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RfNG7cunUk0vU41X	1.0: Making Measurements	1.0: Making Measurements Most everything you do and encounter during your day involves chemistry. Making coffee, cooking eggs, and toasting bread involve chemistry. The products you use—like soap and shampoo, the fabrics you wear, the electronics that keep you connected to your world, the gasoline that propels your car—all of these and more involve chemical substances and processes. Whether you are aware or not, chemistry is part of your everyday world. In this course, you will learn many of the essential principles underlying the chemistry of modern-day life. Unit 1 Objectives By the end of this unit, you will be able to: - Solve dimensional analysis using metric and English units. (note: metric unit definitions will not be provided on quiz.) - Identify the appropriate metric unit for measuring items of various dimensions. - Calculate area, volume, density, and thickness and convert to various units. - Calculate heat in calories, kilocalories, dietary calories and Joules. - Record measurements and perform calculations to the correct significance with appropriate units. - Identify and describe common equipment used in the chemistry lab. - - 1.0.0: Measurements - Measurements provide quantitative information that is critical in studying and practicing chemistry. Each measurement has an amount, a unit for comparison, and an uncertainty. Measurements can be represented in either decimal or scientific notation. Scientists primarily use the SI (International System) or metric systems. We use base SI units such as meters, seconds, and kilograms, as well as derived units, such as liters (for volume) and g/cm3 (for density). - - 1.0.1: Measurement Uncertainty, Accuracy, and Precision - Quantities can be exact or measured. Measured quantities have an associated uncertainty that is represented by the number of significant figures in the measurement. The uncertainty of a calculated value depends on the uncertainties in the values used in the calculation and is reflected in how the value is rounded. Measured values can be accurate (close to the true value) and/or precise (showing little variation when measured repeatedly). - - 1.0.2: Conversions - Measurements are made using a variety of units. It is often useful or necessary to convert a measured quantity from one unit into another. These conversions are accomplished using unit conversion factors, which are derived by simple applications of a mathematical approach called the factor-label method or dimensional analysis. This strategy is also employed to calculate sought quantities using measured quantities and appropriate mathematical relations. - - 1.0.3: Volume, Thickness, and Density - We can derive many units from the seven SI base units. For example, we can use the base unit of length to define a unit of volume, and the base units of mass and length to define a unit of density. In this section, you will learn to calculate volume, density and thickness. - - 1.0.4: Energy Basics - Energy is the capacity to do work (applying a force to move matter). Heat is energy that is transferred between objects at different temperatures; it flows from a high to a low temperature. Chemical and physical processes can absorb heat (endothermic) or release heat (exothermic). The SI unit of energy, heat, and work is the joule (J). Specific heat and heat capacity are measures of the energy needed to change the temperature of a substance or object. - - 1.0.5: Calorimetry Week 3 Lab - Calorimetry is used to measure the amount of thermal energy transferred in a chemical or physical process. This requires careful measurement of the temperature change that occurs during the process and the masses of the system and surroundings. These measured quantities are then used to compute the amount of heat produced or consumed in the process using known mathematical relations. Calorimeters are designed to minimize energy exchange between the system and its surroundings.	812	common-pile/libretexts_filtered	https://chem.libretexts.org/Courses/City_College_of_San_Francisco/CCSF_Chemistry_Resources/01%3A_CHE_101_-_Introduction_to_General_Chemistry/1.00%3A_Making_Measurements	libretexts	libretexts-0000.json.gz:18225	https://chem.libretexts.org/Courses/City_College_of_San_Francisco/CCSF_Chemistry_Resources/01%3A_CHE_101_-_Introduction_to_General_Chemistry/1.00%3A_Making_Measurements
Jr2YxdK3DM38ipBb	6.6: Centripetal Force	6.6: Centripetal Force - Explain the equation for centripetal acceleration - Apply Newton’s second law to develop the equation for centripetal force - Use circular motion concepts in solving problems involving Newton’s laws of motion In Motion in Two and Three Dimensions , we examined the basic concepts of circular motion. An object undergoing circular motion, like one of the race cars shown at the beginning of this chapter, must be accelerating because it is changing the direction of its velocity. We proved that this centrally directed acceleration, called centripetal acceleration, is given by the formula \[a_{c} = \frac{v^{2}}{r}\] where v is the velocity of the object, directed along a tangent line to the curve at any instant. If we know the angular velocity $\omega$, then we can use \[a_{c} = r \omega^{2} \ldotp\] Angular velocity gives the rate at which the object is turning through the curve, in units of rad/s. This acceleration acts along the radius of the curved path and is thus also referred to as a radial acceleration. An acceleration must be produced by a force. Any force or combination of forces can cause a centripetal or radial acceleration. Just a few examples are the tension in the rope on a tether ball, the force of Earth’s gravity on the Moon, friction between roller skates and a rink floor, a banked roadway’s force on a car, and forces on the tube of a spinning centrifuge. Any net force causing uniform circular motion is called a centripetal force . The direction of a centripetal force is toward the center of curvature, the same as the direction of centripetal acceleration. According to Newton’s second law of motion, net force is mass times acceleration: F net = ma. For uniform circular motion, the acceleration is the centripetal acceleration: a = a c . Thus, the magnitude of centripetal force F c is \[F_{c} = ma_{c} \ldotp\] By substituting the expressions for centripetal acceleration a c ($a_{c} = \frac{v^{2}}{r}; a_{c} = r \omega^{2}$), we get two expressions for the centripetal force F c in terms of mass, velocity, angular velocity, and radius of curvature: \[F_{c} = m \frac{v^{2}}{r}; \quad F_{c} = mr\omega^{2} \ldotp \label{6.3}\] You may use whichever expression for centripetal force is more convenient. Centripetal force $\vec{F}_{c}$ is always perpendicular to the path and points to the center of curvature, because $\vec{a}_{c}$ is perpendicular to the velocity and points to the center of curvature. Note that if you solve the first expression for r, you get \[r = \frac{mv^{2}}{F_{c}} \ldotp\] This implies that for a given mass and velocity, a large centripetal force causes a small radius of curvature—that is, a tight curve, as in Figure $\PageIndex{1}$. - Calculate the centripetal force exerted on a 900.0-kg car that negotiates a 500.0-m radius curve at 25.00 m/s. - Assuming an unbanked curve, find the minimum static coefficient of friction between the tires and the road, static friction being the reason that keeps the car from slipping (Figure $\PageIndex{2}$). Strategy - We know that $F_{c} = m \frac{v^{2}}{r}$. Thus $$F_{c} = m \frac{v^{2}}{r} = \frac{(900.0\; kg)(25.00\; m/s)^{2}}{(500.0\; m)} = 1125\; N \ldotp$$ - Figure $\PageIndex{2}$ shows the forces acting on the car on an unbanked (level ground) curve. Friction is to the left, keeping the car from slipping, and because it is the only horizontal force acting on the car, the friction is the centripetal force in this case. We know that the maximum static friction (at which the tires roll but do not slip) is $\mu_{s}$ N, where $\mu_{s}$ is the static coefficient of friction and N is the normal force. The normal force equals the car’s weight on level ground, so N = mg. Thus the centripetal force in this situation is $$F_{c} = f = \mu_{s} N = \mu_{s} mg \ldotp$$Now we have a relationship between centripetal force and the coefficient of friction. Using the equation $$F_{c} = m \frac{v^{2}}{r} \ldotp$$we obtain $$m \frac{v^{2}}{r} = \mu_{s} mg \ldotp$$We solve this for $\mu_{s}$, noting that mass cancels, and obtain $$\mu_{s} = \frac{v^{2}}{rg} \ldotp$$Substituting the knowns, $$\mu_{s} = \frac{(25.00\; m/s)^{2}}{(500.0\; m)(9.80\; m/s^{2})} = 0.13 \ldotp$$(Because coefficients of friction are approximate, the answer is given to only two digits.) Significance The coefficient of friction found in Figure $\PageIndex{2b}$ is much smaller than is typically found between tires and roads. The car still negotiates the curve if the coefficient is greater than 0.13, because static friction is a responsive force, able to assume a value less than but no more than $\mu_{s}$N. A higher coefficient would also allow the car to negotiate the curve at a higher speed, but if the coefficient of friction is less, the safe speed would be less than 25 m/s. Note that mass cancels, implying that, in this example, it does not matter how heavily loaded the car is to negotiate the turn. Mass cancels because friction is assumed proportional to the normal force, which in turn is proportional to mass. If the surface of the road were banked, the normal force would be less, as discussed next. A car moving at 96.8 km/h travels around a circular curve of radius 182.9 m on a flat country road. What must be the minimum coefficient of static friction to keep the car from slipping? Banked Curves Let us now consider banked curves , where the slope of the road helps you negotiate the curve (Figure $\PageIndex{3}$). The greater the angle θ , the faster you can take the curve. Race tracks for bikes as well as cars, for example, often have steeply banked curves. In an “ideally banked curve,” the angle $\theta$ is such that you can negotiate the curve at a certain speed without the aid of friction between the tires and the road. We will derive an expression for $\theta$ for an ideally banked curve and consider an example related to it. For ideal banking , the net external force equals the horizontal centripetal force in the absence of friction. The components of the normal force N in the horizontal and vertical directions must equal the centripetal force and the weight of the car, respectively. In cases in which forces are not parallel, it is most convenient to consider components along perpendicular axes—in this case, the vertical and horizontal directions. Figure $\PageIndex{3}$ shows a free-body diagram for a car on a frictionless banked curve. If the angle $\theta$ is ideal for the speed and radius, then the net external force equals the necessary centripetal force. The only two external forces acting on the car are its weight $\vec{w}$ and the normal force of the road $\vec{N}$. (A frictionless surface can only exert a force perpendicular to the surface—that is, a normal force.) These two forces must add to give a net external force that is horizontal toward the center of curvature and has magnitude $\frac{mv^{2}}{r}$. Because this is the crucial force and it is horizontal, we use a coordinate system with vertical and horizontal axes. Only the normal force has a horizontal component, so this must equal the centripetal force, that is, \[N \sin \theta = \frac{mv^{2}}{r} \ldotp\] Because the car does not leave the surface of the road, the net vertical force must be zero, meaning that the vertical components of the two external forces must be equal in magnitude and opposite in direction. From Figure $\PageIndex{3}$, we see that the vertical component of the normal force is N cos $\theta$, and the only other vertical force is the car’s weight. These must be equal in magnitude; thus, \[N \cos \theta = mg \ldotp\] Now we can combine these two equations to eliminate N and get an expression for $\theta$, as desired. Solving the second equation for N = $\frac{mg}{(\cos \theta)}$ and substituting this into the first yields \[\begin{split} mg \frac{\sin \theta}{\cos \theta} & = \frac{mv^{2}}{r} \\ mg \tan \theta & = \frac{mv^{2}}{r} \\ \tan \theta & = \frac{v^{2}}{rg} \ldotp \end{split}\] Taking the inverse tangent gives \[\theta = \tan^{-1} \left(\dfrac{v^{2}}{rg}\right) \ldotp \label{6.4}\] This expression can be understood by considering how $\theta$ depends on v and r. That is, roads must be steeply banked for high speeds and sharp curves. Friction helps, because it allows you to take the curve at greater or lower speed than if the curve were frictionless. Note that $\theta$ does not depend on the mass of the vehicle. Curves on some test tracks and race courses, such as Daytona International Speedway in Florida, are very steeply banked. This banking, with the aid of tire friction and very stable car configurations, allows the curves to be taken at very high speed. To illustrate, calculate the speed at which a 100.0-m radius curve banked at 31.0° should be driven if the road were frictionless. Strategy We first note that all terms in the expression for the ideal angle of a banked curve except for speed are known; thus, we need only rearrange it so that speed appears on the left-hand side and then substitute known quantities. Solution Starting with \[\tan \theta = \frac{v^{2}}{rg},\] we get \[v = \sqrt{rg \tan \theta} \ldotp\] Noting that tan 31.0° = 0.609, we obtain \[v = \sqrt{(100.0\; m)(9.80\; m/s^{2})(0.609)} = 24.4\; m/s \ldotp\] Significance This is just about 165 km/h, consistent with a very steeply banked and rather sharp curve. Tire friction enables a vehicle to take the curve at significantly higher speeds. Airplanes also make turns by banking. The lift force, due to the force of the air on the wing, acts at right angles to the wing. When the airplane banks, the pilot is obtaining greater lift than necessary for level flight. The vertical component of lift balances the airplane’s weight, and the horizontal component accelerates the plane. The banking angle shown in Figure $\PageIndex{4}$ is given by $\theta$. We analyze the forces in the same way we treat the case of the car rounding a banked curve. Join the ladybug in an exploration of rotational motion . Rotate the merry-go-round to change its angle or choose a constant angular velocity or angular acceleration. Explore how circular motion relates to the bug’s xy-position, velocity, and acceleration using vectors or graphs. A circular motion requires a force, the so-called centripetal force, which is directed to the axis of rotation. This simplified model of a carousel demonstrates this force. Inertial Forces and Noninertial (Accelerated) Frames: The Coriolis Force What do taking off in a jet airplane, turning a corner in a car, riding a merry-go-round, and the circular motion of a tropical cyclone have in common? Each exhibits inertial forces—forces that merely seem to arise from motion, because the observer’s frame of reference is accelerating or rotating. When taking off in a jet, most people would agree it feels as if you are being pushed back into the seat as the airplane accelerates down the runway. Yet a physicist would say that you tend to remain stationary while the seat pushes forward on you. An even more common experience occurs when you make a tight curve in your car—say, to the right (Figure $\PageIndex{5}$). You feel as if you are thrown (that is, forced) toward the left relative to the car. Again, a physicist would say that you are going in a straight line (recall Newton’s first law) but the car moves to the right, not that you are experiencing a force from the left. We can reconcile these points of view by examining the frames of reference used. Let us concentrate on people in a car. Passengers instinctively use the car as a frame of reference, whereas a physicist might use Earth. The physicist might make this choice because Earth is nearly an inertial frame of reference, in which all forces have an identifiable physical origin. In such a frame of reference, Newton’s laws of motion take the form given in Newton’s Laws of Motion. The car is a noninertial frame of reference because it is accelerated to the side. The force to the left sensed by car passengers is an inertial force having no physical origin (it is due purely to the inertia of the passenger, not to some physical cause such as tension, friction, or gravitation). The car, as well as the driver, is actually accelerating to the right. This inertial force is said to be an inertial force because it does not have a physical origin, such as gravity. A physicist will choose whatever reference frame is most convenient for the situation being analyzed. There is no problem to a physicist in including inertial forces and Newton’s second law, as usual, if that is more convenient, for example, on a merry-go-round or on a rotating planet. Noninertial (accelerated) frames of reference are used when it is useful to do so. Different frames of reference must be considered in discussing the motion of an astronaut in a spacecraft traveling at speeds near the speed of light, as you will appreciate in the study of the special theory of relativity. Let us now take a mental ride on a merry-go-round—specifically, a rapidly rotating playground merry-go-round (Figure $\PageIndex{6}$). You take the merry-go-round to be your frame of reference because you rotate together. When rotating in that noninertial frame of reference, you feel an inertial force that tends to throw you off; this is often referred to as a centrifugal force (not to be confused with centripetal force). Centrifugal force is a commonly used term, but it does not actually exist. You must hang on tightly to counteract your inertia (which people often refer to as centrifugal force). In Earth’s frame of reference, there is no force trying to throw you off; we emphasize that centrifugal force is a fiction. But the force you exert acts toward the center of the circle. This inertial effect, carrying you away from the center of rotation if there is no centripetal force to cause circular motion, is put to good use in centrifuges (Figure $\PageIndex{7}$). A centrifuge spins a sample very rapidly, as mentioned earlier in this chapter. Viewed from the rotating frame of reference, the inertial force throws particles outward, hastening their sedimentation. The greater the angular velocity, the greater the centrifugal force. But what really happens is that the inertia of the particles carries them along a line tangent to the circle while the test tube is forced in a circular path by a centripetal force. Let us now consider what happens if something moves in a rotating frame of reference. For example, what if you slide a ball directly away from the center of the merry-go-round, as shown in Figure $\PageIndex{8}$? The ball follows a straight path relative to Earth (assuming negligible friction) and a path curved to the right on the merry-go-round’s surface. A person standing next to the merry-go-round sees the ball moving straight and the merry-go-round rotating underneath it. In the merry-go-round’s frame of reference, we explain the apparent curve to the right by using an inertial force, called the Coriolis force , which causes the ball to curve to the right. The Coriolis force can be used by anyone in that frame of reference to explain why objects follow curved paths and allows us to apply Newton’s laws in noninertial frames of reference. Up until now, we have considered Earth to be an inertial frame of reference with little or no worry about effects due to its rotation. Yet such effects do exist—in the rotation of weather systems, for example. Most consequences of Earth’s rotation can be qualitatively understood by analogy with the merry-go-round. Viewed from above the North Pole, Earth rotates counterclockwise, as does the merry-go-round in Figure $\PageIndex{8}$. As on the merry-go-round, any motion in Earth’s Northern Hemisphere experiences a Coriolis force to the right. Just the opposite occurs in the Southern Hemisphere; there, the force is to the left. Because Earth’s angular velocity is small, the Coriolis force is usually negligible, but for large-scale motions, such as wind patterns, it has substantial effects. The Coriolis force causes hurricanes in the Northern Hemisphere to rotate in the counterclockwise direction, whereas tropical cyclones in the Southern Hemisphere rotate in the clockwise direction. (The terms hurricane, typhoon, and tropical storm are regionally specific names for cyclones, which are storm systems characterized by low pressure centers, strong winds, and heavy rains.) Figure $\PageIndex{9}$ helps show how these rotations take place. Air flows toward any region of low pressure, and tropical cyclones contain particularly low pressures. Thus winds flow toward the center of a tropical cyclone or a low-pressure weather system at the surface. In the Northern Hemisphere, these inward winds are deflected to the right, as shown in the figure, producing a counterclockwise circulation at the surface for low-pressure zones of any type. Low pressure at the surface is associated with rising air, which also produces cooling and cloud formation, making low-pressure patterns quite visible from space. Conversely, wind circulation around high-pressure zones is clockwise in the Southern Hemisphere but is less visible because high pressure is associated with sinking air, producing clear skies. The rotation of tropical cyclones and the path of a ball on a merry-go-round can just as well be explained by inertia and the rotation of the system underneath. When noninertial frames are used, inertial forces, such as the Coriolis force, must be invented to explain the curved path. There is no identifiable physical source for these inertial forces. In an inertial frame, inertia explains the path, and no force is found to be without an identifiable source. Either view allows us to describe nature, but a view in an inertial frame is the simplest in the sense that all forces have origins and explanations.	3,814	common-pile/libretexts_filtered	https://phys.libretexts.org/Bookshelves/University_Physics/University_Physics_(OpenStax)/Book%3A_University_Physics_I_-_Mechanics_Sound_Oscillations_and_Waves_(OpenStax)/06%3A_Applications_of_Newton's_Laws/6.06%3A_Centripetal_Force	libretexts	libretexts-0000.json.gz:12731	https://phys.libretexts.org/Bookshelves/University_Physics/University_Physics_(OpenStax)/Book%3A_University_Physics_I_-_Mechanics_Sound_Oscillations_and_Waves_(OpenStax)/06%3A_Applications_of_Newton's_Laws/6.06%3A_Centripetal_Force
oj-RFlTpqu0qu3kp	6.9: The General Solution of a Linear System	6.9: The General Solution of a Linear System - - Last updated - Save as PDF Outcomes - Use linear transformations to determine the particular solution and general solution to a system of equations. - Find the kernel of a linear transformation. Recall the definition of a linear transformation discussed above. $T$ is a linear transformation if whenever $\vec{x}, \vec{y}$ are vectors and $k,p$ are scalars, \[T\left( k\vec{x}+p\vec{y}\right) =k T \left( \vec{x} \right) +p T\left(\vec{y} \right)\nonumber \] Thus linear transformations distribute across addition and pass scalars to the outside. It turns out that we can use linear transformations to solve linear systems of equations. Indeed given a system of linear equations of the form $A\vec{x}=\vec{b}$, one may rephrase this as $T(\vec{x})=\vec{b}$ where $T$ is the linear transformation $T_A$ induced by the coefficient matrix $A$. With this in mind consider the following definition. Recall that a system is called homogeneous if every equation in the system is equal to $0$. Suppose we represent a homogeneous system of equations by $T\left(\vec{x}\right)=0$. It turns out that the $\vec{x}$ for which $T \left(\vec{x}\right) = 0$ are part of a special set called the null space of $T$. We may also refer to the null space as the kernel of $T$, and we write $ker\left(T\right)$. Consider the following definition. Definition $\PageIndex{2}$: Null Space or Kernel of a Linear Transformation Let $T$ be a linear transformation. Define \[\ker \left( T\right) = \left\{ \vec{x}:T \left(\vec{x} \right)= \vec{0} \right\}\nonumber \] The kernel, $\ker \left( T\right)$ consists of the set of all vectors $\vec{x}$ for which $T (\vec{x}) = \vec{0}$. This is also called the null space of $T$. We may also refer to the kernel of $T$ as the solution space of the equation $T \left(\vec{x}\right) = \vec{0}$. Consider the following example. Example $\PageIndex{1}$: The Kernel of the Derivative Let $\frac{d}{dx}$ denote the linear transformation defined on $f,$ the functions which are defined on $\mathbb{R}$ and have a continuous derivative. Find $\ker \left( \frac{d}{dx}\right) .$ Solution The example asks for functions $f$ which the property that $\frac{df}{dx} =0.$ As you may know from calculus, these functions are the constant functions. Thus $\ker \left( \frac{d}{dx}\right)$ is the set of constant functions. Definition $\PageIndex{2}$ states that $\ker \left( T\right)$ is the set of solutions to the equation, \[T\left( \vec{x} \right) = \vec{0}\nonumber\] Since we can write $T\left( \vec{x} \right)$ as $A\vec{x}$, you have been solving such equations for quite some time. We have spent a lot of time finding solutions to systems of equations in general, as well as homogeneous systems. Suppose we look at a system given by $A\vec{x}=\vec{b}$, and consider the related homogeneous system. By this, we mean that we replace $\vec{b}$ by $\vec{0}$ and look at $A\vec{x}=\vec{0}$. It turns out that there is a very important relationship between the solutions of the original system and the solutions of the associated homogeneous system. In the following theorem, we use linear transformations to denote a system of equations. Remember that $T\left(\vec{x}\right) = A\vec{x}$. Theorem $\PageIndex{1}$: Particular Solution and General Solution Suppose $\vec{x}_{p}$ is a solution to the linear system given by , \[T\left( \vec{x} \right) = \vec{b}\nonumber \] Then if $\vec{y}$ is any other solution to $T\left(\vec{x}\right)=\vec{b}$, there exists $\vec{x}_0 \in \ker \left( T\right)$ such that \[\vec{y} = \vec{x}_{p}+ \vec{x}_0\nonumber \] Hence, every solution to the linear system can be written as a sum of a particular solution, $\vec{x}_p$, and a solution $\vec{x}_0$ to the associated homogeneous system given by $T\left(\vec{x}\right)=\vec{0}$. - Proof - Consider $\vec{y} - \vec{x}_{p}= \vec{y} + \left( -1\right) \vec{x}_{p}.$ Then $T\left( \vec{y} - \vec{x}_{p}\right) =T\left(\vec{y}\right) -T\left( \vec{x}_{p} \right)$. Since $\vec{y}$ and $\vec{x}_{p}$ are both solutions to the system, it follows that $T\left(\vec{y}\right)= \vec{b}$ and $T\left(\vec{x}_p\right) = \vec{b}$. Hence, $T\left(\vec{y}\right)-T\left( \vec{x}_{p} \right) =\vec{b} - \vec{b} = \vec{0}$. Let $\vec{x}_0 = \vec{y} - \vec{x}_{p}$. Then, $T\left(\vec{x}_0\right)= \vec{0}$ so $\vec{x}_0$ is a solution to the associated homogeneous system and so is in $\ker \left(T\right)$. Sometimes people remember the above theorem in the following form. The solutions to the system $T\left(\vec{x}\right)=\vec{b}$ are given by $\vec{x}_{p}+\ker \left( T\right)$ where $\vec{x}_{p}$ is a particular solution to $T\left(\vec{x}\right)=\vec{b}$. For now, we have been speaking about the kernel or null space of a linear transformation $T$. However, we know that every linear transformation $T$ is determined by some matrix $A$. Therefore, we can also speak about the null space of a matrix. Consider the following example. Example $\PageIndex{2}$: The Null Space of a Matrix Let \[A=\left[ \begin{array}{rrrr} 1 & 2 & 3 & 0 \\ 2 & 1 & 1 & 2 \\ 4 & 5 & 7 & 2 \end{array} \right]\nonumber \] Find $\mathrm{null} \left( A\right)$. Equivalently, find the solutions to the system of equations $A\vec{x}=\vec{0}$. Solution We are asked to find $\left\{ \vec{x} : A\vec{x} = \vec{0}\right\} .$ In other words we want to solve the system, $A\vec{x}=\vec{0}$. Let $\vec{x} = \left[ \begin{array}{r} x \\ y \\ z \\ w \end{array} \right].$ Then this amounts to solving \[\left[ \begin{array}{rrrr} 1 & 2 & 3 & 0 \\ 2 & 1 & 1 & 2 \\ 4 & 5 & 7 & 2 \end{array} \right] \left[ \begin{array}{c} x \\ y \\ z \\ w \end{array} \right] =\left[ \begin{array}{c} 0 \\ 0 \\ 0 \end{array} \right]\nonumber \] This is the linear system \[\begin{array}{c} x+2y+3z=0 \\ 2x+y+z+2w=0 \\ 4x+5y+7z+2w=0 \end{array}\nonumber \] To solve, set up the augmented matrix and row reduce to find the reduced row-echelon form. \[\left[ \begin{array}{rrrr\|r} 1 & 2 & 3 & 0 & 0 \\ 2 & 1 & 1 & 2 & 0 \\ 4 & 5 & 7 & 2 & 0 \end{array} \right] \rightarrow \cdots \rightarrow \left[ \begin{array}{rrrr\|r} 1 & 0 & - \frac{1}{3} & \frac{4}{3} & 0 \\ 0 & 1 & \frac{5}{3} & - \frac{2}{3} & 0 \\ 0 & 0 & 0 & 0 & 0 \end{array} \right]\nonumber \] This yields $x= \frac{1}{3}z- \frac{4}{3}w$ and $y= \frac{2}{3}w- \frac{5}{3}z.$ Since $\mathrm{null} \left( A\right)$ consists of the solutions to this system, it consists vectors of the form, \[\left[ \begin{array}{c} \frac{1}{3}z- \frac{4}{3}w \\ \frac{2}{3}w- \frac{5}{3}z \\ z \\ w \end{array} \right] =z \left[ \begin{array}{r} \frac{1}{3} \\ - \frac{5}{3} \\ 1 \\ 0 \end{array} \right] +w \left[ \begin{array}{r} - \frac{4}{3} \\ \frac{2}{3} \\ 0 \\ 1 \end{array} \right]\nonumber \] Consider the following example. Example $\PageIndex{3}$: A General Solution The general solution of a linear system of equations is the set of all possible solutions. Find the general solution to the linear system, \[\left[ \begin{array}{rrrr} 1 & 2 & 3 & 0 \\ 2 & 1 & 1 & 2 \\ 4 & 5 & 7 & 2 \end{array} \right] \left[ \begin{array}{r} x \\ y \\ z \\ w \end{array} \right] =\left[ \begin{array}{r} 9 \\ 7 \\ 25 \end{array} \right]\nonumber \] given that $\left[ \begin{array}{r} x \\ y \\ z \\ w \end{array} \right]=\left[ \begin{array}{r} 1 \\ 1 \\ 2 \\ 1 \end{array} \right]$ is one solution. Solution Note the matrix of this system is the same as the matrix in Example $\PageIndex{2}$ . Therefore, from Theorem $\PageIndex{1}$ , you will obtain all solutions to the above linear system by adding a particular solution $\vec{x}_p$ to the solutions of the associated homogeneous system, $\vec{x}$. One particular solution is given above by \[\vec{x}_p = \left[ \begin{array}{r} x \\ y \\ z \\ w \end{array} \right]=\left[ \begin{array}{r} 1 \\ 1 \\ 2 \\ 1 \end{array} \right]\nonumber \] Using this particular solution along with the solutions found in Example $\PageIndex{2}$ , we obtain the following solutions, \[z\left[ \begin{array}{r} \frac{1}{3} \\ - \frac{5}{3} \\ 1 \\ 0 \end{array} \right] +w\left[ \begin{array}{r} - \frac{4}{3} \\ \frac{2}{3} \\ 0 \\ 1 \end{array} \right] +\left[ \begin{array}{r} 1 \\ 1 \\ 2 \\ 1 \end{array} \right]\nonumber \] Hence, any solution to the above linear system is of this form.	1,666	common-pile/libretexts_filtered	https://math.libretexts.org/Courses/SUNY_Schenectady_County_Community_College/A_First_Journey_Through_Linear_Algebra/06%3A_Linear_Transformations/6.09%3A_The_General_Solution_of_a_Linear_System	libretexts	libretexts-0000.json.gz:17765	https://math.libretexts.org/Courses/SUNY_Schenectady_County_Community_College/A_First_Journey_Through_Linear_Algebra/06%3A_Linear_Transformations/6.09%3A_The_General_Solution_of_a_Linear_System
