenary speaker and was awarded the Fields Medal for his work on distributions. He was the first French mathematician to receive the Fields medal. Because of his sympathy for Trotskyism, Schwartz encountered serious problems trying to enter the United States to receive the medal; however, he was ultimately successful.The theory of distributions clarified the (then) mysteries of the Dirac delta function and Heaviside step function. It helps to extend the theory of Fourier transforms and is now of critical importance to the theory of partial differential equations.Throughout his life, Schwartz actively worked to promote science and bring it closer to the general audience. Schwartz said: "What are mathematics helpful for? Mathematics are helpful for physics. Physics helps us make fridges. Fridges are made to contain spiny lobsters, and spiny lobsters help mathematicians who eat them and have hence better abilities to do mathematics, which are helpful for physics, which helps us make fridges which..."His mother, who was passionate about natural science, passed on her taste for entomology to Laurent. His personal collection of 20,000 Lepidoptera specimens, collected during his various travels was bequeathed to theMuséum national d'histoire naturelle), the Science Museum of Lyon, the Museum of Toulouse and the Museo de Historia Natural Alcide d’Orbigny in Cochabamba (Bolivia). Several species discovered by Schwartz bear his name.Apart from his scientific work, Schwartz was a well-known outspoken intellectual. As a young socialist influenced by Leon Trotsky, Schwartz opposed the totalitarianism of the Soviet Union, particularly under Joseph Stalin. Schwartz ultimately rejected Trotskyism for democratic socialism.On his religious views, Schwartz called himself an atheist.Research articlesTechnical booksSeminar notesPopular books
|
[
"École polytechnique",
"Paris Diderot University",
"University of Paris",
"Grenoble Alpes University",
"Université de Nancy"
] |
|
Which employer did Laurent Schwartz work for in May, 1944?
|
May 28, 1944
|
{
"text": [
"Grenoble Alpes University"
]
}
|
L2_Q212081_P108_1
|
Laurent Schwartz works for École polytechnique from Jan, 1959 to Jan, 1980.
Laurent Schwartz works for Grenoble Alpes University from Jan, 1944 to Jan, 1945.
Laurent Schwartz works for Paris Diderot University from Jan, 1980 to Jan, 1983.
Laurent Schwartz works for Université de Nancy from Jan, 1945 to Jan, 1953.
Laurent Schwartz works for University of Paris from Jan, 1953 to Jan, 1959.
Laurent Schwartz works for National Center for Scientific Research from Jan, 1940 to Jan, 1942.
|
Laurent SchwartzLaurent-Moïse Schwartz (; 5 March 1915 – 4 July 2002) was a French mathematician. He pioneered the theory of distributions, which gives a well-defined meaning to objects such as the Dirac delta function. He was awarded the Fields Medal in 1950 for his work on the theory of distributions. For several years he taught at the École polytechnique.Laurent Schwartz came from a Jewish family of Alsatian origin, with a strong scientific background: his father was a well-known surgeon, his uncle Robert Debré (who contributed to the creation of UNICEF) was a famous pediatrician, and his great-uncle-in-law, Jacques Hadamard, was a famous mathematician.During his training at Lycée Louis-le-Grand to enter the École Normale Supérieure, he fell in love with Marie-Hélène Lévy, daughter of the probabilist Paul Lévy who was then teaching at the École polytechnique. Later they would have two children, Marc-André and Claudine. Marie-Hélène was gifted in mathematics as well, as she contributed to the geometry of singular analytic spaces and taught at the University of Lille.Angelo Guerraggio describes "Mathematics, politics and butterflies" as his "three great loves".According to his teachers, Schwartz was an exceptional student. He was particularly gifted in Latin, Greek and mathematics. One of his teachers told his parents: "Beware, some will say your son has a gift for languages, but he is only interested in the scientific and mathematical aspect of languages: he should become a mathematician."In 1934, he was admitted at the École Normale Supérieure, and in 1937 he obtained the agrégation (with rank 2).As a man of Trotskyist affinities and Jewish descent, life was difficult for Schwartz during World War II. He had to hide and change his identity to avoid being deported after Nazi Germany overran France. He worked for the University of Strasbourg (which had been relocated in Clermont-Ferrand because of the war) under the name of Laurent-Marie Sélimartin, while Marie-Hélène used the name Lengé instead of Lévy. Unlike other mathematicians at Clermont-Ferrand such as Feldbau, the couple managed to escape the Nazis.Schwartz taught mainly at École Polytechnique, from 1958 to 1980. At the end of the war, he spent one year in Grenoble (1944), then in 1945 joined the University of Nancy on the advice of Jean Delsarte and Jean Dieudonné, where he spent seven years. He was both an influential researcher and teacher, with students such as Bernard Malgrange, Jacques-Louis Lions, François Bruhat and Alexander Grothendieck. He joined the science faculty of the University of Paris in 1952. In 1958 he became a teacher at the École polytechnique after having at first refused this position. From 1961 to 1963 the École polytechnique suspended his right to teach, because of his having signed the Manifesto of the 121 about the Algerian war, a gesture not appreciated by Polytechnique's military administration. However, Schwartz had a lasting influence on mathematics at the École polytechnique, having reorganized both teaching and research there. In 1965 he established the "Centre de mathématiques Laurent-Schwartz" (CMLS) as its first director.In 1973 he was elected corresponding member of the French Academy of Sciences, and was promoted to full membership in 1975.In 1950 at the ICM, Schwartz was a plenary speaker and was awarded the Fields Medal for his work on distributions. He was the first French mathematician to receive the Fields medal. Because of his sympathy for Trotskyism, Schwartz encountered serious problems trying to enter the United States to receive the medal; however, he was ultimately successful.The theory of distributions clarified the (then) mysteries of the Dirac delta function and Heaviside step function. It helps to extend the theory of Fourier transforms and is now of critical importance to the theory of partial differential equations.Throughout his life, Schwartz actively worked to promote science and bring it closer to the general audience. Schwartz said: "What are mathematics helpful for? Mathematics are helpful for physics. Physics helps us make fridges. Fridges are made to contain spiny lobsters, and spiny lobsters help mathematicians who eat them and have hence better abilities to do mathematics, which are helpful for physics, which helps us make fridges which..."His mother, who was passionate about natural science, passed on her taste for entomology to Laurent. His personal collection of 20,000 Lepidoptera specimens, collected during his various travels was bequeathed to theMuséum national d'histoire naturelle), the Science Museum of Lyon, the Museum of Toulouse and the Museo de Historia Natural Alcide d’Orbigny in Cochabamba (Bolivia). Several species discovered by Schwartz bear his name.Apart from his scientific work, Schwartz was a well-known outspoken intellectual. As a young socialist influenced by Leon Trotsky, Schwartz opposed the totalitarianism of the Soviet Union, particularly under Joseph Stalin. Schwartz ultimately rejected Trotskyism for democratic socialism.On his religious views, Schwartz called himself an atheist.Research articlesTechnical booksSeminar notesPopular books
|
[
"École polytechnique",
"Paris Diderot University",
"University of Paris",
"National Center for Scientific Research",
"Université de Nancy"
] |
|
Which employer did Laurent Schwartz work for in Mar, 1952?
|
March 18, 1952
|
{
"text": [
"Université de Nancy"
]
}
|
L2_Q212081_P108_2
|
Laurent Schwartz works for Grenoble Alpes University from Jan, 1944 to Jan, 1945.
Laurent Schwartz works for Université de Nancy from Jan, 1945 to Jan, 1953.
Laurent Schwartz works for University of Paris from Jan, 1953 to Jan, 1959.
Laurent Schwartz works for Paris Diderot University from Jan, 1980 to Jan, 1983.
Laurent Schwartz works for École polytechnique from Jan, 1959 to Jan, 1980.
Laurent Schwartz works for National Center for Scientific Research from Jan, 1940 to Jan, 1942.
|
Laurent SchwartzLaurent-Moïse Schwartz (; 5 March 1915 – 4 July 2002) was a French mathematician. He pioneered the theory of distributions, which gives a well-defined meaning to objects such as the Dirac delta function. He was awarded the Fields Medal in 1950 for his work on the theory of distributions. For several years he taught at the École polytechnique.Laurent Schwartz came from a Jewish family of Alsatian origin, with a strong scientific background: his father was a well-known surgeon, his uncle Robert Debré (who contributed to the creation of UNICEF) was a famous pediatrician, and his great-uncle-in-law, Jacques Hadamard, was a famous mathematician.During his training at Lycée Louis-le-Grand to enter the École Normale Supérieure, he fell in love with Marie-Hélène Lévy, daughter of the probabilist Paul Lévy who was then teaching at the École polytechnique. Later they would have two children, Marc-André and Claudine. Marie-Hélène was gifted in mathematics as well, as she contributed to the geometry of singular analytic spaces and taught at the University of Lille.Angelo Guerraggio describes "Mathematics, politics and butterflies" as his "three great loves".According to his teachers, Schwartz was an exceptional student. He was particularly gifted in Latin, Greek and mathematics. One of his teachers told his parents: "Beware, some will say your son has a gift for languages, but he is only interested in the scientific and mathematical aspect of languages: he should become a mathematician."In 1934, he was admitted at the École Normale Supérieure, and in 1937 he obtained the agrégation (with rank 2).As a man of Trotskyist affinities and Jewish descent, life was difficult for Schwartz during World War II. He had to hide and change his identity to avoid being deported after Nazi Germany overran France. He worked for the University of Strasbourg (which had been relocated in Clermont-Ferrand because of the war) under the name of Laurent-Marie Sélimartin, while Marie-Hélène used the name Lengé instead of Lévy. Unlike other mathematicians at Clermont-Ferrand such as Feldbau, the couple managed to escape the Nazis.Schwartz taught mainly at École Polytechnique, from 1958 to 1980. At the end of the war, he spent one year in Grenoble (1944), then in 1945 joined the University of Nancy on the advice of Jean Delsarte and Jean Dieudonné, where he spent seven years. He was both an influential researcher and teacher, with students such as Bernard Malgrange, Jacques-Louis Lions, François Bruhat and Alexander Grothendieck. He joined the science faculty of the University of Paris in 1952. In 1958 he became a teacher at the École polytechnique after having at first refused this position. From 1961 to 1963 the École polytechnique suspended his right to teach, because of his having signed the Manifesto of the 121 about the Algerian war, a gesture not appreciated by Polytechnique's military administration. However, Schwartz had a lasting influence on mathematics at the École polytechnique, having reorganized both teaching and research there. In 1965 he established the "Centre de mathématiques Laurent-Schwartz" (CMLS) as its first director.In 1973 he was elected corresponding member of the French Academy of Sciences, and was promoted to full membership in 1975.In 1950 at the ICM, Schwartz was a plenary speaker and was awarded the Fields Medal for his work on distributions. He was the first French mathematician to receive the Fields medal. Because of his sympathy for Trotskyism, Schwartz encountered serious problems trying to enter the United States to receive the medal; however, he was ultimately successful.The theory of distributions clarified the (then) mysteries of the Dirac delta function and Heaviside step function. It helps to extend the theory of Fourier transforms and is now of critical importance to the theory of partial differential equations.Throughout his life, Schwartz actively worked to promote science and bring it closer to the general audience. Schwartz said: "What are mathematics helpful for? Mathematics are helpful for physics. Physics helps us make fridges. Fridges are made to contain spiny lobsters, and spiny lobsters help mathematicians who eat them and have hence better abilities to do mathematics, which are helpful for physics, which helps us make fridges which..."His mother, who was passionate about natural science, passed on her taste for entomology to Laurent. His personal collection of 20,000 Lepidoptera specimens, collected during his various travels was bequeathed to theMuséum national d'histoire naturelle), the Science Museum of Lyon, the Museum of Toulouse and the Museo de Historia Natural Alcide d’Orbigny in Cochabamba (Bolivia). Several species discovered by Schwartz bear his name.Apart from his scientific work, Schwartz was a well-known outspoken intellectual. As a young socialist influenced by Leon Trotsky, Schwartz opposed the totalitarianism of the Soviet Union, particularly under Joseph Stalin. Schwartz ultimately rejected Trotskyism for democratic socialism.On his religious views, Schwartz called himself an atheist.Research articlesTechnical booksSeminar notesPopular books
|
[
"École polytechnique",
"Paris Diderot University",
"University of Paris",
"Grenoble Alpes University",
"National Center for Scientific Research"
] |
|
Which employer did Laurent Schwartz work for in Feb, 1953?
|
February 20, 1953
|
{
"text": [
"University of Paris"
]
}
|
L2_Q212081_P108_3
|
Laurent Schwartz works for École polytechnique from Jan, 1959 to Jan, 1980.
Laurent Schwartz works for Université de Nancy from Jan, 1945 to Jan, 1953.
Laurent Schwartz works for University of Paris from Jan, 1953 to Jan, 1959.
Laurent Schwartz works for Paris Diderot University from Jan, 1980 to Jan, 1983.
Laurent Schwartz works for National Center for Scientific Research from Jan, 1940 to Jan, 1942.
Laurent Schwartz works for Grenoble Alpes University from Jan, 1944 to Jan, 1945.
|
Laurent SchwartzLaurent-Moïse Schwartz (; 5 March 1915 – 4 July 2002) was a French mathematician. He pioneered the theory of distributions, which gives a well-defined meaning to objects such as the Dirac delta function. He was awarded the Fields Medal in 1950 for his work on the theory of distributions. For several years he taught at the École polytechnique.Laurent Schwartz came from a Jewish family of Alsatian origin, with a strong scientific background: his father was a well-known surgeon, his uncle Robert Debré (who contributed to the creation of UNICEF) was a famous pediatrician, and his great-uncle-in-law, Jacques Hadamard, was a famous mathematician.During his training at Lycée Louis-le-Grand to enter the École Normale Supérieure, he fell in love with Marie-Hélène Lévy, daughter of the probabilist Paul Lévy who was then teaching at the École polytechnique. Later they would have two children, Marc-André and Claudine. Marie-Hélène was gifted in mathematics as well, as she contributed to the geometry of singular analytic spaces and taught at the University of Lille.Angelo Guerraggio describes "Mathematics, politics and butterflies" as his "three great loves".According to his teachers, Schwartz was an exceptional student. He was particularly gifted in Latin, Greek and mathematics. One of his teachers told his parents: "Beware, some will say your son has a gift for languages, but he is only interested in the scientific and mathematical aspect of languages: he should become a mathematician."In 1934, he was admitted at the École Normale Supérieure, and in 1937 he obtained the agrégation (with rank 2).As a man of Trotskyist affinities and Jewish descent, life was difficult for Schwartz during World War II. He had to hide and change his identity to avoid being deported after Nazi Germany overran France. He worked for the University of Strasbourg (which had been relocated in Clermont-Ferrand because of the war) under the name of Laurent-Marie Sélimartin, while Marie-Hélène used the name Lengé instead of Lévy. Unlike other mathematicians at Clermont-Ferrand such as Feldbau, the couple managed to escape the Nazis.Schwartz taught mainly at École Polytechnique, from 1958 to 1980. At the end of the war, he spent one year in Grenoble (1944), then in 1945 joined the University of Nancy on the advice of Jean Delsarte and Jean Dieudonné, where he spent seven years. He was both an influential researcher and teacher, with students such as Bernard Malgrange, Jacques-Louis Lions, François Bruhat and Alexander Grothendieck. He joined the science faculty of the University of Paris in 1952. In 1958 he became a teacher at the École polytechnique after having at first refused this position. From 1961 to 1963 the École polytechnique suspended his right to teach, because of his having signed the Manifesto of the 121 about the Algerian war, a gesture not appreciated by Polytechnique's military administration. However, Schwartz had a lasting influence on mathematics at the École polytechnique, having reorganized both teaching and research there. In 1965 he established the "Centre de mathématiques Laurent-Schwartz" (CMLS) as its first director.In 1973 he was elected corresponding member of the French Academy of Sciences, and was promoted to full membership in 1975.In 1950 at the ICM, Schwartz was a plenary speaker and was awarded the Fields Medal for his work on distributions. He was the first French mathematician to receive the Fields medal. Because of his sympathy for Trotskyism, Schwartz encountered serious problems trying to enter the United States to receive the medal; however, he was ultimately successful.The theory of distributions clarified the (then) mysteries of the Dirac delta function and Heaviside step function. It helps to extend the theory of Fourier transforms and is now of critical importance to the theory of partial differential equations.Throughout his life, Schwartz actively worked to promote science and bring it closer to the general audience. Schwartz said: "What are mathematics helpful for? Mathematics are helpful for physics. Physics helps us make fridges. Fridges are made to contain spiny lobsters, and spiny lobsters help mathematicians who eat them and have hence better abilities to do mathematics, which are helpful for physics, which helps us make fridges which..."His mother, who was passionate about natural science, passed on her taste for entomology to Laurent. His personal collection of 20,000 Lepidoptera specimens, collected during his various travels was bequeathed to theMuséum national d'histoire naturelle), the Science Museum of Lyon, the Museum of Toulouse and the Museo de Historia Natural Alcide d’Orbigny in Cochabamba (Bolivia). Several species discovered by Schwartz bear his name.Apart from his scientific work, Schwartz was a well-known outspoken intellectual. As a young socialist influenced by Leon Trotsky, Schwartz opposed the totalitarianism of the Soviet Union, particularly under Joseph Stalin. Schwartz ultimately rejected Trotskyism for democratic socialism.On his religious views, Schwartz called himself an atheist.Research articlesTechnical booksSeminar notesPopular books
|
[
"École polytechnique",
"Paris Diderot University",
"Grenoble Alpes University",
"National Center for Scientific Research",
"Université de Nancy"
] |
|
Which employer did Laurent Schwartz work for in May, 1963?
|
May 22, 1963
|
{
"text": [
"École polytechnique"
]
}
|
L2_Q212081_P108_4
|
Laurent Schwartz works for École polytechnique from Jan, 1959 to Jan, 1980.
Laurent Schwartz works for Paris Diderot University from Jan, 1980 to Jan, 1983.
Laurent Schwartz works for Université de Nancy from Jan, 1945 to Jan, 1953.
Laurent Schwartz works for University of Paris from Jan, 1953 to Jan, 1959.
Laurent Schwartz works for Grenoble Alpes University from Jan, 1944 to Jan, 1945.
Laurent Schwartz works for National Center for Scientific Research from Jan, 1940 to Jan, 1942.
|
Laurent SchwartzLaurent-Moïse Schwartz (; 5 March 1915 – 4 July 2002) was a French mathematician. He pioneered the theory of distributions, which gives a well-defined meaning to objects such as the Dirac delta function. He was awarded the Fields Medal in 1950 for his work on the theory of distributions. For several years he taught at the École polytechnique.Laurent Schwartz came from a Jewish family of Alsatian origin, with a strong scientific background: his father was a well-known surgeon, his uncle Robert Debré (who contributed to the creation of UNICEF) was a famous pediatrician, and his great-uncle-in-law, Jacques Hadamard, was a famous mathematician.During his training at Lycée Louis-le-Grand to enter the École Normale Supérieure, he fell in love with Marie-Hélène Lévy, daughter of the probabilist Paul Lévy who was then teaching at the École polytechnique. Later they would have two children, Marc-André and Claudine. Marie-Hélène was gifted in mathematics as well, as she contributed to the geometry of singular analytic spaces and taught at the University of Lille.Angelo Guerraggio describes "Mathematics, politics and butterflies" as his "three great loves".According to his teachers, Schwartz was an exceptional student. He was particularly gifted in Latin, Greek and mathematics. One of his teachers told his parents: "Beware, some will say your son has a gift for languages, but he is only interested in the scientific and mathematical aspect of languages: he should become a mathematician."In 1934, he was admitted at the École Normale Supérieure, and in 1937 he obtained the agrégation (with rank 2).As a man of Trotskyist affinities and Jewish descent, life was difficult for Schwartz during World War II. He had to hide and change his identity to avoid being deported after Nazi Germany overran France. He worked for the University of Strasbourg (which had been relocated in Clermont-Ferrand because of the war) under the name of Laurent-Marie Sélimartin, while Marie-Hélène used the name Lengé instead of Lévy. Unlike other mathematicians at Clermont-Ferrand such as Feldbau, the couple managed to escape the Nazis.Schwartz taught mainly at École Polytechnique, from 1958 to 1980. At the end of the war, he spent one year in Grenoble (1944), then in 1945 joined the University of Nancy on the advice of Jean Delsarte and Jean Dieudonné, where he spent seven years. He was both an influential researcher and teacher, with students such as Bernard Malgrange, Jacques-Louis Lions, François Bruhat and Alexander Grothendieck. He joined the science faculty of the University of Paris in 1952. In 1958 he became a teacher at the École polytechnique after having at first refused this position. From 1961 to 1963 the École polytechnique suspended his right to teach, because of his having signed the Manifesto of the 121 about the Algerian war, a gesture not appreciated by Polytechnique's military administration. However, Schwartz had a lasting influence on mathematics at the École polytechnique, having reorganized both teaching and research there. In 1965 he established the "Centre de mathématiques Laurent-Schwartz" (CMLS) as its first director.In 1973 he was elected corresponding member of the French Academy of Sciences, and was promoted to full membership in 1975.In 1950 at the ICM, Schwartz was a plenary speaker and was awarded the Fields Medal for his work on distributions. He was the first French mathematician to receive the Fields medal. Because of his sympathy for Trotskyism, Schwartz encountered serious problems trying to enter the United States to receive the medal; however, he was ultimately successful.The theory of distributions clarified the (then) mysteries of the Dirac delta function and Heaviside step function. It helps to extend the theory of Fourier transforms and is now of critical importance to the theory of partial differential equations.Throughout his life, Schwartz actively worked to promote science and bring it closer to the general audience. Schwartz said: "What are mathematics helpful for? Mathematics are helpful for physics. Physics helps us make fridges. Fridges are made to contain spiny lobsters, and spiny lobsters help mathematicians who eat them and have hence better abilities to do mathematics, which are helpful for physics, which helps us make fridges which..."His mother, who was passionate about natural science, passed on her taste for entomology to Laurent. His personal collection of 20,000 Lepidoptera specimens, collected during his various travels was bequeathed to theMuséum national d'histoire naturelle), the Science Museum of Lyon, the Museum of Toulouse and the Museo de Historia Natural Alcide d’Orbigny in Cochabamba (Bolivia). Several species discovered by Schwartz bear his name.Apart from his scientific work, Schwartz was a well-known outspoken intellectual. As a young socialist influenced by Leon Trotsky, Schwartz opposed the totalitarianism of the Soviet Union, particularly under Joseph Stalin. Schwartz ultimately rejected Trotskyism for democratic socialism.On his religious views, Schwartz called himself an atheist.Research articlesTechnical booksSeminar notesPopular books
|
[
"Paris Diderot University",
"University of Paris",
"Grenoble Alpes University",
"National Center for Scientific Research",
"Université de Nancy"
] |
|
Which employer did Laurent Schwartz work for in Dec, 1982?
|
December 28, 1982
|
{
"text": [
"Paris Diderot University"
]
}
|
L2_Q212081_P108_5
|
Laurent Schwartz works for Paris Diderot University from Jan, 1980 to Jan, 1983.
Laurent Schwartz works for Université de Nancy from Jan, 1945 to Jan, 1953.
Laurent Schwartz works for University of Paris from Jan, 1953 to Jan, 1959.
Laurent Schwartz works for National Center for Scientific Research from Jan, 1940 to Jan, 1942.
Laurent Schwartz works for Grenoble Alpes University from Jan, 1944 to Jan, 1945.
Laurent Schwartz works for École polytechnique from Jan, 1959 to Jan, 1980.
|
Laurent SchwartzLaurent-Moïse Schwartz (; 5 March 1915 – 4 July 2002) was a French mathematician. He pioneered the theory of distributions, which gives a well-defined meaning to objects such as the Dirac delta function. He was awarded the Fields Medal in 1950 for his work on the theory of distributions. For several years he taught at the École polytechnique.Laurent Schwartz came from a Jewish family of Alsatian origin, with a strong scientific background: his father was a well-known surgeon, his uncle Robert Debré (who contributed to the creation of UNICEF) was a famous pediatrician, and his great-uncle-in-law, Jacques Hadamard, was a famous mathematician.During his training at Lycée Louis-le-Grand to enter the École Normale Supérieure, he fell in love with Marie-Hélène Lévy, daughter of the probabilist Paul Lévy who was then teaching at the École polytechnique. Later they would have two children, Marc-André and Claudine. Marie-Hélène was gifted in mathematics as well, as she contributed to the geometry of singular analytic spaces and taught at the University of Lille.Angelo Guerraggio describes "Mathematics, politics and butterflies" as his "three great loves".According to his teachers, Schwartz was an exceptional student. He was particularly gifted in Latin, Greek and mathematics. One of his teachers told his parents: "Beware, some will say your son has a gift for languages, but he is only interested in the scientific and mathematical aspect of languages: he should become a mathematician."In 1934, he was admitted at the École Normale Supérieure, and in 1937 he obtained the agrégation (with rank 2).As a man of Trotskyist affinities and Jewish descent, life was difficult for Schwartz during World War II. He had to hide and change his identity to avoid being deported after Nazi Germany overran France. He worked for the University of Strasbourg (which had been relocated in Clermont-Ferrand because of the war) under the name of Laurent-Marie Sélimartin, while Marie-Hélène used the name Lengé instead of Lévy. Unlike other mathematicians at Clermont-Ferrand such as Feldbau, the couple managed to escape the Nazis.Schwartz taught mainly at École Polytechnique, from 1958 to 1980. At the end of the war, he spent one year in Grenoble (1944), then in 1945 joined the University of Nancy on the advice of Jean Delsarte and Jean Dieudonné, where he spent seven years. He was both an influential researcher and teacher, with students such as Bernard Malgrange, Jacques-Louis Lions, François Bruhat and Alexander Grothendieck. He joined the science faculty of the University of Paris in 1952. In 1958 he became a teacher at the École polytechnique after having at first refused this position. From 1961 to 1963 the École polytechnique suspended his right to teach, because of his having signed the Manifesto of the 121 about the Algerian war, a gesture not appreciated by Polytechnique's military administration. However, Schwartz had a lasting influence on mathematics at the École polytechnique, having reorganized both teaching and research there. In 1965 he established the "Centre de mathématiques Laurent-Schwartz" (CMLS) as its first director.In 1973 he was elected corresponding member of the French Academy of Sciences, and was promoted to full membership in 1975.In 1950 at the ICM, Schwartz was a plenary speaker and was awarded the Fields Medal for his work on distributions. He was the first French mathematician to receive the Fields medal. Because of his sympathy for Trotskyism, Schwartz encountered serious problems trying to enter the United States to receive the medal; however, he was ultimately successful.The theory of distributions clarified the (then) mysteries of the Dirac delta function and Heaviside step function. It helps to extend the theory of Fourier transforms and is now of critical importance to the theory of partial differential equations.Throughout his life, Schwartz actively worked to promote science and bring it closer to the general audience. Schwartz said: "What are mathematics helpful for? Mathematics are helpful for physics. Physics helps us make fridges. Fridges are made to contain spiny lobsters, and spiny lobsters help mathematicians who eat them and have hence better abilities to do mathematics, which are helpful for physics, which helps us make fridges which..."His mother, who was passionate about natural science, passed on her taste for entomology to Laurent. His personal collection of 20,000 Lepidoptera specimens, collected during his various travels was bequeathed to theMuséum national d'histoire naturelle), the Science Museum of Lyon, the Museum of Toulouse and the Museo de Historia Natural Alcide d’Orbigny in Cochabamba (Bolivia). Several species discovered by Schwartz bear his name.Apart from his scientific work, Schwartz was a well-known outspoken intellectual. As a young socialist influenced by Leon Trotsky, Schwartz opposed the totalitarianism of the Soviet Union, particularly under Joseph Stalin. Schwartz ultimately rejected Trotskyism for democratic socialism.On his religious views, Schwartz called himself an atheist.Research articlesTechnical booksSeminar notesPopular books
|
[
"École polytechnique",
"University of Paris",
"Grenoble Alpes University",
"National Center for Scientific Research",
"Université de Nancy"
] |
|
Which political party did Billy Hughes belong to in Mar, 1916?
|
March 19, 1916
|
{
"text": [
"National Labor Party"
]
}
|
L2_Q152666_P102_0
|
Billy Hughes is a member of the United Australia Party from Jan, 1931 to Jan, 1944.