5AfxQkcOdeD54Zv_	ReStorying Education	9 A Guiding Compass: Ethics for Educators Kjersti VanSlyke-Briggs Before We Read Below you will see a series of potential issues in ethics. Before reading the chapter, in your opinion, is each bullet below a red flag for educator ethics or not? Partner with a classmate and chat about your assumptions. Return to this list after reading the chapter and reevaluate each prompt. - A teacher changes the grade on a student’s exam after learning that the student was feeling ill the day of the exam. The teacher added enough points to pass the student on the test. - A teacher has their own daughter in her class. Another faculty has identified this as a conflict of interest. - A student has told the teacher that they don’t have a ride home and it is raining. The teacher sees the student walking and stops to pick them up and give them a ride home. - During a recent snow day, the school administration decided that teachers should instruct digitally using their Google Classroom rather than having just a day off. The science teacher decided that this would be too difficult for his students so he just posted an announcement that they should enjoy the day and they would catch up when they were back in class. Critical Question for Consideration As you read, consider this essential question: How can examining the evolution of teacher ethics codes help current and future educators appreciate the complex interplay of perspectives needed to equitably uphold professional responsibilities in an imperfect world? Teaching is a profession that comes with great responsibility as educators work with students, who happen to be minors, in situations where educators are given great trust by the public. Teachers serve as role models for students in their crucial developmental years and have the ability to profoundly impact their students’ lives, both in positive and negative ways. This is one of the reasons that an educator code of ethics is so important for pre-service teachers to understand before they enter the field. Teacher ethics provide crucial guidance that shapes professional conduct and develops public trust in educators. Understanding the evolution and influence of the codes of ethics implemented across the United States is instrumental for new teachers just entering the field and will not only protect one’s students, but also ensure a productive and safe learning environment while also minimizing the risk of legal complications. In addition to an ethical code, there is an expectation that educators will engage with students in a manner that will serve as a role model and create a pathway for students to explore their own ethics creation. Educators expose students to new ideas, craft safe classrooms for students to support each other as they grow and learn, and encourage students to respond to each other with kindness and understanding. Caring for one’s students and asking students to care for each other is often viewed as a moral and ethical obligation. In this chapter, we will explore the importance of professional ethics for educators. First, we will look at some of the earliest forms of a code of ethics and then we will examine some historical events and changes that have led states to develop and adopt codes of ethics for educators. Next, we will explore the common ethical principles highlighted across different codes of ethics. We will examine some research that analyzes the effects ethical standards have had on public k-12 education. Finally, we will examine the societal expectation that educators craft themselves as nurturers of an ethic of care in the classroom and will challenge social assumptions about gendered labor. We will also examine a sample code of ethics and utilize those standards to explore some sample scenarios that could happen in a school. Ethics or Morals: What’s the Difference When discussing codes of conduct and values for a profession like teaching, the terms “ethics” and “morals” sometimes get used interchangeably. However, there are subtle differences. Morals typically refer to personal beliefs, teachings, or opinions on what is right and wrong behavior for an individual. They can be informed by upbringing, society, religion, or even culture. Ethics also deal with principles for proper conduct, but focus more narrowly on expectations for a collective professional role rather than individual character overall. Professional ethics provide standards related to duties, practices, and decision-making faced on the job. For teacher ethics, the guidelines center specifically on responsibilities educators have towards students, colleagues, and the integrity of school institutions rather than private life matters outside school settings. This distinction helps frame the purpose and boundaries of what teacher ethics codes aim to address as opposed to broader morality. The Emergence of Codes of Ethics for Educators Elements of ethics codes for teachers have existed in some form for over a hundred years although they did not always align with today’s values around equal treatment. In the 1800s through early 1900s, there were extensive restrictions targeting female teachers for anything perceived as less-than-virtuous private behavior. Women often had to agree to not participate in drinking, smoking, gambling or dancing. Even more egregious social policing were bans and punishments for female teachers who chose to marry or get pregnant. In some cases, these rules even extended to extremely specifics rules on behavior. One example from 1872 noted that teachers in an Illinois one-room schoolhouse in Knox County should “spend the remaining time reading the Bible or other good book” after spending ten hours in school; additionally, the teacher coded strictly enforced a policy where “women teachers who marry or engage in unseemly conduct will be dismissed” (Marquardt Blystone, 2014). These rules were expanded and updated in 1915 and reflected no progress in understanding educators as competent adults with full lives outside the classroom. In fact, the updated rules were even more restrictive, noting teachers needed to be “home between the hours of 8 pm and 6 am unless attending a school function.” The origins of such prohibitions were in upholding what was seen at the time as necessary moral authority to instruct students; however, there is a deep double standard embedded in these rules for women. It essentially crafted, “a two-tiered system of employment in education, one in which women did the bulk of the teaching under the supervision of an increasingly authoritative cadre of male administrators” (Smith, 2022). This is what Tyack referred to as the “pedagogical harem” (1974). The rules were less about setting a standard for ethical behavior as they were about controlling women’s bodies and dictating what was perceived as “moral” in that community. This language itself subtly advances latent judgments on women’s morality rooted in patriarchal, repressed views of female sexuality or duties. Over time, the teacher ethics landscape has continued to develop and shifted focus away from enforcing traditional morals and disproportionately impacting women, towards upholding the dignity of all persons. This complex history illuminates both how far equitable treatment of teachers as professionals has developed, as well as how recently ethical codes emerged in educational expectations that have aligned with more contemporary ideals. States must continually question normative assumptions and the ever-changing landscape of education as they determine codes of ethics and implement those codes. For instance, with the advent of artificial intelligence tools should the implementation of these codes be considered as teachers utilize those tools to enhance or expedite their own work? Understanding the development of codes of ethics between the late 1800s and today will assist future educators as they develop their own teaching selves and integrate a strong commitment to ethical practices in their career. While earlier iterations of these codes amounted to little more than a set of rules to abide by, they eventually fell out of fashion as educational landscapes moved beyond one-room schoolhouses and small districts with individual oversight to larger public schools and statewide educational expectations. With more governmental oversight, more modern expectations of educators also evolved. As the teaching profession became more formalized in the late 19th century, there was a growing recognition of the need for standards of professional conduct. The National Education Association (NEA) played a significant role during this time. In 1899, the NEA adopted its first Code of Ethics, outlining principles and standards for teachers’ professional behavior. Since that time, the NEA code has evolved, and the current code was adopted in 1975 by the NEA Representative Assembly. National Education Association Code of Ethics for Educators To read the NEA Code of Ethics for Educators visit their website at: https://www.nea.org/resource-library/code-ethics-educators These codes are built around two principles: Commitment to the Student and Commitment to the Profession It is important to examine ethical codes of behavior as separate from one’s values or personal judgments (Strike & Soltis, 2009). While moral judgements or values may inform our day to day interactions, the ethical codes set by the NEA and the individual states are about legal practices and set a standard for educators to follow in their interactions professionally. Current ethical codes reflect a shift in how the role of a teacher is constructed in society. During the 1960s and the 1970s teachers were viewed as a “neutral chairman” and then this shifted in the 1980s where the educator’s values were viewed as a figure to align with for students (Bergem, 1990, p. 1). This view of educators’ roles has shifted once again in the 2000s and most recently to emphasize each parent’s value system as most important and the teacher as subordinate. Gendered Expectations and an Ethic of Care While some ethical behaviors in the classroom are easy to identify (teachers should not strike their students) others are what Krishnamoorthy and Tolbert describe as “mucky” (2022) and less clearly defined. At times, for instance an educator’s ethical commitment to intellectual investigation may introduce texts that are not embraced by close-minded parents. Is this an ethical violation due to the mismatch between familial norms and the diversity, equity and inclusion work educators know is important? To complicate this more, another societal expectation is for teachers to be role models for students. Does this mean to extend to all parts of the educator’s life. For example, should teachers not be seen in establishments that sell alcohol after school while on their own time? There are not always clear choices to be made and as Krishnamoorthy and Tolbert point out, educator expectations need to “shift away from colonial and masculinist binaries that produce particular moralistic orientations as “right” or “wrong” (2022, p. 1047). Educators often must make ethical decisions in the classroom that shape how students read the world. Selecting the literature students read, particular teaching approaches to apply, and which moments in history to highlight and how such moments will all shape how students read the world and place themselves within it. These choices may be considered ethical considerations as well as political ones. This is what Krishnamoorthy and Tolbert call an “ethical praxis, even a form of conscientization” (2022, p. 1059) and they note that not only is this mucky work, but that it is “dirty, viscous, unclear, not solidified” (2002, p.1059) work. Educators must continue to explore their role in shaping student discourse and introduce novel ideas that they may not have previously explored. Another ethical practice in schools to consider is the “ethic of care.” As suggested by Colnerud (2006), one discussion emerging during these shifts from early rules setting as ethics and later guiding principles is the “relationship between an ethic of care and ethics based on principles of justice” and the ways “in which benefits and burdens are distributed” (p. 368). Schools are often considered the location where students grow into caring adults and learn not just the content concepts introduced to them, but also ways of being in the world and how to interact with each other. Teachers find that they must, “balance justice and care in their ethical choices and one could say that they are forced to organise care and distribute it justly. Conversely, they must ensure that justice is meted out caringly” (Colnerud, 2006, p. 369). Meet the Theorist – Nel Noddings Nel Nodding (1929-2022) was an American educator, scholar, and feminist theorist. She is best known for her work on the ethic of care. She continued to refine her theories late in life and was reflective of her practice. Her text Caring: A Relational Approach to Ethics and Moral Education was originally published in 1984 but was reprinted with updates in 2013. Researcher, Nel Noddings instructs her readers that this ethic of caring is presented through a relational ethic in that it is “tightly tied to experience because all its deliberations focus on the human beings involved in the situation under consideration and their relations to each other” (1994, p. 173). Noddings also notes that this caring and emotional labor is often characterized as feminine labor. This framework for understanding the role of an educator reinforces long held beliefs that schools should be responsible for the growth of students into contributing and thoughtful members of the citizenry. As Noddings indicates, this work if truly embraced changes how schools function and emphasizes dialog and changes, “almost every aspect of schooling: the current hierarchical structure of management, the rigid mode of allocating time, the kinds of relationships encouraged, the size of schools and classes, the goals of instruction, modes of evaluation, patterns of interaction, selection of content” (1994, p. 175). Noddings concludes her key paper on this topic by noting that society does not really want to solve this problem, “as there is too much at stake, too much to be lost by those already in positions of power” (1994, p.179). The “caring teacher” approach embraced by Noddings (1984), Gilligan (1982), Greene (1995), and Belenky, Clinchy, Goldberger, and Tarule (1986) all support a positionality in which the teacher enacts change through a supportive and nurturing classroom. Meet the Theorist – Maxine Greene Maxine Greene (1917-2014) was an American teacher and theorist. She centered much of her work on the gendered work of teaching and the role of women in the field. She also was an advocate and spoke often on the work of the “social imagination” allowing one to imagine a different future to work toward for social justice. She is best known for her work The Dialectic of Freedom (1988). This early work by theorists to encourage a well-intentioned “ethic of care” and the societal expectation for education to solve all social ills has crafted an untenable situation for educators and in particular one for those educators that embrace a nurturing classroom identity. This is not to say that this should not be a goal of educators, but in recent years educators have been demonized, de-professionalized, and dismissed while also having increased expectations laid at their feet. This is not a new problem. The risk of burnout and personal stress as a result of increased emotional labor by educators that support an ethic of care in their classrooms is high (VanSlyke-Briggs, 2010). In a National Education Association survey conducted in 2022, it found that, “90 percent of members say feeling burned out is a serious problem, with 67 percent saying it’s very serious” (Walker, 2022). Educators must consider mechanisms to prevent their own burnout while also attending to the needs of students and working to establish an ethic of care in their classrooms. One State’s Approach In New York State a Code of Ethics for educators was established by the State Standards and Practices Board in June of 2002 and voted into effect by the Board of Regents in July of the same year. This came after a call for an ethics code development in 1998 as part of a teaching reform initiative outlined by The State Board of Regents. The current code was developed in partnership and collaboration with teachers, school administrators, higher education representatives, public members and even a teacher education student as members of a 28 person Standards Board. After a draft of the code was completed, it was reviewed by the Board of Regents and sent out for public comment. The Code of Ethics is comprised of 6 Principles which are designed to include new developments and scenarios in education. This code cannot be used as a basis for discipline by an employer. Instead, there is a different mechanism for that process. This is simply a guidance document to assist teachers in understanding best practices in relation to ethical practices in the classroom. The New York State Education Department also has guidance on Educator Integrity including The Office of School Personnel Review and Accountability (OSPRA) which investigates allegations concerning the moral character of those who hold New York State teaching certificates. Any person may file a written complaint with the department. This would include those aware of a criminal offense committed by the educator or “an act that raises a reasonable question about the individual’s moral character” (https://www.nysed.gov/educator-integrity/moral-character-actions-part-83). Once a complaint is received, an investigator is assigned to the case. New York State Educator Code of Ethics The following six principles can be found at the New York State Education Department website at https://www.highered.nysed.gov/tcert/resteachers/codeofethics.html Discuss each principle and how it may impact practice. Principle 1: Educators nurture the intellectual, physical, emotional, social, and civic potential of each student. Educators promote growth in all students through the integration of intellectual, physical, emotional, social and civic learning. They respect the inherent dignity and worth of each individual. Educators help students to value their own identity, learn more about their cultural heritage, and practice social and civic responsibilities. They help students to reflect on their own learning and connect it to their life experience. They engage students in activities that encourage diverse approaches and solutions to issues, while providing a range of ways for students to demonstrate their abilities and learning. They foster the development of students who can analyze, synthesize, evaluate and communicate information effectively. Principle 2: Educators create, support, and maintain challenging learning environments for all. Educators apply their professional knowledge to promote student learning. They know the curriculum and utilize a range of strategies and assessments to address differences. Educators develop and implement programs based upon a strong understanding of human development and learning theory. They support a challenging learning environment. They advocate for necessary resources to teach to higher levels of learning. They establish and maintain clear standards of behavior and civility. Educators are role models, displaying the habits of mind and work necessary to develop and apply knowledge while simultaneously displaying a curiosity and enthusiasm for learning. They invite students to become active, inquisitive, and discerning individuals who reflect upon and monitor their own learning. Principle 3: Educators commit to their own learning in order to develop their practice. Educators recognize that professional knowledge and development are the foundations of their practice. They know their subject matter, and they understand how students learn. Educators respect the reciprocal nature of learning between educators and students. They engage in a variety of individual and collaborative learning experiences essential to develop professionally and to promote student learning. They draw on and contribute to various forms of educational research to improve their own practice. Principle 4: Educators collaborate with colleagues and other professionals in the interest of student learning. Educators encourage and support their colleagues to build and maintain high standards. They participate in decisions regarding curriculum, instruction and assessment designs, and they share responsibility for the governance of schools. They cooperate with community agencies in using resources and building comprehensive services in support of students. Educators respect fellow professionals and believe that all have the right to teach and learn in a professional and supportive environment. They participate in the preparation and induction of new educators and in professional development for all staff. Principle 5: Educators collaborate with parents and community, building trust and respecting confidentiality. Educators partner with parents and other members of the community to enhance school programs and to promote student learning. They also recognize how cultural and linguistic heritage, gender, family and community shape experience and learning. Educators respect the private nature of the special knowledge they have about students and their families and use that knowledge only in the students’ best interests. They advocate for fair opportunity for all children. Principle 6: Educators advance the intellectual and ethical foundation of the learning community. Educators recognize the obligations of the trust placed in them. They share the responsibility for understanding what is known, pursuing further knowledge, contributing to the generation of knowledge, and translating knowledge into comprehensible forms. They help students understand that knowledge is often complex and sometimes paradoxical. Educators are confidantes, mentors and advocates for their students’ growth and development. As models for youth and the public, they embody intellectual honesty, diplomacy, tact and fairness. Discussion Questions - Why is it important to have ethical standards and guidelines in place for the teaching profession? What purposes do they serve? - How do ethics differ from morals? Why is this distinction relevant when examining professional ethics and guidelines? - Past ethics codes sometimes reflected problematic assumptions or disproportionately impacted certain groups. How can we ensure contemporary ethics standards align with ideals of equity and fair treatment? What processes help shape this? - How might teacher ethics codes need to evolve moving forward to address new issues arising, like the use of artificial intelligence in classrooms? What new considerations might this require? - How can educators integrate an “ethic of care” within a critical pedagogy framework to address broader societal issues and promote transformative learning experiences for both students and themselves? Activity Ethical or Not: Examining Complex Dilemmas through the Lens of Educator Ethics Codes Before beginning this activity, review the New York State Code of Ethics for Educators. Below are three scenarios that examine potential ethical violations by educators. After reading each scenario, examine it for potential violations of ethics and consider the guiding question posted after each scenario. Scenario 1 Emily is a 22-year-old student teacher completing her final field experience at Roosevelt Middle School prior to certification. One day, Emily decides to sneak off to the deserted student bathroom during her prep period to take a few puffs from her e-cigarette/vape pen in order to relax. Unbeknownst to her, a recently installed security camera outside the bathroom catches footage of Emily exiting the bathroom. Later that week, the school’s IT administrator detects abnormal levels of vaping residues in tests of the bathroom’s air quality sensors during Emily’s timeframe. When the principal calls Emily into his office about these issues, she vehemently denies vaping or even owning an e-cigarette. Once presented with both the sensor data and camera footage evidencing otherwise, Emily changes her defense by arguing that “at least she did it secretly where no students could see, so it shouldn’t matter.” Was Emily in violation of any components of the professional code of ethics or laws? Why or why not? Did Emily violate any aspects of ethical or legal standards for teachers based on this scenario. Make sure to cite specific sections and language from the ethics codes in justifying your arguments. Your response should demonstrate a thoughtful application of the standards to Emily’s concerning behaviors and statements. Scenario 2 Mark is an 8th grade math teacher who through social media befriends Luis, a quiet student new to his school this year. Luis has few friends and seems to struggle with anxiety in Mark’s class. Wanting to support him, Mark messages Luis on weekends to see how he’s coping, reminds him of class material, and encourages him to join a school dance. While Mark aims to mentor Luis for his benefit, the frequency and familiar tone of the off-hours communications increasingly makes Luis uncomfortable. However, Luis is hesitant to report their interactions or confront a teacher. One day, a counselor notices Luis’ change in behavior and reaches out to see if anything is wrong. Reluctantly, Luis shows her some messages where Mark appears overly invested in his personal issues unrelated to course studies. The counselor finds this concerning and speaks to the principal regarding whether Mark may have crossed internal communication policies or professional ethical boundaries, even though aiming to help Luis. Did elements of Mark’s efforts to support his student potentially violate any components of the Code of Ethics? Why or why not? Analyze Mark’s behavior and statements in relation to appropriate educator and student boundaries. Make sure to cite language from the ethics standards in justifying your arguments. Scenario 3 As online lesson material repositories grew, middle school science teacher Kayla subscribed to several sites offering AI-generated lesson plans aligned to state standards. With 120 students across five periods, manually planning engaging projects every day was challenging. Kayla began assigning the AI-crafted lesson plans after quickly reviewing and approving their quality first. Students were responding well. However, some colleagues felt fully delegating fundamentals like lesson objectives, essential questions and formative assessments violated principles on diligently upholding duties vital to the learning process. During a district EdTech conference session discussing AI ethics, sharp divisions emerged even among technology staff and administrators. Some argued AI supports teachers in accessing shared best practices by automating routine design tasks. They said just as with teacher toolkits from textbook ancillary materials, the core interaction of creatively guiding activities still comes from Kayla. However, others contended relying on AI algorithms threatened teacher development of contextualized curriculum attuned to students’ needs. Debates ensued around whether AI lesson aids should constitute unethical outsourcing of basic teaching competencies – or if emerging assistive technologies will necessitate updating professional standards for modern times. Is Kayla’s use of AI to facilitate lesson planning in conflict with any components of the Code of Ethics? Why or why not? Relate principles in the Code to this case around responsible use of resources and diligently upholding duties vital to student development. References Bergem, T. (1990). The teacher as moral agent. Journal of Moral Education, 19(2), 88. https://doi.org/10.1080/0305724900190203 Belenky, M. F., Clinchy, B. M., Goldberger, N. R., & Tarule, J. M. (1986). Women’s ways of knowing: The development of self, voice, and mind. Basic Books. Colnerud, G. (2006). Teacher ethics as a research problem: syntheses achieved and new issues. Teachers and Teaching, Theory and Practice, 12(3), 365–385. https://doi.org/10.1080/13450600500467704 Gilligan, C. (1982). In a different voice: Psychological theory and women’s development. Harvard University Press. Greene, M. (1995). Releasing the imagination: essays on education, the arts, and social change. San Francisco, Jossey-Bass Publishers. Krishnamoorthy, R., & Tolbert, S. (2022). On the muckiness of science, ethics, and preservice teacher education: contemplating the (im)possibilities of a ‘right’-eous stance. Cultural Studies of Science Education, 17(4), 1047–1061. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11422-022-10132-5 Marquardt Blystone, S. (2014). Rules for one-room schoolhouse teachers. Illinois State University. https://news.illinoisstate.edu/2014/02/rules-one-room-schoolhouse-teachers/ Noddings, N. (1984). Caring, a feminine approach to ethics & moral education. University of California Press. Noddings, N. (1994). An ethic of caring and its implications for instructional arrangements. In L. Stone (Ed.). The Education Feminism Reader (pp. 171-183). Routledge. Owens, L. Ennis, C. (2005). The ethic of care in teaching: An overview of supportive literature. Quest. National Association of Kinesiology and Physical Education. 57, 392-425. Smith, K. (2022). Teaching in the light of women’s history. Facing History & Ourselves. https://www.facinghistory.org/ideas-week/teaching-light-womens-history Strike, K. and Soltis, J. (2009). The ethics of teaching. Teachers College. Tyack, D. (1974). The one best system: A history of American urban education. Harvard University Press. VanSlyke-Briggs, K. (2010). The nurturing teacher: Managing the stress of caring. Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc. Walker, T. (2022). Survey: Alarming number of educators may soon leave the profession. NEA Today. National Education Association. Glossary Code of Ethics: A set of principles and standards that outline the professional responsibilities and conduct expected of individuals within a particular profession. In the context of education, a teacher’s code of ethics outlines the expectations for ethical behavior and decision-making. Conflict of Interest: A situation in which a person’s personal interests or relationships may potentially influence their professional judgment or actions in a way that could compromise their integrity or impartiality. In education, conflict of interest situations should be avoided to maintain professional ethics. Critical Pedagogy: An approach to education that emphasizes the development of critical thinking skills, social justice, and equity. Critical pedagogy encourages students to question and challenge societal norms and structures. Ethic of Care: An ethical framework that emphasizes the importance of relationships, empathy, and compassion in moral decision-making. In the context of education, an ethic of care highlights the educator’s role in nurturing students’ well-being and supporting their holistic development. Integrity: Being honest and demonstrating strong moral principles. Moral Character: Qualities like honesty and integrity that reflect one’s ethical values. NEA: National Education Association, a professional organization for educators in the United States OSPRA: Office of School Personnel Review and Accountability, investigates educator misconduct in New York Pedagogy: The theory and practice of teaching, including the methods and strategies used to deliver instruction and facilitate learning. Pedagogy encompasses the educator’s role in designing learning experiences and supporting student development. Praxis: The process of applying theoretical knowledge or concepts into practical action or application. In education, praxis involves the integration of theory and practice in teaching and learning, emphasizing the transformative nature of education. Principles: Core values that guide ethical decision-making.	6,324	common-pile/pressbooks_filtered	https://restoryingeducation.pressbooks.sunycreate.cloud/chapter/a-guiding-compass-ethics-for-educators/	pressbooks	pressbooks-0000.json.gz:86142	https://restoryingeducation.pressbooks.sunycreate.cloud/chapter/a-guiding-compass-ethics-for-educators/
nLEOlSFwqTeEeQ0v	F-1 Materials	4 Sheet, Plate and Shapes Sheet Metal Sheet metal is formed in a long continuous roll or is cut into individual sheets of various dimensions. The sheets are formed in a rolling mill where the almost white-hot slabs of steel are passed through a succession of rollers. Each pair of rollers is set slightly closer to each other than the previous pair. The metal is squeezed thinner as it passes through each pair of rollers. Rolling continues until the metal is the desired thickness or gauge. Sheet metal may be made from many different metals, including steel, aluminum, copper or brass. It may be rolled hot or cold, depending on the properties desired. For cold rolling, the metal is rolled hot at first, then cooled before the final rolling processes. Cold rolling increases the strength and hardness of the metal by work hardening, as well as producing a more accurate thickness than hot rolling. Sheet metal may be used for roof covering, heating and cooling ducts, door cladding and work surfaces on benches. Sheet metal is widely used in the manufacturing of simple items such as instrument panels, as well as more complex items such as automobile bodies and engine covers. When sheet steel requires protection from corrosion it is usually galvanized (coated with zinc). Sheet goods are commonly be stored in horizontal racks. However, storing sheets this way requires quite a bit of floor space and may lead to surface damage as the sheets are dragged from the pile. Sheet metal can also be stored on edge, in racks that permit you to tilt each sheet to expose both faces. The rack should allow you to lift or slide out any sheet you choose. Lifting light sheets may be done by hand, but clamps and an overhead crane or forklift should be used if the sheets are too heavy. If sheet metal is supplied in rolls, it should be stored mounted on its horizontal axle to permit the desired amount to be removed. Avoid storing rolls on end, as this makes unrolling difficult. Almost all types of metals are subject to corrosion. Even stainless steel or galvanized metal will show discolouration and corrosion if allowed to sit in water. One of the prime concerns with storing ferrous metals is to prevent moisture accumulation. If storing ferrous metals on racks outdoors, a light coating of oil can temporarily protect the metal from rusting. This is usually done from the factory. Specialty Sheets Perforated Sheet Metal Perforated sheet metal is sheets of metal that have holes or shapes punched into it. Most commonly, a series of round holes in a specific pattern are used. Perforated sheets can be used for many applications such as decorative panels, screens/filters, or in duct work for sound attenuation. Expanded Metal Expanded metal is sheet material which has been slit in a particular pattern and then stretched. It can be either flat or profiled. It is seen commonly for stair treads, walkways and fan housings. It can be very sharp and caution should be taken with handling expanded metal. Attention must be taken when shearing perforated and expanded metal as small pieces may stick to shear blades. These must be cleaned off with extreme caution and the machine must be “locked-out” before doing so. It is a good idea to block the upper blade with wood so it is impossible for it to come down. Plate Metal is also available in a form known as plate. Plate is similar to sheet metal, but thicker. Sheets of metal are considered plate if they are at least [latex]\frac{3}{16}″[/latex] thick. Like sheet metal, plate is available in sheets of various widths and lengths. Plate is formed by the same rolling process as sheet. Hot-rolled steel plate has a dark blue, scaly surface, while cold-rolled steel plate is smoother and has a sheen. Plate is used in heavy industry and manufacturing. It is used for equipment manufacturing, truck decks and general fabrication. Solid Stock-Round and Flat Bar Many different shapes are available as solid stock. Round bar and flat bar are the most common and available in many different metals. Most are available in lengths up to 2′. Small diameter round bar is commonly referred to as rod. Flat bar is similar to plate except it is never wider than 6″. Flat bar is available either hot rolled or cold rolled. Solid stock is used in a wide range of manufacturing and construction processes such as shafts and brackets. They should be stored in horizontal racks to prevent the round bar from rolling. Sometimes the sides of the racks are marked off at 1′ intervals to allow for quick identification of each item’s length. Stock of different sizes and metal types should not be stored in the same rack. Once the lengths are too short, stand them vertically in racks. This method of storage permits quick and easy selection of required lengths. Structural Shapes Structural metal shapes can be extremely heavy and have potential to cause serious injury. Always make sure that you wear the appropriate safety equipment. Protect your hands by wearing gloves and always keep your hands out of areas where they could be pinched by shifting material. Never attempt to lift structural shapes by hand, always use proper lifting devices and correct rigging practices. Storage of these structural shapes depends on their size and how long they must be stored. Large sections may be too cumbersome to (replace picture) place in racks. It is just as convenient to store large sections of I-beams and channel on dunnage (wood blocking) on the floor. Smaller sections can be stored in horizontal or vertical racks in much the same way as flat bar stock. Care should be taken to nest one section into another to prevent any shifting of the stock during removal. Angle Angle-shaped metal is also available in many different metals, including steel, aluminum, and wrought iron. The shape is used in manufacturing and fabricating and is more rigid than round or flat bar. Angle may be ordered in a variety of leg dimensions and lengths. Channel Channel is available in many different materials and various dimensions and lengths. Channel is used extensively in construction and manufacturing. I-beam The I-beam shape is a structural shape used mostly in large steel structures such as buildings. The shape provides rigidity in two directions while keeping weight to a minimum. Structural shapes include standard I-beam and wide flange I-beam. Pipe and Tubing Pipe and tubing are commonly referred to as the same, but they are not. They are similar in the sense that they are hollow shapes, but it is in the shape and the way they are sized which makes them different. Tubing is measured “outside” and pipe is measured “inside.” As well, pipe is always round and tubing is available in different shapes, such as round, square or oval. Tubing is available made from many different materials in different wall thickness. It is commonly used for such items as handrails and table legs. Tubing is always measured to an accurate outside dimension. Pipe is commonly available in steel and aluminum. It is measured by a “nominal” inside dimension. Like lumber, a 2×4, which actually measures [latex]1\frac{1}{2}″\times3\frac{1}{2}″[/latex], pipe doesn’t necessarily measure exactly what you think it will. We must refer to a chart to get the true measurements. The thickness of pipe is referred to as “schedule.” Pipe has many uses such as structural components, like roll cages. Storage of Metals and Metal Shapes The purpose in storing any product is to: - Provide easy access to materials - Provide easy identification of materials - Protect the products from damage - Protect personnel from injury by materials - Facilitate inventory of stock - Protect the finish of the product - Prevent theft - Prevent loss Depending on the type and shape of metal, different storage practices may be followed to achieve the above goals. Media Attributions - “Steel Coils” by Arosset is licensed under a CC BY-SA 4.0 licence. - “Perforated Sheet Metal” by rkit is licensed under a Pixabay licence. - “Expanded Metal” is CC0 public domain. - “Steel Bar” by Tudor Barker is licensed under a CC BY-NC-SA 2.0 licence. - “Angle-shaped metal” is CC0 public domain. - “Steel Channel” by justincobb1 is licensed under a Pixabay licence. - “I-beam raw material at WP Welding” by W.carter is CC0 public domain. - “Geometric Stairs” is CC0 public domain. - “Pipe” is CC0 public domain. The strength different materials display when placed under tension. In the imperial system, tensile strength is measured in pounds per square inch (PSI). The degree to which a metal can endure mechanical indentation or abrasion without deformation. A process of hardening a material by means of forming. Bending or rolling done without heating will harden the material. The degree of hardening depends on the process and material. Each time we form a piece of metal, it becomes "work hardened" or "strain hardened" in the area of the forming.	1,955	common-pile/pressbooks_filtered	https://pressbooks.bccampus.ca/materials/chapter/sheet-plate-and-shapes/	pressbooks	pressbooks-0000.json.gz:1675	https://pressbooks.bccampus.ca/materials/chapter/sheet-plate-and-shapes/
jre_CvhuY8UrW7XG	Instructions for care and operation of transformers. Part I. Power transformers. Part II. Distribution transformers.	Edition in Course of Preparation)_--___-___-__________________ 50¢ Transformer Standards (Fifth Edition, April, 1926)_.._-______.____ 35¢ Instructions for Care and Operation of Transformers—Power and Distribution (Fourth Edition, April, 1926)_--_-_--.-_--____-____ 25c¢ Motor and Generator Handbook (Second Edition, April, 1925)_--__- 25¢ Specifications for Building Equipment Control Apparatus (First * Codes (Second Edition, April, 1926)__--____-_-____ 50c Code of Ethics of The Electric Power Club (March, 1924)..__No Charge Motor and Control Instruction Book (First Edition, May, 1926)_... 35c THE ELECTRIC POWER CLUB These Instructions may be copied without change, due credit being given to The Electric Power Club. manufacturers of electric power apparatus and control equipment, first organized in 1908 as The American Association of Electric Motor Manufacturers, for the improvement in design and construction, the standardization, and the increased distribution of such products. The standards and practices adopted by The Electric Power Club during the past eighteen years are published in The Electric Power Club Handbook of Standards—Electric Power Apparatus. The transformer standards are also published in a separate publication by the Transformer Section of the Club, which also issues this book of instructions for the care and operation of both power and distribution transformers. The member companies composing the Transformer Section of The Electric Power Club are listed on the inside back cover. These companies manufacture the great preponderance of the distribution and power transformers produced in the United States. This booklet is a reference work of practical information containing instructions for the proper care and operation of both power and distribution transformers, and is supplementary to the standards of manufacture, performance and test published in the book of transformer standards. Representing, as it does, the recommendations of the Transformer Section of The Electric Power Club, this booklet is found most useful by electrical engineers, superintendents of distribution, line foremen, electricians, operators, students and others responsible for the operation and maintenance of transformers. Standards applying to the manufacture, performance and test of other electric power apparatus and control equipment, also rules for their proper installation, operation and care, are given in other Electric Power Club publications, a list of which appears on the inside front cover. Information regarding standards and practices not covered in any of the Club’s publications may be secured by addressing The Electric Power Club, B. F. Keith Building, Cleveland, Ohio, U.S. A. pendent upon proper installation and operation as well as upon proper design and manufacture. While a transformer requires less care than almost any other type of electrical apparatus, neglect of certain fundamental requirements may lead to serious trouble, if not to the loss of the transformer. For this reason, a wide distribution of information in regard to the proper care of transformers is important, and these brief instructions are published for that purpose. tion in locating transformers. Water-Cooled Transformers depend almost entirely upon the flow of water through the cooling coils for carrying away heat, so that the temperature of the surrounding air has little effect upon that of the transformers. For this reason air circulation is of minor importance and watercooled transformers may be located in any convenient place without regard to ventilation. Self-Cooled Transformers depend entirely upon the surrounding air for carrying away their heat. For this reason care must be taken to provide adequate ventilation. For indoor installation the room in which the transformers are placed must be well ventilated so that heated air can escape readily and be replaced by cool air from outside. lets required will depend on their distance above the transformer, and on the efficiency and load cycle of the apparatus. In general, about 20 sq. ft. of opening should be provided for each 1000 Kv-a. of transformer capacity. Air inlets should be provided with the same total area as the outlets. If the transformer will be required to operate for considerable periods at continuous full load, the areas of the openings should be increased to about 40 sq. ft. per 1000 Kv-a. of transformer capacity. Self-cooled transformers of the indoor type must be so located that water cannot fall on the tanks or rain blow upon them. Self-Cooled Transformers should always be separated from one another and from adjacent walls, partitions, etc., in order to permit free circulation about the tanks. This separation should not be less than 24 in. to 36 in., depending on size. filled with oil, it is advisable to do so, even though it will not be put into service for some time. If this is not convenient it should be stored in a dry place, having no rapid or radical temperature changes, and if possible, immersed in dry transformer oil. The transformer should not be stored or operated in the presence of corrosive gases such as chlorine, etc. If an indoor transformer is stored OUTDOORS, it should be thoroughly covered to keep out rain. Handling When lifting a transformer, the lifting cables must be held apart by a spreader to avoid bending the lifting studs or other parts of the structure. Where a transformer cannot be handled by a crane, it may be skidded or moved on rollers, but care must be taken not to damage the base, or tip it over. A transformer should never be lifted or moved by placing jacks or tackle under the drain valve, cooling coil outlets, radiator connections or other attachments. When rollers are used under large transformers, skids must be used to distribute the stress over the base. When working about a transformer particular care must be taken in handling all tools and other loose articles, since anything metallic dropped among the windings and allowed to remain there may cause a breakdown. Installation Transformers are in first class operating condition when shipped by the manufacturer, i. e., they have been thoroughly tested for defects and are perfectly dry. When received, examination should be made before removing from cars and if any injury is evident or any indication of rough handling is visible, railroad claim should be filed at once and the manufacturer notified. Moisture may condense on any metal if the metal is colder than the air, and if present, it lowers the dielectric strength POWER TRANSFORMERS and may cause a failure of the transformer. Therefore, if transformers or oil drums are brought into a room warmer than they are, they should be allowed to stand before opening until there is no condensation on the outside and they are thoroughly dry. Before being set up, a transformer should be inspected for breakage, injury or misplacement of parts during shipment, and thoroughly examined for moisture. In addition all accessible nuts, bolts and _ studs should be tightened. If transformers are water cooled, the cooling coils should be tested for leaks at a pressure of 80 to 100 lbs. per sq. in. Water, oil or preferably air, may be used in the coil for obtaining the pressure. The coil must be outside the tank, i. e., away from the coil insulation if water is used for the pressure test. When pressure is obtained, the supply should be disconnected and after 1 hour it should be determined whether any fall in pressure is due to a leak in the coil, or is in the fittings at the ends of the coil. moisture during shipment. If the transformer is received in damaged condition, so that water or other foreign material has had a chance to enter the tank, the transformer should be emptied of oil and treated as though not shipped in oil, and in no case may drying be omitted. In all cases samples of oil should be taken from the bottom and tested. The dielectric strength of the oil when shipped is at least 22 Kv. between 1 in. disks spaced 0.1 in. apart. A new transformer should not be put into service with oil which tests below this value. Without Oil Each transformer shipped assembled but not filled with oil should be carefully inspected for damage in shipment. A thorough inspection can only be made by removing core and coils from the tank. All dirt should be wiped off and parts examined for breakage or other injuries. All conductors and terminals should be examined to check their proper condition and position. The essary, cleaned. When a transformer is shipped assembled but not filted with oil, moisture may be absorbed during transportation. For this reason it is good practice to dry out all such transformers, especially transformers above 7500 volts, before being put into service. Transformers Shipped Disassembled Only very large transformers are shipped in this way, and special instructions covering features incident to this method of shipping are supplied by the manufacturer. These instructions should be carefully followed. Drying Core and Coils There are a number of approved methods of drying out transformer core and coils, any one of which will be satisfactory if carefully performed. However, too much stress cannot be laid upon the fact that if carelessly or improperly performed, great damage may result to the transformer insulation through over-heating. removed from the tank. Under the first class, the moisture is driven off by sending current through the winding while immersed in oil, with the top of the tank open to the air, or some other arrangement made for adequate ventilation. This may be done by: (a) The short circuit method (to be used if the transformer is new or has been out of service without oil any length of time). (b) The normal operation method (to be used if the transformer is already in service but shows moisture condensation and the transformer cannot be shut down to apply the short circuit method). Short Circuit Method With Oil This method consists in heating the windings and oil up to a high temperature for a limited time under short circuit with a partial load on the windings, the high oil temperature being obtained by blanketing CARE AND OPERATION the tank (or reducing the flow of water for water-cooled transformers). When a transformer is short circuited in this manner only a fraction of the normal voltage should be applied to one winding. In using this method, if the load does not exceed one-half or threequarters full load, the winding temperature is not greatly in excess of the maximum or top oil temperature, so that high oil temperatures are safe without resulting in any deterioration of the insulation from local over-heating. With good ventilation, the moisture, as it is driven off in the form of vapor will escape to the outside atmosphere and no condensation of moisture will take place on the underside of the cover or elsewhere in the tank. The following table shows the short circuit current in per cent of full load current which may be used for this method of drying transformers, with the corresponding maximum allowable top oil temperature in degrees centigrade. Less than 5 per cent of normal voltage will usually be required to circulate the current in the windings. 85 7 75 deg. C. These temperature limits and loads must be strictly adhered to in order to obtain the desired results without danger to the transformers. It should be noted that the higher allowable temperatures go with the smaller loads, that is, more blanketing or less water will be required for the smaller loads than for the higher, in order to bring the oil temperature up to the point shown in the table. Ventilation—During the drying run, additional ventilation to that ordinarily provided should be maintained by slightly raising the manhole cover and protecting the opening from the weather. The entire cover should be lagged with heat insulating material to prevent condensation of moisture within. When to Discontinue Drying—. Drying should be continued until oil from the top and bottom of the tank tests 22 Kv. or higher between 1.0 in. square edge discs spaced 0.1 in. for seven consecutive tests taken 4 hrs. apart with the oil maintained at maximum temperature for the load held and without filtering. All ventilating openings should then be closed and the transformer kept at the same temperature for an- BUP,C: other 24 hrs. without filtering the oil and as before the oil should be tested at 4 hr. intervals. A decrease in the dielectric strength of the oil indicates that moisture is still passing from the transformer into the oil and drying should be continued. Unless constant or increasing dielectric strength as shown by these tests indicates that drying is completed, the ventilators should be opened, the oil filtered and the drying process continued. After the short circuit run is discontinued, the transformer should be operated for 24 hrs. at approximately two-thirds voltage and at the same high temperature, making similar tests of oil samples and filtering the oil if necessary. After satisfactory two-thirds voltage test, full voltage should be. applied for 24 hrs. and the same tests repeated. Water-cooled transformers may require some water to hold the top oil temperature within the 85 deg. C. limit during this test. Normal Operation Method This method consists in providing ventilation in the cover, as explained above, and blowing air across the top oil, say by a desk fan, while the transformer is under normal operation. The manhole cover should be inspected frequently and the oil temperature raised by blanketing the tank or increasing the load. If condensation appears on the under side of the manhole cover, the oil temperature should be reduced and the run continued until the moisture disappears, when the temperature should again be raised. The following table shows the highest permissible load current for maximum top oil temperatures of 70, 75 and 85 deg. C.: The operation should be continued for 3 days at maximum temperature; then if no condensation occurs, the drying may be discontinued as outlined above in the paragraph “When to Discontinue Drying”. transformer should be placed in its tank without the oil and the cover left off to allow free circulation of air. Either winding can be short circuited and sufficient voltage impressed across the other winding to circulate enough current through the coils to maintain the temperature at from 75 deg. C. to 80 deg. C. About one-fifth of normal full-rated current is generally sufficient to do this. Ihe impressed voltage necessary to circulate this current varies within wide limits among different transformers, but will generally be approximately ™% of 1 per cent to 1% per cent of normal voltage, at normal frequency. The end terminals of the winding must be used, not taps, so that current will circulate through the total winding. The amount of current may be controlled by a rheostat in series with the exciting winding. This method of drying out is superficial and slow and should only be used with small transformers, and then only when local conditions prohibit the use of one of the other methods. (B) By External Heat—The transformer should be placed in a wooden box with holes in the top and near the bottom to allow air circulation. The clearance between the sides of the transformer and the heated air will pass up through the ventilating ducts among the coils and not around the sides. The heat should be applied at the bottom of the box. The best way to obtain the heat is from erid resistors, using either alternating or direct current. The temperature limits are the same as for Method A. The transformer must be carefully protected against direct radiation from the ‘heaters. Care must also be taken to see that there is no inflammable material near the heaters, and to this end it is advisable to completely line the wooden box with asbestos. Instead of placing the heater inside the box containing the transformer, it may be placed outside and the heat carried into the bottom of the box through a suitable pipe. Where this plan is followed, the heat may be generated by the direct combustion of gas, coal or wood, provided that none of the products of combustion be allowed to enter the box containing the transformer. Heating by combustion is not advocated except when electric current is not available. much longer time than Method C. (C) By Internal and External Heat— This is a combination of Methods A and B. The transformer should be placed in a box and external heat applied as in B and cur- rent circulated through the windings as in A. The current should, of course, be considerably less than when no external heat is applied. This method is used occasionally where direct current only is available, a. certain amount of current being passed through the high voltage winding only, as the cross sectional area of the low voltage conductor is generally too large for it to be heated with an economical amount of direct current. The use of direct current for drying out is not recommended except where alternating current cannot be obtained. When this method of drying is used, the temperature should be measured by the increase in resistance method. Method C is quicker than either A or B and has the great advantage that the insulation is heated much more uniformly. Time Required for Drying—There is no definite length of time for drying. One to 3 weeks will generally be required, depending upon the condition of the transformer, the size, the voltage and the method of drying used. Insulation Resistance—The measurement or determination of insulation resistance is of value in determining the course of drying, only when the transformer is without oil. If the initial’ insulation § resistance be measured at ordinary temperatures, it may be high although the insulation is not dry, but as the transformer is heated up, it will drop rapidly. As the drying proceeds at a constant temperature, the insulation resistance will generally increase gradually until towards the end of the drying period when the increase will become more rapid. Sometimes the resistance will rise and fall through a short range one or more times before reaching a steady high point. This is caused by moisture in the interior parts of the insulation working its way out through the outer portions which were dried at first. As the temperature varies, the insulation resistance also varies greatly, therefore the temperature should be kept nearly constant and the resistance measurements should all be taken at as nearly the same temperature as possible. The insulation resistance in megohms varies inversely with the temperature and for a 10 deg. C. change of temperature, the megohms change by a ratio of 2:1. Measurements should be taken every 2 hours during the drying period. Resistance Curve—A curve of the insulation resistance measurements should be plotted with time as abscissae and resistance as ordinates. By observation, the knee of the curve (i. e., the point where the insulation resistance begins to increase more rapidly) can be determined and the run should continue until the resistance is constant for 12 hours. Precautions to be Observed in Drying Without Oil—As the drying temperature approaches the point where fibrous materials deteriorate, great care must be taken to see that there are no points where the temperature exceeds 85 deg. C. Several thermometers should be used and they should be placed well in among the coils near the top and screened from air currents. Ventilating ducts offer particularly good places in which to place some of the thermometers. As the temperature rises rapidly at first, the thermometers must be read at intervals of about %4 hour. In order to keep the transformer at a constant temperature for insulation resistance measurements, 1 thermometer should be placed where it can be read without removing it or changing its position. The other thermometers should be shifted about until the hottest points are found, and should remain at these points throughout the drying period. Wherever possible, the temperature should be checked by the increase in resistance method. Test samples should be taken only after the oil has settled for some time, varying from 8 hours for a barrel to several days for a large transformer. Cold oil is much slower in settling and may hardly settle at all. Oil samples from the transformer should be taken from the oil sampling valve at the bottom of the tank. Oil samples from a barrel should be taken from the bottom of the drum. A brass or glass “thief” can be‘conveniently used for this purpose. The same method should be used for cleaning the “thief” as is used for cleaning the container. When drawing samples of oil from the bottom of the transformer or large tank, sufficient oil must first be drawn off to make Bae Cc sure that the sample will be comprised of oil from the bottom of the container, and not from the oil stored in the sampling pipe. A glass receptacle is desirable so that if water is present, it may be readily observed. If water is found, an investigation of the cause should be made and a remedy applied. If water is not present in sufficient quantity to settle out, the oil may still contain considerable moisture in a suspended state. It should, therefore, be tested for dielectric strength. Testing For testing oil for dielectric strength some standard device for oil testing should be used. The standard oil testing spark gap has disc terminals 1 in. in diameter spaced 0.1 in. apart. The testing cup should be cleaned thoroughly to remove any particles of cotton fibre, and rinsed out with a portion of the oil to be tested. The spark gap receptacle should be nearly filled with oil and allowed to stand for a few minutes to give bubbles time to escape before making the test. The rate of increase in voltage should be about 3000 volts per second. Five breakdowns should be made on each filling and then the receptacle emptied and refilled with fresh oil from the original sample. The average voltage of 15 tests (5 tests on each of 3 fillings) is usually taken as the dielectric strength of the oil. It is recommended that the test be continued until the mean of the averages of at least 3 fillings is consistent. The dielectric strength of oil when shipped is at least 22 Ky. tested in the standard gap. If the dielectric strength of the oil in a transformer in service, tests at less than 16,500 volts, it should be filtered. New oil of less than the standard dielectric strength should not be put in a transformer. In removing moisture from transformer oil, it is preferable to filter from one tank and discharge into another, although if necessary it may be drawn from the bottom of a tank and discharged at the top. When there is much water in the oil, it should be allowed to settle, then drawn off and treated separately. Before the transformer is filled with oil all accessories, such as valves, gauges, thermometers, plugs, etc., must be fitted to the transformer and made oil tight. The threads should be filled with shellac before putting them in place. The transformers must be thoroughly cleaned. Metal hose must be used instead of rubber hose, because oil dissolves the sulphur found in rubber, and may cause trouble by the sulphur attacking the copper. facturer. The use of a filter press is recommended and if one is not available some precaution should be taken to strain the oil before putting it in the transformer. After filling the transformer, the oil should be allowed to settle at least 12 hours and then samples taken from the bottom should be again tested before voltage is applied to the transformer. It is very important that the surfaces of the oil when cold (25 deg. C.) be at the oil level indicated by the mark on the oil gauge. When the transformer is not in service, the oil level must never be allowed to fall to a point where it does not show in the gauge. When it is necessary to replenish the oil, care must be taken to see that no moisture finds its way into the tank. As the oil heats up with the transformer under load. it will expand and rise to a higher level. First Time in Service When the voltage is first applied to the transformer it should, if possible, be brought up slowly to its full value so that any wrong connection or other trouble may be discovered before damage results. After full voltage has been applied successfully, the transformer should preferably be operated in that wav for a short period without load. It should be kept under observation during this time and also during the first few hours that it delivers load. After 4 or 5 days’ service it is advisable to test the oil again for moisture. Water Circulation If the transformer is water-cooled, the main water valve should be opened as soon as the oil temperature reaches 45 deg. C. If there are 2 or more sets of cooling coils in parallel. the valves of all sections should be adjusted for equal rates of flow. This can be estimated by feeling the weight of the discharge streams from the different sections. It can be determined best, however, by noting the difference in temperature between ingoing and outgoing water from each section. A careful measure should be taken of the total The idea that a transformer in service needs no attention may lead to serious results. Careful inspection is essential, and the directions given in this section should be followed. In spite of all precautions, moisture may be absorbed by the transformer; and during the first few days of operation it is well to inspect the inside of the manhole cover for moisture. If sufficient moisture has condensed ‘to drip from the cover, the transformer should be taken out of service and dried. The oil should be tested and dried if necessary. every 6 months. During the first month of service of transformers having a potential of 40,000 volts or over, samples of oil should be drawn each week from the bottom of the tank and tested. Inspection No matter how satisfactory the operation of a transformer may be, it should be taken out of service and thoroughly inspected at least once a year. The inside of the cover and the tank above the oil should be regularly inspected to see that they are clean, dry and free from moisture and that the thermometer bulb is clean. If an appreciable amount of dirt or sediment is found inside the case it is best to take out the transformer and remove the oil from the tank. The transformer and the tank should then he cleaned thoroughly and the oil filtered and tested. In cleaning, only dry cloths or waste should be used. Care should be taken to see that all nuts are tight and all parts in their proper places. If the transformer is water-cooled, the cooling coils should be cleaned thoroughly. The transformer and the oil should be replaced in the tank and when the cover is put on, all cracks and openings closed tightly. In the case of water-cooled transformers, the rate of flow should be checked from time to time and if it is found to have diminished the cause should be looked for and remedied. The most frequent cause of clogging of cooling coils is the presence of Removing Scale From Cooling Coils Scale and sediment can be removed from a cooling coil without removing the coil from the tank. Both inlet and outlet pipes should be disconnected from the water system and temporarily piped to a point a number of feet away from the transformer, where the coil can be filled and emptied safely. Especial care must be taken to prevent any acid, dirt or water from getting into the transformer. All the water should be blown or syphoned from the cooling coils which should be then filled with a solution of hydrochloric (muriatic) acid, specific gravity 1.10. (Equal parts of commercially pure concentrated hydrochloric acid and water will give this specific gravity.) It may be found necessary to force this solution into the cooling coils. When this is done one end of the coil should be partially restricted, so that the solution will not be wasted when the coil is full. After the solution has stood in the coil about an hour, the coil should be flushed out thoroughly with clean water. If all the scale is not removed the first time, the operation should be repeated until the coil is clean, using new solution each time. The number of times it is necessary to repeat the process will depend on the condition of the coil though ordinarily 1 or 2 fillings will be sufficient. As the chemical action which takes place may be very violent and may often force acid, sediment, etc., from both ends of the coil, it is well, therefore, to leave both ends partially open to prevent abnormal pressure. Idle Cooling Coils When a water-cooled transformer is idle and exposed to freezing temperatures the water must be blown out of the cooling coil. In addition to blowing out the water the cooling coils should be dried by forcing heated air through them. If not convenient to do this the coil should be filled with transformer oil. Operation An artificially cooled transformer should not be run continuously, even at no-load, without the cooling medium. Therefore, it is essential to maintain a proper circulation in the cooling system. LOM fel OF ately reduced as much as possible and close watch kept of the temperature of the transformer. When the oil at the top of the tank reaches 80 deg. C. the transformer must be cut out of service at once. This temperature should be recognized as an absolute limit and must not be exceeded. It should be held only during an emergency period of short duration. Nearly all cooling water will in time cause scale or sediment to form in the cooling coil. The time required to clog up the cooling coils depends on the nature and amount of foreign matter in the water. The clogging materially decreases the efficiency of the coil and is indicated by a high oil temperature and a decreased flow of water, load condition and water pressure remaining the same. Temperature Thermometers should be read daily or more often. If the indicated oil temperature is 80 deg. C. or over for a selfcooled unit or 65 deg. C. or over for a water-cooled unit, the transformer must be cut out of service at once and the cause of the excessive heating investigated. Should a transformer remain in service any length of time under this condition, it may be seriously damaged. Regardless of oil temperature as indicated by thermometers, the transformer must not be operated at overloads not stipulated by the specifications or contract. When the contact specifies an overload, a watercooled transformer operated at such overload should have the amount of water increased in proportion to the load. On account of the increased amount of water during overload the temperature of the oil will not rise as fast as the temperature of the windings and any of the causes leading to excessive heating will have more pronounced effect under these conditions. Therefore, the transformer during overload should be watched with especial care to see that the oil temperature is kept well below the temperature limits specified. Moisture may get into a transformer due to the fact that as oil is heated and cooled it expands and contracts and therefore air is expelled from and enters the transformer. If the air which enters the transformer is at the same time cooled off by contact with cover to below its dew point moisture will condense. It is therefore good practice to operate transformers at several degrees above air temperatures at all times. This will largely prevent condensation. HE instructions for the care and operation of power transformers are somewhat too elaborate to be followed in connection with the operation of distribution transformers of small capacities which are used in very large quantities. The following simplified rules are suggested in connection with the care and operation of these smaller capacity distribution transformers. Exceptions—It is recommended that for distribution transformers of voltages of 22000 volts and above and for capacities above 100 Kv-a., such for instance as are usually mounted on a platform or in other localities where they are readily accessible for inspection, the same rules be followed as are given in Part I for the care and operation of power transformers. Exceptions—The instructions for power transformers given in Part I should be followed for all distribution transformers above 100 Kv-a. in capacity or for operation on 22000 volts or higher. Self-Cooled Transformers depend entirely upon the surrounding air for carrying away their heat. For this reason, care must be taken to -provide adequate ventilation. For indoor installation the room in which the distribution transformers are placed must be well ventilated so that heated air can escape readily and be replaced by cool air from outside. Distribution transformers should always be separated from one another and from adjacent walls, partitions, etc., in order to permit free circulation about the tanks. This separation should not be less than 12 in. Storage When distribution transformers can be set up immediately in permanent locations and filled with oil, it is advisable to do so even though they will not be put into service for some time. If this is not convenient they should be stored in a dry place having no rapid or radical temperature changes, and if possible, immersed in dry transformer oil. Distribution transformers should not be stored or operated in the presence of corrosive gases, such as chlorine, etc. Where a distribution transformer cannot be handled by a crane, it may be skidded or moved on rollers, but care must be taken not to damage the base or tip it over. A distribution transformer should never be lifted or moved by placing jacks or tackle under the drain valve or other attachments and must not be moved by taking hold of the leads. ‘When rollers are used under large distribution transformers, skids must be used to distribute the stress over the base. When working about a transformer particular care must be taken in handling all tools and other loose articles, since anything metallic dropped among the windings and allowed to remain there may cause a breakdown. Transformers are in first class operating condition when shipped by the manufacturer, i. e., they have been thoroughly tested for defects and are perfectly dry. When received, examination should be made before removing from cars, and if any injury is evident or any indication of rough . handling is visible, railroad claim should be filed at once and the manufacturer notified. Moisture may condense on any material if the metal is colder than the air, and if present, it lowers the insulation properties and may cause failure of transformer. ‘Therefore, if transformers or oil drums are brought into a room warmer than they are, they should be allowed to stand before opening until there is no condensation on the outside and they are thoroughly dry. Before being set up, a transformer should be inspected for breakage, injury or misplacement of parts during shipment, and thoroughly examined for moisture. All accessible nuts, bolts and studs should be tightened. Pole Mounting—Convenient lugs or eye bolts are provided on the side of the case to which the rope lifting the transformer may be attached. It will be found convenient to fasten the hanger irons to the case before the transformer is raised to the cross-arm. The transformer can then be raised up to and slightly above the cross-arm and the hooks on the hanger-irons made to engage the cross-arm by lowering the transformer. The majority of distribution transformers are shipped in their tanks without oil. Due to the fact that the windings of these transformers are usually impregnated with a special compound, no drying out of these transformers is necessary unless the presence of moisture is readily apparent from visual inspection. Under such circumstances, drying out should be resorted to; otherwise, it is unnecessary. If distribution transformers are shipped in their tanks filled with oil, the oil should be tested for moisture and if moisture is present the transformers should be dried out. For methods of drying out transformers refer to instructions for the care and operation of power transformers in Patel Metal hose must be used instead of rubber hose, because oil dissolves the sulphur found in rubber and may cause trouble by the sulphur attacking the copper. Pole-mounted transformers may be filled with oil, either before or after mounting, as desired. It is sometimes necessary to add oil a short time after the transformer has been installed, due to the fact that the insulation will absorb a certain amount of oil. It may be found necessary to replenish the oil from time to time during actual operation in order that the normal oil level be kept constant. When the transformer oil is replenished care should be taken that no moisture finds its way inside the case. The oil used should be of the grade recommended by the manufacturer, as the successful operation of the transformer depends upon it to a great extent. Replacing the Cover—Great care should be exercised in putting on the cover. If the gasket is not properly in place or the cover the transformer tank. It is very important that the surface of the oil when cold (25 deg. C.) be at the oil level indicated on the inside of the tank or the oil gauge. transformers in service: (1) The oil level should be inspected once every year and enough oil added to bring the level up to the mark inside the tank or on the oil gauge. MEMBER COMPANIES Allis-Chalmers Mfg. Co.._______- Milwaukee, Wis. American Transformer Co.________- Newark, N. J. Duncan Electric Mfg. Co.________- Lafayette, Ind. General Electric Co.________-_ schenectady, N. Y. Kuhlman Electric Co._-___-__ _.--Bay City, Mich. Moloney Electric Co.-.....-._.-__-_ St. Louis, Mo. The Packard Electric Co.__-_...__ Warren, Ohio Pittsburgh Transformer Co.______- Pittsburgh, Pa. Wagner Electric Corp’n___..____.__St. Louis, Mo.	8,267	common-pile/pre_1929_books_filtered	instructionsforc00elec	public_library	public_library_1929_dolma-0017.json.gz:2271	https://archive.org/download/instructionsforc00elec/instructionsforc00elec_djvu.txt
z7bF0FcSRMrbXdA0	13.3: Galaxies	13.3: Galaxies A galaxy is a massive, gravitationally bound system of stars, stellar remnants, interstellar medium, and dark matter. The term galaxy comes from the Greek galaxias, literally translated as milk or milky, referring to our Milky Way galaxy. Galaxies can range in size from the dwarf galaxies — as small as ten million stars, to giant galaxies with one hundred trillion stars. It is currently estimated that there are 170 billion galaxies in the Universe. It is believed that nearly all galaxies also contain stellar systems with planets orbiting many of their stars, like our Milky Way galaxy. However, that has not been confirmed, but is a solid theory based on what we have discovered in the Milky Way, and comparing the characteristics of the Milky Way to other galaxies. A number of galaxies are believed to have supermassive black holes at their centers. The Milky Way’s supermassive black hole is called Sagittarius A * or SGR A * . These supermassive black holes have been observed in a number of other galaxies; astronomers are trying to determine if this is a consistent characteristic. These supermassive black holes are hypothesized to be the principal driver of the active galactic nuclei or AGN . An AGN is a compact region located at a galaxy’s center, which has a significantly higher luminosity from one to several ranges of the electromagnetic spectrum.	299	common-pile/libretexts_filtered	https://phys.libretexts.org/Bookshelves/Astronomy__Cosmology/Introduction_to_Astronomy_(Lumen)/13%3A_Galaxies/13.03%3A_Galaxies	libretexts	libretexts-0000.json.gz:42834	https://phys.libretexts.org/Bookshelves/Astronomy__Cosmology/Introduction_to_Astronomy_(Lumen)/13%3A_Galaxies/13.03%3A_Galaxies