Billy Hughes is a member of the National Labor Party from Jan, 1916 to Jan, 1917.
Billy Hughes is a member of the Liberal Party of Australia from Jan, 1944 to Oct, 1952.
Billy Hughes is a member of the Nationalist Party of Australia from Jan, 1917 to Jan, 1929.
|
Billy HughesWilliam Morris Hughes, (25 September 1862 – 28 October 1952), was an Australian politician who served as the 7th Prime Minister of Australia, in office from 1915 to 1923. He is best known for leading the country during World War I, but his influence on national politics spanned several decades. Hughes was a member of federal parliament from Federation in 1901 until his death, the only person to have served for more than 50 years. He represented six political parties during his career, leading five, outlasting four, and being expelled from three.Hughes was born in London to Welsh parents. He emigrated to Australia at the age of 22, and became involved in the fledgling labour movement. He was elected to the New South Wales Legislative Assembly in 1894, as a member of the New South Wales Labor Party, and then transferred to the new federal parliament in 1901. Hughes combined his early political career with part-time legal studies, and was called to the bar in 1903. He first entered cabinet in 1904, in the short-lived Watson Government, and was later Attorney-General in each of Andrew Fisher's governments. He was elected deputy leader of the Australian Labor Party in 1914.Hughes became prime minister in October 1915, when Fisher retired due to ill health. The war was the dominant issue of the time, and his support for sending conscripted troops overseas caused a split within Labor ranks. Hughes and his supporters were expelled from the party in November 1916, but he was able to remain in power at the head of the new National Labor Party, which after a few months merged with the Liberals to form the Nationalist Party. His government was re-elected with large majorities at the 1917 and 1919 elections. Hughes established the forerunners of the Australian Federal Police and the CSIRO during the war, and also created a number of new state-owned enterprises to aid the post-war economy. He made a significant impression on other world leaders at the 1919 Paris Peace Conference, where he secured Australian control of the former German New Guinea.At the 1922 election, the Nationalists lost their majority in parliament and were forced to form a coalition with the Country Party. Hughes' resignation was the price for Country Party support, and he was succeeded as prime minister by Stanley Bruce. He became one of Bruce's leading critics over time, and in 1928, following a dispute over industrial relations, he and his supporters crossed the floor on a confidence motion and brought down the government. After a period as an independent, Hughes formed his own organisation, the Australian Party, which in 1931 merged into the new United Australia Party (UAP). He returned to cabinet in 1934, and became known for his prescient warnings against Japanese imperialism. As late as 1939, he missed out on a second stint as prime minister by only a handful of votes, losing a UAP leadership ballot to Robert Menzies.Hughes is generally acknowledged as one of the most influential Australian politicians of the 20th century. He was a controversial figure throughout his lifetime, and his legacy continues to be debated by historians. His strong views and abrasive manner meant he frequently made political enemies, often from within his own parties. Hughes' opponents accused him of engaging in authoritarianism and populism, as well as inflaming sectarianism; his use of the "War Precautions Act 1914" was particularly controversial. His former colleagues in the Labor Party considered him a traitor, while conservatives were suspicious of what they viewed as his socialist economic policies. However, he was extremely popular among the general public, particularly ex-servicemen, who affectionately nicknamed him "the little digger".Hughes was born on 25 September 1862 at 7 Moreton Place, Pimlico, London, the son of William Hughes and the former Jane Morris. His parents were both Welsh. His father, who worked as a carpenter and joiner at the Palace of Westminster, was from North Wales and was a fluent Welsh speaker. His mother, a domestic servant, was from the small village of Llansantffraid-ym-Mechain (near the English border), and spoke only English. Hughes was an only child; at the time of their marriage, in June 1861, his parents were both 37 years old.Hughes' mother died in May 1869, when he was six years old. His father subsequently sent him to be raised by relatives in Wales. During the school term, he lived with his father's sister, Mary Hughes, who kept a boarding house in Llandudno named "Bryn Rosa". He earned pocket money by doing chores for his aunt's tenants and singing in the choir at the local church. Hughes began his formal schooling in Llandudno, attending two small single-teacher schools. He spent his holidays with his mother's family in Llansantffraid. There, he divided his time between "Winllan", the farm of his widowed aunt (Margaret Mason), and "Plas Bedw", the neighbouring farm of his grandparents (Peter and Jane Morris).Hughes regarded his early years in Wales as the happiest time of his life. He was immensely proud of his Welsh identity, and he later became active in the Welsh Australian community, frequently speaking at Saint David's Day celebrations. Hughes called Welsh the "language of heaven", but his own grasp of it was patchy. Like many of his contemporaries, he had no formal schooling in Welsh, and had particular difficulties with spelling. Nonetheless, he received and replied to correspondence from Welsh-speakers throughout his political career, and as prime minister famously traded insults in Welsh with David Lloyd George.At the age of eleven, Hughes was enrolled in St Stephen's School, Westminster, one of the many church schools established by the philanthropist Lady Burdett-Coutts. He won prizes in geometry and French, receiving the latter from Lord Harrowby. After finishing his elementary schooling, he was apprenticed as a "pupil-teacher" for five years, instructing younger students for five hours a day in exchange for personal lessons from the headmaster and a small stipend. At St Stephen's, Hughes came into contact with the poet Matthew Arnold, who was an examiner and inspector for the local school district. Arnold – who coincidentally had holidayed at Llandudno – took a liking to Hughes, and gifted him a copy of the Complete Works of Shakespeare; Hughes credited Arnold with instilling his lifelong love of literature.After finishing his initial apprenticeship, Hughes stayed on at St Stephen's as a teaching assistant. He had no interest in teaching as a career though, and also declined Matthew Arnold's offer to secure him a clerkship at Coutts. His relative financial security allowed him to pursue his own interests for the first time, which included bellringing, boating on the Thames, and travel (such as a two-day trip to Paris). He also joined a volunteer battalion of the Royal Fusiliers, which consisted mainly of artisans and white-collar workers. In later life, Hughes recalled London as "a place of romance, mystery and suggestion".At the age of 22, finding his prospects in London dim, Hughes decided to emigrate to Australia. Taking advantage of an assisted-passage scheme offered by the Colony of Queensland, he arrived in Brisbane on 8 December 1884 after a two-month journey. On arrival, he gave his year of birth as 1864, a deception that was not uncovered until after his death. Hughes attempted to find work with the Education Department, but was either not offered a position or found the terms of employment to be unsuitable. He spent the next two years as an itinerant labourer, working various odd jobs. In his memoirs, Hughes claimed to have worked variously as a fruitpicker, tally clerk, navvy, blacksmith's striker, station hand, drover, and saddler's assistant, and to have travelled (mostly on foot) as far north as Rockhampton, as far west as Adavale, and as far south as Orange, New South Wales. He also claimed to have served briefly in both the Queensland Defence Force and the Queensland Maritime Defence Force. Hughes' accounts are by their nature unverifiable, and his biographers have cast doubt on their veracity – Fitzhardinge states that they were embellished at best and at worst "a world of pure fantasy".Hughes moved to Sydney in about mid-1886, working his way there as a deckhand and galley cook aboard SS "Maranoa". He found occasional work as a line cook, but at one point supposedly had to resort to living in a cave on The Domain for a few days. Hughes eventually found a steady job at a forge, making hinges for colonial ovens. Around the same time, he entered into a common-law marriage with Elizabeth Cutts, his landlady's daughter; they had six children together. In 1890, Hughes moved to Balmain. The following year, with his wife's financial assistance, he was able to open a small shop selling general merchandise. The income from the shop was not enough to live on, so he also worked part-time as a locksmith and umbrella salesman, and his wife as a washerwoman. One of Hughes' acquaintances in Balmain was William Wilks, another future MP, while one of the customers at his shop was Frederick Jordan, a future Chief Justice of New South Wales.In Balmain, Hughes became a Georgist, a street-corner speaker, president of the Balmain Single Tax League, and joined the Australian Socialist League. He was an organiser with the Australian Workers' Union and may have already joined the newly formed Labor Party. In 1894, Hughes spent eight months in central New South Wales organising for the Amalgamated Shearers' Union of Australasia and then won the Legislative Assembly seat of Sydney-Lang by 105 votes.While in Parliament he became secretary of the Wharf Labourer's Union. In 1900 he founded and became first national president of the Waterside Workers' Union. During this period Hughes studied law, and was admitted as a barrister in 1903. Unlike most Labor men, he was a strong supporter of Federation and Georgism.In 1901 Hughes was elected to the first federal Parliament as Labor MP for West Sydney. He opposed the Barton government's proposals for a small professional army and instead advocated compulsory universal training. In 1903, he was admitted to the bar after several years part-time study. He became a King's Counsel (KC) in 1909. (The title changed to Queen's Council (QC) on the accession of Queen Elizabeth II in 1952.)In 1911, he married Mary Campbell. He was Minister for External Affairs in Chris Watson's first Labor government. He was Attorney-General in Andrew Fisher's three Labor governments in 1908–09, 1910–13 and 1914–15.In 1913, at the foundation ceremony of Canberra as the capital of Australia, Hughes gave a speech proclaiming that the country was obtained via the elimination of the indigenous population. "We were destined to have our own way from the beginning..[and]..killed everybody else to get it," Hughes said, adding that "the first historic event in the history of the Commonwealth we are engaged in today [is] without the slightest trace of that race we have banished from the face of the earth." But he warned that "we must not be too proud lest we should, too, in time disappear."His abrasive manner (his chronic dyspepsia was thought to contribute to his volatile temperament) made his colleagues reluctant to have him as Leader. His on-going feud with King O'Malley, a fellow Labor minister, was a prominent example of his combative style.Hughes was also the club patron for the Glebe Rugby League team in the debut year of Rugby League in Australia, in 1908. Hughes was one of a number of prominent Labor politicians who were aligned with the Rugby League movement in Sydney in 1908. Rugby League was borne out of a player movement against the Metropolitan Rugby Union who refused to compensate players for downtime from their jobs due to injuries sustained playing Rugby Union. Labor politicians aligned themselves with the new code as it was seen as a strong social standpoint, politically, and it was an enthusiastic professional game, which made the politicians themselves appear in a similar vein, in their opinions anyway.Following the 1914 election, the Labor Prime Minister of Australia, Andrew Fisher, found the strain of leadership during World War I taxing and faced increasing pressure from the ambitious Hughes who wanted Australia to be firmly recognised on the world stage. By 1915 Fisher's health was suffering and, in October, he resigned and was succeeded by Hughes. In social policy, Hughes introduced an institutional pension for pensioners in benevolent asylums, equal to the difference between the 'act of grace' payment to the institution and the rate of IP.From March to June 1916, Hughes was in Britain, where he delivered a series of speeches calling for imperial co-operation and economic warfare against Germany. These were published under the title "The Day—and After", which was a bestseller. His biographer, Laurie Fitzhardinge, said these speeches were "electrifying" and that Hughes "swept his hearers off their feet". According to two contemporary writers, Hughes' speeches "have in particular evoked intense approbation, and have been followed by such a quickening power of the national spirit as perhaps no other orator since Chatham ever aroused".In July 1916 Hughes was a member of the British delegation at the Paris Economic Conference, which met to decide what economic measures to take against Germany. This was the first time an Australian representative had attended an international conference.Hughes was a strong supporter of Australia's participation in World War I and, after the loss of 28,000 men as casualties (killed, wounded and missing) in July and August 1916, Generals Birdwood and White of the Australian Imperial Force (AIF) persuaded Hughes that conscription was necessary if Australia was to sustain its contribution to the war effort.However, a two-thirds majority of his party, which included Roman Catholics and union representatives as well as the Industrialists (Socialists) such as Frank Anstey, were bitterly opposed to this, especially in the wake of what was regarded by many Irish Australians (most of whom were Roman Catholics) as Britain's excessive response to the Easter Rising of 1916.In October, Hughes held a national plebiscite for conscription, but it was narrowly defeated. The enabling legislation was the "Military Service Referendum Act 1916" and the outcome was advisory only. The narrow defeat (1,087,557 Yes and 1,160,033 No), however, did not deter Hughes, who continued to argue vigorously in favour of conscription. This revealed the deep and bitter split within the Australian community that had existed since before Federation, as well as within the members of his own party. Conscription had been in place since the 1910 Defence Act, but only in the defence of the nation. Hughes was seeking via a referendum to change the wording in the act to include "overseas". A referendum was not necessary but Hughes felt that in light of the seriousness of the situation, a vote of "Yes" from the people would give him a mandate to bypass the Senate. The Lloyd George Government of Britain did favour Hughes but only came to power in 1916, several months after the first referendum. The predecessor Asquith government greatly disliked Hughes considering him to be ""a guest, rather than the representative of Australia"". According to David Lloyd George: "He and Asquith did not get on too well. They would not. They were antipathetic types. As Hughes was never over-anxious to conceal his feelings or restrain his expression of them, and was moreover equipped with a biting tongue, the consultations between them were not agreeable to either".In reaction to Hughes' campaign for conscription, on 15 September 1916 the NSW executive of the Political Labour League (the state Labor Party organisation at the time) expelled him and other leading New South Wales pro-conscription advocates from the Labor movement. Hughes remained as leader of the federal parliamentary Labor Party until, at the 14th November caucus meeting, a no-confidence motion against him was passed. Hughes and 24 others including almost all of the Parliamentary talent walked out to form a new party heeding Hughes's cry "Let those who think like me, follow me.", leaving behind the 43 members of the Industrialists and Unionists factions. That same evening Hughes tendered his resignation to the Governor-General, received a commission to form a new Government, and had his recommendations accepted. Years later, Hughes said, "I did not leave the Labor Party, The party left me." The timing of Hughes's expulsion from the Labor Party meant that he became the first Labor leader who never led the party to an election. On 15 November, Frank Tudor was elected unopposed as the new leader of the Federal Parliamentary Australian Labor Party.Hughes and his followers, which included many of Labor's early leaders, called themselves the National Labor Party and began laying the groundwork for forming a party that they felt would be both avowedly nationalist as well as socially radical. Hughes was forced to conclude a confidence and supply agreement with the opposition Commonwealth Liberal Party to stay in office.A few months later, the Governor-General, Sir Ronald Munro Ferguson, persuaded Hughes and Liberal Party leader Joseph Cook (himself a former Labor man) to turn their wartime coalition into a formal party. This was the Nationalist Party of Australia, which was formally launched in February. Although the Liberals were the larger partner in the merger, Hughes emerged as the new party's leader, with Cook as his deputy. The presence of several working-class figures—including Hughes—in what was basically an upper- and middle-class party allowed the Nationalists to convey an image of national unity. At the same time, he became and remains a traitor in Labor histories.At the May 1917 federal election Hughes and the Nationalists won a huge electoral victory, which was magnified by the large number of Labor MPs who followed him out of the party. At this election Hughes gave up his working-class Sydney seat and was elected for Bendigo, Victoria, becoming the first of only a handful of people who have represented more than one state or territory in the Parliament.In Bendigo, Hughes won the seat by defeating the sitting Labor MP Alfred Hampson.This marks the only time that a sitting prime minister had challenged and ousted another sitting MP for his seat.Hughes had promised to resign if his Government did not win the power to conscript. Queensland Premier T. J. Ryan was a key opponent to conscription, and violence almost broke out when Hughes ordered a raid on the Government Printing Office in Brisbane, with the aim of confiscating copies of Hansard that covered debates in the Queensland Parliament where anti-conscription sentiments had been aired. A second plebiscite on conscription was held in December 1917, but was again defeated, this time by a wider margin. Hughes, after receiving a vote of no confidence in his leadership by his party, resigned as Prime Minister. However, there were no credible alternative candidates. For this reason, Munro-Ferguson used his reserve power to immediately re-commission Hughes, thus allowing him to remain as Prime Minister while keeping his promise to resign.The government replaced the first-past-the-post electoral system applying to both houses of the Federal Parliament under the Commonwealth Electoral Act 1903 with a preferential system for the House of Representatives in 1918. That preferential system has essentially applied ever since. A multiple majority-preferential system was introduced at the 1919 federal election for the Senate, and that remained in force until it was changed to a quota-preferential system of proportional representation in 1948. Those changes were considered to be a response to the emergence of the Country Party, so that the non-Labor vote would not be split, as it would have been under the previous first-past-the-post system.In early 1916, Hughes established the Advisory Council on Science and Industry, the first national body for scientific research and the first iteration of what is now the CSIRO. The council had no basis in legislation, and was intended only as a temporary body to be replaced with "Bureau of Science and Industry" as soon as possible. However, due to wartime stresses and other considerations the council endured until 1920, at which point an act of parliament was passed transforming it into a new government agency, the Institute of Science and Industry. According to Fitzhardinge: "The whole affair was highly typical of Hughes's methods. An idea coming from outside happened to chime with his preoccupation of the moment. He seized it, put his own stamp on it, and pushed it through to the point of realization. Then, having established the machinery, he expected it to run itself while he turned his full energies elsewhere, and tended to be evasive or testy if he was called back to it. Yet his interest was genuine, and without his enthusiasm and drive the Commonwealth intervention would either not have come at all or would have been far slower".On 10 March 1919 Prime Minister of Australia Billy Hughes announced a £10,000 reward to the first aviator who will fly from the United Kingdom to Australia in less than 30 days. Ross and Keith Smith won the race when their Vickers Vimy G-EAOU twin engine plane, won the £10,000 prize after they landed in Darwin.In 1919 Hughes, with former Prime Minister Joseph Cook, travelled to Paris to attend the Versailles Peace Conference. He remained away for 16 months, and signed the Treaty of Versailles on behalf of Australia – the first time Australia had signed an international treaty.At a meeting of the Imperial War Cabinet on 30 December 1918, Hughes warned that if they "were not very careful, we should find ourselves dragged quite unnecessarily behind the wheels of President Wilson's chariot". He added that it was intolerable for Wilson "to dictate to us how the world was to be governed. If the saving of civilisation had depended on the United States, it would have been in tears and chains to-day". He also said that Wilson had no practical scheme for a League of Nations and added: "The League of Nations was to him what a toy was to a child—he would not be happy till he got it". At the Paris Peace Conference, Hughes clashed with Wilson. When Wilson reminded him that he spoke for only a few million people, Hughes replied: "I speak for 60,000 dead. How many do you speak for?"The British Dominions of New Zealand, South Africa and Australia argued their case to keep their occupied German possessions of German Samoa, German South West Africa, and German New Guinea respectively; these territories were given as "Class C Mandates" to the respective Dominions. In a same-same deal Japan obtained control over its occupied German possessions north of the equator. At the meeting of 30 January, Hughes clashed with Wilson on the question of mandates, as Hughes preferred formal sovereignty over the islands. According to the British Prime Minister, David Lloyd George, Wilson was dictatorial and arrogant in his approach to Hughes, adding that "Hughes was the last man I would have chosen to handle in that way". Lloyd George described how, after Hughes stated his case against subjecting to a mandate the islands conquered by Australia:President Wilson pulled him up sharply and proceeded to address him personally in what I would describe as a heated allocution rather than an appeal. He dwelt on the seriousness of defying world opinion on this subject. Mr. Hughes, who listened intently, with his hand cupped around his ear so as not to miss a word, indicated at the end that he was still of the same opinion. Whereupon the President asked him slowly and solemnly: "Mr. Hughes, am I to understand that if the whole civilised world asks Australia to agree to a mandate in respect of these islands, Australia is prepared still to defy the appeal of the whole civilised world?” Mr. Hughes answered: "That's about the size of it, President Wilson". Mr. Massey grunted his assent of this abrupt defiance.However, South Africa's Louis Botha intervened on Wilson's side, and the mandates scheme went through. Hughes' frequent clashes with Wilson led to Wilson labelling him a "pestiferous varmint".Hughes, unlike Wilson or South African Prime Minister Jan Smuts, demanded heavy reparations from Germany, suggesting the sum of £24,000,000,000 of which Australia would claim many millions to off-set its own war debt. Hughes was a member of the British delegation on the Reparations Committee, with Lord Cunliffe and Lord Sumner. When the Imperial Cabinet met to discuss the Hughes Report, Winston Churchill asked Hughes if he had considered the effects that reparations would have on working-class German households. Hughes replied that "the Committee had been more concerned in considering the effects upon the working-class households in Great Britain, or in Australia, if the Germans did not pay an indemnity".At the Treaty negotiations, Hughes was the most prominent opponent of the inclusion of Japan's Racial Equality Proposal, which as a result of lobbying by him and others was not included in the final Treaty. His position on this issue reflected the dominant racist attitudes of the White Australia policy. He told David Lloyd George that he would leave the conference if the clause was adopted. Hughes offered to accept the clause so long as it did not effect immigration policy but the Japanese turned the offer down. Lloyd George said that the clause "was aimed at the restrictions and disabilities which were imposed by certain states against Japanese emigration and Japanese settlers already within their borders".Hughes had entered politics as a trade unionist, and like most of the Australian working class was very strongly opposed to Asian immigration to Australia (excluding Asian immigration was a popular cause with unions in Canada, the U.S, Australia, and New Zealand in the early 20th century). Hughes believed that accepting the Racial Equality clause would mean the end of the White Australia immigration policy that had been adopted in 1901, writing: "No Gov't could live for a day in Australia if it tampered with a White Australia". Hughes stated: "The position is this – either the Japanese proposal means something or it means nothing: if the former, out with it; if the latter, why have it?" He later said that "the right of the state to determine the conditions under which persons shall enter its territories cannot be impaired without reducing it to a vassal state", adding: "When I offered to accept it provided that words were incorporated making it clear that it was not to be used for the purpose of immigration or of impairing our rights of self-government in any way, [the Japanese delegate] Baron Makino was unable to agree".When the proposal failed, Hughes reported in the Australian parliament:The White Australia is yours. You may do with it what you please, but at any rate, the soldiers have achieved the victory and my colleagues and I have brought that great principle back to you from the conference, as safe as it was on the day when it was first adopted.Japan was notably offended by Hughes's position on the issue. Like Jan Smuts of South Africa, Hughes was concerned by the rise of Japan. Within months of the declaration of the European War in 1914, Japan, Australia and New Zealand had seized all German territorial possessions in the Pacific. Though Japan had occupied German possessions with the blessing of the British, Hughes felt alarm at this turn of events.With reference to Hughes's actions at the Peace Conference, the historian Ernest Scott said that although Hughes failed to secure sovereignty over the conquered German islands or relief for Australia's war debts, "both he and his countrymen found satisfaction with his achievements. By characteristic methods he had gained single-handed at least the points that were vital to his nation's existence". Joan Beaumont said Hughes became "something of a folk hero in later Australian historiography for his assertiveness at the Paris peace conference".Seth Tillman described him as "a noisesome demagogue", the "bete noir of Anglo-American relations". Unlike Smuts, Hughes totally opposed the concept of the League of Nations, as in it he saw the flawed idealism of "collective security". He declared in June 1919 that Australia would rely on the League "but we shall keep our powder dry".Hughes demanded that Australia have independent representation within the newly-formed League of Nations. Despite the rejection of his conscription policy, Hughes retained popularity with Australian voters and, at the December 1919 federal election, his government was comfortably re-elected.After 1920, Hughes's political position declined. Many of the more conservative elements of his own party never trusted him because they thought he was still a socialist at heart, citing his interest in retaining government ownership of the Commonwealth Shipping Line and the Australian Wireless Company. However, they continued to support him for some time after the war, if only to keep Labor out of power.A new party, the Country Party (now the National Party), was formed, representing farmers who were discontented with the Nationalists' rural policies, in particular Hughes's acceptance of a much higher level of tariff protection for Australian industries, that had expanded during the war, and his support for price controls on rural produce. In the New Year's Day Honours of 1922, Hughes' wife Mary was appointed a Dame Grand Cross of the Order of the British Empire (GBE).At the 1921 Imperial Conference, Hughes argued unsuccessfully in favour of renewing the Anglo-Japanese Alliance.At the 1922 federal election, Hughes gave up the seat of Bendigo and transferred to the upper-middle-class seat of North Sydney, thus giving up one of the last symbolic links to his working-class roots. The Nationalists lost their outright majority at the election. The Country Party, despite its opposition to Hughes's farm policy, was the Nationalists' only realistic coalition partner. However, party leader Earle Page let it be known that he and his party would not serve under Hughes. Under pressure from his party's right wing, Hughes resigned in February 1923 and was succeeded by his Treasurer, Stanley Bruce. Hughes was the longest-serving Prime Minister, until his term was surpassed by Robert Menzies (in 1957).Whilst the incumbent prime minister, Hughes switched seats at both the 1917 and 1922 elections, the only prime minister to have done so not once but twice. All other elections have seen the prime minister re-contest the seat that they held prior to the election.Hughes played little part in parliament for the remainder of 1923. He rented a house in Kirribilli in his new electorate and was recruited by "The Daily Telegraph" to write a series of articles on topics of his choosing. In the articles he defended his legacy as prime minister and stated he would support the new government as long as it followed his principles. In 1924, Hughes embarked on a lecture tour of the United States. His health broke down midway through the tour, while he was in New York. As a result he cancelled the rest of his engagements and drove back across the country in a new Flint automobile, which he brought back to Australia. Later in the year he purchased a house in Lindfield, which was to be his primary residence for the rest of his life. In 1925 Hughes again had little involvement in parliamentary affairs, but began to portray himself as "champion of Australian industries struggling to get established against foreign competition and government indifference", with the aid of his friends James Hume Cook and Ambrose Pratt.Hughes was furious at being ousted by his own party and nursed his grievance on the back-benches until 1929, when he led a group of back-bench rebels who crossed the floor of the Parliament to bring down the Bruce government. Hughes was expelled from the Nationalist Party, and formed his own party, the Australian Party. After the Nationalists were heavily defeated in the ensuing election, Hughes initially supported the Labor government of James Scullin. He had a falling-out with Scullin over financial matters, however. In 1931 he buried the hatchet with his former non-Labor colleagues and joined the Nationalists and several right-wing Labor dissidents under Joseph Lyons in forming the United Australia Party (UAP), under Lyons' leadership. He voted with the rest of the UAP to bring the Scullin government down.The UAP won a sweeping victory at the 1931 election. Lyons sent Hughes to represent Australia at the 1932 League of Nations Assembly in Geneva and in 1934 Hughes became Minister for Health and Repatriation in the Lyons government. Later Lyons appointed him Minister for External Affairs, but Hughes was forced to resign in 1935 after his book "Australia and the War Today" exposed a lack of preparation in Australia for what Hughes correctly supposed to be a coming war. Soon after, the Lyons government tripled the defence budget. Hughes also wrote in "Australia and the War Today" that the League of Nations was broken and that it could have worked only if it had been backed by force. He believed that every nation must look to its own defences and that, as Britain was preoccupied in European affairs, Australia would have to defend itself.After the 1931 Japanese invasion of Manchuria, Hughes believed that the British should remain neutral, and adopted the same attitude towards Italy's invasion of Abyssinia in 1935. Hughes believed that the British Empire was in danger because of its weakness in the Mediterranean.Hughes was brought back to Australia by Lyons as Minister for External Affairs in 1937. In 1938 Germany requested the return of her Pacific colonies but Hughes declared that Australia should hold onto New Guinea, and in April 1939 he said that if Germany wanted colonies she would have to fight for them.By the time of Lyons' death in 1939, Hughes was also serving as Attorney-General and Minister for Industry. He also served as Minister for the Navy, Minister for Industry and Attorney-General at various times under Lyons' successor, Robert Menzies.Defence issues became increasingly dominant in public affairs with the rise of Fascism in Europe and militant Japan in Asia. From 1938, Prime Minister Joseph Lyons had Hughes head a recruitment drive for the Australian Defence Force. On 7 April 1939, Lyons died in office. The United Australia Party selected Robert Menzies as his successor to lead a minority government on the eve of World War Two. Australia entered the Second World War on 3 September 1939 and a special War Cabinet was created after war was declared – initially composed of Prime Minister Menzies and five senior ministers including Hughes. Labor opposition leader John Curtin declined to join and Menzies lost his majority at the 1940 Election. With the Allies suffering a series of defeats and the threat of war growing in the Pacific, the Menzies Government (1939-1941) relied on two independents, Arthur Coles and Alex Wilson for its parliamentary majority.Unable to convince Curtin to join in a War Cabinet and facing growing pressure within his own party, Menzies resigned as Prime Minister on 29 August 1941. Although the UAP had been in government for a decade, it was so bereft of leadership that a joint UAP-Country meeting elected Country Party leader Arthur Fadden to lead the Coalition. Hughes remained in the Fadden government, serving as Attorney-General and Minister for the Navy. A month later, Coles and Wilson joined with the Labor opposition to defeat the budget and bring down the government. The independents, under prodding from Governor-General Lord Gowrie, then threw their support to Opposition Leader John Curtin, who was sworn in as Prime Minister on 7 October 1941. Going into opposition the UAP opted for a joint Coalition opposition led by Fadden, which led Menzies to resign the leadership. Hughes was narrowly elected leader on 9 October but widely regarded as a stop-gap given his age.On 7 December, Japan attacked Pearl Harbor. Soon afterwards, Hughes criticised the British government for their weakness in the Far East and declared that they were living on "fast-fading gleams of British triumphs in other wars". However, in February 1942 he said that "Britain has temporarily lost control of the seas but she has lost it in an effort to protect Australia. It would be well if those who criticise Britain would turn the searchlights on Australia". In August he criticised the defensive strategy of the Allies in the Pacific but after the Battle of the Solomons he praised the United States' armed forces. Hughes opposed the Curtin government's Statute of Westminster Adoption Act 1942, which incorporated sections 2–6 of the Statute of Westminster 1931 into law. He believed that Britain and the Dominions should instead work together for a common foreign policy.Hughes led the UAP into the 1943 election largely by refusing to hold any party meetings and by agreeing to let Fadden lead the Opposition as a whole. The Coalition was severely defeated, winning only 19 seats. Hughes himself was nearly defeated in North Sydney on a swing of over 14 percent, seeing his majority dwindle from a comfortably safe 67 percent to a marginal 53 percent. After the election, Hughes—who had widely been reckoned as a stopgap leader—yielded the leadership of the UAP back to Menzies.In February 1944, the parliamentary UAP voted to withdraw its members from the Advisory War Council. Hughes and Menzies resigned, but Percy Spender chose to remain on the council and was expelled from the UAP. A few months later, Hughes rejoined the War Council at the personal invitation of John Curtin. He was expelled from the UAP on 14 April 1944, and replaced as deputy leader by Eric Harrison. Hughes and Spender sat as an independents until 13 September 1945, when they joined the new Liberal Party of Australia that had been founded earlier in the year. By that point the War Council had been abolished.A major redistribution and expansion of the House of Representatives occurred prior to the 1949 election, with much of the northern portion of North Sydney transferred to the new Bradfield. Hughes faced a preselection challenge for the first time since 1894, but defeated Harry Turner for Liberal Party endorsement and won a comfortable victory. He was re-elected to the House of Representatives for the 20th and final time at the 1951 election, with 79 percent of the vote. Hughes' last speech in parliament was an attack on the Menzies Government's decision to sell its share in Commonwealth Oil Refineries, one of the state-owned enterprises his government had established over 30 years earlier. According to H. V. Evatt, his speech "seemed at once to grip the attention of all honourable members present [...] nobody left the House, and nobody seemed to dare to move".Hughes celebrated a number of milestones in his last years in parliament. In 1944, a celebratory dinner was held to commemorate the 50th anniversary of his election to the Parliament of New South Wales, and 50 consecutive years of service as an MP. Prime Minister John Curtin toasted him as someone who had "fought like hell for what he believed to be right, and for that Australia will honour him". In June 1951, Hughes was the guest of honour at a banquet marking the golden jubilee of the federal parliament. The following year, "almost every member of the House of Representatives and Senate" attended his birthday dinner. Prime Minister Robert Menzies observed that Hughes had been a member of every political party at one time or another, at which point Arthur Fadden interjected that he had never joined the Country Party. Hughes then remarked "had to draw the line somewhere, didn't I?".Hughes died on 28 October 1952, aged 90, at his home in Lindfield. His state funeral was held at St Andrew's Cathedral, Sydney, and was one of the largest Australia has seen: some 450,000 spectators lined the streets. He was later buried at Macquarie Park Cemetery and Crematorium with his daughter Helen; his widow Dame Mary joined them upon her death in 1958.At the age of 90 years, one month and three days, Hughes is the oldest person ever to have been a member of the Australian parliament. His death sparked a Bradfield by-election. He had been a member of the House of Representatives for 51 years and seven months, beginning his service in the reign of Queen Victoria and ending it in the reign of Queen Elizabeth II. Including his service in the New South Wales colonial parliament before that, Hughes had spent a total of 58 years as an MP, and had never lost an election. His period of service remains a record in Australia. He was the last member of the original Australian Parliament elected in 1901 still serving in Parliament when he died. Hughes was the penultimate member of the First Parliament to die; King O'Malley outlived him by fourteen months. Hughes was also the last surviving member of the Watson Cabinet, as well as the first and third Cabinets of Andrew Fisher.Soon after arriving in Sydney, Hughes entered into a common-law marriage with Elizabeth Cutts, the daughter of one of his landladies. Their relationship was never formally registered or solemnised, but they lived as husband and wife and had six children together – William (b. 1891; died in infancy), Ethel (b. 1892), Lily (b. 1893), Dolly (b. 1895), Ernest (b. 1897), and Charles (b. 1898). They also raised Arthur (b. 1885), Elizabeth's son from a previous relationship, who took Hughes as his surname. Their marriage was solid, though sometimes strained by Hughes' devotion to his work and frequent absences from home. Elizabeth had little interest in politics, and was sometimes ill at ease in the social situations that occurred as her husband's career progressed. She died of heart failure on 1 September 1906, aged 42, after a long period of ill health.Hughes' great-granddaughter Wendy Starkey is married to Jim Starkey who claimed to be the great-grandson of another prime minister, Joseph Lyons.However Starkey's claim of familial relations with Lyons has been disputed by the Lyons family and Lyons biographer Anne Henderson.After his first wife's death, Hughes' oldest daughter Ethel kept house for him and helped look after the younger children. After a brief courtship, he remarried on 26 June 1911 to Mary Ethel Campbell, the daughter of a well-to-do pastoralist. At the time of their marriage, he was 48 and she was 37. Mary was politically and socially astute, and her husband often turned to her for advice on political matters. Unusually for the time, he insisted that he accompany her on all of his overseas trips, even those made during wartime. Through his second marriage, Hughes also became the brother-in-law of John Haynes, one of the founders of "The Bulletin". His niece, Edith Haynes, lived with him and his wife as a companion for many years.The only child from Hughes' second marriage was Helen Myfanwy Hughes, who was born in 1915 (a few months before he became prime minister). He doted upon her, calling her the "joy and light of my life", and was devastated by her death in childbirth in 1937, aged 21. Her son survived and was adopted by a friend of the family, with his grandfather contributing towards his upkeep. Because she was unmarried at the time, the circumstances of Helen's death were kept hidden and did not become generally known until 2004, when the ABC screened a programme presented by the actor Martin Vaughan. Vaughan had played Billy Hughes in the 1975 film "Billy and Percy", and his continuing interest in him led to the unearthing of Helen's fate.Hughes had a severe hearing loss that began when he was relatively young and worsened with age. He relied on a primitive electronic hearing aid, which was so bulky that it could only be worn for short periods and had to be carried around in a box. However, his deafness could sometimes be to his advantage, as he could feign misapprehension or simply turn off his device when he no longer wished to listen to someone. Physically, Hughes was short in stature and slightly built, standing and weighing around at most. He had a "naturally weak constitution", suffering frequently from colds and other infections, and to compensate became a "fanatical devotee of physical fitness". He also suffered from chronic indigestion, on account of which he abstained from red meat and alcohol and rarely ate large meals. Hughes often worked himself to exhaustion, and required long periods of convalescence to recharge – sometimes weeks or even months. He was prone to bouts of depression interspersed with periods of euphoria, and following a near nervous breakdown in 1924 was diagnosed with "psychasthenia".Hughes was a lifelong Anglican. He inherited this affiliation from his maternal side – his father was a Primitive Baptist and a deacon at the Welsh Baptist Church in London, though he wed with Anglican rites. Hughes attended church schools as a boy, and knew the King James Bible "back to front". As an adult, he would often use Biblical turns of phrase in his writing and public speaking. Hughes' participation in organised religion seemingly declined after he moved to Australia, and some writers have suggested that he became an agnostic or an atheist. The evidence for this is largely circumstantial – he was not a regular churchgoer, his first marriage was never solemnised in a church, and he frequently used blasphemous language.All of Hughes' biographers have regarded him as a sincere Christian, albeit with a rather idiosyncratic theology. Fitzhardinge writes that Hughes had "a generalised faith in the spiritual values of Christianity" combined with "a profound belief in the after-life and the all-pervasiveness of God". Hughes rarely addressed metaphysics in his own works, but in his memoirs did note that he had rejected the doctrine of predestination at an early age: "I believed as a man sowed so he should reap [...] "by faith and works" he might find salvation." Manning Clark was somewhat skeptical of the earnestness of the beliefs that Hughes professed in public. With regard to Hughes' personal philosophy, Clark wrote that he had a "bleakly Hobbesian view of life", seeing it as "a savage elemental struggle for survival in which strong men crushed the weak".Hughes frequently exploited religion for political ends. In his early days in the labour movement, he drew on his mastery of scripture to reassure Christians that socialism was not anti-religious or atheistic. Hughes became stridently anti-Catholic during World War I, though this was due to political interference from the church hierarchy rather than on theological grounds. He "inflamed sectarianism to a tragic degree" with vitriolic personal attacks on Catholic leaders; James Scullin, Australia's first Catholic prime minister, would later suggest that Hughes' divisiveness "very nearly wrecked Australia". He also banned the use of German in Australian churches, though this affected Lutherans more than Catholics.Hughes, a tiny, wiry man, with a raspy voice and an increasingly wizened face, was an unlikely national leader, but during the First World War he acquired a reputation as a war leader—the troops called him the "Little Digger"—that sustained him for the rest of his life. He is remembered for his outstanding political and diplomatic skills, for his many witty sayings, and for his irrepressible optimism and patriotism. At the same time, the Australian labour movement never forgave him for defecting to the conservatives, and still considers him a "rat."Hughes was honored with fifteen 'Freedom of the City' awards – more than any other Prime Minister of Australia. Among these include the following cities in the United Kingdom:Hughes received honorary degrees from the following universities: The Division of Hughes and the Canberra suburb of Hughes are named after him. A park in Lane Cove, New South Wales, is named 'Hughes Park' after Billy and Dame Mary Hughes.In 1972, he was honoured on a postage stamp bearing his portrait issued by Australia Post.After marrying his wife Mary in 1911, the couple went on a long drive, because he did not have time for a honeymoon. Their car crashed where the Sydney–Melbourne road crosses the Sydney–Melbourne railway north of Albury, New South Wales, leading to the level crossing there being named after him; it was later replaced by the Billy Hughes Bridge.
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[
"Nationalist Party of Australia",
"Liberal Party of Australia",
"United Australia Party"
] |
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Which political party did Billy Hughes belong to in Oct, 1919?
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October 23, 1919
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{
"text": [
"Nationalist Party of Australia"
]
}
|
L2_Q152666_P102_1
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Billy Hughes is a member of the United Australia Party from Jan, 1931 to Jan, 1944.
Billy Hughes is a member of the National Labor Party from Jan, 1916 to Jan, 1917.
Billy Hughes is a member of the Nationalist Party of Australia from Jan, 1917 to Jan, 1929.
Billy Hughes is a member of the Liberal Party of Australia from Jan, 1944 to Oct, 1952.
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Billy HughesWilliam Morris Hughes, (25 September 1862 – 28 October 1952), was an Australian politician who served as the 7th Prime Minister of Australia, in office from 1915 to 1923. He is best known for leading the country during World War I, but his influence on national politics spanned several decades. Hughes was a member of federal parliament from Federation in 1901 until his death, the only person to have served for more than 50 years. He represented six political parties during his career, leading five, outlasting four, and being expelled from three.Hughes was born in London to Welsh parents. He emigrated to Australia at the age of 22, and became involved in the fledgling labour movement. He was elected to the New South Wales Legislative Assembly in 1894, as a member of the New South Wales Labor Party, and then transferred to the new federal parliament in 1901. Hughes combined his early political career with part-time legal studies, and was called to the bar in 1903. He first entered cabinet in 1904, in the short-lived Watson Government, and was later Attorney-General in each of Andrew Fisher's governments. He was elected deputy leader of the Australian Labor Party in 1914.Hughes became prime minister in October 1915, when Fisher retired due to ill health. The war was the dominant issue of the time, and his support for sending conscripted troops overseas caused a split within Labor ranks. Hughes and his supporters were expelled from the party in November 1916, but he was able to remain in power at the head of the new National Labor Party, which after a few months merged with the Liberals to form the Nationalist Party. His government was re-elected with large majorities at the 1917 and 1919 elections. Hughes established the forerunners of the Australian Federal Police and the CSIRO during the war, and also created a number of new state-owned enterprises to aid the post-war economy. He made a significant impression on other world leaders at the 1919 Paris Peace Conference, where he secured Australian control of the former German New Guinea.At the 1922 election, the Nationalists lost their majority in parliament and were forced to form a coalition with the Country Party. Hughes' resignation was the price for Country Party support, and he was succeeded as prime minister by Stanley Bruce. He became one of Bruce's leading critics over time, and in 1928, following a dispute over industrial relations, he and his supporters crossed the floor on a confidence motion and brought down the government. After a period as an independent, Hughes formed his own organisation, the Australian Party, which in 1931 merged into the new United Australia Party (UAP). He returned to cabinet in 1934, and became known for his prescient warnings against Japanese imperialism. As late as 1939, he missed out on a second stint as prime minister by only a handful of votes, losing a UAP leadership ballot to Robert Menzies.Hughes is generally acknowledged as one of the most influential Australian politicians of the 20th century. He was a controversial figure throughout his lifetime, and his legacy continues to be debated by historians. His strong views and abrasive manner meant he frequently made political enemies, often from within his own parties. Hughes' opponents accused him of engaging in authoritarianism and populism, as well as inflaming sectarianism; his use of the "War Precautions Act 1914" was particularly controversial. His former colleagues in the Labor Party considered him a traitor, while conservatives were suspicious of what they viewed as his socialist economic policies. However, he was extremely popular among the general public, particularly ex-servicemen, who affectionately nicknamed him "the little digger".Hughes was born on 25 September 1862 at 7 Moreton Place, Pimlico, London, the son of William Hughes and the former Jane Morris. His parents were both Welsh. His father, who worked as a carpenter and joiner at the Palace of Westminster, was from North Wales and was a fluent Welsh speaker. His mother, a domestic servant, was from the small village of Llansantffraid-ym-Mechain (near the English border), and spoke only English. Hughes was an only child; at the time of their marriage, in June 1861, his parents were both 37 years old.Hughes' mother died in May 1869, when he was six years old. His father subsequently sent him to be raised by relatives in Wales. During the school term, he lived with his father's sister, Mary Hughes, who kept a boarding house in Llandudno named "Bryn Rosa". He earned pocket money by doing chores for his aunt's tenants and singing in the choir at the local church. Hughes began his formal schooling in Llandudno, attending two small single-teacher schools. He spent his holidays with his mother's family in Llansantffraid. There, he divided his time between "Winllan", the farm of his widowed aunt (Margaret Mason), and "Plas Bedw", the neighbouring farm of his grandparents (Peter and Jane Morris).Hughes regarded his early years in Wales as the happiest time of his life. He was immensely proud of his Welsh identity, and he later became active in the Welsh Australian community, frequently speaking at Saint David's Day celebrations. Hughes called Welsh the "language of heaven", but his own grasp of it was patchy. Like many of his contemporaries, he had no formal schooling in Welsh, and had particular difficulties with spelling. Nonetheless, he received and replied to correspondence from Welsh-speakers throughout his political career, and as prime minister famously traded insults in Welsh with David Lloyd George.At the age of eleven, Hughes was enrolled in St Stephen's School, Westminster, one of the many church schools established by the philanthropist Lady Burdett-Coutts. He won prizes in geometry and French, receiving the latter from Lord Harrowby. After finishing his elementary schooling, he was apprenticed as a "pupil-teacher" for five years, instructing younger students for five hours a day in exchange for personal lessons from the headmaster and a small stipend. At St Stephen's, Hughes came into contact with the poet Matthew Arnold, who was an examiner and inspector for the local school district. Arnold – who coincidentally had holidayed at Llandudno – took a liking to Hughes, and gifted him a copy of the Complete Works of Shakespeare; Hughes credited Arnold with instilling his lifelong love of literature.After finishing his initial apprenticeship, Hughes stayed on at St Stephen's as a teaching assistant. He had no interest in teaching as a career though, and also declined Matthew Arnold's offer to secure him a clerkship at Coutts. His relative financial security allowed him to pursue his own interests for the first time, which included bellringing, boating on the Thames, and travel (such as a two-day trip to Paris). He also joined a volunteer battalion of the Royal Fusiliers, which consisted mainly of artisans and white-collar workers. In later life, Hughes recalled London as "a place of romance, mystery and suggestion".At the age of 22, finding his prospects in London dim, Hughes decided to emigrate to Australia. Taking advantage of an assisted-passage scheme offered by the Colony of Queensland, he arrived in Brisbane on 8 December 1884 after a two-month journey. On arrival, he gave his year of birth as 1864, a deception that was not uncovered until after his death. Hughes attempted to find work with the Education Department, but was either not offered a position or found the terms of employment to be unsuitable. He spent the next two years as an itinerant labourer, working various odd jobs. In his memoirs, Hughes claimed to have worked variously as a fruitpicker, tally clerk, navvy, blacksmith's striker, station hand, drover, and saddler's assistant, and to have travelled (mostly on foot) as far north as Rockhampton, as far west as Adavale, and as far south as Orange, New South Wales. He also claimed to have served briefly in both the Queensland Defence Force and the Queensland Maritime Defence Force. Hughes' accounts are by their nature unverifiable, and his biographers have cast doubt on their veracity – Fitzhardinge states that they were embellished at best and at worst "a world of pure fantasy".Hughes moved to Sydney in about mid-1886, working his way there as a deckhand and galley cook aboard SS "Maranoa". He found occasional work as a line cook, but at one point supposedly had to resort to living in a cave on The Domain for a few days. Hughes eventually found a steady job at a forge, making hinges for colonial ovens. Around the same time, he entered into a common-law marriage with Elizabeth Cutts, his landlady's daughter; they had six children together. In 1890, Hughes moved to Balmain. The following year, with his wife's financial assistance, he was able to open a small shop selling general merchandise. The income from the shop was not enough to live on, so he also worked part-time as a locksmith and umbrella salesman, and his wife as a washerwoman. One of Hughes' acquaintances in Balmain was William Wilks, another future MP, while one of the customers at his shop was Frederick Jordan, a future Chief Justice of New South Wales.In Balmain, Hughes became a Georgist, a street-corner speaker, president of the Balmain Single Tax League, and joined the Australian Socialist League. He was an organiser with the Australian Workers' Union and may have already joined the newly formed Labor Party. In 1894, Hughes spent eight months in central New South Wales organising for the Amalgamated Shearers' Union of Australasia and then won the Legislative Assembly seat of Sydney-Lang by 105 votes.While in Parliament he became secretary of the Wharf Labourer's Union. In 1900 he founded and became first national president of the Waterside Workers' Union. During this period Hughes studied law, and was admitted as a barrister in 1903. Unlike most Labor men, he was a strong supporter of Federation and Georgism.In 1901 Hughes was elected to the first federal Parliament as Labor MP for West Sydney. He opposed the Barton government's proposals for a small professional army and instead advocated compulsory universal training. In 1903, he was admitted to the bar after several years part-time study. He became a King's Counsel (KC) in 1909. (The title changed to Queen's Council (QC) on the accession of Queen Elizabeth II in 1952.)In 1911, he married Mary Campbell. He was Minister for External Affairs in Chris Watson's first Labor government. He was Attorney-General in Andrew Fisher's three Labor governments in 1908–09, 1910–13 and 1914–15.In 1913, at the foundation ceremony of Canberra as the capital of Australia, Hughes gave a speech proclaiming that the country was obtained via the elimination of the indigenous population. "We were destined to have our own way from the beginning..[and]..killed everybody else to get it," Hughes said, adding that "the first historic event in the history of the Commonwealth we are engaged in today [is] without the slightest trace of that race we have banished from the face of the earth." But he warned that "we must not be too proud lest we should, too, in time disappear."His abrasive manner (his chronic dyspepsia was thought to contribute to his volatile temperament) made his colleagues reluctant to have him as Leader. His on-going feud with King O'Malley, a fellow Labor minister, was a prominent example of his combative style.Hughes was also the club patron for the Glebe Rugby League team in the debut year of Rugby League in Australia, in 1908. Hughes was one of a number of prominent Labor politicians who were aligned with the Rugby League movement in Sydney in 1908. Rugby League was borne out of a player movement against the Metropolitan Rugby Union who refused to compensate players for downtime from their jobs due to injuries sustained playing Rugby Union. Labor politicians aligned themselves with the new code as it was seen as a strong social standpoint, politically, and it was an enthusiastic professional game, which made the politicians themselves appear in a similar vein, in their opinions anyway.Following the 1914 election, the Labor Prime Minister of Australia, Andrew Fisher, found the strain of leadership during World War I taxing and faced increasing pressure from the ambitious Hughes who wanted Australia to be firmly recognised on the world stage. By 1915 Fisher's health was suffering and, in October, he resigned and was succeeded by Hughes. In social policy, Hughes introduced an institutional pension for pensioners in benevolent asylums, equal to the difference between the 'act of grace' payment to the institution and the rate of IP.From March to June 1916, Hughes was in Britain, where he delivered a series of speeches calling for imperial co-operation and economic warfare against Germany. These were published under the title "The Day—and After", which was a bestseller. His biographer, Laurie Fitzhardinge, said these speeches were "electrifying" and that Hughes "swept his hearers off their feet". According to two contemporary writers, Hughes' speeches "have in particular evoked intense approbation, and have been followed by such a quickening power of the national spirit as perhaps no other orator since Chatham ever aroused".In July 1916 Hughes was a member of the British delegation at the Paris Economic Conference, which met to decide what economic measures to take against Germany. This was the first time an Australian representative had attended an international conference.Hughes was a strong supporter of Australia's participation in World War I and, after the loss of 28,000 men as casualties (killed, wounded and missing) in July and August 1916, Generals Birdwood and White of the Australian Imperial Force (AIF) persuaded Hughes that conscription was necessary if Australia was to sustain its contribution to the war effort.However, a two-thirds majority of his party, which included Roman Catholics and union representatives as well as the Industrialists (Socialists) such as Frank Anstey, were bitterly opposed to this, especially in the wake of what was regarded by many Irish Australians (most of whom were Roman Catholics) as Britain's excessive response to the Easter Rising of 1916.In October, Hughes held a national plebiscite for conscription, but it was narrowly defeated. The enabling legislation was the "Military Service Referendum Act 1916" and the outcome was advisory only. The narrow defeat (1,087,557 Yes and 1,160,033 No), however, did not deter Hughes, who continued to argue vigorously in favour of conscription. This revealed the deep and bitter split within the Australian community that had existed since before Federation, as well as within the members of his own party. Conscription had been in place since the 1910 Defence Act, but only in the defence of the nation. Hughes was seeking via a referendum to change the wording in the act to include "overseas". A referendum was not necessary but Hughes felt that in light of the seriousness of the situation, a vote of "Yes" from the people would give him a mandate to bypass the Senate. The Lloyd George Government of Britain did favour Hughes but only came to power in 1916, several months after the first referendum. The predecessor Asquith government greatly disliked Hughes considering him to be ""a guest, rather than the representative of Australia"". According to David Lloyd George: "He and Asquith did not get on too well. They would not. They were antipathetic types. As Hughes was never over-anxious to conceal his feelings or restrain his expression of them, and was moreover equipped with a biting tongue, the consultations between them were not agreeable to either".In reaction to Hughes' campaign for conscription, on 15 September 1916 the NSW executive of the Political Labour League (the state Labor Party