aOh_fvnHyVSUSZKr	Crop Adaptation and Improvement for Drought-Prone Environments	9 Toward a Regional Field Phenotyping Network in West Africa Alain Audebert, CIRAD, France & ISRA/CERAAS, Senegal Delphine Luquet, CIRAD, France Vincent Vadez, IRD, Senegal & ISRA/CERAAS, Senegal Daniel Foncéka, CIRAD & ISRA/CERAAS, Senegal Ndjido Ardo Kane, ISRA/CERAAS, Senegal Abstract Phenotyping plays an important role in crop science and breeding programs. The accurate, rapid acquisition of phenotypic information on plants in different environments helps researchers explore the genomes’ inheritance and expression patterns and determine the association of genomic and phenotypic information and ultimately increase crop yields. Traditional methods for acquiring crop traits (e.g., plant height, biomass, yield, etc.) rely on manual sampling, which is laborious and time-consuming. Fortunately, technological advances are resolving the high-throughput phenotyping bottleneck. To optimize the benefit of breeding programs in West Africa (WA) on the sustainability and performance of cropping systems (considering climate change and agroecological transition) developing high throughput field phenotyping methods is essential. However, the establishment of this type of activity requires infrastructure, equipment, management, and most importantly, dedicated and trained staff. Also, new technologies like Unmanned Aerial Vehicles (UAV) have recently become an important tool for fast and non-destructive high throughput phenotyping. This technology is flexible, practical, and provides easy access to data and high spatial resolution. UAVs are powerful tools for phenomics and genomics studies. As such, CERAAS and its partners are developing a field phenotyping network in the West African sub-region—the general scheme of which is presented below. Keywords: Breeding, Field phenotyping, High-throughput, Regional network, West Africa Introduction Crop production must double by 2050 to respond to predicted demands of the global population (Ray et al., 2013). To meet this demand, crop yields should be increased by 2.4% annually, but currently, the average rate of yield increase is only 1.3%, with yields stagnating in up to 40% of the land under cereal production (Fischer & Edmeades, 2010). To ensure improved agricultural productivity, developing new varieties that are well adapted to specific environments is one of the main avenues for agricultural research centers. An effective approach to achieve this objective is the design of marker-assisted breeding programs which requires scientists to better understand the connection between a plant’s observable characteristics (phenotype) and its genetic makeup (genotype). By establishing the connection between genotype and phenotype, it is possible to select high-yielding stress-tolerant plants and improve agricultural production to satisfy the requirements of the growing human population (Li et al., 2014; Thorp et al., 2015, 2018; White et al., 2012). In the last two decades, genome sequencing of crops has proceeded at a rapid pace, but the translation of these data into the identification of desirable traits has been constrained by the lack of knowledge of the associated phenotypes (Furbank & Tester, 2011; Zaman-Allah et al., 2015). Besides, marker assisted breeding programs often require working with large mapping populations (more than 250 lines in most cases). Depending on the experimental design used or the number of treatments applied, phenotyping may require thousands of individual plots to be measured. To relieve this bottleneck and to fully benefit from the available genomic information, reliable, automatic, multifunctional, and high-throughput phenotyping platforms should be developed to offer plant scientists new insight into all the aspects of living plants. In recent years, high-throughput phenotyping platforms (HTPPs) have been developed (Araus & Cairns, 2014; Yang et al., 2013). However, most of these are fully automated facilities in greenhouses or growth chambers, equipped with a precise environmental control. Although HTPPs enable the capture of detailed, non-invasive information throughout the plant life cycle, the results from controlled environments are distinct from the actual situations that plants will experience in the field, making it difficult to extrapolate data from controlled environments to the field. As a regional center of excellence that focuses on the genetic improvement of dryland crops (e.g., sorghum, pearl millet, fonio, groundnut, cowpea and sesame), CERAAS/ISRA proposes to engage the breeding community in the development of a field phenotyping network of testing sites. The goal is to provide a rich ground for interactions across disciplines in order to develop improved varieties and management packages adapted to specific stress scenarios and sensitive to socio-cultural contexts, and hence address the multiple complex challenges facing plant breeding in West Africa. Family farming is essential, and it must meet an increasing food demand in diverse and changing agro-climatic environments and in connection with changing agricultural sectors (i.e., food, non-food agricultural products, seeds). This chapter’s objective is to propose a roadmap to associate different technologies—varying from manual measurements to image analysis and UAV onboard sensors—in a field phenotyping network in the Sahelian sub-region. 1. Institutional Positioning CERAAS, Centre d’Études Régional pour l’Amélioration de l’Adaptation à la Sécheresse, is a research center of ISRA (Institut Sénégalais de Recherche Agronomique) specialized in drought adaptation studies. In 2018, CERAAS was elevated from a National Center of Specialization to an ECOWAS Regional Centre of Excellence (RCE) on dryland cereals (e.g., millet, sorghum and fonio) and associated crops (e.g., peanut, cowpea and sesame). The RCE is a joint entity between CERAAS, two other centers of ISRA (the Bureau d’Analyse Macroéconomique – BAME and the Centre National de Recherche Agronomique – CNRA), the Institut de Technologie Alimentaire (ITA) and the Ecole Nationale Supérieure d’Agronomie (ENSA-University of Thies). The primary mandate of RCE is to lead research on suitable drylands-cereal technologies and varieties in the West and Central African region. With its historical partner, CIRAD (Centre de Coopération Internationale pour la Recherche en Agronomie pour le Développement), CERAAS is running a partnership network dedicated to innovation in crop improvement in Western Africa (dP-IAVAO which stands for dispositif en partenariat-Innovation et Amélioration Variétale en Afrique de l’Ouest, in French). The proposal of the dP-IAVAO is to rethink varietal improvement that has so far focused mainly on specialized agricultural and social systems. The aim is to recognize the plurality of agricultural systems and corresponding varietal demands, and to mobilize more disciplines and advanced tools towards more agile breeding programs that respond to the diversity and complexity of these agricultural systems. Interdisciplinarity is key to this proposal, and it needs to be effectively integrated into innovative breeding programs. The scientific vision of the dP-IAVAO is thus structured around four research domains involving multiple disciplines and constitutes a platform fostering dialogue and interactions between its components: – Understand the crop improvement system. This first domain aims at better describing the different components of the agri-food system in which crop improvement operates. – Genetic analysis and crop improvement. This domain, which constitutes the historical heart of crop improvement, aims to mobilize modern genetic tools to explore the diversity and complexity of agricultural systems. – Variety adoption and innovation management. The effective implementation of redefined breeding objectives and the creation of corresponding varieties provides the subject of an iterative analysis on the adoption and dissemination of this new diversity within traditional diversity. – Partnership modalities and research practices. The context in which life sciences research operates has become significantly more complex over the past 30 years: international regulations on access to and sharing of genetic resources have evolved considerably, and at the same time, research products are increasingly subject to intellectual property constraints related, for example, to the development of the seed sector and biotechnology. The dP-IAVAO was also part of an evolving West African partnership context with a new research structure led by CORAF and supported by WAAPP/PPAAO, which aims at the emergence of Regional Centers of Excellence (RCE). The dP-IAVAO, which is based on existing research facilities and projects, is improving coordination at the regional level, but also guiding the design of new flagship projects and the development of infrastructures and technical capacity. Education and training are also an essential component of the dP-IAVAO as it contributes to the training of a new generation of plant breeders. The geographical boundaries of the dP-IAVAO include the Sahelian and Sudanese (200 – 1200 mm) areas of West Africa where the cultivation of dry cereals such as millet, sorghum, fonio, and their associated crops such as cowpea, groundnut, and sesame is predominant. In this area, several breeding programs working on these species, notably from Senegal, Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger, are involved in projects focused on innovative approaches for crop improvement (participatory selection, marker-assisted selection, etc.). However, other countries located in these areas, (Chad, Guinea, Cameroon, Côte d’Ivoire, Ghana, Togo, and Benin) and with research activities on one or more of the crops listed above, are also associated with the dP to develop collaborations on specific topics, in particular field phenotyping and training activities. The central theme of the dP-IAVAO is therefore the integration of a multidisciplinary approach in the design and effective implementation of innovative varietal breeding programs in response to the complexity of the agro-ecological systems encountered in West Africa. In terms of design, the breeding program is considered an integration place enabling the production of genetic materials responding to the demand. 2. High-throughput Phenotyping Methods The crop phenotype is an expression of the genotype (G) and the environment (E) in which it grows. Crop phenotyping generally includes agro-morphological traits that provide indications on the dynamics of yield establishment and its genotypic and environmental variability (e.g., plant height, counting LAI, lodging, crop canopy cover), canopy spectral texture (i.e., spectral features), physiological traits (e.g., chlorophyll, biomass, pigment content, photosynthesis), abiotic/biotic stress indicators (e.g., stomatal conductance, canopy temperature difference, leaf water potential, senescence index), nutrients (e.g., nitrogen concentration, protein content), and yield. Field phenotyping is a critical component of plant breeding programs, as the ultimate expression of the genetic factors, environmental factors, and their interaction on critical production traits, such as yield potential and tolerance to abiotic/biotic stresses (Araus & Cairns, 2014; Neilson et al., 2015). Field phenotyping is increasingly recognized as a key approach capable of delivering the required throughput and an accurate description of trait expression in real-world cropping systems. However, for a higher precision, the performances of breeding materials must be evaluated through a wide range of environmental conditions (González-Dugo et al., 2015; González-Recio et al., 2014; Rahaman et al., 2015). Traditionally, phenotyping was done manually, and it was time consuming and expensive. To move towards high throughput methods, new phenotyping approaches relied largely on imaging technologies. Different methodological approaches that use spectral reflectance, canopy temperature by thermal imaging, and visible light imaging have been proposed to evaluate phenotypic traits in the field (Araus & Cairns, 2014). The agro-morphological traits of a crop can be estimated using an RGB camera (visible) by building the digital surface model (DSM) or the digital elevation model (DEM) and by conducting image classification analysis, which can be used to estimate the plant height, the proportion of lodging area, seedling emergence, etc. (Bendig et al., 2015; Hunt et al., 2005, 2010; Li et al., 2015). The absorption and reflectance characteristics of crops can be used to calculate vegetation indices related to agro-morpho-physiological traits (Nigon et al., 2015; Øvergaard et al., 2010; Swain et al., 2010). For instance, the temperature of the canopy is closely related to the cooling capacity of the plant, which depends on the transpiration of the crop, itself reflecting the plant water potential, stomatal conductance, etc., under stress or non-stress conditions. Crop yield can be predicted using proxies based on the combination of hyperspectral and thermal infrared data (Berni et al., 2009; González-Dugo et al., 2015). Currently, advanced field-phenotyping platforms use high throughput ground wheeled or aerial vehicles deploying multiple types of sensors to measure plant traits on a timescale of a few seconds per plot. Although phenotyping with ground vehicles such as phenomobiles is extremely precise, the process can be time-consuming if there are too many plots to phenotype (Cobb et al., 2013; Zhang and Kovacs, 2012). Therefore, this approach would be unsuitable for an African cross-regional network due to the cost, heavy maintenance, transport, and lack of maneuverability. Satellite imaging technologies have become extremely useful when collecting data for various agricultural applications (Li et al., 2014; Sankaran et al., 2015). However, the major limitations of using the currently available satellite sensors are the high cost, the lack of spatial resolution for the identification of desirable traits, the risk of cloud cover, and long revisit periods (Gevaert et al., 2015; Han-Ya et al., 2010). For breeding programs, the resolution of the satellite sensor is still not enough to compare individual lines or plants. In contrast, UAVs have demonstrated capabilities for large-scale monitoring of crop condition due to the high spatial and spectral resolutions of the sensors. In recent years, the use of UAVs has increased considerably in agricultural research programs due to the drop in prices, the miniaturization, the higher resolution of sensors, the ease of use (piloting, programming of flight plans), the improvement of computing (image analysis) and its strong potential for applications in breeding programs (Ballesteros et al., 2014; Berni et al., 2009; Candiago et al., 2015; Chapman et al., 2014; Gómez-Candón et al., 2013; Hunt et al., 2005; Liebisch et al., 2015; Zhang & Kovacs, 2012). This technology provides a low-cost approach to meet the critical requirements of spatial, spectral, and temporal resolutions. To assess the precision and efficiency for field-based phenotyping in small plots by different remote sensing techniques, three remote sensing approaches including UAV, proximal sensing, and satellite-based imagery, were compared. This study demonstrated that the UAV-based remote sensing was the most suitable approach for acquiring canopy temperature and normalized difference vegetation index (NDVI) in breeding populations (Tattaris et al., 2016). Therefore, UAVs are becoming critical in the high-throughput phenotyping of many plots and field trials in a near real-time and dynamic manner. UAVs can be used to execute autonomous tasks through the use of radio remote control equipment and an auto-control system, which can be divided into several types according to the flight mode (Sankaran et al., 2015). Field phenotyping platforms that use UAV tools have a higher potential thanks to the development and use of adapted sensors such as digital cameras, multispectral cameras, hyperspectral sensors, and infrared thermal imagers, which are commonly deployed UAV-RSP sensors. With advances in miniaturization, new sensors based on light detection and ranging (LiIDAR) are upcoming. The main applications of these sensors for breeding programs include the use of visible imaging for canopy surface modeling, crop height, and biomass estimation (Diaz-Varela et al., 2014; Mathews & Jensen, 2013; Zarco-Tejada et al., 2014); the use of visible–near-infrared spectroscopy to identify physiological status (Nigon et al., 2015; Overgaard et al., 2010; Sugiura et al., 2005; Swain et al., 2010); thermal imaging to detect water stress (González-Dugo et al., 2013, 2014); LIDAR cloud point to measure plant’s fine-scale geometric parameters with high precision (Wallace et al., 2012); and microwave imaging to estimate soil moisture and canopy structure parameters by combining different spectral bands (Acevo-Herrera et al., 2010; Han-Ya et al., 2010). 3. Network Construction At the national level, the field phenotyping network relies on three levels. The first level is centered on fine phenotyping. The second level is focused on varietal evaluation in different environments, while the third level consists of evaluations in farmers’ fields. In addition to the breeding aspect, the network is also of significant interest for all research and development activities in agronomy. The diagram presented in Figure 1 lists the possible research actions at the different levels. Figure 1 Level 1: The fine phenotyping is done at a hub that is fully equipped and highly specialized to meet the needs of high throughput (i.e., the ability to conduct experiments with a large number of germplasms tested and to carry out precise measurements in a short time step). These representative high throughput phenotyping locations must also present all the guarantees to manage experiments with different agronomic treatments and should be selected based on environmental characterization, build on existing experimental sites that are functional, and back up the most advanced NARS (e.g., ISRA in Senegal, IER in Mali). This may require the development or rehabilitation of infrastructures like weather stations, drip irrigation systems, fencing, and modern data capture tools. There might be a scope for working in collaboration with the private sector at certain sites (e.g., Adventa or Corteva). The necessary equipment to carry out high-throughput phenotyping measurements should be available at these sites. Occasionally and depending on the resources, this equipment can be deployed to other sites (levels 2 and 3). These fine high-throughput phenotyping sites should also have all the advantages to conduct studies that aim to understand better crop adaptation mechanisms using functional-structural plant models. The development of infrastructures needs to be paired with a massive long-term training of students, technicians, and scientists/breeders (“multi-purpose breeders,” capable of doing both breeding and reliable phenotyping) in order to develop a sense of ownership. Hence, three sites were chosen as potential high throughput phenotyping hubs across the subregion. Each hub is representative of the diversity of climate and soil conditions in the region (Figure 2): Bambey (ISRA research station, Senegal; 14.710825° N; -16.483797° E), Sotouba (IER research station, Bamako, Mali; 12.659558° N; -7.924943° E) and Farako-ba (INERA research Station, Bobo Dioulasso, Burkina Faso; 11.094251° N; -4.332719° E). Figure 2 Level 2: This level is based on the national agricultural research sites, which generally form a good network throughout the country. The main objective of this network is to evaluate the performances of the breeding lines in different environments, including hot-spots for specific stresses and then to study genotype-environment interactions. Studies carried out at this level are of great importance to define the target population environment (TPE) at the national and regional levels. Robust crop simulation models exist that can be used to: (i) characterize climatic scenarios in all target regions (main TPE) and (ii) guide the choice of trait-management packages to optimize productivity locally, even in the context of different socio-cultural contexts. This work requires good quality agronomic data from the network of Level 2 sites. The proposed work would engage breeders in generating input data and knowledge for crop models in order to guide breeding decisions. Breeding programs would then have greater insight on breeding targets (i.e., an area with known and prevalent stress type, required traits and management options, as well as appropriate breeding approaches). Besides, enriching the analysis of TPE with a socio-cultural analysis of potential cropping system variants within the TPE is essential to better design technical solutions, in particular to target cultivar/management improvement, to local constraints. Level 3: Farmers’ fields are used to test promising breeding lines that are foreseen for release in this production system. At this level, only yield and yield components will be measured. This level is characterized by uncontrolled crop management. Therefore, to have a good estimation of varieties’ performances, the number of farmer fields should be as large as possible to integrate the diversity of cropping conditions. 4. Data Management Much of the power of this field phenotyping network is in the way the data it generates are connected across sites and years. An efficient data management system needs to be established to ensure that evaluation and breeding data are integrated and shared across sites, network levels, and breeding programs. CERAAS, as a partner of IBP (Integrated Breeding Platform), benefits from logistic support for the use of the BMS (Breeding Management System). BMS is a complete software suite designed to boost the efficiency of plant breeding programs. This database combines crop information management, data analysis and decision-support tools to conduct most routine breeding activities, including the integration of different levels of molecular marker use. In other words, BMS represents an ideal tool to integrate data across the regional field phenotyping network. 5. Field Phenotyping Methodologies Developed in the Field Phenotyping Network Based on the capacities of each partner/country and their financial possibilities, the development of the field phenotyping network is not synchronous among participating West African countries. The fine phenotyping hubs (level 1) and the evaluation sites (level 2) are generally located in national agricultural research stations. These sites have been well characterized previously and soil maps are usually available. They are equipped with a functional weather station, agricultural equipment, and have local manpower familiar with the requirements of research activities. For some sites, a renewal of the equipment is in progress. The field phenotyping network is expected to double in the next few years with the integration of a near infrared spectroscopy (NIRS) network that will enable high-speed phenotyping in the field of biochemistry. Currently, Senegal is the most advanced in setting up the network since level 1 (hub) and level 2 sites are operational. For Mali, the phenotyping equipment is missing. The purchase of the UAV, pilot training, as well as the use of the image processing pipeline, are all under consideration. Burkina-Faso is lagging behind mostly due to funding reasons. Its level 1 site meets all criteria, but it still needs to be equipped with an irrigation system and UAV equipment, while in the level 2 sites, some weather stations are missing. Across the different projects that allowed the start of West African field phenotyping network, UAVs technical solution has been chosen as an optimal solution to deploy across sites and trials. In Senegal the equipment consists of a FeHexaCopterV2 hexaCopter UAV system (Flying Eye Ltd., Sophia Antipolis, France). This UAV can carry three cameras fixed on a two-axis gimbal to point vertically downward. The first camera was an RGB ILCE-6000 digital camera (Sony Corporation, New York, NY, USA) with a 6000×4000 pixels sensor equipped with a 60 millimeter (mm) focal length lens. To minimize the blurring effect and noise in the images, the camera was set on speed priority (1/1250sec) and fixed on 100 ISO. The second camera is the AIRPHEN multispectral camera (Hiphen, Avignon, France) equipped with a 4.2 mm focal length lens and acquiring 1280×960 pixels images. The AIRPHEN includes six individual sensors equipped with filters centered on 450, 530, 560, 675, 730 and 850 nm, with a spectral resolution of 10 nm. The third camera is an infrared thermographic camera Tau 2 (Flir system, Oregon, USA) with 19 mm focal length. The flight plan is defined with MikroKopter-Tools software (MikroKopter, Germany) to cover the entire area to be mapped and ensure an 80% frontal and lateral overlap along the track. Flight speed and image triggering depend on the flight altitude. Figure 3 A semi-automatic image-processing pipeline developed by ISRA/CERAAS and CIRAD generates radiometrically calibrated and geometrically corrected multiband orthoimages using Agisoft PhotoScan digital photogrammetric software (PhotoScan Professional 1.4, Agisoft LLC, Russia) (See Part 2-Chapter 1). Real reflectance is computed using a radiometric reference target positioned to the ground and imaged at every UAV flight. This reference target is previously spectrally characterized in controlled conditions. Geometric correction is done using ground control points (GCPs) that have already been georeferenced. Orthorectification is then performed using GCPs to increase the accuracy of the generated orthoimages; vegetation indices can be extracted from the orthoimages. Using this UAV image processing pipeline, a good correlation between field measurements and proxies from the UAV images was observed in a study conducted during the 2019 cold dry season in Senegal which involved a sorghum panel (African population) of 202 entries (Gano et al., 2021) (Figure 4 and Figure 5). Similar correlation levels were observed on pearl millet and peanut populations (Diop et al., 2021) and calibration work is currently underway for cowpea. Figure 4 6. Training The training activities are already underway in different countries of the phenotyping network. A significant number of students have carried out their internships in the field with the network researchers. Two postdocs worked on the UAV phenotyping platform in order to develop the image analysis pipeline. Two PhD students are finalizing their thesis, and since the onset of the project a total of 15 MSc students have been supervised. A training session on eco-physiological and biochemical phenotyping as well as crop modeling were organized within the network or by the network’s partners for PhD students, postdocs, and young scientists. It is expected that such training will be repeated over time in the framework of various projects. A sub-regional pilot contingent is already being built with two graduated pilots in Senegal. Conclusion The field phenotyping network initiated in 2016 is now in its second phase of construction. The activities in Senegal are ahead of schedule, but there is little doubt that other countries participating in the network will catch up. The drone-borne imaging phenotyping methodology is now functional for sorghum and millet culture but still under construction for peanut. The existing capacities meet the requirements of field high-throughput phenotyping and for training. 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Comparisons of two hand-held, multispectral field radiometers and a hyperspectral airborne imager in terms of predicting spring wheat grain yield and quality by means of powered partial least squares regression. Journal of Near Infrared Spectroscopy, 18(4), 247–261. Rahaman, M., Chen, D., Gillani, Z., Klukas, C., & Chen, M. (2015). Advanced phenotyping and phenotype data analysis for the study of plant growth and development. Frontiers in Plant Science, 6, 619–619. Ray, D. K., Mueller, N. D., West, P. C., & Foley, J. A. (2013). Yield trends are insufficient to double global crop production by 2050. PloS One, 8(6), e66428. Sankaran, S., Khot, L. R., Espinoza, C. Z., Jarolmasjed, S., Sathuvalli, V. R., Vandemark, G. J., Miklas, P. N., Carter, A. H., Pumphrey, M. O., Knowles, N. R., & Pavek, M. J. (2015). Low-altitude, high-resolution aerial imaging systems for row and field crop phenotyping: A review. European Journal of Agronomy, 70, 112–123. Sugiura, R., Noguchi, N., & Ishii, K. (2005). Remote-sensing technology for vegetation monitoring using an unmanned helicopter. Biosystems Engineering, 90(4), 369–379. Swain, K. C., Thomson, S. J., & Jayasuriya, H. P. (2010). Adoption of an unmanned helicopter for low-altitude remote sensing to estimate yield and total biomass of a rice crop. Transactions of the ASABE, 53(1), 21–27. Tattaris, M., Reynolds, M. P., & Chapman, S. C. (2016). A direct comparison of remote sensing approaches for high-throughput phenotyping in plant breeding. Frontiers in Plant Science, 7, 1131. Thorp, K. R., Gore, M. A., Andrade-Sanchez, P., Carmo-Silva, A. E., Welch, S. M., White, J. W., & French, A. N. (2015). Proximal hyperspectral sensing and data analysis approaches for field-based plant phenomics. Computers and Electronics in Agriculture, 118, 225–236. Thorp, K., Thompson, A., Harders, S., French, A., & Ward, R. (2018). High-throughput phenotyping of crop water use efficiency via multispectral drone imagery and a daily soil water balance model. Remote Sensing, 10(11), 1682. Wallace, L., Lucieer, A., Watson, C., & Turner, D. (2012). Development of a UAV-LiDAR system with application to forest inventory. Remote Sensing, 4(6), 1519–1543. White, J. A., Ryley, M. J., George, D. L., Kong, G. A., & White, S. C. (2012). Yield losses in grain sorghum due to rust infection. Australasian Plant Pathology, 41(1), 85–91. Yang, W., Duan, L., Chen, G., Xiong, L., & Liu, Q. (2013). Plant phenomics and high-throughput phenotyping: Accelerating rice functional genomics using multidisciplinary technologies. Current Opinion in Plant Biology, 16(2), 180–187. Zaman-Allah, M., Vergara, O., Araus, J. L., Tarekegne, A., Magorokosho, C., Zarco-Tejada, P. J., Hornero, A., Alba, A. H., Das, B., Craufurd, P., Olsen, M., Prasanna, B. M., & Cairns, J. (2015). Unmanned aerial platform-based multi-spectral imaging for field phenotyping of maize. Plant Methods, 11(1), 35. Zarco-Tejada, P. J., Diaz-Varela, R., Angileri, V., & Loudjani, P. (2014). Tree height quantification using very high-resolution imagery acquired from an unmanned aerial vehicle (UAV) and automatic 3D photo-reconstruction methods. European Journal of Agronomy, 55, 89–99. Zhang, C., & Kovacs, J. M. (2012). The application of small unmanned aerial systems for precision agriculture: A review. Precision Agriculture, 13(6), 693–712.	7,172	common-pile/pressbooks_filtered	https://kstatelibraries.pressbooks.pub/feed-the-future-innovation/chapter/toward-a-regional-field-phenotyping-network-in-west-africa/	pressbooks	pressbooks-0000.json.gz:72521	https://kstatelibraries.pressbooks.pub/feed-the-future-innovation/chapter/toward-a-regional-field-phenotyping-network-in-west-africa/