organisation at the time) expelled him and other leading New South Wales pro-conscription advocates from the Labor movement. Hughes remained as leader of the federal parliamentary Labor Party until, at the 14th November caucus meeting, a no-confidence motion against him was passed. Hughes and 24 others including almost all of the Parliamentary talent walked out to form a new party heeding Hughes's cry "Let those who think like me, follow me.", leaving behind the 43 members of the Industrialists and Unionists factions. That same evening Hughes tendered his resignation to the Governor-General, received a commission to form a new Government, and had his recommendations accepted. Years later, Hughes said, "I did not leave the Labor Party, The party left me." The timing of Hughes's expulsion from the Labor Party meant that he became the first Labor leader who never led the party to an election. On 15 November, Frank Tudor was elected unopposed as the new leader of the Federal Parliamentary Australian Labor Party.Hughes and his followers, which included many of Labor's early leaders, called themselves the National Labor Party and began laying the groundwork for forming a party that they felt would be both avowedly nationalist as well as socially radical. Hughes was forced to conclude a confidence and supply agreement with the opposition Commonwealth Liberal Party to stay in office.A few months later, the Governor-General, Sir Ronald Munro Ferguson, persuaded Hughes and Liberal Party leader Joseph Cook (himself a former Labor man) to turn their wartime coalition into a formal party. This was the Nationalist Party of Australia, which was formally launched in February. Although the Liberals were the larger partner in the merger, Hughes emerged as the new party's leader, with Cook as his deputy. The presence of several working-class figures—including Hughes—in what was basically an upper- and middle-class party allowed the Nationalists to convey an image of national unity. At the same time, he became and remains a traitor in Labor histories.At the May 1917 federal election Hughes and the Nationalists won a huge electoral victory, which was magnified by the large number of Labor MPs who followed him out of the party. At this election Hughes gave up his working-class Sydney seat and was elected for Bendigo, Victoria, becoming the first of only a handful of people who have represented more than one state or territory in the Parliament.In Bendigo, Hughes won the seat by defeating the sitting Labor MP Alfred Hampson.This marks the only time that a sitting prime minister had challenged and ousted another sitting MP for his seat.Hughes had promised to resign if his Government did not win the power to conscript. Queensland Premier T. J. Ryan was a key opponent to conscription, and violence almost broke out when Hughes ordered a raid on the Government Printing Office in Brisbane, with the aim of confiscating copies of Hansard that covered debates in the Queensland Parliament where anti-conscription sentiments had been aired. A second plebiscite on conscription was held in December 1917, but was again defeated, this time by a wider margin. Hughes, after receiving a vote of no confidence in his leadership by his party, resigned as Prime Minister. However, there were no credible alternative candidates. For this reason, Munro-Ferguson used his reserve power to immediately re-commission Hughes, thus allowing him to remain as Prime Minister while keeping his promise to resign.The government replaced the first-past-the-post electoral system applying to both houses of the Federal Parliament under the Commonwealth Electoral Act 1903 with a preferential system for the House of Representatives in 1918. That preferential system has essentially applied ever since. A multiple majority-preferential system was introduced at the 1919 federal election for the Senate, and that remained in force until it was changed to a quota-preferential system of proportional representation in 1948. Those changes were considered to be a response to the emergence of the Country Party, so that the non-Labor vote would not be split, as it would have been under the previous first-past-the-post system.In early 1916, Hughes established the Advisory Council on Science and Industry, the first national body for scientific research and the first iteration of what is now the CSIRO. The council had no basis in legislation, and was intended only as a temporary body to be replaced with "Bureau of Science and Industry" as soon as possible. However, due to wartime stresses and other considerations the council endured until 1920, at which point an act of parliament was passed transforming it into a new government agency, the Institute of Science and Industry. According to Fitzhardinge: "The whole affair was highly typical of Hughes's methods. An idea coming from outside happened to chime with his preoccupation of the moment. He seized it, put his own stamp on it, and pushed it through to the point of realization. Then, having established the machinery, he expected it to run itself while he turned his full energies elsewhere, and tended to be evasive or testy if he was called back to it. Yet his interest was genuine, and without his enthusiasm and drive the Commonwealth intervention would either not have come at all or would have been far slower".On 10 March 1919 Prime Minister of Australia Billy Hughes announced a £10,000 reward to the first aviator who will fly from the United Kingdom to Australia in less than 30 days. Ross and Keith Smith won the race when their Vickers Vimy G-EAOU twin engine plane, won the £10,000 prize after they landed in Darwin.In 1919 Hughes, with former Prime Minister Joseph Cook, travelled to Paris to attend the Versailles Peace Conference. He remained away for 16 months, and signed the Treaty of Versailles on behalf of Australia – the first time Australia had signed an international treaty.At a meeting of the Imperial War Cabinet on 30 December 1918, Hughes warned that if they "were not very careful, we should find ourselves dragged quite unnecessarily behind the wheels of President Wilson's chariot". He added that it was intolerable for Wilson "to dictate to us how the world was to be governed. If the saving of civilisation had depended on the United States, it would have been in tears and chains to-day". He also said that Wilson had no practical scheme for a League of Nations and added: "The League of Nations was to him what a toy was to a child—he would not be happy till he got it". At the Paris Peace Conference, Hughes clashed with Wilson. When Wilson reminded him that he spoke for only a few million people, Hughes replied: "I speak for 60,000 dead. How many do you speak for?"The British Dominions of New Zealand, South Africa and Australia argued their case to keep their occupied German possessions of German Samoa, German South West Africa, and German New Guinea respectively; these territories were given as "Class C Mandates" to the respective Dominions. In a same-same deal Japan obtained control over its occupied German possessions north of the equator. At the meeting of 30 January, Hughes clashed with Wilson on the question of mandates, as Hughes preferred formal sovereignty over the islands. According to the British Prime Minister, David Lloyd George, Wilson was dictatorial and arrogant in his approach to Hughes, adding that "Hughes was the last man I would have chosen to handle in that way". Lloyd George described how, after Hughes stated his case against subjecting to a mandate the islands conquered by Australia:President Wilson pulled him up sharply and proceeded to address him personally in what I would describe as a heated allocution rather than an appeal. He dwelt on the seriousness of defying world opinion on this subject. Mr. Hughes, who listened intently, with his hand cupped around his ear so as not to miss a word, indicated at the end that he was still of the same opinion. Whereupon the President asked him slowly and solemnly: "Mr. Hughes, am I to understand that if the whole civilised world asks Australia to agree to a mandate in respect of these islands, Australia is prepared still to defy the appeal of the whole civilised world?” Mr. Hughes answered: "That's about the size of it, President Wilson". Mr. Massey grunted his assent of this abrupt defiance.However, South Africa's Louis Botha intervened on Wilson's side, and the mandates scheme went through. Hughes' frequent clashes with Wilson led to Wilson labelling him a "pestiferous varmint".Hughes, unlike Wilson or South African Prime Minister Jan Smuts, demanded heavy reparations from Germany, suggesting the sum of £24,000,000,000 of which Australia would claim many millions to off-set its own war debt. Hughes was a member of the British delegation on the Reparations Committee, with Lord Cunliffe and Lord Sumner. When the Imperial Cabinet met to discuss the Hughes Report, Winston Churchill asked Hughes if he had considered the effects that reparations would have on working-class German households. Hughes replied that "the Committee had been more concerned in considering the effects upon the working-class households in Great Britain, or in Australia, if the Germans did not pay an indemnity".At the Treaty negotiations, Hughes was the most prominent opponent of the inclusion of Japan's Racial Equality Proposal, which as a result of lobbying by him and others was not included in the final Treaty. His position on this issue reflected the dominant racist attitudes of the White Australia policy. He told David Lloyd George that he would leave the conference if the clause was adopted. Hughes offered to accept the clause so long as it did not effect immigration policy but the Japanese turned the offer down. Lloyd George said that the clause "was aimed at the restrictions and disabilities which were imposed by certain states against Japanese emigration and Japanese settlers already within their borders".Hughes had entered politics as a trade unionist, and like most of the Australian working class was very strongly opposed to Asian immigration to Australia (excluding Asian immigration was a popular cause with unions in Canada, the U.S, Australia, and New Zealand in the early 20th century). Hughes believed that accepting the Racial Equality clause would mean the end of the White Australia immigration policy that had been adopted in 1901, writing: "No Gov't could live for a day in Australia if it tampered with a White Australia". Hughes stated: "The position is this – either the Japanese proposal means something or it means nothing: if the former, out with it; if the latter, why have it?" He later said that "the right of the state to determine the conditions under which persons shall enter its territories cannot be impaired without reducing it to a vassal state", adding: "When I offered to accept it provided that words were incorporated making it clear that it was not to be used for the purpose of immigration or of impairing our rights of self-government in any way, [the Japanese delegate] Baron Makino was unable to agree".When the proposal failed, Hughes reported in the Australian parliament:The White Australia is yours. You may do with it what you please, but at any rate, the soldiers have achieved the victory and my colleagues and I have brought that great principle back to you from the conference, as safe as it was on the day when it was first adopted.Japan was notably offended by Hughes's position on the issue. Like Jan Smuts of South Africa, Hughes was concerned by the rise of Japan. Within months of the declaration of the European War in 1914, Japan, Australia and New Zealand had seized all German territorial possessions in the Pacific. Though Japan had occupied German possessions with the blessing of the British, Hughes felt alarm at this turn of events.With reference to Hughes's actions at the Peace Conference, the historian Ernest Scott said that although Hughes failed to secure sovereignty over the conquered German islands or relief for Australia's war debts, "both he and his countrymen found satisfaction with his achievements. By characteristic methods he had gained single-handed at least the points that were vital to his nation's existence". Joan Beaumont said Hughes became "something of a folk hero in later Australian historiography for his assertiveness at the Paris peace conference".Seth Tillman described him as "a noisesome demagogue", the "bete noir of Anglo-American relations". Unlike Smuts, Hughes totally opposed the concept of the League of Nations, as in it he saw the flawed idealism of "collective security". He declared in June 1919 that Australia would rely on the League "but we shall keep our powder dry".Hughes demanded that Australia have independent representation within the newly-formed League of Nations. Despite the rejection of his conscription policy, Hughes retained popularity with Australian voters and, at the December 1919 federal election, his government was comfortably re-elected.After 1920, Hughes's political position declined. Many of the more conservative elements of his own party never trusted him because they thought he was still a socialist at heart, citing his interest in retaining government ownership of the Commonwealth Shipping Line and the Australian Wireless Company. However, they continued to support him for some time after the war, if only to keep Labor out of power.A new party, the Country Party (now the National Party), was formed, representing farmers who were discontented with the Nationalists' rural policies, in particular Hughes's acceptance of a much higher level of tariff protection for Australian industries, that had expanded during the war, and his support for price controls on rural produce. In the New Year's Day Honours of 1922, Hughes' wife Mary was appointed a Dame Grand Cross of the Order of the British Empire (GBE).At the 1921 Imperial Conference, Hughes argued unsuccessfully in favour of renewing the Anglo-Japanese Alliance.At the 1922 federal election, Hughes gave up the seat of Bendigo and transferred to the upper-middle-class seat of North Sydney, thus giving up one of the last symbolic links to his working-class roots. The Nationalists lost their outright majority at the election. The Country Party, despite its opposition to Hughes's farm policy, was the Nationalists' only realistic coalition partner. However, party leader Earle Page let it be known that he and his party would not serve under Hughes. Under pressure from his party's right wing, Hughes resigned in February 1923 and was succeeded by his Treasurer, Stanley Bruce. Hughes was the longest-serving Prime Minister, until his term was surpassed by Robert Menzies (in 1957).Whilst the incumbent prime minister, Hughes switched seats at both the 1917 and 1922 elections, the only prime minister to have done so not once but twice. All other elections have seen the prime minister re-contest the seat that they held prior to the election.Hughes played little part in parliament for the remainder of 1923. He rented a house in Kirribilli in his new electorate and was recruited by "The Daily Telegraph" to write a series of articles on topics of his choosing. In the articles he defended his legacy as prime minister and stated he would support the new government as long as it followed his principles. In 1924, Hughes embarked on a lecture tour of the United States. His health broke down midway through the tour, while he was in New York. As a result he cancelled the rest of his engagements and drove back across the country in a new Flint automobile, which he brought back to Australia. Later in the year he purchased a house in Lindfield, which was to be his primary residence for the rest of his life. In 1925 Hughes again had little involvement in parliamentary affairs, but began to portray himself as "champion of Australian industries struggling to get established against foreign competition and government indifference", with the aid of his friends James Hume Cook and Ambrose Pratt.Hughes was furious at being ousted by his own party and nursed his grievance on the back-benches until 1929, when he led a group of back-bench rebels who crossed the floor of the Parliament to bring down the Bruce government. Hughes was expelled from the Nationalist Party, and formed his own party, the Australian Party. After the Nationalists were heavily defeated in the ensuing election, Hughes initially supported the Labor government of James Scullin. He had a falling-out with Scullin over financial matters, however. In 1931 he buried the hatchet with his former non-Labor colleagues and joined the Nationalists and several right-wing Labor dissidents under Joseph Lyons in forming the United Australia Party (UAP), under Lyons' leadership. He voted with the rest of the UAP to bring the Scullin government down.The UAP won a sweeping victory at the 1931 election. Lyons sent Hughes to represent Australia at the 1932 League of Nations Assembly in Geneva and in 1934 Hughes became Minister for Health and Repatriation in the Lyons government. Later Lyons appointed him Minister for External Affairs, but Hughes was forced to resign in 1935 after his book "Australia and the War Today" exposed a lack of preparation in Australia for what Hughes correctly supposed to be a coming war. Soon after, the Lyons government tripled the defence budget. Hughes also wrote in "Australia and the War Today" that the League of Nations was broken and that it could have worked only if it had been backed by force. He believed that every nation must look to its own defences and that, as Britain was preoccupied in European affairs, Australia would have to defend itself.After the 1931 Japanese invasion of Manchuria, Hughes believed that the British should remain neutral, and adopted the same attitude towards Italy's invasion of Abyssinia in 1935. Hughes believed that the British Empire was in danger because of its weakness in the Mediterranean.Hughes was brought back to Australia by Lyons as Minister for External Affairs in 1937. In 1938 Germany requested the return of her Pacific colonies but Hughes declared that Australia should hold onto New Guinea, and in April 1939 he said that if Germany wanted colonies she would have to fight for them.By the time of Lyons' death in 1939, Hughes was also serving as Attorney-General and Minister for Industry. He also served as Minister for the Navy, Minister for Industry and Attorney-General at various times under Lyons' successor, Robert Menzies.Defence issues became increasingly dominant in public affairs with the rise of Fascism in Europe and militant Japan in Asia. From 1938, Prime Minister Joseph Lyons had Hughes head a recruitment drive for the Australian Defence Force. On 7 April 1939, Lyons died in office. The United Australia Party selected Robert Menzies as his successor to lead a minority government on the eve of World War Two. Australia entered the Second World War on 3 September 1939 and a special War Cabinet was created after war was declared – initially composed of Prime Minister Menzies and five senior ministers including Hughes. Labor opposition leader John Curtin declined to join and Menzies lost his majority at the 1940 Election. With the Allies suffering a series of defeats and the threat of war growing in the Pacific, the Menzies Government (1939-1941) relied on two independents, Arthur Coles and Alex Wilson for its parliamentary majority.Unable to convince Curtin to join in a War Cabinet and facing growing pressure within his own party, Menzies resigned as Prime Minister on 29 August 1941. Although the UAP had been in government for a decade, it was so bereft of leadership that a joint UAP-Country meeting elected Country Party leader Arthur Fadden to lead the Coalition. Hughes remained in the Fadden government, serving as Attorney-General and Minister for the Navy. A month later, Coles and Wilson joined with the Labor opposition to defeat the budget and bring down the government. The independents, under prodding from Governor-General Lord Gowrie, then threw their support to Opposition Leader John Curtin, who was sworn in as Prime Minister on 7 October 1941. Going into opposition the UAP opted for a joint Coalition opposition led by Fadden, which led Menzies to resign the leadership. Hughes was narrowly elected leader on 9 October but widely regarded as a stop-gap given his age.On 7 December, Japan attacked Pearl Harbor. Soon afterwards, Hughes criticised the British government for their weakness in the Far East and declared that they were living on "fast-fading gleams of British triumphs in other wars". However, in February 1942 he said that "Britain has temporarily lost control of the seas but she has lost it in an effort to protect Australia. It would be well if those who criticise Britain would turn the searchlights on Australia". In August he criticised the defensive strategy of the Allies in the Pacific but after the Battle of the Solomons he praised the United States' armed forces. Hughes opposed the Curtin government's Statute of Westminster Adoption Act 1942, which incorporated sections 2–6 of the Statute of Westminster 1931 into law. He believed that Britain and the Dominions should instead work together for a common foreign policy.Hughes led the UAP into the 1943 election largely by refusing to hold any party meetings and by agreeing to let Fadden lead the Opposition as a whole. The Coalition was severely defeated, winning only 19 seats. Hughes himself was nearly defeated in North Sydney on a swing of over 14 percent, seeing his majority dwindle from a comfortably safe 67 percent to a marginal 53 percent. After the election, Hughes—who had widely been reckoned as a stopgap leader—yielded the leadership of the UAP back to Menzies.In February 1944, the parliamentary UAP voted to withdraw its members from the Advisory War Council. Hughes and Menzies resigned, but Percy Spender chose to remain on the council and was expelled from the UAP. A few months later, Hughes rejoined the War Council at the personal invitation of John Curtin. He was expelled from the UAP on 14 April 1944, and replaced as deputy leader by Eric Harrison. Hughes and Spender sat as an independents until 13 September 1945, when they joined the new Liberal Party of Australia that had been founded earlier in the year. By that point the War Council had been abolished.A major redistribution and expansion of the House of Representatives occurred prior to the 1949 election, with much of the northern portion of North Sydney transferred to the new Bradfield. Hughes faced a preselection challenge for the first time since 1894, but defeated Harry Turner for Liberal Party endorsement and won a comfortable victory. He was re-elected to the House of Representatives for the 20th and final time at the 1951 election, with 79 percent of the vote. Hughes' last speech in parliament was an attack on the Menzies Government's decision to sell its share in Commonwealth Oil Refineries, one of the state-owned enterprises his government had established over 30 years earlier. According to H. V. Evatt, his speech "seemed at once to grip the attention of all honourable members present [...] nobody left the House, and nobody seemed to dare to move".Hughes celebrated a number of milestones in his last years in parliament. In 1944, a celebratory dinner was held to commemorate the 50th anniversary of his election to the Parliament of New South Wales, and 50 consecutive years of service as an MP. Prime Minister John Curtin toasted him as someone who had "fought like hell for what he believed to be right, and for that Australia will honour him". In June 1951, Hughes was the guest of honour at a banquet marking the golden jubilee of the federal parliament. The following year, "almost every member of the House of Representatives and Senate" attended his birthday dinner. Prime Minister Robert Menzies observed that Hughes had been a member of every political party at one time or another, at which point Arthur Fadden interjected that he had never joined the Country Party. Hughes then remarked "had to draw the line somewhere, didn't I?".Hughes died on 28 October 1952, aged 90, at his home in Lindfield. His state funeral was held at St Andrew's Cathedral, Sydney, and was one of the largest Australia has seen: some 450,000 spectators lined the streets. He was later buried at Macquarie Park Cemetery and Crematorium with his daughter Helen; his widow Dame Mary joined them upon her death in 1958.At the age of 90 years, one month and three days, Hughes is the oldest person ever to have been a member of the Australian parliament. His death sparked a Bradfield by-election. He had been a member of the House of Representatives for 51 years and seven months, beginning his service in the reign of Queen Victoria and ending it in the reign of Queen Elizabeth II. Including his service in the New South Wales colonial parliament before that, Hughes had spent a total of 58 years as an MP, and had never lost an election. His period of service remains a record in Australia. He was the last member of the original Australian Parliament elected in 1901 still serving in Parliament when he died. Hughes was the penultimate member of the First Parliament to die; King O'Malley outlived him by fourteen months. Hughes was also the last surviving member of the Watson Cabinet, as well as the first and third Cabinets of Andrew Fisher.Soon after arriving in Sydney, Hughes entered into a common-law marriage with Elizabeth Cutts, the daughter of one of his landladies. Their relationship was never formally registered or solemnised, but they lived as husband and wife and had six children together – William (b. 1891; died in infancy), Ethel (b. 1892), Lily (b. 1893), Dolly (b. 1895), Ernest (b. 1897), and Charles (b. 1898). They also raised Arthur (b. 1885), Elizabeth's son from a previous relationship, who took Hughes as his surname. Their marriage was solid, though sometimes strained by Hughes' devotion to his work and frequent absences from home. Elizabeth had little interest in politics, and was sometimes ill at ease in the social situations that occurred as her husband's career progressed. She died of heart failure on 1 September 1906, aged 42, after a long period of ill health.Hughes' great-granddaughter Wendy Starkey is married to Jim Starkey who claimed to be the great-grandson of another prime minister, Joseph Lyons.However Starkey's claim of familial relations with Lyons has been disputed by the Lyons family and Lyons biographer Anne Henderson.After his first wife's death, Hughes' oldest daughter Ethel kept house for him and helped look after the younger children. After a brief courtship, he remarried on 26 June 1911 to Mary Ethel Campbell, the daughter of a well-to-do pastoralist. At the time of their marriage, he was 48 and she was 37. Mary was politically and socially astute, and her husband often turned to her for advice on political matters. Unusually for the time, he insisted that he accompany her on all of his overseas trips, even those made during wartime. Through his second marriage, Hughes also became the brother-in-law of John Haynes, one of the founders of "The Bulletin". His niece, Edith Haynes, lived with him and his wife as a companion for many years.The only child from Hughes' second marriage was Helen Myfanwy Hughes, who was born in 1915 (a few months before he became prime minister). He doted upon her, calling her the "joy and light of my life", and was devastated by her death in childbirth in 1937, aged 21. Her son survived and was adopted by a friend of the family, with his grandfather contributing towards his upkeep. Because she was unmarried at the time, the circumstances of Helen's death were kept hidden and did not become generally known until 2004, when the ABC screened a programme presented by the actor Martin Vaughan. Vaughan had played Billy Hughes in the 1975 film "Billy and Percy", and his continuing interest in him led to the unearthing of Helen's fate.Hughes had a severe hearing loss that began when he was relatively young and worsened with age. He relied on a primitive electronic hearing aid, which was so bulky that it could only be worn for short periods and had to be carried around in a box. However, his deafness could sometimes be to his advantage, as he could feign misapprehension or simply turn off his device when he no longer wished to listen to someone. Physically, Hughes was short in stature and slightly built, standing and weighing around at most. He had a "naturally weak constitution", suffering frequently from colds and other infections, and to compensate became a "fanatical devotee of physical fitness". He also suffered from chronic indigestion, on account of which he abstained from red meat and alcohol and rarely ate large meals. Hughes often worked himself to exhaustion, and required long periods of convalescence to recharge – sometimes weeks or even months. He was prone to bouts of depression interspersed with periods of euphoria, and following a near nervous breakdown in 1924 was diagnosed with "psychasthenia".Hughes was a lifelong Anglican. He inherited this affiliation from his maternal side – his father was a Primitive Baptist and a deacon at the Welsh Baptist Church in London, though he wed with Anglican rites. Hughes attended church schools as a boy, and knew the King James Bible "back to front". As an adult, he would often use Biblical turns of phrase in his writing and public speaking. Hughes' participation in organised religion seemingly declined after he moved to Australia, and some writers have suggested that he became an agnostic or an atheist. The evidence for this is largely circumstantial – he was not a regular churchgoer, his first marriage was never solemnised in a church, and he frequently used blasphemous language.All of Hughes' biographers have regarded him as a sincere Christian, albeit with a rather idiosyncratic theology. Fitzhardinge writes that Hughes had "a generalised faith in the spiritual values of Christianity" combined with "a profound belief in the after-life and the all-pervasiveness of God". Hughes rarely addressed metaphysics in his own works, but in his memoirs did note that he had rejected the doctrine of predestination at an early age: "I believed as a man sowed so he should reap [...] "by faith and works" he might find salvation." Manning Clark was somewhat skeptical of the earnestness of the beliefs that Hughes professed in public. With regard to Hughes' personal philosophy, Clark wrote that he had a "bleakly Hobbesian view of life", seeing it as "a savage elemental struggle for survival in which strong men crushed the weak".Hughes frequently exploited religion for political ends. In his early days in the labour movement, he drew on his mastery of scripture to reassure Christians that socialism was not anti-religious or atheistic. Hughes became stridently anti-Catholic during World War I, though this was due to political interference from the church hierarchy rather than on theological grounds. He "inflamed sectarianism to a tragic degree" with vitriolic personal attacks on Catholic leaders; James Scullin, Australia's first Catholic prime minister, would later suggest that Hughes' divisiveness "very nearly wrecked Australia". He also banned the use of German in Australian churches, though this affected Lutherans more than Catholics.Hughes, a tiny, wiry man, with a raspy voice and an increasingly wizened face, was an unlikely national leader, but during the First World War he acquired a reputation as a war leader—the troops called him the "Little Digger"—that sustained him for the rest of his life. He is remembered for his outstanding political and diplomatic skills, for his many witty sayings, and for his irrepressible optimism and patriotism. At the same time, the Australian labour movement never forgave him for defecting to the conservatives, and still considers him a "rat."Hughes was honored with fifteen 'Freedom of the City' awards – more than any other Prime Minister of Australia. Among these include the following cities in the United Kingdom:Hughes received honorary degrees from the following universities: The Division of Hughes and the Canberra suburb of Hughes are named after him. A park in Lane Cove, New South Wales, is named 'Hughes Park' after Billy and Dame Mary Hughes.In 1972, he was honoured on a postage stamp bearing his portrait issued by Australia Post.After marrying his wife Mary in 1911, the couple went on a long drive, because he did not have time for a honeymoon. Their car crashed where the Sydney–Melbourne road crosses the Sydney–Melbourne railway north of Albury, New South Wales, leading to the level crossing there being named after him; it was later replaced by the Billy Hughes Bridge.