MWL_wkeVV3BzoTpM	Introduction to Sociology Lumen/OpenStax	Introduction to Cultural Similarities and Differences What you’ll learn to do: explain culture, society, cultural universals, and cultural relativism Are there rules for eating at McDonald’s? Generally, we do not think about rules in a fast food restaurant, but if you look around one on a typical weekday, you will see people acting as if they were trained for the role of fast food customer. They stand in line, pick items from the colorful menus, swipe debit cards to pay, and wait to collect trays of food. After a quick meal, customers wad up their paper wrappers and toss them into garbage cans. Customers’ movement through this fast food routine is orderly and predictable, even if no rules are posted and no officials direct the process. People have written entire books analyzing the significance of fast food customs. They examine the extensive, detailed physicality of fast food: the food itself, wrappers, bags, trays, those tiny ketchup packets, the tables and chairs, and even the restaurant building. Everything about a chain restaurant reflects culture, the beliefs and behaviors that a social group shares. Sociological analysis can be applied to every expression of culture, from sporting events to holidays, from education to transportation, from fashion to etiquette. In this section, you’ll examine culture and society and come to understand that a culture represents the beliefs, practices and artifacts of a group, while society represents the social structures and organization of the people who share those beliefs and practices. <a style="margin-left: 16px;" target="_blank" href="https://docs.google.com/document/d/1vy-T6DtTF-BbMfpVEI7VP_R7w2A4anzYZLXR8Pk4Fu4"	326	common-pile/pressbooks_filtered	https://pressbooks.nscc.ca/lumensociology2/chapter/outcome-defining-culture/	pressbooks	pressbooks-0000.json.gz:65812	https://pressbooks.nscc.ca/lumensociology2/chapter/outcome-defining-culture/
q1j_uqCLFery-YNz	Tribal Custom in Anglo-Saxon Law Being an Essay Supplemental to (1) 'The English Village Community', (2) 'The Tribal System in Wales'	Produced by MWS and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images generously made available by The Internet Archive/American Libraries.) TRIBAL CUSTOM IN ANGLO-SAXON LAW TRIBAL CUSTOM IN ANGLO-SAXON LAW BEING AN ESSAY SUPPLEMENTAL TO (1) ‘THE ENGLISH VILLAGE COMMUNITY’ (2) ‘THE TRIBAL SYSTEM IN WALES’ BY FREDERIC SEEBOHM, LL.D., F.S.A. LONGMANS, GREEN, AND CO. 39 PATERNOSTER ROW, LONDON NEW YORK AND BOMBAY 1902 [All rights reserved] PREFACE To the two former Essays, on ‘The English Village Community’ and ‘The Tribal System in Wales,’ is now at last added in this volume a third on ‘Tribal Custom in Anglo-Saxon Law.’ In the first Essay an attempt was made to approach the early Anglo-Saxon evidence from the point of view of the Manorial system, and mainly by tracing back its connection with the open field system of agriculture--the shell, so to speak, in which it had all along apparently lived. The object of this third Essay in the trilogy is to approach the Anglo-Saxon laws from the point of view of tribal custom. As a preliminary to this attempt, a detailed study of Cymric tribal custom was made in the intermediate Essay in the belief that the knowledge so gained might be used as a clue to the understanding of survivals of tribal custom in the laws of the tribes most nearly allied to the invaders of Britain, and lastly in the Anglo-Saxon laws themselves. The interval which has elapsed between the publication of the three Essays has made it necessary to make each of them, to some extent, independent and complete in itself. It thus becomes necessary in this volume briefly to repeat, as well as further to develop, what was learned of Cymric tribal custom in the previous volume, especially as regards the ‘gwely,’ or family unit of tribal society, and as regards the methods of payment of the galanas, or death-fine for homicide in lieu of the blood-feud between kindreds. The death-fine or wergeld of the Continental tribes forms so important a test of the position of classes in tribal society that it became necessary to ascertain at the outset what were the currencies in which the wergelds were stated and paid. A brief explanation of these will be found in the first chapter. Then follows the summary of the Cymric evidence. And as some of the points connected with the payment of wergelds can only be rightly understood when regarded from the point of view of the blood-feud for which the wergeld was a substitute, the Cymric evidence is followed by a brief examination of the rules of the feud incidentally revealed in ‘Beowulf.’ A chapter on Irish or Goidelic tribal custom completes the preliminary evidence. The inquiry into the tribal custom of the Continental tribes as revealed in their laws is proceeded with in the following order:-- First the Burgundian and Wisigothic laws are briefly examined, as showing most clearly the disintegration of tribal custom caused by early contact with Roman and Christian influences. Next are examined the traces of tribal custom in the laws of the Salic and Ripuarian Franks and of the tribes conquered by the Merovingian Kings. Separate consideration is then given to the laws of the tribes conquered by Charlemagne. The earliest Norse and Scanian laws next claim a full share of attention; for, although much later in date than the others, they exhibit earlier conditions of tribal custom. Lastly, after a short chapter on tribal custom in the ancient laws of Scotland and the ‘leges inter Brettos et Scotos,’ attention is turned to the Anglo-Saxon laws, and they are approached from the tribal point of view and the vantage-ground afforded by the previous study of the tribal customs of the Continental tribes. That by this method of study some fresh light may have been thrown on the conditions of early Anglo-Saxon society I think the reader will admit. And imperfectly as the work has been done, the bringing of Anglo-Saxon evidence more into line with the Continental evidence will, I think, be accepted as a permanent gain. After all, we are but trying to advance a step or two further, as regards some particular points, the general intention of the masterly contributions of Dr. Konrad von Maurer, made nearly half a century ago to the _Kritische Ueberschau_, which I think have hardly been sufficiently kept in view by English historical students. How far the evidence contained in this Essay may be found on full consideration to modify previous views of others or my own the reader will be left to judge. I have tried throughout to bring an open mind to the inquiry from a fresh point of view, with but little regard to foregone conclusions. Any new facts elicited will find their proper place without displacing those already known, however much they may ultimately modify the conclusions provisionally drawn from the latter. The method of inquiry from the known to the unknown is essentially a tentative method. It necessarily leads to results which, if isolated, easily mislead and may be still more easily misapprehended. But correction comes with perseverance in the same method from other points of view, whilst in the intermediate stages of such an inquiry the student has to learn to be content sometimes with a provisional restatement of a problem rather than a premature solution. It would be absurd to pretend that, were it necessary to rewrite the Essay on ‘The English Village Community’ after an interval of nearly twenty years, modification of many points might not be needful. But as further editions were called for, it seemed best to leave it as it was, a link in a chain of inquiry which has not yet come to an end. Other links have been added by far more competent inquirers, and these have generously given it a place in the chain from which it would indeed be ungrateful in me to wish to unlink it. But I venture to hope that the addition of this third Essay will be accepted not only as a further contribution to the understanding of a difficult subject, but also as evidence that kindly criticism of the former volumes has not been thrown away. For constant help in the preparation of this volume I am indebted to my son, whose essay on ‘The Structure of Greek Tribal Society’ really ought to form one of this series. My thanks are due to Dr. ATKINSON and Prof. RHYS for help as regards the Irish and Welsh chapters; and to Mr. CRAIGIE for careful revision of the text and translations of the passages quoted from the early Norse laws. To Prof. LIEBERMANN and Mr. W. H. STEVENSON, for help in the reading of some difficult passages in the Kentish laws, I am especially indebted. I regret very much that I have not had the help which Prof. LIEBERMANN’S notes to his text of the Anglo-Saxon laws would have been. To Mr. F. G. HILL, of the British Museum, I owe very much in connection with the study of the currencies used in the various laws. Finally, I cannot too warmly express my gratitude especially to Prof. VINOGRADOFF, Prof. MAITLAND, and Mr. W. J. CORBETT, amongst others, for the help and encouragement which only fellow-workers can give to the otherwise solitary student. THE HERMITAGE, HITCHIN: _January 1, 1902_. CONTENTS SECT. PAGE CHAPTER I. _THE CURRENCY IN WHICH WERGELDS WERE RECKONED AND PAID._ I. CONNECTION BETWEEN THE WERGELD OF 100 HEAD OF CATTLE AND THE MINA OF 100 GOLD STATERS 1 II. THE SAME EQUATION REPEATED BETWEEN THE WERGELDS OF WESTERN TRIBES AND 200 GOLD SOLIDI OF CONSTANTINE 5 III. THE FRANKISH CURRENCY 9 IV. THE NORMAN AND ANGLO-SAXON CURRENCY 12 V. THE MINAS WHICH SURVIVED IN USE SIDE BY SIDE WITH THE ROMAN POUND 13 VI. THE USE OF GOLD TORQUES AND ARMLETS, ETC., INSTEAD OF COINS 17 CHAPTER II. _SUMMARY OF THE CYMRIC EVIDENCE._ I. THE UNIT OF CYMRIC TRIBAL SOCIETY 21 II. THE CONSTITUTION AND WORKING OF THE GWELY 23 III. THE LIABILITY OF THE WIDER KINDRED FOR GALANAS IN CASE OF HOMICIDE 30 IV. THE FISCAL UNIT FOR THE PURPOSE OF FOOD-RENTS TO THE CHIEFTAINS 33 V. THE METHOD OF PAYMENT OF GALANAS BETWEEN KINDREDS 42 VI. THE AMOUNT OF THE CYMRIC GALANAS 46 VII. THE METHODS OF TREATMENT OF STRANGERS OR NON-TRIBESMEN 50 CHAPTER III. _THE EVIDENCE OF BEOWULF ON TRIBAL CUSTOM REGULATING FEUDS &c._, 56 CHAPTER IV. _TRIBAL CUSTOM OF THE IRISH TRIBES._ I. THE ERIC FINE OF THE BREHON LAWS 73 II. THE HONOUR-PRICE (ENECLANN) 80 III. THE GRADATIONS IN RANK UNDER THE BREHON LAWS 83 IV. THE CURRENCY IN WHICH THE BREHON FINES WERE PAID 97 V. THE IRISH COIRP-DIRE AND HONOUR-PRICE TRACED FURTHER BACK THAN THE BREHON LAWS 100 VI. THE BRETON OR GALLIC WERGELD OF THE SO-CALLED ‘CANONES WALLICI’ 105 VII. THE WERGELD OF ANCIENT GAELIC CUSTOM. THE EVIDENCE OF CÆSAR 115 CHAPTER V. _THE WERGELDS OF THE BURGUNDIAN AND WISIGOTHIC LAWS._ I. THE BURGUNDIAN WERGELDS 121 II. THE WERGELDS OF THE LEX WISIGOTHORUM 126 CHAPTER VI. _TRIBAL CUSTOMS OF FRANKS AND OF THE TRIBES CONQUERED BY THE MEROVINGIAN KINGS._ I. THE WERGELDS OF THE LEX SALICA 131 II. THE DIVISION OF CLASSES AS SHOWN BY THE AMOUNT OF THE WERGELD 147 III. TRIBAL RULES OF SUCCESSION IN ‘TERRA SALICA’ 150 IV. THE WERGELDS AND DIVISION OF CLASSES IN THE ‘LEX RIPUARIORUM’ 163 V. THE ALAMANNIC AND BAVARIAN LAWS 172 CHAPTER VII. _TRIBAL CUSTOMS OF THE TRIBES CONQUERED BY CHARLEMAGNE._ I. THE EFFECT UPON WERGELDS OF THE NOVA MONETA 179 II. THE LEX FRISIONUM 194 III. THE LEX SAXONUM 213 IV. LEX ANGLIORUM ET WERINORUM, HOC EST THURINGORUM 224 V. THE SO-CALLED LEX CHAMAVORUM 229 VI. CONCLUDING REMARKS 231 CHAPTER VIII. _THE TRIBAL CUSTOMS OF THE OLDEST SCANDINAVIAN LAWS._ I. THE MONETARY SYSTEM OF SCANDINAVIA 233 II. THE WERGELDS OF THE GULATHING AND FROSTATHING LAW 238 III. THE GRADATIONS OF SOCIAL RANK DISCLOSED BY THE WERGELDS ETC. 260 IV. THE CLASSES OF FREE MEN AND THEIR RELATION TO LAND 271 V. THE LEX SCANIA ANTIQUA 276 VI. SCANIAN AND LOMBARDIC CUSTOM COMPARED 292 CHAPTER IX. _TRIBAL CUSTOM IN SCOTLAND._ I. TRACES OF TRIBAL CUSTOM IN THE LAWS OF THE EARLY KINGS 297 II. THE ‘REGIAM MAJESTATEM’ 302 III. ‘LEGES INTER BRETTOS ET SCOTOS’ 307 IV. RECOGNITION OF THE FOURTH AND NINTH DEGREES OF KINDRED IN SCOTLAND 318 CHAPTER X. _ANGLO-SAXON CUSTOM FROM THE NORMAN POINT OF VIEW._ I. ANGLO-SAXON CUSTOM AS APPLIED TO NORMANS 321 II. NORMAN VIEW OF WESSEX CUSTOM 325 CHAPTER XI. _DANISH VIEW OF ANGLO-SAXON CUSTOM._ I. THE ‘DE INSTITUTIS LUNDONIE’--OF CNUT (?) 337 II. FRAGMENT ‘OF “GRITH” AND OF “MUND”’ 344 III. THE ‘FRITH’ BETWEEN ETHELRED II. AND OLAF TRYGGVASON, A.D. 993 349 CHAPTER XII. _ANGLO-SAXON CUSTOM FROM THE VIKING OR NORTHMEN’S POINT OF VIEW._ I. THE COMPACT BETWEEN KING ALFRED AND GUTHRUM, A.D. 886 351 II. THE COURSE OF PROCEDURE IN PAYMENT OF WERGELD 356 III. FRAGMENTS OF MERCIAN AND NORTH PEOPLE’S LAW 360 CHAPTER XIII. _EARLY ANGLO-SAXON CUSTOM._ I. KING ALFRED’S DOOMS 370 II. THE DIALOGUE OF EGBERT, ARCHBISHOP OF YORK, A.D. 732-766. ECCLESIASTICAL OATHS AND WERGELDS 377 III. THE DOOMS OF INE, A.D. 688-725 386 IV. THE POSITION OF STRANGERS IN BLOOD UNDER KING INE’S LAWS--THE SIX-HYNDEMAN 396 V. THE TWELVE-HYNDE AND TWY-HYNDE MEN AND THEIR HYNDENS OF OATH-HELPERS 406 VI. THE GESITHCUND AND CEORLISC CLASSES IN THEIR CONNECTION WITH LAND 417 VII. COMPARISON OF WESSEX AND MERCIAN WERGELDS WITH THOSE OF CONTINENTAL TRIBES 436 CHAPTER XIV. _THE LAWS OF THE KENTISH KINGS._ I. DISTINCTION FROM ANGLO-SAXON LAWS, A.D. 596-696 440 II. THE SCÆTTS AND SCILLINGS OF THE KENTISH LAWS 443 III. THE LAWS OF ETHELBERT 455 IV. THE LAWS OF HLOTHÆRE AND EADRIC, A.D. 685-6 467 V. THE LAWS OF KING WIHTRÆD, A.D. 690-696 476 VI. THE DIVISION OF CLASSES UNDER KENTISH CUSTOM 481 VII. THE AMOUNT OF THE KENTISH WERGELDS 487 VIII. RESULT OF THE KENTISH EVIDENCE 492 CHAPTER XV. _GENERAL CONCLUSIONS_ 496 INDEX 533 CHAPTER I. _THE CURRENCY IN WHICH WERGELDS WERE RECKONED AND PAID._ I. CONNECTION BETWEEN THE WERGELD OF 100 HEAD OF CATTLE AND THE MINA OF 100 GOLD STATERS. [Sidenote: The currencies in which wergelds were paid.] The inquiry pursued in this volume partakes so much of the character of a study of the wergelds of the various tribes of North-western Europe that it becomes necessary as briefly as possible to call attention at the outset to the currencies in which they were reckoned and paid. [Sidenote: Cows.] The Cymric galanas or death fine was reckoned in cows, and the cows were equated with silver. [Sidenote: Female slaves.] The Irish ‘eric’ of the Brehon laws was stated in _cumhals_ or female slaves, and lesser payments in cows and heifers, and these were all equated with silver. [Sidenote: Silver.] The Anglo-Saxon wergelds were stated, with perhaps one exception, in silver scillings. The wergelds of the Scandinavian tribes were generally stated in their laws in silver marks, ores, and ortugs, with the equivalent in gold at a ratio of 1:8, and also in cows. [Sidenote: Gold solidi.] Those of the Continental German tribes were generally stated in gold solidi, but the statements were sometimes supplemented by clauses describing the value of the animals, whether oxen or cows, in which the payments were, in practice, still evidently made, at the date of the laws. [Sidenote: Early equation between cattle and gold.] Professor Ridgeway[1] has shown that the equation between cattle and gold may go back a long way into the past of Eastern tradition. The result of his careful inquiry was the brilliant suggestion that the ox--the most usual unit of payment in agricultural countries--was very early and very generally equated in Assyrian, Babylonian, Persian, and Greek usage with the gold stater or didrachma. [Sidenote: Greek stater the ox-unit.] The stater was reckoned in Greek usage as of 192 wheat-grains.[2] It was divided into 6 diobols of 32 wheat-grains. And throughout the East the usual multiples of the stater were the _light mina_ of 50 staters and the _heavy mina_ of 100 staters or 19,200 wheat-grains.[3] Now if the gold stater of 192 wheat-grains is to be recognised as the ox-unit in traditional equations between cattle and gold, another very important recognition suggests itself. [Sidenote: Normal wergelds of 100 head of cattle] Wergelds being first paid in cattle, it was natural that a round number of cattle should be chosen, and instances are not wanting in the Eastern world suggesting that ‘a hundred head of cattle’ was a customary normal wergeld of wide prevalence. Among the Arabs to this day Professor Robertson Smith states[4] that the camel is the unit of payment, and that, in a feud between two Meccan tribes, the manslayer has the alternative of paying 100 camels or bringing 50 of his kin to take oath of purgation, or lastly of abiding the blood-feud. According to the laws of Manu, if one of the highest of the twice-born Brahman class slew one of the Warrior class involuntarily, he might cleanse himself by paying to the Brahmans or priests 1000 cows and a bull. If he slew one of the agricultural or trading class, the payment was 100 cows and a bull. If he slew one of the servile class, the payment was 10 cows and a bull.[5] In this case 100 cows seem to have been the normal wergeld, and the wergelds of those of higher or lower caste or rank seem to have been multiples or fractions of it. In Homer there are indications of the same thing. Lycaon was sold as a captive for 100 oxen and redeemed as a chieftain’s son for 300 oxen--being apparently valued at a threefold wergeld on account of his recognised princely rank. Iliad, XXI. 39. ‘And at that time he sold him into well-peopled Lemnos, sending him on shipboard, and the son of Jason gave a price for him and thence a guest-friend freed him with a great ransom, Eetion of Imbros, and sent him to goodly Arisbe; whence flying secretly he came to his father’s house (at Troy). Eleven days he rejoiced among his friends after he was come from Lemnos, but on the twelfth once more God brought him into the hands of Achilles again.’ 71. ‘Then Lykaon besought him.… At thy table first I tasted meal of Demeter on the day when thou didst take me captive in the well-ordered orchard, and didst sell me away from my father (Priam) and my friends unto goodly Lemnos, and _I fetched thee the price of an hundred oxen_. And now I have been ransomed _for thrice that_, and this is my twelfth morn since I came to Ilios after much pain.’ [Sidenote: The normal wergeld equated with the gold mina of 100 staters.] Now if a herd of 100 head of cattle had come to be a common normal wergeld in the Eastern world, and if the gold stater had come to be regarded as the ox-unit, it follows that the heavy gold mina of 100 staters would easily come to be adopted as a common equivalent for the wergeld of 100 head of cattle. Nor are we without examples which show that this connection of the wergeld with the gold mina was not altogether foreign to traditional modes of thought. In the laws of Gortyn[6] a man whose life was forfeit for crime might be redeemed by his kindred for 100 staters, _i.e._ the heavy gold mina. The ransom of prisoners between certain Greek tribes or states according to Herodotus was two minas, _i.e._ one heavy mina.[7] There is a curious instance in the Mosaic law of the connection of something like a wergeld with the mina of silver. In the last chapter of Leviticus the price to be paid for the redemption of a man dedicated by a vow to the service of the Sanctuary was 50 shekels of silver: that is, the light mina of silver. II. THE SAME EQUATION REPEATED BETWEEN THE WERGELDS OF WESTERN TRIBES AND 200 GOLD SOLIDI OF CONSTANTINE. [Sidenote: The gold solidus of Constantine a half-stater.] Following the same thread of suggestion and turning from the Eastern to the Western world, we pass at a leap from the Eastern gold stater of 192 wheat-grains to the gold solidus of Constantine, of exactly half that number. Up to the time of Constantine there had been confusion in the currency of the Roman Empire. It had been mainly a silver currency. Few gold coins were in general circulation, and these were of various standards. But at last the gold solidus of Constantine placed the world in possession of a fixed gold standard acknowledged all over Europe and remaining unchanged till the fall of the Eastern Empire. The importance of this fact is obvious. For our knowledge of most of the wergelds of the tribes conquered by the Merovingian Franks and later on by Charlemagne is dependent upon it, inasmuch as the laws in which the customs of these tribes were in some sense codified, almost always describe the wergelds in gold solidi. The gold solidus of Constantine was fixed by him at 1/72 of the Roman pound or ⅙ of the Roman ounce. The Roman pound (originally used for copper) was built up from the scripulum according to the duodecimal system of the _As_, thus: Scripulum 24 wheat-grains = 1·135 grammes Uncia (of 24) 576 ” = 27·25 ” Libra (of 288) 6912 ” = 327· ” [Sidenote: Gold tremisses of 32 wheat-grains.] The solidus of Constantine therefore contained 96 wheat-grains of gold, exactly the same number as the Eastern drachma, and half that of the stater or didrachma. At the same time smaller coins--thirds of the solidus, called _trientes_ or _tremisses_--were issued in great numbers, and these tremisses contained 32 wheat-grains of gold, exactly the same number as the Greek _diobol_. [Sidenote: The normal wergeld of 200 gold solidi = gold mina.] So that, in wheat-grains, the very prevalent statement of the wergeld of the full freeman in the laws of various tribes as 200 gold solidi was in fact the same thing as a statement that the wergeld was a _heavy gold mina_, for 200 solidi of 96 wheat-grains contained exactly the same number of wheat-grains as did the heavy mina of ancient Eastern usage--viz. 19,200. In other words, so persistent seems to have been the traditional connection of the wergeld with the gold _mina_ that Roman monetary usage was overruled, and instead of reckoning in Roman drachmas, ounces, and pounds, the wergelds were reckoned once more, or perhaps we should say continued to be reckoned, in what was really the heavy gold _mina_ of 200 solidi. [Sidenote: And was often the equivalent of 100 oxen.] Further than this, in the laws of some of the tribes, as we shall find, the double solidus or stater still retained its position as the gold equivalent of the ox, so that the typical wergeld of 200 gold solidi in these cases was actually, like the _mina_, the gold equivalent of 100 oxen. Even where variations are found from this prevalent equation we shall still sometimes find the principle preserved, some other animal being substituted for the ox, and sometimes the long hundred of 120 being substituted for the decimal hundred. [Sidenote: The standard weight of the wheat-grain varied.] If this had been the whole truth the matter would be simple. But the fact is that, although the wergeld of 200 solidi of Constantine was the exact equivalent of the heavy gold mina reckoned in _wheat-grains_, there were differences in the standard weight of the wheat-grain. As already mentioned, the actual weights of Eastern and Greek staters were not exactly alike, and the Roman standard, in actual weight, was higher than the Eastern and Greek standards. The latest authorities, Hultsch and Lehmann,[8] on the evidence of inscribed weights, describe what may for convenience be called the Eastern gold mina--_i.e._ the _heavy_ gold mina of Assyrian and Babylonian metrology--as weighing 818 grammes, or 100 staters of 8·18 grammes. They tell us also that there was a _commercial_ mina of 120 of the same staters. This commercial mina therefore weighed 982 grammes, and metrologists have inferred that the Roman pound was derived from this commercial mina being in fact exactly one third of its weight, or 327 grammes. Now, as the commercial mina contained 120 staters of 8·18 grammes, it is obvious that the Roman pound, being one third of it, ought to have been divided, had Eastern reckoning been followed, not, as Constantine divided it, into 36 staters of 9·08 grammes, but rather into 40 staters of 8·18 grammes. In other words, had Constantine, instead of following the Roman system of division, followed the Eastern system and divided the Roman pound into 40 staters of 8·18 grammes in weight, his double solidus, whilst containing 192 Eastern wheat-grains, would have contained only 172·8 Roman wheat-grains. As a matter of fact the Eastern stater of 8·18 grammes, if put in the Roman scales of Constantine, would have weighed only 172·8 wheat-grains of Roman standard, and the tremisses 28·8 wheat-grains. The Roman pound would have contained 240 of such tremisses, and the ounce 20 of them. [Sidenote: The Roman lb. divided into 240 smaller tremisses of 28·8 wheat-grains.] This is not the place to enter more deeply into the metrological question, but its interest in this inquiry lies in the fact that in Western Europe, in spite of Roman conquests and Roman influence, and in spite of the general knowledge and prevalence of the gold solidi and tremisses of the Empire, there seems to have been a remarkable tendency, consciously or unconsciously, to revert to the Eastern standard by dividing the Roman pound into 40 staters, 80 solidi, and 240 tremisses. The ancient Gallic gold coinage, extending from the valley of the Danube across Gaul into Britain, was apparently of this ancient Eastern standard. And Cæsar himself, after his conquest of Gaul, reverted to it when he issued gold staters of one fortieth of the Roman pound.