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[
"National Labor Party",
"Liberal Party of Australia",
"United Australia Party"
] |
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Which political party did Billy Hughes belong to in Oct, 1934?
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October 15, 1934
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{
"text": [
"United Australia Party"
]
}
|
L2_Q152666_P102_2
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Billy Hughes is a member of the United Australia Party from Jan, 1931 to Jan, 1944.
Billy Hughes is a member of the Liberal Party of Australia from Jan, 1944 to Oct, 1952.
Billy Hughes is a member of the Nationalist Party of Australia from Jan, 1917 to Jan, 1929.
Billy Hughes is a member of the National Labor Party from Jan, 1916 to Jan, 1917.
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Billy HughesWilliam Morris Hughes, (25 September 1862 – 28 October 1952), was an Australian politician who served as the 7th Prime Minister of Australia, in office from 1915 to 1923. He is best known for leading the country during World War I, but his influence on national politics spanned several decades. Hughes was a member of federal parliament from Federation in 1901 until his death, the only person to have served for more than 50 years. He represented six political parties during his career, leading five, outlasting four, and being expelled from three.Hughes was born in London to Welsh parents. He emigrated to Australia at the age of 22, and became involved in the fledgling labour movement. He was elected to the New South Wales Legislative Assembly in 1894, as a member of the New South Wales Labor Party, and then transferred to the new federal parliament in 1901. Hughes combined his early political career with part-time legal studies, and was called to the bar in 1903. He first entered cabinet in 1904, in the short-lived Watson Government, and was later Attorney-General in each of Andrew Fisher's governments. He was elected deputy leader of the Australian Labor Party in 1914.Hughes became prime minister in October 1915, when Fisher retired due to ill health. The war was the dominant issue of the time, and his support for sending conscripted troops overseas caused a split within Labor ranks. Hughes and his supporters were expelled from the party in November 1916, but he was able to remain in power at the head of the new National Labor Party, which after a few months merged with the Liberals to form the Nationalist Party. His government was re-elected with large majorities at the 1917 and 1919 elections. Hughes established the forerunners of the Australian Federal Police and the CSIRO during the war, and also created a number of new state-owned enterprises to aid the post-war economy. He made a significant impression on other world leaders at the 1919 Paris Peace Conference, where he secured Australian control of the former German New Guinea.At the 1922 election, the Nationalists lost their majority in parliament and were forced to form a coalition with the Country Party. Hughes' resignation was the price for Country Party support, and he was succeeded as prime minister by Stanley Bruce. He became one of Bruce's leading critics over time, and in 1928, following a dispute over industrial relations, he and his supporters crossed the floor on a confidence motion and brought down the government. After a period as an independent, Hughes formed his own organisation, the Australian Party, which in 1931 merged into the new United Australia Party (UAP). He returned to cabinet in 1934, and became known for his prescient warnings against Japanese imperialism. As late as 1939, he missed out on a second stint as prime minister by only a handful of votes, losing a UAP leadership ballot to Robert Menzies.Hughes is generally acknowledged as one of the most influential Australian politicians of the 20th century. He was a controversial figure throughout his lifetime, and his legacy continues to be debated by historians. His strong views and abrasive manner meant he frequently made political enemies, often from within his own parties. Hughes' opponents accused him of engaging in authoritarianism and populism, as well as inflaming sectarianism; his use of the "War Precautions Act 1914" was particularly controversial. His former colleagues in the Labor Party considered him a traitor, while conservatives were suspicious of what they viewed as his socialist economic policies. However, he was extremely popular among the general public, particularly ex-servicemen, who affectionately nicknamed him "the little digger".Hughes was born on 25 September 1862 at 7 Moreton Place, Pimlico, London, the son of William Hughes and the former Jane Morris. His parents were both Welsh. His father, who worked as a carpenter and joiner at the Palace of Westminster, was from North Wales and was a fluent Welsh speaker. His mother, a domestic servant, was from the small village of Llansantffraid-ym-Mechain (near the English border), and spoke only English. Hughes was an only child; at the time of their marriage, in June 1861, his parents were both 37 years old.Hughes' mother died in May 1869, when he was six years old. His father subsequently sent him to be raised by relatives in Wales. During the school term, he lived with his father's sister, Mary Hughes, who kept a boarding house in Llandudno named "Bryn Rosa". He earned pocket money by doing chores for his aunt's tenants and singing in the choir at the local church. Hughes began his formal schooling in Llandudno, attending two small single-teacher schools. He spent his holidays with his mother's family in Llansantffraid. There, he divided his time between "Winllan", the farm of his widowed aunt (Margaret Mason), and "Plas Bedw", the neighbouring farm of his grandparents (Peter and Jane Morris).Hughes regarded his early years in Wales as the happiest time of his life. He was immensely proud of his Welsh identity, and he later became active in the Welsh Australian community, frequently speaking at Saint David's Day celebrations. Hughes called Welsh the "language of heaven", but his own grasp of it was patchy. Like many of his contemporaries, he had no formal schooling in Welsh, and had particular difficulties with spelling. Nonetheless, he received and replied to correspondence from Welsh-speakers throughout his political career, and as prime minister famously traded insults in Welsh with David Lloyd George.At the age of eleven, Hughes was enrolled in St Stephen's School, Westminster, one of the many church schools established by the philanthropist Lady Burdett-Coutts. He won prizes in geometry and French, receiving the latter from Lord Harrowby. After finishing his elementary schooling, he was apprenticed as a "pupil-teacher" for five years, instructing younger students for five hours a day in exchange for personal lessons from the headmaster and a small stipend. At St Stephen's, Hughes came into contact with the poet Matthew Arnold, who was an examiner and inspector for the local school district. Arnold – who coincidentally had holidayed at Llandudno – took a liking to Hughes, and gifted him a copy of the Complete Works of Shakespeare; Hughes credited Arnold with instilling his lifelong love of literature.After finishing his initial apprenticeship, Hughes stayed on at St Stephen's as a teaching assistant. He had no interest in teaching as a career though, and also declined Matthew Arnold's offer to secure him a clerkship at Coutts. His relative financial security allowed him to pursue his own interests for the first time, which included bellringing, boating on the Thames, and travel (such as a two-day trip to Paris). He also joined a volunteer battalion of the Royal Fusiliers, which consisted mainly of artisans and white-collar workers. In later life, Hughes recalled London as "a place of romance, mystery and suggestion".At the age of 22, finding his prospects in London dim, Hughes decided to emigrate to Australia. Taking advantage of an assisted-passage scheme offered by the Colony of Queensland, he arrived in Brisbane on 8 December 1884 after a two-month journey. On arrival, he gave his year of birth as 1864, a deception that was not uncovered until after his death. Hughes attempted to find work with the Education Department, but was either not offered a position or found the terms of employment to be unsuitable. He spent the next two years as an itinerant labourer, working various odd jobs. In his memoirs, Hughes claimed to have worked variously as a fruitpicker, tally clerk, navvy, blacksmith's striker, station hand, drover, and saddler's assistant, and to have travelled (mostly on foot) as far north as Rockhampton, as far west as Adavale, and as far south as Orange, New South Wales. He also claimed to have served briefly in both the Queensland Defence Force and the Queensland Maritime Defence Force. Hughes' accounts are by their nature unverifiable, and his biographers have cast doubt on their veracity – Fitzhardinge states that they were embellished at best and at worst "a world of pure fantasy".Hughes moved to Sydney in about mid-1886, working his way there as a deckhand and galley cook aboard SS "Maranoa". He found occasional work as a line cook, but at one point supposedly had to resort to living in a cave on The Domain for a few days. Hughes eventually found a steady job at a forge, making hinges for colonial ovens. Around the same time, he entered into a common-law marriage with Elizabeth Cutts, his landlady's daughter; they had six children together. In 1890, Hughes moved to Balmain. The following year, with his wife's financial assistance, he was able to open a small shop selling general merchandise. The income from the shop was not enough to live on, so he also worked part-time as a locksmith and umbrella salesman, and his wife as a washerwoman. One of Hughes' acquaintances in Balmain was William Wilks, another future MP, while one of the customers at his shop was Frederick Jordan, a future Chief Justice of New South Wales.In Balmain, Hughes became a Georgist, a street-corner speaker, president of the Balmain Single Tax League, and joined the Australian Socialist League. He was an organiser with the Australian Workers' Union and may have already joined the newly formed Labor Party. In 1894, Hughes spent eight months in central New South Wales organising for the Amalgamated Shearers' Union of Australasia and then won the Legislative Assembly seat of Sydney-Lang by 105 votes.While in Parliament he became secretary of the Wharf Labourer's Union. In 1900 he founded and became first national president of the Waterside Workers' Union. During this period Hughes studied law, and was admitted as a barrister in 1903. Unlike most Labor men, he was a strong supporter of Federation and Georgism.In 1901 Hughes was elected to the first federal Parliament as Labor MP for West Sydney. He opposed the Barton government's proposals for a small professional army and instead advocated compulsory universal training. In 1903, he was admitted to the bar after several years part-time study. He became a King's Counsel (KC) in 1909. (The title changed to Queen's Council (QC) on the accession of Queen Elizabeth II in 1952.)In 1911, he married Mary Campbell. He was Minister for External Affairs in Chris Watson's first Labor government. He was Attorney-General in Andrew Fisher's three Labor governments in 1908–09, 1910–13 and 1914–15.In 1913, at the foundation ceremony of Canberra as the capital of Australia, Hughes gave a speech proclaiming that the country was obtained via the elimination of the indigenous population. "We were destined to have our own way from the beginning..[and]..killed everybody else to get it," Hughes said, adding that "the first historic event in the history of the Commonwealth we are engaged in today [is] without the slightest trace of that race we have banished from the face of the earth." But he warned that "we must not be too proud lest we should, too, in time disappear."His abrasive manner (his chronic dyspepsia was thought to contribute to his volatile temperament) made his colleagues reluctant to have him as Leader. His on-going feud with King O'Malley, a fellow Labor minister, was a prominent example of his combative style.Hughes was also the club patron for the Glebe Rugby League team in the debut year of Rugby League in Australia, in 1908. Hughes was one of a number of prominent Labor politicians who were aligned with the Rugby League movement in Sydney in 1908. Rugby League was borne out of a player movement against the Metropolitan Rugby Union who refused to compensate players for downtime from their jobs due to injuries sustained playing Rugby Union. Labor politicians aligned themselves with the new code as it was seen as a strong social standpoint, politically, and it was an enthusiastic professional game, which made the politicians themselves appear in a similar vein, in their opinions anyway.Following the 1914 election, the Labor Prime Minister of Australia, Andrew Fisher, found the strain of leadership during World War I taxing and faced increasing pressure from the ambitious Hughes who wanted Australia to be firmly recognised on the world stage. By 1915 Fisher's health was suffering and, in October, he resigned and was succeeded by Hughes. In social policy, Hughes introduced an institutional pension for pensioners in benevolent asylums, equal to the difference between the 'act of grace' payment to the institution and the rate of IP.From March to June 1916, Hughes was in Britain, where he delivered a series of speeches calling for imperial co-operation and economic warfare against Germany. These were published under the title "The Day—and After", which was a bestseller. His biographer, Laurie Fitzhardinge, said these speeches were "electrifying" and that Hughes "swept his hearers off their feet". According to two contemporary writers, Hughes' speeches "have in particular evoked intense approbation, and have been followed by such a quickening power of the national spirit as perhaps no other orator since Chatham ever aroused".In July 1916 Hughes was a member of the British delegation at the Paris Economic Conference, which met to decide what economic measures to take against Germany. This was the first time an Australian representative had attended an international conference.Hughes was a strong supporter of Australia's participation in World War I and, after the loss of 28,000 men as casualties (killed, wounded and missing) in July and August 1916, Generals Birdwood and White of the Australian Imperial Force (AIF) persuaded Hughes that conscription was necessary if Australia was to sustain its contribution to the war effort.However, a two-thirds majority of his party, which included Roman Catholics and union representatives as well as the Industrialists (Socialists) such as Frank Anstey, were bitterly opposed to this, especially in the wake of what was regarded by many Irish Australians (most of whom were Roman Catholics) as Britain's excessive response to the Easter Rising of 1916.In October, Hughes held a national plebiscite for conscription, but it was narrowly defeated. The enabling legislation was the "Military Service Referendum Act 1916" and the outcome was advisory only. The narrow defeat (1,087,557 Yes and 1,160,033 No), however, did not deter Hughes, who continued to argue vigorously in favour of conscription. This revealed the deep and bitter split within the Australian community that had existed since before Federation, as well as within the members of his own party. Conscription had been in place since the 1910 Defence Act, but only in the defence of the nation. Hughes was seeking via a referendum to change the wording in the act to include "overseas". A referendum was not necessary but Hughes felt that in light of the seriousness of the situation, a vote of "Yes" from the people would give him a mandate to bypass the Senate. The Lloyd George Government of Britain did favour Hughes but only came to power in 1916, several months after the first referendum. The predecessor Asquith government greatly disliked Hughes considering him to be ""a guest, rather than the representative of Australia"". According to David Lloyd George: "He and Asquith did not get on too well. They would not. They were antipathetic types. As Hughes was never over-anxious to conceal his feelings or restrain his expression of them, and was moreover equipped with a biting tongue, the consultations between them were not agreeable to either".In reaction to Hughes' campaign for conscription, on 15 September 1916 the NSW executive of the Political Labour League (the state Labor Party organisation at the time) expelled him and other leading New South Wales pro-conscription advocates from the Labor movement. Hughes remained as leader of the federal parliamentary Labor Party until, at the 14th November caucus meeting, a no-confidence motion against him was passed. Hughes and 24 others including almost all of the Parliamentary talent walked out to form a new party heeding Hughes's cry "Let those who think like me, follow me.", leaving behind the 43 members of the Industrialists and Unionists factions. That same evening Hughes tendered his resignation to the Governor-General, received a commission to form a new Government, and had his recommendations accepted. Years later, Hughes said, "I did not leave the Labor Party, The party left me." The timing of Hughes's expulsion from the Labor Party meant that he became the first Labor leader who never led the party to an election. On 15 November, Frank Tudor was elected unopposed as the new leader of the Federal Parliamentary Australian Labor Party.Hughes and his followers, which included many of Labor's early leaders, called themselves the National Labor Party and began laying the groundwork for forming a party that they felt would be both avowedly nationalist as well as socially radical. Hughes was forced to conclude a confidence and supply agreement with the opposition Commonwealth Liberal Party to stay in office.A few months later, the Governor-General, Sir Ronald Munro Ferguson, persuaded Hughes and Liberal Party leader Joseph Cook (himself a former Labor man) to turn their wartime coalition into a formal party. This was the Nationalist Party of Australia, which was formally launched in February. Although the Liberals were the larger partner in the merger, Hughes emerged as the new party's leader, with Cook as his deputy. The presence of several working-class figures—including Hughes—in what was basically an upper- and middle-class party allowed the Nationalists to convey an image of national unity. At the same time, he became and remains a traitor in Labor histories.At the May 1917 federal election Hughes and the Nationalists won a huge electoral victory, which was magnified by the large number of Labor MPs who followed him out of the party. At this election Hughes gave up his working-class Sydney seat and was elected for Bendigo, Victoria, becoming the first of only a handful of people who have represented more than one state or territory in the Parliament.In Bendigo, Hughes won the seat by defeating the sitting Labor MP Alfred Hampson.This marks the only time that a sitting prime minister had challenged and ousted another sitting MP for his seat.Hughes had promised to resign if his Government did not win the power to conscript. Queensland Premier T. J. Ryan was a key opponent to conscription, and violence almost broke out when Hughes ordered a raid on the Government Printing Office in Brisbane, with the aim of confiscating copies of Hansard that covered debates in the Queensland Parliament where anti-conscription sentiments had been aired. A second plebiscite on conscription was held in December 1917, but was again defeated, this time by a wider margin. Hughes, after receiving a vote of no confidence in his leadership by his party, resigned as Prime Minister. However, there were no credible alternative candidates. For this reason, Munro-Ferguson used his reserve power to immediately re-commission Hughes, thus allowing him to remain as Prime Minister while keeping his promise to resign.The government replaced the first-past-the-post electoral system applying to both houses of the Federal Parliament under the Commonwealth Electoral Act 1903 with a preferential system for the House of Representatives in 1918. That preferential system has essentially applied ever since. A multiple majority-preferential system was introduced at the 1919 federal election for the Senate, and that remained in force until it was changed to a quota-preferential system of proportional representation in 1948. Those changes were considered to be a response to the emergence of the Country Party, so that the non-Labor vote would not be split, as it would have been under the previous first-past-the-post system.In early 1916, Hughes established the Advisory Council on Science and Industry, the first national body for scientific research and the first iteration of what is now the CSIRO. The council had no basis in legislation, and was intended only as a temporary body to be replaced with "Bureau of Science and Industry" as soon as possible. However, due to wartime stresses and other considerations the council endured until 1920, at which point an act of parliament was passed transforming it into a new government agency, the Institute of Science and Industry. According to Fitzhardinge: "The whole affair was highly typical of Hughes's methods. An idea coming from outside happened to chime with his preoccupation of the moment. He seized it, put his own stamp on it, and pushed it through to the point of realization. Then, having established the machinery, he expected it to run itself while he turned his full energies elsewhere, and tended to be evasive or testy if he was called back to it. Yet his interest was genuine, and without his enthusiasm and drive the Commonwealth intervention would either not have come at all or would have been far slower".On 10 March 1919 Prime Minister of Australia Billy Hughes announced a £10,000 reward to the first aviator who will fly from the United Kingdom to Australia in less than 30 days. Ross and Keith Smith won the race when their Vickers Vimy G-EAOU twin engine plane, won the £10,000 prize after they landed in Darwin.In 1919 Hughes, with former Prime Minister Joseph Cook, travelled to Paris to attend the Versailles Peace Conference. He remained away for 16 months, and signed the Treaty of Versailles on behalf of Australia – the first time Australia had signed an international treaty.At a meeting of the Imperial War Cabinet on 30 December 1918, Hughes warned that if they "were not very careful, we should find ourselves dragged quite unnecessarily behind the wheels of President Wilson's chariot". He added that it was intolerable for Wilson "to dictate to us how the world was to be governed. If the saving of civilisation had depended on the United States, it would have been in tears and chains to-day". He also said that Wilson had no practical scheme for a League of Nations and added: "The League of Nations was to him what a toy was to a child—he would not be happy till he got it". At the Paris Peace Conference, Hughes clashed with Wilson. When Wilson reminded him that he spoke for only a few million people, Hughes replied: "I speak for 60,000 dead. How many do you speak for?"The British Dominions of New Zealand, South Africa and Australia argued their case to keep their occupied German possessions of German Samoa, German South West Africa, and German New Guinea respectively; these territories were given as "Class C Mandates" to the respective Dominions. In a same-same deal Japan obtained control over its occupied German possessions north of the equator. At the meeting of 30 January, Hughes clashed with Wilson on the question of mandates, as Hughes preferred formal sovereignty over the islands. According to the British Prime Minister, David Lloyd George, Wilson was dictatorial and arrogant in his approach to Hughes, adding that "Hughes was the last man I would have chosen to handle in that way". Lloyd George described how, after Hughes stated his case against subjecting to a mandate the islands conquered by Australia:President Wilson pulled him up sharply and proceeded to address him personally in what I would describe as a heated allocution rather than an appeal. He dwelt on the seriousness of defying world opinion on this subject. Mr. Hughes, who listened intently, with his hand cupped around his ear so as not to miss a word, indicated at the end that he was still of the same opinion. Whereupon the President asked him slowly and solemnly: "Mr. Hughes, am I to understand that if the whole civilised world asks Australia to agree to a mandate in respect of these islands, Australia is prepared still to defy the appeal of the whole civilised world?” Mr. Hughes answered: "That's about the size of it, President Wilson". Mr. Massey grunted his assent of this abrupt defiance.However, South Africa's Louis Botha intervened on Wilson's side, and the mandates scheme went through. Hughes' frequent clashes with Wilson led to Wilson labelling him a "pestiferous varmint".Hughes, unlike Wilson or South African Prime Minister Jan Smuts, demanded heavy reparations from Germany, suggesting the sum of £24,000,000,000 of which Australia would claim many millions to off-set its own war debt. Hughes was a member of the British delegation on the Reparations Committee, with Lord Cunliffe and Lord Sumner. When the Imperial Cabinet met to discuss the Hughes Report, Winston Churchill asked Hughes if he had considered the effects that reparations would have on working-class German households. Hughes replied that "the Committee had been more concerned in considering the effects upon the working-class households in Great Britain, or in Australia, if the Germans did not pay an indemnity".At the Treaty negotiations, Hughes was the most prominent opponent of the inclusion of Japan's Racial Equality Proposal, which as a result of lobbying by him and others was not included in the final Treaty. His position on this issue reflected the dominant racist attitudes of the White Australia policy. He told David Lloyd George that he would leave the conference if the clause was adopted. Hughes offered to accept the clause so long as it did not effect immigration policy but the Japanese turned the offer down. Lloyd George said that the clause "was aimed at the restrictions and disabilities which were imposed by certain states against Japanese emigration and Japanese settlers already within their borders".Hughes had entered politics as a trade unionist, and like most of the Australian working class was very strongly opposed to Asian immigration to Australia (excluding Asian immigration was a popular cause with unions in Canada, the U.S, Australia, and New Zealand in the early 20th century). Hughes believed that accepting the Racial Equality clause would mean the end of the White Australia immigration policy that had been adopted in 1901, writing: "No Gov't could live for a day in Australia if it tampered with a White Australia". Hughes stated: "The position is this – either the Japanese proposal means something or it means nothing: if the former, out with it; if the latter, why have it?" He later said that "the right of the state to determine the conditions under which persons shall enter its territories cannot be impaired without reducing it to a vassal state", adding: "When I offered to accept it provided that words were incorporated making it clear that it was not to be used for the purpose of immigration or of impairing our rights of self-government in any way, [the Japanese delegate] Baron Makino was unable to agree".When the proposal failed, Hughes reported in the Australian parliament:The White Australia is yours. You may do with it what you please, but at any rate, the soldiers have achieved the victory and my colleagues and I have brought that great principle back to you from the conference, as safe as it was on the day when it was first adopted.Japan was notably offended by Hughes's position on the issue. Like Jan Smuts of South Africa, Hughes was concerned by the rise of Japan. Within months of the declaration of the European War in 1914, Japan, Australia and New Zealand had seized all German territorial possessions in the Pacific. Though Japan had occupied German possessions with the blessing of the British, Hughes felt alarm at this turn of events.With reference to Hughes's actions at the Peace Conference, the historian Ernest Scott said that although Hughes failed to secure sovereignty over the conquered German islands or relief for Australia's war debts, "both he and his countrymen found satisfaction with his achievements. By characteristic methods he had gained single-handed at least the points that were vital to his nation's existence". Joan Beaumont said Hughes became "something of a folk hero in later Australian historiography for his assertiveness at the Paris peace conference".Seth Tillman described him as "a noisesome demagogue", the "bete noir of Anglo-American relations". Unlike Smuts, Hughes totally opposed the concept of the League of Nations, as in it he saw the flawed idealism of "collective security". He declared in June 1919 that Australia would rely on the League "but we shall keep our powder dry".Hughes demanded that Australia have independent representation within the newly-formed League of Nations. Despite the rejection of his conscription policy, Hughes retained popularity with Australian voters and, at the December 1919 federal election, his government was comfortably re-elected.After 1920, Hughes's political position declined. Many of the more conservative elements of his own party never trusted him because they thought he was still a socialist at heart, citing his interest in retaining government ownership of the Commonwealth Shipping Line and the Australian Wireless Company. However, they continued to support him for some time after the war, if only to keep Labor out of power.A new party, the Country Party (now the National Party), was formed, representing farmers who were discontented with the Nationalists' rural policies, in particular Hughes's acceptance of a much higher level of tariff protection for Australian industries, that had expanded during the war, and his support for price controls on rural produce. In the New Year's Day Honours of 1922, Hughes' wife Mary was appointed a Dame Grand Cross of the Order of the British Empire (GBE).At the 1921 Imperial Conference, Hughes argued unsuccessfully in favour of renewing the Anglo-Japanese Alliance.At the 1922 federal election, Hughes gave up the seat of Bendigo and transferred to the upper-middle-class seat of North Sydney, thus giving up one of the last symbolic links to his working-class roots. The Nationalists lost their outright majority at the election. The Country Party, despite its opposition to Hughes's farm policy, was the Nationalists' only realistic coalition partner. However, party leader Earle Page let it be known that he and his party would not serve under Hughes. Under pressure from his party's right wing, Hughes resigned in February 1923 and was succeeded by his Treasurer, Stanley Bruce. Hughes was the longest-serving Prime Minister, until his term was surpassed by Robert Menzies (in 1957).Whilst the incumbent prime minister, Hughes switched seats at both the 1917 and 1922 elections, the only prime minister to have done so not once but twice. All other elections have seen the prime minister re-contest the seat that they held prior to the election.Hughes played little part in parliament for the remainder of 1923. He rented a house in Kirribilli in his new electorate and was recruited by "The Daily Telegraph" to write a series of articles on topics of his choosing. In the articles he defended his legacy as prime minister and stated he would support the new government as long as it followed his principles. In 1924, Hughes embarked on a lecture tour of the United States. His health broke down midway through the tour, while he was in New York. As a result he cancelled the rest of his engagements and drove back across the country in a new Flint automobile, which he brought back to Australia. Later in the year he purchased a house in Lindfield, which was to be his primary residence for the rest of his life. In 1925 Hughes again had little involvement in parliamentary affairs, but began to portray himself as "champion of Australian industries struggling to get established against foreign competition and government indifference", with the aid of his friends James Hume Cook and Ambrose Pratt.Hughes was furious at being ousted by his own party and nursed his grievance on the back-benches until 1929, when he led a group of back-bench rebels who crossed the floor of the Parliament to bring down the Bruce government. Hughes was expelled from the Nationalist Party, and formed his own party, the Australian Party. After the Nationalists were heavily defeated in the ensuing election, Hughes initially supported the Labor government of James Scullin. He had a falling-out with Scullin over financial matters, however. In 1931 he buried the hatchet with his former non-Labor colleagues and joined the Nationalists and several right-wing Labor dissidents under Joseph Lyons in forming the United Australia Party (UAP), under Lyons' leadership. He voted with the rest of the UAP to bring the Scullin government down.The UAP won a sweeping victory at the 1931 election. Lyons sent Hughes to represent Australia at the 1932 League of Nations Assembly in Geneva and in 1934 Hughes became Minister for Health and Repatriation in the Lyons government. Later Lyons appointed him Minister for External Affairs, but Hughes was forced to resign in 1935 after his book "Australia and the War Today" exposed a lack of preparation in Australia for what Hughes correctly supposed to be a coming war. Soon after, the Lyons government tripled the defence budget. Hughes also wrote in "Australia and the War Today" that the League of Nations was broken and that it could have worked only if it had been backed by force. He believed that every nation must look to its own defences and that, as Britain was preoccupied in European affairs, Australia would have to defend itself.After the 1931 Japanese invasion of Manchuria, Hughes believed that the British should remain neutral, and adopted the same attitude towards Italy's invasion of Abyssinia in 1935. Hughes believed that the British Empire was in danger because of its weakness in the Mediterranean.Hughes was brought back to Australia by Lyons as Minister for External Affairs in 1937. In 1938 Germany requested the return of her Pacific colonies but Hughes declared that Australia should hold onto New Guinea, and in April 1939 he said that if Germany wanted colonies she would have to fight for them.By the time of Lyons' death in 1939, Hughes was also serving as Attorney-General and Minister for Industry. He also served as Minister for the Navy, Minister for Industry and Attorney-General at various times under Lyons' successor, Robert Menzies.Defence issues became increasingly dominant in public affairs with the rise of Fascism in Europe and militant Japan in Asia. From 1938, Prime Minister Joseph Lyons had Hughes head a recruitment drive for the Australian Defence Force. On 7 April 1939, Lyons died in office. The United Australia Party selected Robert Menzies as his successor to lead a minority government on the eve of World War Two. Australia entered the Second World War on 3 September 1939 and a special War Cabinet was created after war was declared – initially composed of Prime Minister Menzies and five senior ministers including Hughes. Labor opposition leader John Curtin declined to join and Menzies lost his majority at the 1940 Election. With the Allies suffering a series of defeats and the threat of war growing in the Pacific, the Menzies Government (1939-1941) relied on two independents, Arthur Coles and Alex Wilson for its parliamentary majority.Unable to convince Curtin to join in a War Cabinet and facing growing pressure within his own party, Menzies resigned as Prime Minister on 29 August 1941. Although the UAP had been in government for a decade, it was so bereft of leadership that a joint UAP-Country meeting elected Country Party leader Arthur Fadden to lead the Coalition. Hughes remained in the Fadden government, serving as Attorney-General and Minister for the Navy. A month later, Coles and Wilson joined with the Labor opposition to defeat the budget and bring down the government. The independents, under prodding from Governor-General Lord Gowrie, then threw their support to Opposition Leader John Curtin, who was sworn in as Prime Minister on 7 October 1941. Going into opposition the UAP opted for a joint Coalition opposition led by Fadden, which led Menzies to resign the leadership. Hughes was narrowly elected leader on 9 October but widely regarded as a stop-gap given his age.On 7 December, Japan attacked Pearl Harbor. Soon afterwards, Hughes criticised the British government for their weakness in the Far East and declared that they were living on "fast-fading gleams of British triumphs in other wars". However, in February 1942 he said that "Britain has temporarily lost control of the seas but she has lost it in an effort to protect Australia. It would be well if those who criticise Britain would turn the searchlights on Australia". In August he criticised the defensive strategy of the Allies in the Pacific but after the Battle of the Solomons he praised the United States' armed forces. Hughes opposed the Curtin government's Statute of Westminster Adoption Act 1942, which incorporated sections 2–6 of the Statute of Westminster 1931 into law. He believed that Britain and the Dominions should instead work together for a common foreign policy.Hughes led the UAP into the 1943 election largely by refusing to hold any party meetings and by agreeing to let Fadden lead the Opposition as a whole. The Coalition was severely defeated, winning only 19 seats. Hughes himself was nearly defeated in North Sydney on a swing of over 14 percent, seeing his majority dwindle from a comfortably safe 67 percent to a marginal 53 percent. After the election, Hughes—who had widely been reckoned as a stopgap leader—yielded the leadership of the UAP back to Menzies.In February 1944, the parliamentary UAP voted to withdraw its members from the Advisory War Council. Hughes and Menzies resigned, but Percy Spender chose to remain on the council and was expelled from the UAP. A few months later, Hughes rejoined the War Council at the personal invitation of John Curtin. He was expelled from the UAP on 14 April 1944, and replaced as deputy leader by Eric Harrison. Hughes and Spender sat as an independents until 13 September 1945, when they joined the new Liberal Party of Australia that had been founded earlier in the year. By that point the War Council had been abolished.A major redistribution and expansion of the House of Representatives occurred prior to the 1949 election, with much of the northern portion of North Sydney transferred to the new Bradfield. Hughes faced a preselection challenge for the first time since 1894, but defeated Harry Turner for Liberal Party endorsement and won a comfortable victory. He was re-elected to the House of Representatives for the 20th and final time at the 1951 election, with 79 percent of the vote. Hughes' last speech in parliament was an attack on the Menzies Government's decision to sell its share in Commonwealth Oil Refineries, one of the state-owned enterprises his government had established over 30 years earlier. According to H. V. Evatt, his speech "seemed at once to grip the attention of all honourable members present [...] nobody left the House, and nobody seemed to dare to move".Hughes celebrated a number of milestones in his last years in parliament. In 1944, a celebratory dinner was held to commemorate the 50th anniversary of his election to the Parliament of New South Wales, and 50 consecutive years of service as an MP. Prime Minister John Curtin toasted him as someone who had "fought like hell for what he believed to be right, and for that Australia will honour him". In June 1951, Hughes was the guest of honour at a banquet marking the golden jubilee of the federal parliament. The following year, "almost every member of the House of Representatives and Senate" attended his birthday dinner. Prime Minister Robert Menzies observed that Hughes had been a member of every political party at one time or another, at which point Arthur Fadden interjected that he had never joined the Country Party. Hughes then remarked "had to draw the line somewhere, didn't I?".Hughes died on 28 October 1952, aged 90, at his home in Lindfield. His state funeral was held at St Andrew's Cathedral, Sydney, and was one of the largest Australia has seen: some 450,000 spectators lined the streets. He was later buried at Macquarie Park Cemetery and Crematorium with his daughter Helen; his widow Dame Mary joined them upon her death in 1958.At the age of 90 years, one month and three days, Hughes is the oldest person ever to have been a member of the Australian parliament. His death sparked a Bradfield by-election. He had been a member of the House of Representatives for 51 years and seven months, beginning his service in the reign of Queen Victoria and ending it in the reign of Queen Elizabeth II. Including his service in the New South Wales colonial parliament before that, Hughes had spent a total of 58 years as an MP, and had never lost an election. His period of service remains a record in Australia. He was the last member of the original Australian Parliament elected in 1901 still serving in Parliament when he died. Hughes was the penultimate member of the First Parliament to die; King O'Malley outlived him by fourteen months. Hughes was also the last surviving member of the Watson Cabinet, as well as the first and third Cabinets of Andrew Fisher.Soon after arriving in Sydney, Hughes entered into a common-law marriage with Elizabeth Cutts, the daughter of one of his landladies. Their relationship was never formally registered or solemnised, but they lived as husband and wife and had six children together – William (b. 1891; died in infancy), Ethel (b. 1892), Lily (b. 1893), Dolly (b. 1895), Ernest (b. 1897), and Charles (b. 1898). They also raised Arthur (b. 1885), Elizabeth's son from a previous relationship, who took Hughes as his surname. Their marriage was solid, though sometimes strained by Hughes' devotion to his work and frequent absences from home. Elizabeth had little interest in politics, and was sometimes ill at ease in the social situations that occurred as her husband's career progressed. She died of heart failure on 1 September 1906, aged 42, after a long period of ill health.Hughes' great-granddaughter Wendy Starkey is married to Jim Starkey who claimed to be the great-grandson of another prime minister, Joseph Lyons.However Starkey's claim of familial relations with Lyons has been disputed by the Lyons family and Lyons biographer Anne Henderson.After his first wife's death, Hughes' oldest daughter Ethel kept house for him and helped look after the younger children. After a brief courtship, he remarried on 26 June 1911 to Mary Ethel Campbell, the daughter of a well-to-do pastoralist. At the time of their marriage, he was 48 and she was 37. Mary was politically and socially astute, and her husband often turned to her for advice on political matters. Unusually for the time, he insisted that he accompany her on all of his overseas trips, even those made during wartime. Through his second marriage, Hughes also became the brother-in-law of John Haynes, one of the founders of "The Bulletin". His niece, Edith Haynes, lived with him and his wife as a companion for many years.The only child from Hughes' second marriage was Helen Myfanwy Hughes, who was born in 1915 (a few months before he became prime minister). He doted upon her, calling her the "joy and light of my life", and was devastated by her death in childbirth in 1937, aged 21. Her son survived and was adopted by a friend of the family, with his grandfather contributing towards his upkeep. Because she was unmarried at the time, the circumstances of Helen's death were kept hidden and did not become generally known until 2004, when the ABC screened a programme presented by the actor Martin Vaughan. Vaughan had played Billy Hughes in the 1975 film "Billy and Percy", and his continuing interest in him led to the unearthing of Helen's fate.Hughes had a severe hearing loss that began when he was relatively young and worsened with age. He relied on a primitive electronic hearing aid, which was so bulky that it could only be worn for short periods and had to be carried around in a box. However, his deafness could sometimes be to his advantage, as he could feign misapprehension or simply turn off his device when he no longer wished to listen to someone. Physically, Hughes was short in stature and slightly built, standing and weighing around at most. He had a "naturally weak constitution", suffering frequently from colds and other infections, and to compensate became a "fanatical devotee of physical fitness". He also suffered from chronic indigestion, on account of which he abstained from red meat and alcohol and rarely ate large meals. Hughes often worked himself to exhaustion, and required long periods of convalescence to recharge – sometimes weeks or even months. He was prone to bouts of depression interspersed with periods of euphoria, and following a near nervous breakdown in 1924 was diagnosed with "psychasthenia".Hughes was a lifelong Anglican. He inherited this affiliation from his maternal side – his father was a Primitive Baptist and a deacon at the Welsh Baptist Church in London, though he wed with Anglican rites. Hughes attended church schools as a boy, and knew the King James Bible "back to front". As an adult, he would often use Biblical turns of phrase in his writing and public speaking. Hughes' participation in organised religion seemingly declined after he moved to Australia, and some writers have suggested that he became an agnostic or an atheist. The evidence for this is largely circumstantial – he was not a regular churchgoer, his first marriage was never solemnised in a church, and he frequently used blasphemous language.All of Hughes' biographers have regarded him as a sincere Christian, albeit with a rather idiosyncratic theology. Fitzhardinge writes that Hughes had "a generalised faith in the spiritual values of Christianity" combined with "a profound belief in the after-life and the all-pervasiveness of God". Hughes rarely addressed metaphysics in his own works, but in his memoirs did note that he had rejected the doctrine of predestination at an early age: "I believed as a man sowed so he should reap [...] "by faith and works" he might find salvation." Manning Clark was somewhat skeptical of the earnestness of the beliefs that Hughes professed in public. With regard to Hughes' personal philosophy, Clark wrote that he had a "bleakly Hobbesian view of life", seeing it as "a savage elemental struggle for survival in which strong men crushed the weak".Hughes frequently exploited religion for political ends. In his early days in the labour movement, he drew on his mastery of scripture to reassure Christians that socialism was not anti-religious or atheistic. Hughes became stridently anti-Catholic during World War I, though this was due to political interference from the church hierarchy rather than on theological grounds. He "inflamed sectarianism to a tragic degree" with vitriolic personal attacks on Catholic leaders; James Scullin, Australia's first Catholic prime minister, would later suggest that Hughes' divisiveness "very nearly wrecked Australia". He also banned the use of German in Australian churches, though this affected Lutherans more than Catholics.Hughes, a tiny, wiry man, with a raspy voice and an increasingly wizened face, was an unlikely national leader, but during the First World War he acquired a reputation as a war leader—the troops called him the "Little Digger"—that sustained him for the rest of his life. He is remembered for his outstanding political and diplomatic skills, for his many witty sayings, and for his irrepressible optimism and patriotism. At the same time, the Australian labour movement never forgave him for defecting to the conservatives, and still considers him a "rat."Hughes was honored with fifteen 'Freedom of the City' awards – more than any other Prime Minister of Australia. Among these include the following cities in the United Kingdom:Hughes received honorary degrees from the following universities: The Division of Hughes and the Canberra suburb of Hughes are named after him. A park in Lane Cove, New South Wales, is named 'Hughes Park' after Billy and Dame Mary Hughes.In 1972, he was honoured on a postage stamp bearing his portrait issued by Australia Post.After marrying his wife Mary in 1911, the couple went on a long drive, because he did not have time for a honeymoon. Their car crashed where the Sydney–Melbourne road crosses the Sydney–Melbourne railway north of Albury, New South Wales, leading to the level crossing there being named after him; it was later replaced by the Billy Hughes Bridge.
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[
"National Labor Party",
"Nationalist Party of Australia",
"Liberal Party of Australia"
] |
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Which political party did Billy Hughes belong to in Dec, 1950?
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December 23, 1950
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{
"text": [
"Liberal Party of Australia"
]
}
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L2_Q152666_P102_3
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Billy Hughes is a member of the National Labor Party from Jan, 1916 to Jan, 1917.
Billy Hughes is a member of the United Australia Party from Jan, 1931 to Jan, 1944.
Billy Hughes is a member of the Liberal Party of Australia from Jan, 1944 to Oct, 1952.
Billy Hughes is a member of the Nationalist Party of Australia from Jan, 1917 to Jan, 1929.
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Billy HughesWilliam Morris Hughes, (25 September 1862 – 28 October 1952), was an Australian politician who served as the 7th Prime Minister of Australia, in office from 1915 to 1923. He is best known for leading the country during World War I, but his influence on national politics spanned several decades. Hughes was a member of federal parliament from Federation in 1901 until his death, the only person to have served for more than 50 years. He represented six political parties during his career, leading five, outlasting four, and being expelled from three.Hughes was born in London to Welsh parents. He emigrated to Australia at the age of 22, and became involved in the fledgling labour movement. He was elected to the New South Wales Legislative Assembly in 1894, as a member of the New South Wales Labor Party, and then transferred to the new federal parliament in 1901. Hughes combined his early political career with part-time legal studies, and was called to the bar in 1903. He first entered cabinet in 1904, in the short-lived Watson Government, and was later Attorney-General in each of Andrew Fisher's governments. He was elected deputy leader of the Australian Labor Party in 1914.Hughes became prime minister in October 1915, when Fisher retired due to ill health. The war was the dominant issue of the time, and his support for sending conscripted troops overseas caused a split within Labor ranks. Hughes and his supporters were expelled from the party in November 1916, but he was able to remain in power at the head of the new National Labor Party, which after a few months merged with the Liberals to form the Nationalist Party. His government was re-elected with large majorities at the 1917 and 1919 elections. Hughes established the forerunners of the Australian Federal Police and the CSIRO during the war, and also created a number of new state-owned enterprises to aid the post-war economy. He made a significant impression on other world leaders at the 1919 Paris Peace Conference, where he secured Australian control of the former German New Guinea.At the 1922 election, the Nationalists lost their majority in parliament and were forced to form a coalition with the Country Party. Hughes' resignation was the price for Country Party support, and he was succeeded as prime minister by Stanley Bruce. He became one of Bruce's leading critics over time, and in 1928, following a dispute over industrial relations, he and his supporters crossed the floor on a confidence motion and brought down the government. After a period as an independent, Hughes formed his own organisation, the Australian Party, which in 1931 merged into the new United Australia Party (UAP). He returned to cabinet in 1934, and became known for his prescient warnings against Japanese imperialism. As late as 1939, he missed out on a second stint as prime minister by only a handful of votes, losing a UAP leadership ballot to Robert Menzies.Hughes is generally acknowledged as one of the most influential Australian politicians of the 20th century. He was a controversial figure throughout his lifetime, and his legacy continues to be debated by historians. His strong views and abrasive manner meant he frequently made political enemies, often from within his own parties. Hughes' opponents accused him of engaging in authoritarianism and populism, as well as inflaming sectarianism; his use of the "War Precautions Act 1914" was particularly controversial. His former colleagues in the Labor Party considered him a traitor, while conservatives were suspicious of what they viewed as his socialist economic policies. However, he was extremely popular among the general public, particularly ex-servicemen, who affectionately nicknamed him "the little digger".Hughes was born on 25 September 1862 at 7 Moreton Place, Pimlico, London, the son of William Hughes and the former Jane Morris. His parents were both Welsh. His father, who worked as a carpenter and joiner at the Palace of Westminster, was from North Wales and was a fluent Welsh speaker. His mother, a domestic servant, was from the small village of Llansantffraid-ym-Mechain (near the English border), and spoke only English. Hughes was an only child; at the time of their marriage, in June 1861, his parents were both 37 years old.Hughes' mother died in May 1869, when he was six years old. His father subsequently sent him to be raised by relatives in Wales. During the school term, he lived with his father's sister, Mary Hughes, who kept a boarding house in Llandudno named "Bryn Rosa". He earned pocket money by doing chores for his aunt's tenants and singing in the choir at the local church. Hughes began his formal schooling in Llandudno, attending two small single-teacher schools. He spent his holidays with his mother's family in Llansantffraid. There, he divided his time between "Winllan", the farm of his widowed aunt (Margaret Mason), and "Plas Bedw", the neighbouring farm of his grandparents (Peter and Jane Morris).Hughes regarded his early years in Wales as the happiest time of his life. He was immensely proud of his Welsh identity, and he later became active in the Welsh Australian community, frequently speaking at Saint David's Day celebrations. Hughes called Welsh the "language of heaven", but his own grasp of it was patchy. Like many of his contemporaries, he had no formal schooling in Welsh, and had particular difficulties with spelling. Nonetheless, he received and replied to correspondence from Welsh-speakers throughout his political career, and as prime minister famously traded insults in Welsh with David Lloyd George.At the age of eleven, Hughes was enrolled in St Stephen's School, Westminster, one of the many church schools established by the philanthropist Lady Burdett-Coutts. He won prizes in geometry and French, receiving the latter from Lord Harrowby. After finishing his elementary schooling, he was apprenticed as a "pupil-teacher" for five years, instructing younger students for five hours a day in exchange for personal lessons from the headmaster and a small stipend. At St Stephen's, Hughes came into contact with the poet Matthew Arnold, who was an examiner and inspector for the local school district. Arnold – who coincidentally had holidayed at Llandudno – took a liking to Hughes, and gifted him a copy of the Complete Works of Shakespeare; Hughes credited Arnold with instilling his lifelong love of literature.After finishing his initial apprenticeship, Hughes stayed on at St Stephen's as a teaching assistant. He had no interest in teaching as a career though, and also declined Matthew Arnold's offer to secure him a clerkship at Coutts. His relative financial security allowed him to pursue his own interests for the first time, which included bellringing, boating on the Thames, and travel (such as a two-day trip to Paris). He also joined a volunteer battalion of the Royal Fusiliers, which consisted mainly of artisans and white-collar workers. In later life, Hughes recalled London as "a place of romance, mystery and suggestion".At the age of 22, finding his prospects in London dim, Hughes decided to emigrate to Australia. Taking advantage of an assisted-passage scheme offered by the Colony of Queensland, he arrived in Brisbane on 8 December 1884 after a two-month journey. On arrival, he gave his year of birth as 1864, a deception that was not uncovered until after his death. Hughes attempted to find work with the Education Department, but was either not offered a position or found the terms of employment to be unsuitable. He spent the next two years as an itinerant labourer, working various odd jobs. In his memoirs, Hughes claimed to have worked variously as a fruitpicker, tally clerk, navvy, blacksmith's striker, station hand, drover, and saddler's assistant, and to have travelled (mostly on foot) as far north as Rockhampton, as far west as Adavale, and as far south as Orange, New South Wales. He also claimed to have served briefly in both the Queensland Defence Force and the Queensland Maritime Defence Force. Hughes' accounts are by their nature unverifiable, and his biographers have cast doubt on their veracity – Fitzhardinge states that they were embellished at best and at worst "a world of pure fantasy".Hughes moved to Sydney in about mid-1886, working his way there as a deckhand and galley cook aboard SS "Maranoa". He found occasional work as a line cook, but at one point supposedly had to resort to living in a cave on The Domain for a few days. Hughes eventually found a steady job at a forge, making hinges for colonial ovens. Around the same time, he entered into a common-law marriage with Elizabeth Cutts, his landlady's daughter; they had six children together. In 1890, Hughes moved to Balmain. The following year, with his wife's financial assistance, he was able to open a small shop selling general merchandise. The income from the shop was not enough to live on, so he also worked part-time as a locksmith and umbrella salesman, and his wife as a washerwoman. One of Hughes' acquaintances in Balmain was William Wilks, another future MP, while one of the customers at his shop was Frederick Jordan, a future Chief Justice of New South Wales.In Balmain, Hughes became a Georgist, a street-corner speaker, president of the Balmain Single Tax League, and joined the Australian Socialist League. He was an organiser with the Australian Workers' Union and may have already joined the newly formed Labor Party. In 1894, Hughes spent eight months in central New South Wales organising for the Amalgamated Shearers' Union of Australasia and then won the Legislative Assembly seat of Sydney-Lang by 105 votes.While in Parliament he became secretary of the Wharf Labourer's Union. In 1900 he founded and became first national president of the Waterside Workers' Union. During this period Hughes studied law, and was admitted as a barrister in 1903. Unlike most Labor men, he was a strong supporter of Federation and Georgism.In 1901 Hughes was elected to the first federal Parliament as Labor MP for West Sydney. He opposed the Barton government's proposals for a small professional army and instead advocated compulsory universal training. In 1903, he was admitted to the bar after several years part-time study. He became a King's Counsel (KC) in 1909. (The title changed to Queen's Council (QC) on the accession of Queen Elizabeth II in 1952.)In 1911, he married Mary Campbell. He was Minister for External Affairs in Chris Watson's first Labor government. He was Attorney-General in Andrew Fisher's three Labor governments in 1908–09, 1910–13 and 1914–15.In 1913, at the foundation ceremony of Canberra as the capital of Australia, Hughes gave a speech proclaiming that the country was obtained via the elimination of the indigenous population. "We were destined to have our own way from the beginning..[and]..killed everybody else to get it," Hughes said, adding that "the first historic event in the history of the Commonwealth we are engaged in today [is] without the slightest trace of that race we have banished from the face of the earth." But he warned that "we must not be too proud lest we should, too, in time disappear."His abrasive manner (his chronic dyspepsia was thought to contribute to his volatile temperament) made his colleagues reluctant to have him as Leader. His on-going feud with King O'Malley, a fellow Labor minister, was a prominent example of his combative style.Hughes was also the club patron for the Glebe Rugby League team in the debut year of Rugby League in Australia, in 1908. Hughes was one of a number of prominent Labor politicians who were aligned with the Rugby League movement in Sydney in 1908. Rugby League was borne out of a player movement against the Metropolitan Rugby Union who refused to compensate players for downtime from their jobs due to injuries sustained playing Rugby Union. Labor politicians aligned themselves with the new code as it was seen as a strong social standpoint, politically, and it was an enthusiastic professional game, which made the politicians themselves appear in a similar vein, in their opinions anyway.Following the 1914 election, the Labor Prime Minister of Australia, Andrew Fisher, found the strain of leadership during World War I taxing and faced increasing pressure from the ambitious Hughes who wanted Australia to be firmly recognised on the world stage. By 1915 Fisher's health was suffering and, in October, he resigned and was succeeded by Hughes. In social policy, Hughes introduced an institutional pension for pensioners in benevolent asylums, equal to the difference between the 'act of grace' payment to the institution and the rate of IP.From March to June 1916, Hughes was in Britain, where he delivered a series of speeches calling for imperial co-operation and economic warfare against Germany. These were published under the title "The Day—and After", which was a bestseller. His biographer, Laurie Fitzhardinge, said these speeches were "electrifying" and that Hughes "swept his hearers off their feet". According to two contemporary writers, Hughes' speeches "have in particular evoked intense approbation, and have been followed by such a quickening power of the national spirit as perhaps no other orator since Chatham ever aroused".In July 1916 Hughes was a member of the British delegation at the Paris Economic Conference, which met to decide what economic measures to take against Germany. This was the first time an Australian representative had attended an international conference.Hughes was a strong supporter of Australia's participation in World War I and, after the loss of 28,000 men as casualties (killed, wounded and missing) in July and August 1916, Generals Birdwood and White of the Australian Imperial Force (AIF) persuaded Hughes that conscription was necessary if Australia was to sustain its contribution to the war effort.However, a two-thirds majority of his party, which included Roman Catholics and union representatives as well as the Industrialists (Socialists) such as Frank Anstey, were bitterly opposed to this, especially in the wake of what was regarded by many Irish Australians (most of whom were Roman Catholics) as Britain's excessive response to the Easter Rising of 1916.In October, Hughes held a national plebiscite for conscription, but it was narrowly defeated. The enabling legislation was the "Military Service Referendum Act 1916" and the outcome was advisory only. The narrow defeat (1,087,557 Yes and 1,160,033 No), however, did not deter Hughes, who continued to argue vigorously in favour of conscription. This revealed the deep and bitter split within the Australian community that had existed since before Federation, as well as within the members of his own party. Conscription had been in place since the 1910 Defence Act, but only in the defence of the nation. Hughes was seeking via a referendum to change the wording in the act to include "overseas". A referendum was not necessary but Hughes felt that in light of the seriousness of the situation, a vote of "Yes" from the people would give him a mandate to bypass the Senate. The Lloyd George Government of Britain did favour Hughes but only came to power in 1916, several months after the first referendum. The predecessor Asquith government greatly disliked Hughes considering him to be ""a guest, rather than the representative of Australia"". According to David Lloyd George: "He and Asquith did not get on too well. They would not. They were antipathetic types. As Hughes was never over-anxious to conceal his feelings or restrain his expression of them, and was moreover equipped with a biting tongue, the consultations between them were not agreeable to either".In reaction to Hughes' campaign for conscription, on 15 September 1916 the NSW executive of the Political Labour League (the