[9] Finally we shall find, in our next section, the Merovingian Franks, consciously or unconsciously, doing the same. III. THE FRANKISH CURRENCY. [Sidenote: The early currency of the Franks mostly gold.] Most of the laws of the Continental tribes seem to have had their origin in the necessity to commit into writing what remained of local custom after Frankish conquest. Broadly speaking they belong to two periods--the earlier one that of the conquests of the Merovingian Franks, and the later one that of the conquests of Charlemagne. It becomes necessary, therefore, to distinguish between the coinage and currency of the two periods.[10] When we turn from the Imperial currency of gold solidi and tremisses to that of the Frankish princes, we find them using a peculiar system of monetary reckoning, founded upon the metrical system already alluded to, of 20 tremisses or pence to the ounce and 240 to the pound. [Sidenote: At first of Roman solidi and tremisses; afterwards of the smaller tremisses of 28·8 wheat-grains; then of silver tremisses or pence of the same weight.] At first the Merovingian kings seem to have used or copied the Imperial solidi and tremisses. But before long they issued an abundant gold currency of their own, consisting almost entirely of tremisses. And these tremisses were reduced in weight by the division of the Roman pound of 6912 wheat-grains into 240 tremisses of 1/20 of the ounce, _i.e._ 28·8 instead of 32 wheat-grains. The abundant currency of these lighter gold tremisses continued till nearly the close of the Merovingian period. And how abundant this gold currency was, is shown by the fact that nearly 10,000 examples are recorded in the catalogues of Merovingian coins in public and private collections. But towards the close of the Merovingian period came one of those strange monetary changes, so difficult to account for, which before long put an end altogether to the issue of these gold tremisses. All through the Merovingian period payments had no doubt been made in silver as well as in gold, by weight, and during the later part of the period silver tremisses were issued of the same weight as the gold. And thus gradually, at first concurrently with the gold tremisses and at last driving them out, came into use a silver currency of 20 pence to the ounce and 240 to the Roman pound. With this silver currency and the following of this weight system came in apparently the method of silver monetary reckoning, so familiar to us, of dividing the pound of 240 pence into 20 solidi or shillings of 12 pence--the pound being still the Roman pound of 6912 wheat-grains. This silver solidus was, however, only one of account and was never issued as a coin. [Sidenote: The _nova moneta_ of Charlemagne.] Finally, just before Charlemagne assumed the title of Emperor another change was made by the issue of his _nova moneta_. [Sidenote: His pound of 240 silver tremisses of 32 wheat-grains, and silver solidus of account of 12 pence.] The silver currency had by this time become predominant, and in the capitularies the silver solidus of 12 pence had already come into use. Charlemagne, in issuing the _nova moneta_, made no alteration in the method of reckoning, except that he brought the weight of the silver tremissis or penny back again to the Imperial standard of 32 wheat-grains, thus making his pound of 240 of the new pence 7680 wheat-grains instead of 6912 and the ounce 640 instead of 576. At the same time we shall find that he tried, by making his _nova moneta_ legal tender, to force the new silver solidus of 12 pence into use as equivalent, in payments, for the gold solidus of three gold tremisses, which up to that time had been the solidus of the Salic laws. [Sidenote: Made legal tender at a ratio of 1:4 with gold.] This involved the altogether impossible ratio of 1:4 between the two metals instead of the Imperial ratio of 1:12. In considering the wergelds of the laws belonging to this period, we shall find plenty of evidence of the confusion resulting from this remarkable experiment, made more apparent by the fact that the ratio of 1:12 was restored by one of Charlemagne’s successors. It has been necessary to trouble the reader with this brief statement of somewhat complicated facts, because it would be impossible to understand the wergelds of the various Continental tribes if they were not borne in mind. For the understanding of these wergelds the points to be considered will be:-- (1) As regards the laws, the recensions of which date from Merovingian times, it will be necessary to ask whether the solidi and tremisses were of Imperial or of Merovingian standard. (2) As regards the later laws, the recensions of which date from the conquests of Charlemagne, we shall have to consider whether the wergelds are stated in gold solidi and tremisses, or in the silver solidi and pence of the _nova moneta_ of Charlemagne. IV. THE NORMAN AND ANGLO-SAXON CURRENCY. Working back from the known to the unknown, the facts relating to the Norman and Anglo-Saxon currency, speaking generally, confirm what has already been said of the Frankish currency, and become intelligible when the two currencies are considered together. [Sidenote: The Norman and later Anglo-Saxon pound of 240 pence of 32 wheat-grains.] In the first place, the Norman and Anglo-Saxon pound at the time of the Norman conquest was the pound of 7680 wheat-grains of silver or 240 silver pence of 32 wheat-grains, like that of the _nova moneta_ of Charlemagne, and the Normans, like the Franks, divided it for monetary purposes into 20 shillings of 12 pence. At the same time the Normans recognised that the Mercians had all along reckoned in silver scillings of 4 pence, and the men of Wessex in scillings of 5 pence. [Sidenote: The earlier pound of 240 sceatts or silver tremisses of 28·8 wheat-grains.] If we examine the actual coinage of the Anglo-Saxons we find that, like that of the Franks, it may be divided into two periods. The earlier one corresponded to the Merovingian period during which the penny or sceatt of Mercia and Wessex was of 28·8 wheat-grains, like the silver tremisses or pence across the Channel.[11] The later period commenced when Offa in Mercia, followed by Alfred in Wessex, abandoned the ‘sceatt’ and issued pence like those of the _nova moneta_ of Charlemagne of 32 wheat-grains. So marked is the distinction between the silver pence of the two periods in type and weight that they are known by numismatists as the ‘Sceatt series’ and the ‘Penny series.’ Finally, just as, in the case of the Frankish currency, the pound of 240 sceatts was the Roman pound of 6912 wheat-grains, so the pound of 240 of the later pence was the pound of the _nova moneta_ of 7680 wheat-grains, which in England after the Conquest became the standard or Tower pound. At the same time it must be remembered that the identity or difference in these cases is in the reckoning in wheat-grains, and that there was room for some variation in the actual weight of the coins. V. THE MINAS WHICH SURVIVED IN USE SIDE BY SIDE WITH THE ROMAN POUND. According to the writers of the Merovingian and later period collected by Hultsch,[12] the Roman pound was not the only standard of weight which was in customary use in Europe. [Sidenote: The gold mina of 200 gold solidi.] We have seen that the commonly prevalent wergeld of 200 gold solidi was in fact the same thing, in wheat-grains, as the heavy Eastern and Greek gold mina of 19,200 wheat-grains. But besides this, there were two other minas of interest to this inquiry which seem to have been more or less locally in use, and more or less connected with the wergelds. [Sidenote: The _mina Italica_ of 240 scripula of 24 wheat-grains or 20 Roman ounces.] It seems that the Roman pound of 12 ounces was not the only pound in use in Italy. A still older Roman pound of 10 Roman ounces or 5760 wheat-grains seems to have existed,[13] which was in fact a pound of 240 scripula of 24 wheat-grains. And two of these pounds made what was called the _mina Italica_ of 20 Roman ounces. This mina Italica survived into Merovingian times. It contained 480 Roman scripula, and according to authorities quoted by Hultsch[14] the _scripulum_ was so far a common unit in Gaul as to have earned the name of the _denarius Gallicus_. The number of Roman wheat-grains in the mina Italica was 11,520. Its weight was 545 grammes. In the Merovingian formulæ and in the early charters of St. Gall there are constant references to fines of so many _libræ_ of gold and so many _pondera_ of silver, from which the inference may be drawn that the pondus of silver was a different weight from the libra of gold. Whether the older Roman pound or half-mina-Italica was the ‘pondus’ or not, the fact that it consisted of 240 scripula may possibly have made it a precedent for the monetary mode of reckoning of 240 pence to the pound, adopted by the Franks and Anglo-Saxons. This mina Italica has also a Celtic interest. It is curious to note that whilst so late as the tenth century the Cymric galanas or wergeld was paid in cows, the cow was equated with a monetary reckoning in scores of pence, or _unciæ argenti_, of which twelve made a pound of 240 pence. At the same time in the Cymric Codes there are mentioned, as we shall find, two kinds of pence: the _legal_ pence, probably those current at the time in England of 32 w.g., and the _curt_ pence or scripula of one third less, viz. 24 w.g. Now, whilst 240 of the former would equal the pound of the _nova moneta_ of Charlemagne, and of later Anglo-Saxon reckoning, 240 of the _curt_ pence or scripula would equal the older Roman pound or half-mina-Italica. Turning from the Cymric monetary system to that of the early Irish manuscripts and Brehon laws, we shall find that it was based on the Roman scripulum of 24 wheat-grains, and not, like the Anglo-Saxon and Frankish system, on the tremissis. And we shall find that though thus based upon the scripulum and the ounce, when payments were made in gold and silver, the reckoning, instead of making use of the Roman or any other pound, counted rather in _scores of ounces_; _i.e._ consciously or unconsciously, in so many of the mina Italica. [Sidenote: The _mina Attica_ of 16 Roman ounces or 2 marks.] So much for the _mina Italica_ and its possible Anglo-Saxon and Celtic connections. The other mina, the mention of which is important, formed the probable basis of Scandinavian reckoning in _marks_ instead of in pounds. The authorities collected by Hultsch describe this mina as of 16 Roman ounces, and as the ‘_mina Attica_.’[15] It is a fact that 16 Roman ounces did exactly equal in weight (though not in wheat-grains) the light mina of 50 Attic staters or 100 drachmas. But under Roman influence this Attic mina no longer was divided like a mina into 100 drachmas, but had become twisted, as it were, into 16 Roman ounces and into 96 solidi of Constantine. [Sidenote: The mark, ore, and ortug of Scandinavia.] In Northern Europe, in nearly all the systems of reckoning which survived from mediæval times, the pound of 12 ounces was ignored. A pound of 16 ounces had taken its place. And this pound or mina of 16 ounces lay, as we shall find, at the root of the system of the earliest Scandinavian laws, with its monetary marks, ores, and ortugs, for it was the double of the _mark_ of 8 ounces. The Russian zolotnic (or ‘gold piece’), on which the weight system of Russia is based, was theoretically identical in wheat-grains with the Roman solidus, and the Scandinavian ortug with the double solidus or stater. It is not needful to dwell further upon these points at this moment; but it will become important to recognise the Byzantine or Eastern origin of the mina of 16 Roman ounces when we come to consider the wergelds of Northern Europe, and particularly the equation between the Danish wergeld of 8 half-marks of gold and the silver wergelds of Wessex and Mercia as described in the compact between Alfred and Guthrum. In that compact we shall have to recognise not only the contact of two methods of monetary reckoning widely separated in origin, the one of gold and the other of silver, but also the clashing of two traditional ratios between the two metals, viz. the Scandinavian ratio of 1:8, and the restored Imperial ratio of 1:12 followed by the Anglo-Saxons. VI. THE USE OF GOLD TORQUES AND ARMLETS, &C., INSTEAD OF COINS. [Sidenote: Wergelds paid in cattle or gold or silver by weight.] Although the amounts of the wergelds are generally stated in the laws in gold or silver currency, more or less directly equated with the cattle in which they were originally paid, it would be a great mistake to imagine that the wergelds were often paid actually in coin. A moment’s consideration makes it clear that a wergeld of a hundred head of cattle, whether paid as of old in cattle or in gold or silver, was a payment too large to be paid in _coin_. It was a payment that no ordinary individual could pay without the aid of his kindred, and it is hardly likely that so large an amount in actual coin could be collected even from the kindred of the murderer. [Sidenote: Gold torques &c. made of a certain weight and used in payments.] There is plenty of evidence to show that large payments in gold and silver were mostly made by weight, and very often in gold articles--torques, armlets, and bracelets--made to a certain weight. In the Scald’s tale is the well-known passage:-- He to me a beag gave On which six hundred was Of beaten gold Scored of sceatts In scillings reckoned. Whether the true meaning be six hundred sceatts or six hundred scillings, we have here a beag with its weight marked upon it. The museums of Scandinavia and of Ireland--the two poles of German and Celtic culture--are full of these gold objects, and very frequently little coils of fine gold wire are wound round them to raise their weight to the required standard. [Sidenote: Gold and silver objects weighing so many mancuses.] It may be mentioned, further, in passing, that in many early Anglo-Saxon charters payments and donations are made in gold and silver objects, and that the weights of these are sometimes stated in so many _mancuses_--the mancus being apparently a weight of gold or silver of 30 pence, and equated in the later laws, in its silver value, with the value of the ox.[16] [Sidenote: An historical example.] It may be worth while before concluding this chapter to refer to an historic example of the use of gold objects of definite weight, and the adjustment of their value in differing currencies. The incident deserves to be noticed, and may be of use in helping to fix upon the memory the difference, so often alluded to, between the Roman pound of 6912 wheat-grains and Charlemagne’s pound of 7680 wheat-grains. It belongs to the precise moment when Charlemagne, having issued his _nova moneta_, was contemplating his visit to Rome and the assumption of the Imperial title, and it has an historical interest as showing that the _nova moneta_ was issued before the Imperial title was assumed. Alcuin, who had long resided at the Court of Charlemagne, was now lying ill at Tours. In order to consult him, probably respecting the Imperial title, Charlemagne, with his queen Liutgarda, proceeded to visit him at Tours. Liutgarda was apparently taken ill while there, and died June 4 A.D. 800. [Sidenote: Alcuin weighs gold bracelets in the scales of the _nova moneta_.] During her illness Alcuin sent a messenger to Paulinus, the Patriarch of Aquileia, with two _armillæ_ of fine gold from Liutgarda,[17] so that he and his priests might pray for her. He stated in his letter to Paulinus that these armillæ weighed ‘xxiv. denarii less than a full pound of the _nova moneta_ of the king.’ Alcuin thus weighed the bracelets in the scales of the _nova moneta_, and they weighed twenty-four pence less than Charlemagne’s pound of 7680 wheat-grains. The interesting point is that 24 pence of the _nova moneta_ (24 × 32 = 768) deducted from the pound of Charlemagne left exactly 6912 wheat-grains. So that when Paulinus weighed the gold bracelets in his Roman scales he would find they weighed exactly a Roman pound.[18] [Sidenote: But in correspondence with Ireland uses Roman weights.] And yet, though writing from Charlemagne’s Court, Alcuin, when addressing his ecclesiastical friends in Ireland, no longer used the terms of the Frankish currency. It was after all a local one. Charlemagne’s Empire had its limits, and Ireland was beyond them. The area of ecclesiastical rule was wider than both Empires put together. Alcuin writes that he and his Imperial master had distributed among the Irish monasteries so many _sicli_ of silver. The _siclus_, according to the authorities collected by Hultsch,[19] was equal to two Roman _argentei_ or drachmas of silver. So that Alcuin used the di-drachma or stater of Roman reckoning as fixed in the time of Nero, when corresponding with churches outside the Empire of his Frankish master. [Sidenote: Archbishop Egbert also uses Roman weights instead of local ones.] As we proceed in our inquiries we shall find another great ecclesiastic (Egbert, archbishop of York and brother of the Northumbrian king) using the same Roman monetary terms in replying to the question of his clergy respecting the wergelds to be claimed in taking their proper position and rank in the Northumbrian kingdom. The answer was given in Roman _argentei_ and _sicli_, and not in Frankish solidi, or Anglo-Saxon scillings, or any other local currency. In conclusion, the various currencies in which wergelds were paid may at first sight be perplexing, but the relevance of the facts stated in this chapter to a right understanding of the wergelds of various tribes under tribal custom, and of the amount of the wergelds to a right understanding of the constitution of tribal society, will become more and more apparent as the inquiry proceeds. CHAPTER II. _SUMMARY OF THE CYMRIC EVIDENCE._ I. THE UNIT OF CYMRIC TRIBAL SOCIETY. The next step in this inquiry will be to give a brief summary of the results of the evidence contained in the volume on the ‘Tribal System in Wales,’ adding at the same time such further details as may be useful in helping us to realise the methods by which tribal custom worked itself out in practice.[20] [Sidenote: The Cymric unit of landholding was the gwely.] The chief fact revealed by the examination of the Extents and Surveys of different parts of Wales made after the English conquest, taken together with the Cymric Codes, was that the unit of society and of land-occupation under Cymric tribal custom was not the individual, and not the immediate family, but the group of kindred known as the ‘_Wele_’ or ‘_Gwely_.’ Such and such a Villata or District is described in the surveys as in the occupation of the gwelys of so and so, the Latin word used for gwely being ‘lectus’ or bed. [Sidenote: The gwely was a family group of a great-grandfather and his descendants.] The form of society thus revealed was _patriarchal_ in the sense that the common ancestor (generally conceived to be the great-grandfather) during his life, and even after his death, was regarded as the head of the _gwely_ or group of his descendants for three generations. In his name as its head this family group occupied land and had grazing rights over certain districts, sometimes alone, more often in common with other family groups. As to what is meant by land ownership in the full modern sense, the question may not have arisen, or it might have come in gradually sooner or later, as agriculture came more and more into prominence. What property, strictly speaking, the tribesmen owned consisted mainly of herds of cattle. Naturally, therefore, what rights over land they may have had were mainly rights of occupation and grazing in certain districts for their herds. Their agriculture was secondary, and consisted of the right to plough up such portions of the waste or common pasture as year by year might be required for their corn crop. All that need be said at this moment about their agriculture is that it was an open field husbandry, the result of the co-ploughing of a common plough-team normally of 8 oxen, the joint contribution of several tribesmen. [Sidenote: The young tribesman is dependent on the chief, not on his father. The tribesmen recover their _da_ or cattle from him as their chief for their maintenance.] Returning to the gwely, we find that when a child was born into it, whether boy or girl, it was formally acknowledged by the kindred. It remained ‘at the father’s platter’ to a certain age (generally 14), and then the father ceased to be responsible. The boy at 14 became the ‘man and kin’ of the chieftain of the family group, or it might be of the higher kindred embracing several of the gwelys. From that moment the boy obtained by ‘kin and descent’ a tribesman’s right of maintenance. That is to say, he received from the chieftain his _da_, probably in the form of an allotment of cattle,[21] and with it the right to join in the co-ploughing of the waste. He became thus a tribesman on his own hook, apart from his father. So that the unit of society was not simply the family in the modern sense of a parent and his children, but the wider kindred of the gwely or the group of related gwelys headed by the chieftain who provided the _da_. II. THE CONSTITUTION AND WORKING OF THE GWELY. Now, as the gwely was the unit of land-occupation, it is worth while to try to realise a little further what it was and how it worked. [Sidenote: The simplest form of the gwely. The landed rights vested in the chief, and he gives cattle out of the common herd to tribesmen for their maintenance.] Viewed in its simplest, and perhaps original form, it was a family group of four generations, the landed rights of which were vested in the great-grandfather as its chieftain. The tribesmen, his descendants, had only rights of maintenance. By right of ‘kin and descent’ they had received their _da_ from the chieftain. The flocks and herds of the chieftain were the common stock out of which the _da_ had been given, and there is reason to believe that under earlier custom, on the death of a tribesman, his _da_ went back into the common stock of the chieftain. [Sidenote: Probably at first no succession by representation on a tribesman’s death. But in the codes a _peculium_ admitted which went to children.] At the date of the codes it did so when the tribesman died _without issue_. But in the codes a _peculium_ of private property of which the _da_ was the kernel is recognised and allowed to descend to a tribesman’s children instead of falling into the common stock. [Sidenote: A redivision takes place _per capita_ as each generation dies off.] When the great-grandfather died, the chieftainship, with the landed rights and the herds, was divided between his sons, who as brothers thus became chiefs of sub-gwelys. But the original gwely did not then break up, because there would be a right of division _per capita_ when the brothers were dead between first cousins, and when the first cousins were dead between second cousins. The division between brothers was probably originally made only between those sons of the parent who were living at his death. Like the sons of the surviving brothers, the sons of a deceased brother must be content with their _da_ till all the brothers were dead, and in the division between first cousins they would take their share _per capita_ along with the rest. But at the time of the codes, by what Continental examples lead us to regard as an innovation, the orphaned nephews were allowed in the division to succeed at once, side by side with their uncles, to the share and position which their father would have taken had he survived. [Sidenote: The rights and property of a tribesman dying without issue fall into the common stock.] Even after this innovation, if a brother had died _without issue_, his brothers as brothers did not at once succeed as co-heirs. The share fell into the common stock till a division, and then went to all the co-inheritors _per capita_, so that cousins, and it might be even second cousins, took their shares in it. The introduction of succession by representation to a deceased father’s property and privilege was, as we shall see in Continental cases, a step taken in the direction of individual ownership. It complicated the matter of the division or devolution of the chieftainship in the gwely, but it is a point of interest in connection with the Continental evidence. A clear understanding of the constitution and working of the gwely, as a typical family group, is so important to this inquiry that it is worth while to place before the reader the passages in codes upon which, taken together with the surveys, the foregoing description of it rests. [Sidenote: Clauses in the Venedotian Code.] The following is the clause in the Venedotian Code describing what took place in the gwely, under the heading ‘The Law of Brothers for Land:’ Thus, brothers are to share land between them: four erws to every tyddyn [homestead]. Bleddyn, son of Cynvyn, altered it to twelve erws to the uchelwr, and eight to the aillt, and four to the godaeog; yet, nevertheless, it is most usual that four erws be in the tyddyn.… If there be no buildings on the land, the youngest son is to divide all the patrimony (trew y tat), and the eldest is to choose, and each in seniority choose unto the youngest. If there be buildings the youngest brother but one is to divide the tyddyns, for in that case he is the meter; and the youngest to have his choice of the tyddyns; and after that he is to divide all the patrimony; and by seniority they are to choose unto the youngest; and that division is to continue during the lives of the brothers. And after the brothers are dead, the first cousins are to equalise if they will it; and thus they are to do: the heir of the youngest brother is to equalise, and the heir of the eldest brother is to choose, and so by seniority unto the youngest; and that distribution is to continue between them during their lives. And if second cousins should dislike the distribution which took place between their parents, they also may co-equate in the same manner as the first cousins; and after that division no one is either to distribute or to co-equate. Tir gwelyauc is to be treated as we have above stated.[22] [Sidenote: Clauses in the Dimetian Code.] In the Dimetian Code the same rules of division are stated as follows: When brothers share their patrimony (tref-eu-tat) between them, the youngest is to have the principal tyddyn, and all the buildings of his father, and eight erws of land, his boiler, his fuel hatchet, and his coulter, because a father cannot give those three to any but the youngest son, and though they should be pledged they never become forfeited. Then let every brother take a homestead (eissydyn) with eight erws of land, and the youngest son is to share, and they are to choose in succession from the eldest to the youngest. Three times shall the same patrimony be shared between three grades of a kindred, first between brothers, the second time between cousins, the third time between second cousins, after that there is no propriate share of land.