state Labor Party organisation at the time) expelled him and other leading New South Wales pro-conscription advocates from the Labor movement. Hughes remained as leader of the federal parliamentary Labor Party until, at the 14th November caucus meeting, a no-confidence motion against him was passed. Hughes and 24 others including almost all of the Parliamentary talent walked out to form a new party heeding Hughes's cry "Let those who think like me, follow me.", leaving behind the 43 members of the Industrialists and Unionists factions. That same evening Hughes tendered his resignation to the Governor-General, received a commission to form a new Government, and had his recommendations accepted. Years later, Hughes said, "I did not leave the Labor Party, The party left me." The timing of Hughes's expulsion from the Labor Party meant that he became the first Labor leader who never led the party to an election. On 15 November, Frank Tudor was elected unopposed as the new leader of the Federal Parliamentary Australian Labor Party.Hughes and his followers, which included many of Labor's early leaders, called themselves the National Labor Party and began laying the groundwork for forming a party that they felt would be both avowedly nationalist as well as socially radical. Hughes was forced to conclude a confidence and supply agreement with the opposition Commonwealth Liberal Party to stay in office.A few months later, the Governor-General, Sir Ronald Munro Ferguson, persuaded Hughes and Liberal Party leader Joseph Cook (himself a former Labor man) to turn their wartime coalition into a formal party. This was the Nationalist Party of Australia, which was formally launched in February. Although the Liberals were the larger partner in the merger, Hughes emerged as the new party's leader, with Cook as his deputy. The presence of several working-class figures—including Hughes—in what was basically an upper- and middle-class party allowed the Nationalists to convey an image of national unity. At the same time, he became and remains a traitor in Labor histories.At the May 1917 federal election Hughes and the Nationalists won a huge electoral victory, which was magnified by the large number of Labor MPs who followed him out of the party. At this election Hughes gave up his working-class Sydney seat and was elected for Bendigo, Victoria, becoming the first of only a handful of people who have represented more than one state or territory in the Parliament.In Bendigo, Hughes won the seat by defeating the sitting Labor MP Alfred Hampson.This marks the only time that a sitting prime minister had challenged and ousted another sitting MP for his seat.Hughes had promised to resign if his Government did not win the power to conscript. Queensland Premier T. J. Ryan was a key opponent to conscription, and violence almost broke out when Hughes ordered a raid on the Government Printing Office in Brisbane, with the aim of confiscating copies of Hansard that covered debates in the Queensland Parliament where anti-conscription sentiments had been aired. A second plebiscite on conscription was held in December 1917, but was again defeated, this time by a wider margin. Hughes, after receiving a vote of no confidence in his leadership by his party, resigned as Prime Minister. However, there were no credible alternative candidates. For this reason, Munro-Ferguson used his reserve power to immediately re-commission Hughes, thus allowing him to remain as Prime Minister while keeping his promise to resign.The government replaced the first-past-the-post electoral system applying to both houses of the Federal Parliament under the Commonwealth Electoral Act 1903 with a preferential system for the House of Representatives in 1918. That preferential system has essentially applied ever since. A multiple majority-preferential system was introduced at the 1919 federal election for the Senate, and that remained in force until it was changed to a quota-preferential system of proportional representation in 1948. Those changes were considered to be a response to the emergence of the Country Party, so that the non-Labor vote would not be split, as it would have been under the previous first-past-the-post system.In early 1916, Hughes established the Advisory Council on Science and Industry, the first national body for scientific research and the first iteration of what is now the CSIRO. The council had no basis in legislation, and was intended only as a temporary body to be replaced with "Bureau of Science and Industry" as soon as possible. However, due to wartime stresses and other considerations the council endured until 1920, at which point an act of parliament was passed transforming it into a new government agency, the Institute of Science and Industry. According to Fitzhardinge: "The whole affair was highly typical of Hughes's methods. An idea coming from outside happened to chime with his preoccupation of the moment. He seized it, put his own stamp on it, and pushed it through to the point of realization. Then, having established the machinery, he expected it to run itself while he turned his full energies elsewhere, and tended to be evasive or testy if he was called back to it. Yet his interest was genuine, and without his enthusiasm and drive the Commonwealth intervention would either not have come at all or would have been far slower".On 10 March 1919 Prime Minister of Australia Billy Hughes announced a £10,000 reward to the first aviator who will fly from the United Kingdom to Australia in less than 30 days. Ross and Keith Smith won the race when their Vickers Vimy G-EAOU twin engine plane, won the £10,000 prize after they landed in Darwin.In 1919 Hughes, with former Prime Minister Joseph Cook, travelled to Paris to attend the Versailles Peace Conference. He remained away for 16 months, and signed the Treaty of Versailles on behalf of Australia – the first time Australia had signed an international treaty.At a meeting of the Imperial War Cabinet on 30 December 1918, Hughes warned that if they "were not very careful, we should find ourselves dragged quite unnecessarily behind the wheels of President Wilson's chariot". He added that it was intolerable for Wilson "to dictate to us how the world was to be governed. If the saving of civilisation had depended on the United States, it would have been in tears and chains to-day". He also said that Wilson had no practical scheme for a League of Nations and added: "The League of Nations was to him what a toy was to a child—he would not be happy till he got it". At the Paris Peace Conference, Hughes clashed with Wilson. When Wilson reminded him that he spoke for only a few million people, Hughes replied: "I speak for 60,000 dead. How many do you speak for?"The British Dominions of New Zealand, South Africa and Australia argued their case to keep their occupied German possessions of German Samoa, German South West Africa, and German New Guinea respectively; these territories were given as "Class C Mandates" to the respective Dominions. In a same-same deal Japan obtained control over its occupied German possessions north of the equator. At the meeting of 30 January, Hughes clashed with Wilson on the question of mandates, as Hughes preferred formal sovereignty over the islands. According to the British Prime Minister, David Lloyd George, Wilson was dictatorial and arrogant in his approach to Hughes, adding that "Hughes was the last man I would have chosen to handle in that way". Lloyd George described how, after Hughes stated his case against subjecting to a mandate the islands conquered by Australia:President Wilson pulled him up sharply and proceeded to address him personally in what I would describe as a heated allocution rather than an appeal. He dwelt on the seriousness of defying world opinion on this subject. Mr. Hughes, who listened intently, with his hand cupped around his ear so as not to miss a word, indicated at the end that he was still of the same opinion. Whereupon the President asked him slowly and solemnly: "Mr. Hughes, am I to understand that if the whole civilised world asks Australia to agree to a mandate in respect of these islands, Australia is prepared still to defy the appeal of the whole civilised world?” Mr. Hughes answered: "That's about the size of it, President Wilson". Mr. Massey grunted his assent of this abrupt defiance.However, South Africa's Louis Botha intervened on Wilson's side, and the mandates scheme went through. Hughes' frequent clashes with Wilson led to Wilson labelling him a "pestiferous varmint".Hughes, unlike Wilson or South African Prime Minister Jan Smuts, demanded heavy reparations from Germany, suggesting the sum of £24,000,000,000 of which Australia would claim many millions to off-set its own war debt. Hughes was a member of the British delegation on the Reparations Committee, with Lord Cunliffe and Lord Sumner. When the Imperial Cabinet met to discuss the Hughes Report, Winston Churchill asked Hughes if he had considered the effects that reparations would have on working-class German households. Hughes replied that "the Committee had been more concerned in considering the effects upon the working-class households in Great Britain, or in Australia, if the Germans did not pay an indemnity".At the Treaty negotiations, Hughes was the most prominent opponent of the inclusion of Japan's Racial Equality Proposal, which as a result of lobbying by him and others was not included in the final Treaty. His position on this issue reflected the dominant racist attitudes of the White Australia policy. He told David Lloyd George that he would leave the conference if the clause was adopted. Hughes offered to accept the clause so long as it did not effect immigration policy but the Japanese turned the offer down. Lloyd George said that the clause "was aimed at the restrictions and disabilities which were imposed by certain states against Japanese emigration and Japanese settlers already within their borders".Hughes had entered politics as a trade unionist, and like most of the Australian working class was very strongly opposed to Asian immigration to Australia (excluding Asian immigration was a popular cause with unions in Canada, the U.S, Australia, and New Zealand in the early 20th century). Hughes believed that accepting the Racial Equality clause would mean the end of the White Australia immigration policy that had been adopted in 1901, writing: "No Gov't could live for a day in Australia if it tampered with a White Australia". Hughes stated: "The position is this – either the Japanese proposal means something or it means nothing: if the former, out with it; if the latter, why have it?" He later said that "the right of the state to determine the conditions under which persons shall enter its territories cannot be impaired without reducing it to a vassal state", adding: "When I offered to accept it provided that words were incorporated making it clear that it was not to be used for the purpose of immigration or of impairing our rights of self-government in any way, [the Japanese delegate] Baron Makino was unable to agree".When the proposal failed, Hughes reported in the Australian parliament:The White Australia is yours. You may do with it what you please, but at any rate, the soldiers have achieved the victory and my colleagues and I have brought that great principle back to you from the conference, as safe as it was on the day when it was first adopted.Japan was notably offended by Hughes's position on the issue. Like Jan Smuts of South Africa, Hughes was concerned by the rise of Japan. Within months of the declaration of the European War in 1914, Japan, Australia and New Zealand had seized all German territorial possessions in the Pacific. Though Japan had occupied German possessions with the blessing of the British, Hughes felt alarm at this turn of events.With reference to Hughes's actions at the Peace Conference, the historian Ernest Scott said that although Hughes failed to secure sovereignty over the conquered German islands or relief for Australia's war debts, "both he and his countrymen found satisfaction with his achievements. By characteristic methods he had gained single-handed at least the points that were vital to his nation's existence". Joan Beaumont said Hughes became "something of a folk hero in later Australian historiography for his assertiveness at the Paris peace conference".Seth Tillman described him as "a noisesome demagogue", the "bete noir of Anglo-American relations". Unlike Smuts, Hughes totally opposed the concept of the League of Nations, as in it he saw the flawed idealism of "collective security". He declared in June 1919 that Australia would rely on the League "but we shall keep our powder dry".Hughes demanded that Australia have independent representation within the newly-formed League of Nations. Despite the rejection of his conscription policy, Hughes retained popularity with Australian voters and, at the December 1919 federal election, his government was comfortably re-elected.After 1920, Hughes's political position declined. Many of the more conservative elements of his own party never trusted him because they thought he was still a socialist at heart, citing his interest in retaining government ownership of the Commonwealth Shipping Line and the Australian Wireless Company. However, they continued to support him for some time after the war, if only to keep Labor out of power.A new party, the Country Party (now the National Party), was formed, representing farmers who were discontented with the Nationalists' rural policies, in particular Hughes's acceptance of a much higher level of tariff protection for Australian industries, that had expanded during the war, and his support for price controls on rural produce. In the New Year's Day Honours of 1922, Hughes' wife Mary was appointed a Dame Grand Cross of the Order of the British Empire (GBE).At the 1921 Imperial Conference, Hughes argued unsuccessfully in favour of renewing the Anglo-Japanese Alliance.At the 1922 federal election, Hughes gave up the seat of Bendigo and transferred to the upper-middle-class seat of North Sydney, thus giving up one of the last symbolic links to his working-class roots. The Nationalists lost their outright majority at the election. The Country Party, despite its opposition to Hughes's farm policy, was the Nationalists' only realistic coalition partner. However, party leader Earle Page let it be known that he and his party would not serve under Hughes. Under pressure from his party's right wing, Hughes resigned in February 1923 and was succeeded by his Treasurer, Stanley Bruce. Hughes was the longest-serving Prime Minister, until his term was surpassed by Robert Menzies (in 1957).Whilst the incumbent prime minister, Hughes switched seats at both the 1917 and 1922 elections, the only prime minister to have done so not once but twice. All other elections have seen the prime minister re-contest the seat that they held prior to the election.Hughes played little part in parliament for the remainder of 1923. He rented a house in Kirribilli in his new electorate and was recruited by "The Daily Telegraph" to write a series of articles on topics of his choosing. In the articles he defended his legacy as prime minister and stated he would support the new government as long as it followed his principles. In 1924, Hughes embarked on a lecture tour of the United States. His health broke down midway through the tour, while he was in New York. As a result he cancelled the rest of his engagements and drove back across the country in a new Flint automobile, which he brought back to Australia. Later in the year he purchased a house in Lindfield, which was to be his primary residence for the rest of his life. In 1925 Hughes again had little involvement in parliamentary affairs, but began to portray himself as "champion of Australian industries struggling to get established against foreign competition and government indifference", with the aid of his friends James Hume Cook and Ambrose Pratt.Hughes was furious at being ousted by his own party and nursed his grievance on the back-benches until 1929, when he led a group of back-bench rebels who crossed the floor of the Parliament to bring down the Bruce government. Hughes was expelled from the Nationalist Party, and formed his own party, the Australian Party. After the Nationalists were heavily defeated in the ensuing election, Hughes initially supported the Labor government of James Scullin. He had a falling-out with Scullin over financial matters, however. In 1931 he buried the hatchet with his former non-Labor colleagues and joined the Nationalists and several right-wing Labor dissidents under Joseph Lyons in forming the United Australia Party (UAP), under Lyons' leadership. He voted with the rest of the UAP to bring the Scullin government down.The UAP won a sweeping victory at the 1931 election. Lyons sent Hughes to represent Australia at the 1932 League of Nations Assembly in Geneva and in 1934 Hughes became Minister for Health and Repatriation in the Lyons government. Later Lyons appointed him Minister for External Affairs, but Hughes was forced to resign in 1935 after his book "Australia and the War Today" exposed a lack of preparation in Australia for what Hughes correctly supposed to be a coming war. Soon after, the Lyons government tripled the defence budget. Hughes also wrote in "Australia and the War Today" that the League of Nations was broken and that it could have worked only if it had been backed by force. He believed that every nation must look to its own defences and that, as Britain was preoccupied in European affairs, Australia would have to defend itself.After the 1931 Japanese invasion of Manchuria, Hughes believed that the British should remain neutral, and adopted the same attitude towards Italy's invasion of Abyssinia in 1935. Hughes believed that the British Empire was in danger because of its weakness in the Mediterranean.Hughes was brought back to Australia by Lyons as Minister for External Affairs in 1937. In 1938 Germany requested the return of her Pacific colonies but Hughes declared that Australia should hold onto New Guinea, and in April 1939 he said that if Germany wanted colonies she would have to fight for them.By the time of Lyons' death in 1939, Hughes was also serving as Attorney-General and Minister for Industry. He also served as Minister for the Navy, Minister for Industry and Attorney-General at various times under Lyons' successor, Robert Menzies.Defence issues became increasingly dominant in public affairs with the rise of Fascism in Europe and militant Japan in Asia. From 1938, Prime Minister Joseph Lyons had Hughes head a recruitment drive for the Australian Defence Force. On 7 April 1939, Lyons died in office. The United Australia Party selected Robert Menzies as his successor to lead a minority government on the eve of World War Two. Australia entered the Second World War on 3 September 1939 and a special War Cabinet was created after war was declared – initially composed of Prime Minister Menzies and five senior ministers including Hughes. Labor opposition leader John Curtin declined to join and Menzies lost his majority at the 1940 Election. With the Allies suffering a series of defeats and the threat of war growing in the Pacific, the Menzies Government (1939-1941) relied on two independents, Arthur Coles and Alex Wilson for its parliamentary majority.Unable to convince Curtin to join in a War Cabinet and facing growing pressure within his own party, Menzies resigned as Prime Minister on 29 August 1941. Although the UAP had been in government for a decade, it was so bereft of leadership that a joint UAP-Country meeting elected Country Party leader Arthur Fadden to lead the Coalition. Hughes remained in the Fadden government, serving as Attorney-General and Minister for the Navy. A month later, Coles and Wilson joined with the Labor opposition to defeat the budget and bring down the government. The independents, under prodding from Governor-General Lord Gowrie, then threw their support to Opposition Leader John Curtin, who was sworn in as Prime Minister on 7 October 1941. Going into opposition the UAP opted for a joint Coalition opposition led by Fadden, which led Menzies to resign the leadership. Hughes was narrowly elected leader on 9 October but widely regarded as a stop-gap given his age.On 7 December, Japan attacked Pearl Harbor. Soon afterwards, Hughes criticised the British government for their weakness in the Far East and declared that they were living on "fast-fading gleams of British triumphs in other wars". However, in February 1942 he said that "Britain has temporarily lost control of the seas but she has lost it in an effort to protect Australia. It would be well if those who criticise Britain would turn the searchlights on Australia". In August he criticised the defensive strategy of the Allies in the Pacific but after the Battle of the Solomons he praised the United States' armed forces. Hughes opposed the Curtin government's Statute of Westminster Adoption Act 1942, which incorporated sections 2–6 of the Statute of Westminster 1931 into law. He believed that Britain and the Dominions should instead work together for a common foreign policy.Hughes led the UAP into the 1943 election largely by refusing to hold any party meetings and by agreeing to let Fadden lead the Opposition as a whole. The Coalition was severely defeated, winning only 19 seats. Hughes himself was nearly defeated in North Sydney on a swing of over 14 percent, seeing his majority dwindle from a comfortably safe 67 percent to a marginal 53 percent. After the election, Hughes—who had widely been reckoned as a stopgap leader—yielded the leadership of the UAP back to Menzies.In February 1944, the parliamentary UAP voted to withdraw its members from the Advisory War Council. Hughes and Menzies resigned, but Percy Spender chose to remain on the council and was expelled from the UAP. A few months later, Hughes rejoined the War Council at the personal invitation of John Curtin. He was expelled from the UAP on 14 April 1944, and replaced as deputy leader by Eric Harrison. Hughes and Spender sat as an independents until 13 September 1945, when they joined the new Liberal Party of Australia that had been founded earlier in the year. By that point the War Council had been abolished.A major redistribution and expansion of the House of Representatives occurred prior to the 1949 election, with much of the northern portion of North Sydney transferred to the new Bradfield. Hughes faced a preselection challenge for the first time since 1894, but defeated Harry Turner for Liberal Party endorsement and won a comfortable victory. He was re-elected to the House of Representatives for the 20th and final time at the 1951 election, with 79 percent of the vote. Hughes' last speech in parliament was an attack on the Menzies Government's decision to sell its share in Commonwealth Oil Refineries, one of the state-owned enterprises his government had established over 30 years earlier. According to H. V. Evatt, his speech "seemed at once to grip the attention of all honourable members present [...] nobody left the House, and nobody seemed to dare to move".Hughes celebrated a number of milestones in his last years in parliament. In 1944, a celebratory dinner was held to commemorate the 50th anniversary of his election to the Parliament of New South Wales, and 50 consecutive years of service as an MP. Prime Minister John Curtin toasted him as someone who had "fought like hell for what he believed to be right, and for that Australia will honour him". In June 1951, Hughes was the guest of honour at a banquet marking the golden jubilee of the federal parliament. The following year, "almost every member of the House of Representatives and Senate" attended his birthday dinner. Prime Minister Robert Menzies observed that Hughes had been a member of every political party at one time or another, at which point Arthur Fadden interjected that he had never joined the Country Party. Hughes then remarked "had to draw the line somewhere, didn't I?".Hughes died on 28 October 1952, aged 90, at his home in Lindfield. His state funeral was held at St Andrew's Cathedral, Sydney, and was one of the largest Australia has seen: some 450,000 spectators lined the streets. He was later buried at Macquarie Park Cemetery and Crematorium with his daughter Helen; his widow Dame Mary joined them upon her death in 1958.At the age of 90 years, one month and three days, Hughes is the oldest person ever to have been a member of the Australian parliament. His death sparked a Bradfield by-election. He had been a member of the House of Representatives for 51 years and seven months, beginning his service in the reign of Queen Victoria and ending it in the reign of Queen Elizabeth II. Including his service in the New South Wales colonial parliament before that, Hughes had spent a total of 58 years as an MP, and had never lost an election. His period of service remains a record in Australia. He was the last member of the original Australian Parliament elected in 1901 still serving in Parliament when he died. Hughes was the penultimate member of the First Parliament to die; King O'Malley outlived him by fourteen months. Hughes was also the last surviving member of the Watson Cabinet, as well as the first and third Cabinets of Andrew Fisher.Soon after arriving in Sydney, Hughes entered into a common-law marriage with Elizabeth Cutts, the daughter of one of his landladies. Their relationship was never formally registered or solemnised, but they lived as husband and wife and had six children together – William (b. 1891; died in infancy), Ethel (b. 1892), Lily (b. 1893), Dolly (b. 1895), Ernest (b. 1897), and Charles (b. 1898). They also raised Arthur (b. 1885), Elizabeth's son from a previous relationship, who took Hughes as his surname. Their marriage was solid, though sometimes strained by Hughes' devotion to his work and frequent absences from home. Elizabeth had little interest in politics, and was sometimes ill at ease in the social situations that occurred as her husband's career progressed. She died of heart failure on 1 September 1906, aged 42, after a long period of ill health.Hughes' great-granddaughter Wendy Starkey is married to Jim Starkey who claimed to be the great-grandson of another prime minister, Joseph Lyons.However Starkey's claim of familial relations with Lyons has been disputed by the Lyons family and Lyons biographer Anne Henderson.After his first wife's death, Hughes' oldest daughter Ethel kept house for him and helped look after the younger children. After a brief courtship, he remarried on 26 June 1911 to Mary Ethel Campbell, the daughter of a well-to-do pastoralist. At the time of their marriage, he was 48 and she was 37. Mary was politically and socially astute, and her husband often turned to her for advice on political matters. Unusually for the time, he insisted that he accompany her on all of his overseas trips, even those made during wartime. Through his second marriage, Hughes also became the brother-in-law of John Haynes, one of the founders of "The Bulletin". His niece, Edith Haynes, lived with him and his wife as a companion for many years.The only child from Hughes' second marriage was Helen Myfanwy Hughes, who was born in 1915 (a few months before he became prime minister). He doted upon her, calling her the "joy and light of my life", and was devastated by her death in childbirth in 1937, aged 21. Her son survived and was adopted by a friend of the family, with his grandfather contributing towards his upkeep. Because she was unmarried at the time, the circumstances of Helen's death were kept hidden and did not become generally known until 2004, when the ABC screened a programme presented by the actor Martin Vaughan. Vaughan had played Billy Hughes in the 1975 film "Billy and Percy", and his continuing interest in him led to the unearthing of Helen's fate.Hughes had a severe hearing loss that began when he was relatively young and worsened with age. He relied on a primitive electronic hearing aid, which was so bulky that it could only be worn for short periods and had to be carried around in a box. However, his deafness could sometimes be to his advantage, as he could feign misapprehension or simply turn off his device when he no longer wished to listen to someone. Physically, Hughes was short in stature and slightly built, standing and weighing around at most. He had a "naturally weak constitution", suffering frequently from colds and other infections, and to compensate became a "fanatical devotee of physical fitness". He also suffered from chronic indigestion, on account of which he abstained from red meat and alcohol and rarely ate large meals. Hughes often worked himself to exhaustion, and required long periods of convalescence to recharge – sometimes weeks or even months. He was prone to bouts of depression interspersed with periods of euphoria, and following a near nervous breakdown in 1924 was diagnosed with "psychasthenia".Hughes was a lifelong Anglican. He inherited this affiliation from his maternal side – his father was a Primitive Baptist and a deacon at the Welsh Baptist Church in London, though he wed with Anglican rites. Hughes attended church schools as a boy, and knew the King James Bible "back to front". As an adult, he would often use Biblical turns of phrase in his writing and public speaking. Hughes' participation in organised religion seemingly declined after he moved to Australia, and some writers have suggested that he became an agnostic or an atheist. The evidence for this is largely circumstantial – he was not a regular churchgoer, his first marriage was never solemnised in a church, and he frequently used blasphemous language.All of Hughes' biographers have regarded him as a sincere Christian, albeit with a rather idiosyncratic theology. Fitzhardinge writes that Hughes had "a generalised faith in the spiritual values of Christianity" combined with "a profound belief in the after-life and the all-pervasiveness of God". Hughes rarely addressed metaphysics in his own works, but in his memoirs did note that he had rejected the doctrine of predestination at an early age: "I believed as a man sowed so he should reap [...] "by faith and works" he might find salvation." Manning Clark was somewhat skeptical of the earnestness of the beliefs that Hughes professed in public. With regard to Hughes' personal philosophy, Clark wrote that he had a "bleakly Hobbesian view of life", seeing it as "a savage elemental struggle for survival in which strong men crushed the weak".Hughes frequently exploited religion for political ends. In his early days in the labour movement, he drew on his mastery of scripture to reassure Christians that socialism was not anti-religious or atheistic. Hughes became stridently anti-Catholic during World War I, though this was due to political interference from the church hierarchy rather than on theological grounds. He "inflamed sectarianism to a tragic degree" with vitriolic personal attacks on Catholic leaders; James Scullin, Australia's first Catholic prime minister, would later suggest that Hughes' divisiveness "very nearly wrecked Australia". He also banned the use of German in Australian churches, though this affected Lutherans more than Catholics.Hughes, a tiny, wiry man, with a raspy voice and an increasingly wizened face, was an unlikely national leader, but during the First World War he acquired a reputation as a war leader—the troops called him the "Little Digger"—that sustained him for the rest of his life. He is remembered for his outstanding political and diplomatic skills, for his many witty sayings, and for his irrepressible optimism and patriotism. At the same time, the Australian labour movement never forgave him for defecting to the conservatives, and still considers him a "rat."Hughes was honored with fifteen 'Freedom of the City' awards – more than any other Prime Minister of Australia. Among these include the following cities in the United Kingdom:Hughes received honorary degrees from the following universities: The Division of Hughes and the Canberra suburb of Hughes are named after him. A park in Lane Cove, New South Wales, is named 'Hughes Park' after Billy and Dame Mary Hughes.In 1972, he was honoured on a postage stamp bearing his portrait issued by Australia Post.After marrying his wife Mary in 1911, the couple went on a long drive, because he did not have time for a honeymoon. Their car crashed where the Sydney–Melbourne road crosses the Sydney–Melbourne railway north of Albury, New South Wales, leading to the level crossing there being named after him; it was later replaced by the Billy Hughes Bridge.
|
[
"Nationalist Party of Australia",
"National Labor Party",
"United Australia Party"
] |
|
Which team did Ian Gardiner play for in Jan, 1954?
|
January 01, 1954
|
{
"text": [
"Scottish Football League XI"
]
}
|
L2_Q10473318_P54_0
|
Ian Gardiner plays for Scottish Football League XI from Jan, 1954 to Jan, 1954.
Ian Gardiner plays for Scotland national football team from Jan, 1957 to Jan, 1957.
Ian Gardiner plays for Motherwell F.C. from Jan, 1956 to Jan, 1959.
Ian Gardiner plays for East Fife F.C. from Jan, 1959 to Jan, 1960.
Ian Gardiner plays for Montrose F.C. from Jan, 1962 to Jan, 1963.
Ian Gardiner plays for St Johnstone F.C. from Jan, 1960 to Jan, 1962.
Ian Gardiner plays for Raith Rovers F.C. from Jan, 1959 to Jan, 1959.
|
Ian Gardiner (footballer)James Ian Gardiner (18 October 1928 – 1990) was a Scottish footballer, who played for East Fife, Motherwell, Raith Rovers, St Johnstone, Montrose and the Scotland national football team. He scored 125 goals in the top division of the Scottish Football League, and 217 goals in all competitions, during his career. He also represented the Scottish League once, scoring against the Irish League in a 5–1 win in 1954.
|
[
"Raith Rovers F.C.",
"Scotland national football team",
"Motherwell F.C.",
"East Fife F.C.",
"St Johnstone F.C.",
"Montrose F.C."
] |
|
Which team did Ian Gardiner play for in Feb, 1956?
|
February 02, 1956
|
{
"text": [
"Motherwell F.C."
]
}
|
L2_Q10473318_P54_1
|
Ian Gardiner plays for St Johnstone F.C. from Jan, 1960 to Jan, 1962.
Ian Gardiner plays for Montrose F.C. from Jan, 1962 to Jan, 1963.
Ian Gardiner plays for East Fife F.C. from Jan, 1959 to Jan, 1960.
Ian Gardiner plays for Scotland national football team from Jan, 1957 to Jan, 1957.
Ian Gardiner plays for Scottish Football League XI from Jan, 1954 to Jan, 1954.
Ian Gardiner plays for Motherwell F.C. from Jan, 1956 to Jan, 1959.
Ian Gardiner plays for Raith Rovers F.C. from Jan, 1959 to Jan, 1959.
|
Ian Gardiner (footballer)James Ian Gardiner (18 October 1928 – 1990) was a Scottish footballer, who played for East Fife, Motherwell, Raith Rovers, St Johnstone, Montrose and the Scotland national football team. He scored 125 goals in the top division of the Scottish Football League, and 217 goals in all competitions, during his career. He also represented the Scottish League once, scoring against the Irish League in a 5–1 win in 1954.
|
[
"Raith Rovers F.C.",
"Scotland national football team",
"East Fife F.C.",
"St Johnstone F.C.",
"Montrose F.C.",
"Scottish Football League XI"
] |
|
Which team did Ian Gardiner play for in Jan, 1957?
|
January 01, 1957
|
{
"text": [
"Scotland national football team",
"Motherwell F.C."
]
}
|
L2_Q10473318_P54_2
|
Ian Gardiner plays for Motherwell F.C. from Jan, 1956 to Jan, 1959.
Ian Gardiner plays for Montrose F.C. from Jan, 1962 to Jan, 1963.
Ian Gardiner plays for Scotland national football team from Jan, 1957 to Jan, 1957.
Ian Gardiner plays for Scottish Football League XI from Jan, 1954 to Jan, 1954.
Ian Gardiner plays for East Fife F.C. from Jan, 1959 to Jan, 1960.
Ian Gardiner plays for St Johnstone F.C. from Jan, 1960 to Jan, 1962.
Ian Gardiner plays for Raith Rovers F.C. from Jan, 1959 to Jan, 1959.
|
Ian Gardiner (footballer)James Ian Gardiner (18 October 1928 – 1990) was a Scottish footballer, who played for East Fife, Motherwell, Raith Rovers, St Johnstone, Montrose and the Scotland national football team. He scored 125 goals in the top division of the Scottish Football League, and 217 goals in all competitions, during his career. He also represented the Scottish League once, scoring against the Irish League in a 5–1 win in 1954.
|
[
"Raith Rovers F.C.",
"East Fife F.C.",
"St Johnstone F.C.",
"Montrose F.C.",
"Scottish Football League XI"
] |
|
Which team did Ian Gardiner play for in Jan, 1959?
|
January 01, 1959
|
{
"text": [
"Raith Rovers F.C.",
"East Fife F.C.",
"Motherwell F.C."
]
}
|
L2_Q10473318_P54_3
|
Ian Gardiner plays for East Fife F.C. from Jan, 1959 to Jan, 1960.
Ian Gardiner plays for Scotland national football team from Jan, 1957 to Jan, 1957.
Ian Gardiner plays for Scottish Football League XI from Jan, 1954 to Jan, 1954.
Ian Gardiner plays for St Johnstone F.C. from Jan, 1960 to Jan, 1962.
Ian Gardiner plays for Motherwell F.C. from Jan, 1956 to Jan, 1959.
Ian Gardiner plays for Montrose F.C. from Jan, 1962 to Jan, 1963.
Ian Gardiner plays for Raith Rovers F.C. from Jan, 1959 to Jan, 1959.
|
Ian Gardiner (footballer)James Ian Gardiner (18 October 1928 – 1990) was a Scottish footballer, who played for East Fife, Motherwell, Raith Rovers, St Johnstone, Montrose and the Scotland national football team. He scored 125 goals in the top division of the Scottish Football League, and 217 goals in all competitions, during his career. He also represented the Scottish League once, scoring against the Irish League in a 5–1 win in 1954.
|
[
"St Johnstone F.C.",
"Montrose F.C.",
"Scotland national football team",
"Scottish Football League XI",
"St Johnstone F.C.",
"Montrose F.C.",
"Scotland national football team",
"Scottish Football League XI",
"St Johnstone F.C.",
"Montrose F.C.",
"Scotland national football team",
"Scottish Football League XI"
] |
|
Which team did Ian Gardiner play for in Feb, 1959?
|
February 18, 1959
|
{
"text": [
"East Fife F.C."
]
}
|
L2_Q10473318_P54_4
|
Ian Gardiner plays for Raith Rovers F.C. from Jan, 1959 to Jan, 1959.
Ian Gardiner plays for East Fife F.C. from Jan, 1959 to Jan, 1960.
Ian Gardiner plays for Motherwell F.C. from Jan, 1956 to Jan, 1959.
Ian Gardiner plays for Montrose F.C. from Jan, 1962 to Jan, 1963.
Ian Gardiner plays for St Johnstone F.C. from Jan, 1960 to Jan, 1962.
Ian Gardiner plays for Scotland national football team from Jan, 1957 to Jan, 1957.
Ian Gardiner plays for Scottish Football League XI from Jan, 1954 to Jan, 1954.
|
Ian Gardiner (footballer)James Ian Gardiner (18 October 1928 – 1990) was a Scottish footballer, who played for East Fife, Motherwell, Raith Rovers, St Johnstone, Montrose and the Scotland national football team. He scored 125 goals in the top division of the Scottish Football League, and 217 goals in all competitions, during his career. He also represented the Scottish League once, scoring against the Irish League in a 5–1 win in 1954.
|
[
"Raith Rovers F.C.",
"Scotland national football team",
"Motherwell F.C.",
"St Johnstone F.C.",
"Montrose F.C.",
"Scottish Football League XI"
] |
|
Which team did Ian Gardiner play for in Dec, 1961?
|
December 07, 1961
|
{
"text": [
"St Johnstone F.C."
]
}
|
L2_Q10473318_P54_5
|
Ian Gardiner plays for Scottish Football League XI from Jan, 1954 to Jan, 1954.
Ian Gardiner plays for East Fife F.C. from Jan, 1959 to Jan, 1960.
Ian Gardiner plays for Raith Rovers F.C. from Jan, 1959 to Jan, 1959.
Ian Gardiner plays for Scotland national football team from Jan, 1957 to Jan, 1957.
Ian Gardiner plays for Motherwell F.C. from Jan, 1956 to Jan, 1959.
Ian Gardiner plays for Montrose F.C. from Jan, 1962 to Jan, 1963.
Ian Gardiner plays for St Johnstone F.C. from Jan, 1960 to Jan, 1962.
|
Ian Gardiner (footballer)James Ian Gardiner (18 October 1928 – 1990) was a Scottish footballer, who played for East Fife, Motherwell, Raith Rovers, St Johnstone, Montrose and the Scotland national football team. He scored 125 goals in the top division of the Scottish Football League, and 217 goals in all competitions, during his career. He also represented the Scottish League once, scoring against the Irish League in a 5–1 win in 1954.
|
[
"Raith Rovers F.C.",
"Scotland national football team",
"Motherwell F.C.",
"East Fife F.C.",
"Montrose F.C.",
"Scottish Football League XI"
] |
|
Which team did Ian Gardiner play for in Aug, 1962?
|
August 27, 1962
|
{
"text": [
"Montrose F.C."
]
}
|
L2_Q10473318_P54_6
|
Ian Gardiner plays for St Johnstone F.C. from Jan, 1960 to Jan, 1962.
Ian Gardiner plays for East Fife F.C. from Jan, 1959 to Jan, 1960.
Ian Gardiner plays for Scottish Football League XI from Jan, 1954 to Jan, 1954.
Ian Gardiner plays for Motherwell F.C. from Jan, 1956 to Jan, 1959.
Ian Gardiner plays for Montrose F.C. from Jan, 1962 to Jan, 1963.
Ian Gardiner plays for Raith Rovers F.C. from Jan, 1959 to Jan, 1959.
Ian Gardiner plays for Scotland national football team from Jan, 1957 to Jan, 1957.
|
Ian Gardiner (footballer)James Ian Gardiner (18 October 1928 – 1990) was a Scottish footballer, who played for East Fife, Motherwell, Raith Rovers, St Johnstone, Montrose and the Scotland national football team. He scored 125 goals in the top division of the Scottish Football League, and 217 goals in all competitions, during his career. He also represented the Scottish League once, scoring against the Irish League in a 5–1 win in 1954.
|
[
"Raith Rovers F.C.",
"Scotland national football team",
"Motherwell F.C.",
"East Fife F.C.",
"St Johnstone F.C.",
"Scottish Football League XI"
] |
|
Which position did Sir John Arbuthnot, 1st Baronet hold in May, 1950?
|
May 08, 1950
|
{
"text": [
"Member of the 39th Parliament of the United Kingdom"
]
}
|
L2_Q7527560_P39_0
|
Sir John Arbuthnot, 1st Baronet holds the position of Member of the 41st Parliament of the United Kingdom from May, 1955 to Sep, 1959.
Sir John Arbuthnot, 1st Baronet holds the position of Member of the 40th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1951 to May, 1955.
Sir John Arbuthnot, 1st Baronet holds the position of Member of the 39th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Feb, 1950 to Oct, 1951.
Sir John Arbuthnot, 1st Baronet holds the position of Member of the 42nd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1959 to Sep, 1964.
|
Sir John Arbuthnot, 1st BaronetSir John Sinclair Wemyss Arbuthnot, 1st Baronet, MBE, TD (11 February 1912 – 13 June 1992) was a British Conservative politician.Arbuthnot was born in Kittybrewster, the son of Major Kenneth Wyndham Arbuthnot, who was the son of William Reierson Arbuthnot and Janet Elspeth Sinclair Wemyss. Kenneth had served with the Seaforth Highlanders since 1893, fighting in the Chitral Expedition in 1895, in the Mahdist War in the Sudan in 1898 (including the Battle of Omdurman), and in the Second Boer War from 1900 to 1902. He was brigade major of the Gordon Infantry Brigade when his son was born, but was killed in action in the Second Battle of Ypres in 1915.John Arbuthnot was educated at Eton College, and Trinity College, Cambridge, where he graduated as a Bachelor of Arts in 1933. He received his MA in 1938. He worked in the tea industry and was a Director of Folkestone and Dover Water Company and other companies. He served in World War II in the Royal Artillery, rising to the rank of Major. In 1940, he was seconded to work with explosives and was appointed MBE for his scientific work in 1944. He was decorated with the Territorial Decoration in 1951.Arbuthnot stood for election in Don Valley in 1935 and Dover in 1945, losing to Labour candidates both times. He was elected as MP for Dover in 1950, serving until 1964. He was Parliamentary Private Secretary for the Minister of Pensions from 1952 to 1955 and for the Minister of Health from 1956 to 1957. He was member of the Public Accounts Committee from 1955 to 1964. He also served as Second Church Estates Commissioner, the spokesman for the Church of England in the House of Commons, and as a Deputy Speaker.On 26 February 1964, he was created a baronet, of Kittybrewster in the County of the City of Aberdeen.Arbuthnot married (Margaret) Jean Duff, daughter of Alexander Gordon Duff on 3 July 1943. Theyhad five children, two sons and three daughters.
|
[
"Member of the 41st Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 42nd Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 40th Parliament of the United Kingdom"
] |
|
Which position did Sir John Arbuthnot, 1st Baronet hold in Nov, 1953?
|
November 01, 1953
|
{
"text": [
"Member of the 40th Parliament of the United Kingdom"
]
}
|
L2_Q7527560_P39_1
|
Sir John Arbuthnot, 1st Baronet holds the position of Member of the 41st Parliament of the United Kingdom from May, 1955 to Sep, 1959.
Sir John Arbuthnot, 1st Baronet holds the position of Member of the 40th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1951 to May, 1955.
Sir John Arbuthnot, 1st Baronet holds the position of Member of the 42nd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1959 to Sep, 1964.
Sir John Arbuthnot, 1st Baronet holds the position of Member of the 39th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Feb, 1950 to Oct, 1951.
|
Sir John Arbuthnot, 1st BaronetSir John Sinclair Wemyss Arbuthnot, 1st Baronet, MBE, TD (11 February 1912 – 13 June 1992) was a British Conservative politician.Arbuthnot was born in Kittybrewster, the son of Major Kenneth Wyndham Arbuthnot, who was the son of William Reierson Arbuthnot and Janet Elspeth Sinclair Wemyss. Kenneth had served with the Seaforth Highlanders since 1893, fighting in the Chitral Expedition in 1895, in the Mahdist War in the Sudan in 1898 (including the Battle of Omdurman), and in the Second Boer War from 1900 to 1902. He was brigade major of the Gordon Infantry Brigade when his son was born, but was killed in action in the Second Battle of Ypres in 1915.John Arbuthnot was educated at Eton College, and Trinity College, Cambridge, where he graduated as a Bachelor of Arts in 1933. He received his MA in 1938. He worked in the tea industry and was a Director of Folkestone and Dover Water Company and other companies. He served in World War II in the Royal Artillery, rising to the rank of Major. In 1940, he was seconded to work with explosives and was appointed MBE for his scientific work in 1944. He was decorated with the Territorial Decoration in 1951.Arbuthnot stood for election in Don Valley in 1935 and Dover in 1945, losing to Labour candidates both times. He was elected as MP for Dover in 1950, serving until 1964. He was Parliamentary Private Secretary for the Minister of Pensions from 1952 to 1955 and for the Minister of Health from 1956 to 1957. He was member of the Public Accounts Committee from 1955 to 1964. He also served as Second Church Estates Commissioner, the spokesman for the Church of England in the House of Commons, and as a Deputy Speaker.On 26 February 1964, he was created a baronet, of Kittybrewster in the County of the City of Aberdeen.Arbuthnot married (Margaret) Jean Duff, daughter of Alexander Gordon Duff on 3 July 1943. Theyhad five children, two sons and three daughters.
|
[
"Member of the 39th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 41st Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 42nd Parliament of the United Kingdom"
] |
|
Which position did Sir John Arbuthnot, 1st Baronet hold in Jun, 1956?
|
June 08, 1956
|
{
"text": [
"Member of the 41st Parliament of the United Kingdom"
]
}
|
L2_Q7527560_P39_2
|
Sir John Arbuthnot, 1st Baronet holds the position of Member of the 40th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1951 to May, 1955.
Sir John Arbuthnot, 1st Baronet holds the position of Member of the 39th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Feb, 1950 to Oct, 1951.
Sir John Arbuthnot, 1st Baronet holds the position of Member of the 42nd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1959 to Sep, 1964.
Sir John Arbuthnot, 1st Baronet holds the position of Member of the 41st Parliament of the United Kingdom from May, 1955 to Sep, 1959.
|
Sir John Arbuthnot, 1st BaronetSir John Sinclair Wemyss Arbuthnot, 1st Baronet, MBE, TD (11 February 1912 – 13 June 1992) was a British Conservative politician.Arbuthnot was born in Kittybrewster, the son of Major Kenneth Wyndham Arbuthnot, who was the son of William Reierson Arbuthnot and Janet Elspeth Sinclair Wemyss. Kenneth had served with the Seaforth Highlanders since 1893, fighting in the Chitral Expedition in 1895, in the Mahdist War in the Sudan in 1898 (including the Battle of Omdurman), and in the Second Boer War from 1900 to 1902. He was brigade major of the Gordon Infantry Brigade when his son was born, but was killed in action in the Second Battle of Ypres in 1915.John Arbuthnot was educated at Eton College, and Trinity College, Cambridge, where he graduated as a Bachelor of Arts in 1933. He received his MA in 1938. He worked in the tea industry and was a Director of Folkestone and Dover Water Company and other companies. He served in World War II in the Royal Artillery, rising to the rank of Major. In 1940, he was seconded to work with explosives and was appointed MBE for his scientific work in 1944. He was decorated with the Territorial Decoration in 1951.Arbuthnot stood for election in Don Valley in 1935 and Dover in 1945, losing to Labour candidates both times. He was elected as MP for Dover in 1950, serving until 1964. He was Parliamentary Private Secretary for the Minister of Pensions from 1952 to 1955 and for the Minister of Health from 1956 to 1957. He was member of the Public Accounts Committee from 1955 to 1964. He also served as Second Church Estates Commissioner, the spokesman for the Church of England in the House of Commons, and as a Deputy Speaker.On 26 February 1964, he was created a baronet, of Kittybrewster in the County of the City of Aberdeen.Arbuthnot married (Margaret) Jean Duff, daughter of Alexander Gordon Duff on 3 July 1943. Theyhad five children, two sons and three daughters.
|
[
"Member of the 39th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 42nd Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 40th Parliament of the United Kingdom"
] |
|
Which position did Sir John Arbuthnot, 1st Baronet hold in Mar, 1962?
|
March 17, 1962
|
{
"text": [
"Member of the 42nd Parliament of the United Kingdom"
]
}
|
L2_Q7527560_P39_3
|
Sir John Arbuthnot, 1st Baronet holds the position of Member of the 42nd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1959 to Sep, 1964.
Sir John Arbuthnot, 1st Baronet holds the position of Member of the 39th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Feb, 1950 to Oct, 1951.
Sir John Arbuthnot, 1st Baronet holds the position of Member of the 40th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1951 to May, 1955.
Sir John Arbuthnot, 1st Baronet holds the position of Member of the 41st Parliament of the United Kingdom from May, 1955 to Sep, 1959.
|
Sir John Arbuthnot, 1st BaronetSir John Sinclair Wemyss Arbuthnot, 1st Baronet, MBE, TD (11 February 1912 – 13 June 1992) was a British Conservative politician.Arbuthnot was born in Kittybrewster, the son of Major Kenneth Wyndham Arbuthnot, who was the son of William Reierson Arbuthnot and Janet Elspeth Sinclair Wemyss. Kenneth had served with the Seaforth Highlanders since 1893, fighting in the Chitral Expedition in 1895, in the Mahdist War in the Sudan in 1898 (including the Battle of Omdurman), and in the Second Boer War from 1900 to 1902. He was brigade major of the Gordon Infantry Brigade when his son was born, but was killed in action in the Second Battle of Ypres in 1915.John Arbuthnot was educated at Eton College, and Trinity College, Cambridge, where he graduated as a Bachelor of Arts in 1933. He received his MA in 1938. He worked in the tea industry and was a Director of Folkestone and Dover Water Company and other companies. He served in World War II in the Royal Artillery, rising to the rank of Major. In 1940, he was seconded to work with explosives and was appointed MBE for his scientific work in 1944. He was decorated with the Territorial Decoration in 1951.Arbuthnot stood for election in Don Valley in 1935 and Dover in 1945, losing to Labour candidates both times. He was elected as MP for Dover in 1950, serving until 1964. He was Parliamentary Private Secretary for the Minister of Pensions from 1952 to 1955 and for the Minister of Health from 1956 to 1957. He was member of the Public Accounts Committee from 1955 to 1964. He also served as Second Church Estates Commissioner, the spokesman for the Church of England in the House of Commons, and as a Deputy Speaker.On 26 February 1964, he was created a baronet, of Kittybrewster in the County of the City of Aberdeen.Arbuthnot married (Margaret) Jean Duff, daughter of Alexander Gordon Duff on 3 July 1943. Theyhad five children, two sons and three daughters.
|
[
"Member of the 39th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 41st Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 40th Parliament of the United Kingdom"
] |
|
Which position did John Colville, 1st Baron Clydesmuir hold in Apr, 1930?
|
April 28, 1930
|
{
"text": [
"Member of the 35th Parliament of the United Kingdom"
]
}
|
L2_Q6226788_P39_0
|
John Colville, 1st Baron Clydesmuir holds the position of Secretary of State for Scotland from May, 1938 to May, 1940.
John Colville, 1st Baron Clydesmuir holds the position of Member of the 35th Parliament of the United Kingdom from May, 1929 to Oct, 1931.
John Colville, 1st Baron Clydesmuir holds the position of Financial Secretary to the Treasury from Oct, 1936 to Jan, 1938.
John Colville, 1st Baron Clydesmuir holds the position of Member of the 36th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1931 to Oct, 1935.
John Colville, 1st Baron Clydesmuir holds the position of Member of the 37th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Nov, 1935 to Jan, 1943.
|
John Colville, 1st Baron ClydesmuirColonel David John Colville, 1st Baron Clydesmuir, (13 February 1894 – 31 October 1954), was a Scottish Unionist politician, and industrialist. He was director of his family's steel and iron business, David Colville & Sons.The only son of John Colville MP, of Cleland, Lanarkshire, he was educated at Charterhouse and at Trinity College, Cambridge.He served in World War I with the 6th Battalion of the Cameronians (Scottish Rifles), and was wounded.He was unsuccessful National Liberal candidate for Motherwell at the 1922 general election. He was unsuccessful again at a by-election in January 1929 for Midlothian and Peebles Northern, but won the seat the general election in May 1929, remaining as the constituency's Member of Parliament (MP) until 1943. He served in the National Government as Parliamentary Secretary to the Department of Overseas Trade from 1931 to 1935, as Under-Secretary of State for Scotland from 1935 to 1936, as Financial Secretary to the Treasury from 1936 to 1938 and as Secretary of State for Scotland from 1938 until 1940.Colville left Parliament in 1943 to become Governor of Bombay, a post he held until January 1948. He acted as Viceroy and Governor-General of India, in 1945, 1946 and 1947. On his return from India he was raised to the peerage as Baron Clydesmuir, of Braidwood in the County of Lanarkshire. From 1950 to 1954 Lord Clydesmuir served as a Governor of the BBC.Colville was appointed a Privy Counsellor in 1936 and was a Brigadier in the Royal Company of Archers. He was Lord Lieutenant of Lanarkshire from 1952 until his death.He married Agnes Anne Bilsland, daughter of Sir William Bilsland, in 1915. They had a son and two daughters.His son, Ronald Colville, 2nd Baron Clydesmuir, served as Governor of the Bank of Scotland.
|
[
"Member of the 36th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 37th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Financial Secretary to the Treasury",
"Secretary of State for Scotland"
] |
|
Which position did John Colville, 1st Baron Clydesmuir hold in Aug, 1933?
|
August 29, 1933
|
{
"text": [
"Member of the 36th Parliament of the United Kingdom"
]
}
|
L2_Q6226788_P39_1
|
John Colville, 1st Baron Clydesmuir holds the position of Member of the 37th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Nov, 1935 to Jan, 1943.
John Colville, 1st Baron Clydesmuir holds the position of Financial Secretary to the Treasury from Oct, 1936 to Jan, 1938.
John Colville, 1st Baron Clydesmuir holds the position of Secretary of State for Scotland from May, 1938 to May, 1940.
John Colville, 1st Baron Clydesmuir holds the position of Member of the 35th Parliament of the United Kingdom from May, 1929 to Oct, 1931.
John Colville, 1st Baron Clydesmuir holds the position of Member of the 36th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1931 to Oct, 1935.
|
John Colville, 1st Baron ClydesmuirColonel David John Colville, 1st Baron Clydesmuir, (13 February 1894 – 31 October 1954), was a Scottish Unionist politician, and industrialist. He was director of his family's steel and iron business, David Colville & Sons.The only son of John Colville MP, of Cleland, Lanarkshire, he was educated at Charterhouse and at Trinity College, Cambridge.He served in World War I with the 6th Battalion of the Cameronians (Scottish Rifles), and was wounded.He was unsuccessful National Liberal candidate for Motherwell at the 1922 general election. He was unsuccessful again at a by-election in January 1929 for Midlothian and Peebles Northern, but won the seat the general election in May 1929, remaining as the constituency's Member of Parliament (MP) until 1943. He served in the National Government as Parliamentary Secretary to the Department of Overseas Trade from 1931 to 1935, as Under-Secretary of State for Scotland from 1935 to 1936, as Financial Secretary to the Treasury from 1936 to 1938 and as Secretary of State for Scotland from 1938 until 1940.Colville left Parliament in 1943 to become Governor of Bombay, a post he held until January 1948. He acted as Viceroy and Governor-General of India, in 1945, 1946 and 1947. On his return from India he was raised to the peerage as Baron Clydesmuir, of Braidwood in the County of Lanarkshire. From 1950 to 1954 Lord Clydesmuir served as a Governor of the BBC.Colville was appointed a Privy Counsellor in 1936 and was a Brigadier in the Royal Company of Archers. He was Lord Lieutenant of Lanarkshire from 1952 until his death.He married Agnes Anne Bilsland, daughter of Sir William Bilsland, in 1915. They had a son and two daughters.His son, Ronald Colville, 2nd Baron Clydesmuir, served as Governor of the Bank of Scotland.
|
[
"Member of the 35th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Member of the 37th Parliament of the United Kingdom",
"Financial Secretary to the Treasury",
"Secretary of State for Scotland"
] |
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