[23] After there shall have been a sharing of land acquiesced in by co-inheritors, no one of them has a claim on the share of the other, he having issue, except for a sub-share _when the time for that shall arrive_. Yet whosoever shall not have any issue of his body, _his co-inheritors, within the three degrees of kin from the stock, are to be his heirs_.[24] Only by adhering very closely to these texts can the gwely be understood. They seem at first sight to refer to the tyddyns or homesteads, but, as we have seen, the landed rights of grazing in the villatæ in which the gwelys were located were included also. [Sidenote: How the divisions worked out in practice.] It would obviously be a fair critical question to ask, what happened when the second cousins at last broke up the gwely of their grandfather and divided the land, or let us say the homesteads and the tribal rights of grazing on the land, for the last time equally _per capita_? There might be twenty or thirty of such second cousins. Did the original gwely split up into twenty or thirty new gwelys? Let us try to realise what happened by carefully following the text, in the light of the Denbigh Survey. Let us take a hypothetical case in which the gwely of X is described by the surveyor as holding an undivided share of the rights of pasture, &c., in a particular villata or in several villatæ; and assume that, according to the record, the internal divisions of the gwely followed the family division of the descendants of X, as in the following table. Then, applying the rules of the clauses as to _tir gwelyauc_, let us see how it would work out in the hypothetical case stated. X, Great-Grandfather _deceased_ +--------------+---------------+ \| \| Son A Son B \| \| +------+------+ +-----------+--------+ \| \| \| \| \| Grandson Aᵃ Aᵇ Bᵃ Bᵇ Bᶜ \| \| \| \| \| \| +---+---+ +--+--+ +---+---+ \| G. Grandson \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| Aᵃᵃ Aᵇᵃ Aᵇᵇ Bᵃᵃ Bᵃᵇ Bᵇᵃ Bᵇᵇ Bᵇᶜ Bᶜᵃ Now let us suppose that X (the great-grandfather, from whom the gwely is called the gwely of X) is dead. While his sons A and B are alive they share equally in the grazing and other rights. When A is dead and so long as B is alive no change is made except that A’s two sons share equally their father’s right to which, in the phrase of the codes, they have ‘ascended.’ B at length dies. There are five grandsons, first cousins, who have a right to share in the rights of the gwely of X _per capita_. There is now therefore a rearrangement after which A’s sons share and hold jointly only 2-5ths, while B’s three sons hold jointly 3-5ths. Equality _per capita_ among grandsons has now been effected. But the gwely goes on. It cannot be broken up because in another generation the great-grandsons may require a fresh division. [Sidenote: The process is a continuous one.] Next let us see what happens when all the grandsons are dead and the final division _per capita_ takes place. There are nine great-grandsons. Is the gwely of X now to be divided into nine new gwelys? Certainly not. The grandsons of A are entitled to 3-9ths only, and this they divide _per capita_, being first cousins; one family takes 1-3rd and the other 2-3rds. The portion which has fallen to them of family rights in the gwely of X has become a separate gwely, called either the gwely of A or, as we sometimes find in the Denbigh Survey, the ‘gwely of the grandsons of A’--‘_gwely weiryon A_.’ The other portion has become either the gwely of B or the gwely of the grandsons of B--‘_gwely weiryon B_.’ The grandsons of B, being first cousins, have of course redivided their 6/9ths equally _per capita_, and the internal rights of the gwely of the grandsons of B are Bᵃ’s two children have 2/6ths. } Bᵇ’s three children have 3/6ths. } of 6/9ths. Bᶜ’s one son has 1/6th. } They cannot break up the gwely of ‘the grandsons of B’ because they are not second cousins. But when all of them are dead, their children will be second cousins and may do so, and then three new gwelys will be formed in the same way as above, and so on for ever. The process is continuous and always within the same rules of ‘tir gwelyauc.’ This seems to be the state of things as regards succession within the gwely resulting from the rules laid down in the Codes and found at work by the surveyors of the Lordship of the Honour of Denbigh. But we must remember that, apart from these rights of succession, each tribesman on becoming a tribesman had been the recipient of his _da_, and so had had cattle of his own all along in the common herd. [Sidenote: The rights of females in the gwely.] Finally, the position of females in the gwely should not pass without recognition. They are not mentioned in the statements of landed rights because, provision having been made for their maintenance independently of their father, they were assumed, whilst claiming their ‘gwaddol’ or portion, to take this with them, on marriage, out of the gwely. They ought to be married into another gwely, within which their sons in due course would receive inheritance and landed rights by paternity. Only on failure of this could their sons claim landed rights by maternity in their mother’s original gwely.[25] III. THE LIABILITY OF THE WIDER KINDRED FOR _GALANAS_ IN CASE OF HOMICIDE. Such being the _gwely_, we pass on to the wider kindred, embracing the descendants of seven (and for some purposes nine) generations from a common ancestor. [Sidenote: The galanas in lieu of blood feud between kindreds for homicide, but none within the kindred.] We find from the Cymric Codes that the members of the wider kindred had common responsibilities in case of a homicide causing a blood feud between kindreds. A murder _within_ this wider kindred was regarded as a family matter. The murderer was too near of blood to be slain. No atonement could be made for so unnatural a crime. There was no blood fine or ‘galanas’ within the kindred. The murderer must be exiled. But a murder of a member of one kindred by the member of another, inasmuch as, if unatoned for, it would under tribal custom have produced a blood feud between the two kindreds, was the proper subject for the substituted payment of the blood fine or ‘galanas.’ The galanas was thus a payment from one kindred to another in lieu of the blood feud. But its amount was divided in payment on one side and in distribution on the other, in varying proportion according to nearness of relationship to the murderer or the murdered person as the case might be. And in these payments and receipts all the individual tribesmen within the kindred who had received their _da_ must take their share if needful. [Sidenote: Payment and receipt by maternal as well as by paternal relations.] The question who had to pay and who had to receive was moreover complicated further by the fact that it involved maternal relations as well as paternal relations. It has been very properly pointed out that, however it might be as regards money payments, it is difficult to conceive how the liability of maternal relations could be worked in the case of actual blood feud and fighting. A man might have to fight for his maternal relations against his paternal relations, or the reverse. In such a case what must he do? How should he act? He might be in an impossible position. Light upon this point and others may be obtained, perhaps, when the evidence of ‘Beowulf’ is analysed. This evidence will show that a man may have good cause under tribal custom not to join in some feuds. And further it will remind us that feuds often arose in contravention of tribal usage, breaking the peace which in theory the link of marriage ought to have secured. In the meantime it would seem possible that the custom of a tribe might, for anything we know, forbid marriage _within_ the near relationships of the gwely, and _beyond_ the limits of the wider kindred. In such a case, paternal and maternal relations might all be within the kindred, so that properly speaking a quarrel between them could not become the subject of a feud. [Sidenote: Marriage a link between two gwelys. But as regards galanas the wife remained in her own kindred.] In such matters it is obvious that a good deal must depend upon the view taken of marriage itself at the particular stage of evolution in which the society might be. And it may as well be said at once that we should be quite wrong were we to regard marriage from the Roman point of view, _i.e._ as a transfer of the woman out of the _potestas_ of her parents into the _potestas_ of the husband. The Cymric example, to begin with, was quite different. The marriage of sisters to tribesmen from whom their sons could inherit tribal rights was a duty cast upon the kinsmen of the gwely.[26] It was thus an arrangement between two gwelys--a link between them--but no transfer. If a wife were slain, her galanas or death fine did not go to the husband and his family; it went to her kindred.[27] If a wife should commit murder, it was the wife’s family and not the husband’s on which rested the payment of galanas for her crime.[28] If the husband were killed the wife took one third of the saraad or fine for insult and wounding, but she took no part of the galanas of her husband.[29] These points are in a sense unexpected. They belong to a stage of social life as far removed from Roman rules, or modern ones, as they are from the stage in which a wife was either purchased outright or stolen. And yet we shall find them in principle more or less clearly repeated in the varying customs of some of the tribes whose laws we are about to examine. IV. THE FISCAL UNIT FOR THE PURPOSE OF FOOD-RENTS TO THE CHIEFTAINS. [Sidenote: The geographical unit for food rents.] The structure of tribal society in Wales is one thing. The practical working of its rules is another. Until we can to some extent realise its methods and see how its results could be worked out in everyday life, it must remain to some extent vague and mysterious. The nearer we get to its core, the greater its value as an instrument in further research. We cannot, therefore, afford to disregard any hints that the Codes and surveys may give us, attention to which would help us to realise its methods or ways of working. [Sidenote: Districts called _villatæ_.] The Denbigh Extent, as already said, enables us to realise that, on the English conquest, the lordship of Denbigh was divided into grazing districts which had become the units of tribal food-rents, and which were adopted for purposes of future taxation. These districts were called by the scribes _villatæ_, and were occupied by gwelys of tribesmen and sometimes also by gwelys of non-tribesmen. Their homesteads or huts were occupied in severalty. Their grazing rights were undivided common rights, and within each gwely the rights of families and individuals were also undivided common rights. Further, the Denbigh Extent shows how easy it was to shift the whole body of tribesmen of this or that gwely, with its herds, from one district to another, according to convenience or the needs of population, without disturbing the complex rights within the gwely. The families and individuals carried their rights, _inter se_, with them wherever they and their herds might go, and were liable to pay the dues required from whatever villata for the time being might be occupied by them. Even the homesteads of the tribesmen seem to have been temporary, in the light of the description given by Giraldus Cambrensis. They could carry their hearth-stones with them wherever they went, so that the result seems to be that the groups of kindreds could always have been easily shifted about, as they were in fact after the English conquest, from one district or ‘villata’ to another. The geographical divisions thus became the permanent fiscal units in tribal arrangements. Both in the surveys and in the Codes we find the villata or district, and not the family group, the fixed unit for tribal food-rents to the chieftain, and for taxation after the English conquest. [Sidenote: The ‘tref’ or ‘maenol’ paying the ‘tunc pound.’] The surveys so far agree with the Codes. The _villata_ of the surveys was the taxable unit, and in some cases still paid the tunc pound (or 20_s._) in lieu of the chieftain’s food-rents. In other cases escheats and other causes had varied the amount. In the Codes of South Wales the unit for the tunc pound was the _tref_, and in the Venedotian Code of North Wales the _maenol_ of four trefs. Now, as in the surveys the family groups or gwelys were located so as to occupy sometimes several villatæ, and sometimes undivided shares in villatæ along with others, so, if we may take the villata of the surveys as equivalent to the tref or maenol of the Codes, we must expect to find that the kindreds of tribesmen at the period of the Codes were scattered in the same way over the trefs and maenols. And, as the maenol was a group of trefs, the _tref_ is the unit of tribal occupation as to which a clear understanding is most necessary. In this, however, we may be, after all, only partly successful. The word _tref_, though generally used for a homestead or hamlet, seems from its other meanings to involve the idea of a _group_. [Sidenote: The tref and its ‘randirs.’] There were cases in which a disputed matter of fact had to be established upon the evidence of men of the _gorvotref_, _i.e._ by men of the groups outside the tref in which the question in dispute arose.[30] And this _gorvotref_ was not merely the next adjoining tref or trefs, but it consisted of those _randirs_ or divisions of neighbouring trefs of uchelwrs, or tribesmen, whose boundaries touched the tref in which the disputed facts arose. Neighbouring randirs of taeog trefs, _i.e._ the trefs of non-tribesmen, were excluded, presumably because the testimony of taeogs in matters relating to tribesmen was not relied on. But this compound of the word tref implies that its general sense was a group of homesteads. That, in general, trefs had defined boundaries, is clear from the fact that it was an offence to break them, and this applied also to the randirs or divisions of the tref.[31] [Sidenote: The trefgordd of one herd and one plough.] Speaking, then, of the group generally known as a tref, we must regard it, not only as a taxable area, but also as the natural group known everywhere as a _trefgordd_, _i.e._ the natural group of the homesteads of relatives or neighbours acting together as a single community as regards their cattle and their ploughing. The typical lawful _trefgordd_ is thus described:-- This is the complement of a lawful _trefgordd_: nine houses and one plough and one oven (odyn) and one churn (_gordd_) and one cat and one cock and one bull and one herdsman.[32] There is another passage which mentions the nine buildings in the tref. These persons do not forfeit life.… The necessitous for the theft of food after he has traversed three trevs, and nine houses in each trev, without obtaining a gift though asked for.[33] So, in case of fire from negligence in a tref, the holder of the house in which it arose was to pay for the damage to the next houses on each side if they took fire.[34] And again no indemnity was to be paid to the owners in a trefgordd for damages from the fire of a smithy if covered with shingles or tiles or sods, nor from the fire of a bath, provided always that the smithy and the bath were at least seven fathoms from the other houses in the trefgordd.[35] [Sidenote: Not always of one gwely only.] The description above quoted of the normal trefgordd suggests that the herd under the one herdsman did not belong to one person or homestead, but to many; and so far it seems to be consistent with the surveys which represent the villatæ as occupied by the cattle of several family groups who had grazing rights therein. And this, too, accords with what the Denbigh Extent tells us of the individual tribesmen, viz. that only some of them had homesteads. So-and-so ‘habet domum’ or ‘non habet domum.’[36] The young tribesman with his _da_ thus may have joined in a common homestead with some one else--probably with his parents or near relatives. Distinguishing, then, the tref as a taxable area from the trefgordd, and still confining attention to the trefgordd as a cluster of homesteads united for the practical purpose of occupation, let us recur to the things which bound the trefgordd into one group, viz. the one plough, the one oven, the one churn, the one bull, and the one herdsman. Here are the two elements combined of pastoral and agricultural co-operation, and the trefgordd is the local and physical unit of this co-operation. [Sidenote: The unit of co-operative dairy farming. The common herdsman and his dog.] Taking first the pastoral element, the trefgordd was a working unit of co-operative dairy-farming. The cattle of several households or individuals were put together in a common herd with a common bull and under the care of a common herdsman (bugeil) and his dog. It may be regarded as a group of the homesteads of the persons in charge of such a herd, and the tribesmen of a gwely may have cattle in the herds of more than one trefgordd. Three things were ‘ornamental’ to a trefgordd, ‘a book, a teacher versed in song, and a smith (gov) in his smithy;’ but a trefgordd herdsman was an ‘indispensable’ of the _hendrev_,[37] and, when engaged with his herd in summer on the mountain, _his_ ‘three indispensables’ were ‘a bothy, his herdsman’s dog, and a knife;’ and the three indispensables of his bothy were a roof-tree, roof-supporting forks, and wattling, and he was at liberty to cut them in any wild wood he pleased.[38] So far, then, as the pastoral element was concerned, the trefgordd was occupied by a little group of tribesmen engaged in dairy-farming having charge of cattle in a common herd, with a common bull, and under the care of a common herdsman and his dog. [Sidenote: The herd of 24 kine.] Custom, grown out of traditional experience of what a single herdsman and his dog could manage, had determined, it seems, the size of the normal herd. Thus in the Gwentian Code[39] we are told that ‘a legal herd of cattle is 24 kine.’ And custom tenaciously adhered to tribal rules in such matters. Thus in the Denbigh Extent it is mentioned that the whole villata of Arquedelok was _in manu domini_ by reason of escheats and exchanges, and that a portion of it was let _ad firmam_ to nine firmarii, each of whom held for a term of years 31 acres, with one bull and 24 cows, paying per annum 73_s._ 4_d._, and rendering to the lord at the end of his term the said bull and cows or their price, together with the land and a house built thereon.[40] Here, even in a case in which Henry de Lacy was introducing into Wales holdings and herds in severalty, and very possibly introducing English tenants, he adhered to the Welsh tribal rule of the one bull and 24 cows to the herd. So also in the survey of St. David’s, under the head _Glaston_ in Breconshire, the number 24 of _grossa animalia_ is spoken of as the usual number _ab antiqua consuetudine_, and in the arrangement of common pasture one great animal is said to count as equal to twelve sheep. The normal herd of the trefgordd was then 24 cows, or their equivalent in bullocks and sheep. During the summer months the herdsman living out on the mountains was responsible with his dog for the cattle of the trefgordd. And his dog was worth as much as a cow or an ox, if it was one that ‘will go _before_ the herd in the morning and _behind_ them in the evening, and make three turns _round_ them in the night.’[41] Having no cattle of his own in the herd, the herdsman’s testimony as to whose cattle were injured, and as to whose cattle had done the injury, was held, when such cases arose, to be sufficient to make the owner responsible, while as regards injuries done by the cattle of one trefgordd to those of another there was joint responsibility.[42] There is common sense in such rules to begin with, and then, having grown into custom, they become perpetuated when custom is codified. [Sidenote: The common churn.] The trefgordd possessed further a common churn. This implies that the milk of the cows was thrown altogether into this one churn as in Swiss mountain communes now. One of the dues from a taeog trev, _i.e._ a group of _non_-tribesmen, was a cheese made from a day’s milking of all the cows in the herd. So that we note in passing that the taeog-tref, _i.e._ of non-tribesmen, also had its herd and was in fact a trefgordd.[43] In winter the cattle came down into the lowlands and grazed on the pastures near the tyddyns or homesteads of the tref, and as each of these had its corn and cattle-yard,[44] we may conclude that each owner penned in his own cattle at night during the winter months or joined with some other tribesmen who had a homestead in doing so. The rules as to the divisions of the tyddyns probably referred to these winter homesteads so held in quasi-severalty. We need not dwell upon the common _oven_. Every hamlet in Brittany possesses its common oven to this day, often in the middle of the village green. Nor need we more than mention the common plough, to the team of which the tribesmen contributed oxen for the _cyvar_ or common ploughing of the portion of the waste agreed upon for each year’s corn crop. [Sidenote: The trefgordd the unit for food rents. The tribesmen could be shifted about.] The attempt to realise what this practical unit--the trefgordd--was, will not be thrown away if it should help us to understand how easily it lent itself to the arrangement of the chieftain’s food-rents or tribute in after-times of taxation. Granted that some such system of trefgordds or clusters of trefgordds pretty generally prevailed, having grown up as a matter of convenience in a grazing community, it is obvious how easily it might become the unit of tribute or taxation. Just as in the Domesday Survey the number of ploughs affords such a unit, so in a tribal community a district might easily be fiscally estimated at so many herds, or so many churns, or so many ploughs. All these would mean so many trefgordds. And whatever the relations of the trefgordd to the villata of the surveys might be, and however much or often the actual residents, with their herds, might be shifted from one district to another, the district, as in the Denbigh Extent, would remain the permanent unit for payments. [Sidenote: The _firma unius noctis_. Afterwards commuted into money payments.] In the early stages of tribal life, when the chieftain of the tribe moved from one district to another and received his food-rents in the actual form of ‘the night’s entertainment,’ each customary place of encampment in his annual progress would become the centre at which the food-rents would be paid and services rendered for as many nights’ entertainment as his accustomed stay in the place. In later stages, when the chieftain’s dues were commuted into money, the ‘tunc pound’ in lieu of food-rents easily became, as we find it in the surveys, a charge on the district rather than on the shifting tribesmen and their herds. And when the power of the chieftain had grown with time, and instead of ‘nights’ entertainments’ obtained in the primitive way by the actual movement of himself and his retinue from place to place, the food-rents or the tunc pounds in lieu of them were delivered at his palace, he would become the recipient of a regular revenue. And out of this revenue it would become easy for him to reward a follower or endow a church by the transfer of so many food-rents or tunc pounds in lieu of them, or the revenue from such and such a district, or of so many of its trefgordds, without disturbing the internal working of the system or the daily life of the tribesmen and their herds. When Beowulf returns to his chieftain after his exploit and is rewarded by the gift of a palace and so many ‘thousands,’ we naturally ask of what, and how it could be done. We may not be able to say off-hand what the unit was, but we get from the Welsh example some rough idea of what tribal tribute and income were, and how these could be readily gathered and transferred. V. THE METHOD OF PAYMENT OF GALANAS BETWEEN KINDREDS. Postponing for a while the consideration of the position of the various classes of non-tribesmen, but still keeping in view the fact that in considerable numbers they were practically sharers with the tribesmen in the rights of grazing and occupation of land, we are now in the position to realise to some extent what happened when a murder had taken place. [Sidenote: No galanas for murder within the kindred.] If it was of some one within the kindred, there was, as we have said, no slaying of the murderer. Whether it were a parricide or a fratricide, or the murder of a near kinsman, under Cymric custom there was no galanas, nothing but execration and ignominious exile. [Sidenote: The blood feud and therefore blood fine between kindreds.] But if a tribesman of one kindred were killed by a tribesman of another kindred, then it was a serious matter of blood feud between the kindreds, or of the payment of the blood fine. The tribal conscience demanded vengeance or composition. [Sidenote: The slayer flees to a church with his cattle.] It sometimes happened that the murderer had fled to a church for safety, taking his cattle with him. For the clergy or monks at the place of refuge had a herd of cattle of their own, and with them the murderer’s cattle were allowed to wander and graze so long as they returned nightly to the refuge.[45] [Sidenote: Six cows for the saraad or insult.] There he remained presumably till the kindred of the murdered tribesman, through negotiation and arrangement of the chiefs of the kindreds, had agreed to accept the payment of the galanas, if it were the case of an uchelwr or full tribesman, of 126 cows. Six cows, as we shall see hereafter, were _saraad_ for the insult, and 120 cows galanas for the murder. The saraad was paid first--six cows or other cattle to the same value belonging to the murderer were driven from the herd in payment. The murderer’s life was then safe, and presumably he might return with his cattle to his place. Within a fortnight, the tribesmen of the murderer’s kindred met to apportion the payment of the rest. They came from trefgordds far and near, from the territories sometimes of various higher territorial chieftains within whose districts they had grazing rights. [Sidenote: 120 cows by fortnightly instalments for galanas.] The collected tribesmen having apportioned the payment, fortnight after fortnight instalments must be paid till the whole number in value of 120 cows was completed.[46] But by whom was the payment to be made?[47] [Sidenote: The slayer’s near family pay 40 cows.] Forty cows must first be found by the _murderer_, his _father_, _mother_, _brothers_, and _sisters_ with him. They doubtless helped one another, but theoretically, in one or other of the common herds, there must have been cattle belonging to the murderer, his father, mother, brothers, and sisters, or how could they have paid their shares? There was nothing unreal in this liability of each to pay a share, for had the murderer been slain each one of them would have received, instead of having to pay, a share in 40 cows. The murderer himself had to pay a third of the 40 cows if he had them. His father and mother between them paid the next third, and the brothers and sisters the remaining third, the sisters paying half what the brothers did.[48] The herds of many a trefgordd must be thinned before this could be done. [Sidenote: The other 80 fall on the kindred.] The remainder of the galanas, viz. 80 cows, fell on the kindred, to the seventh degree or fifth cousins. The paternal relations had to find two thirds of it and the maternal one third, and these kindreds embraced the descendants from the great-grandparents of the great-grandparents on both sides. In the first fortnight the kindred on the father’s side had to find half what was due from them. In the second fortnight they had to find the other half, and in the third fortnight the maternal kindred had to find their share, till so at last the full tale of the 120 cows was paid. The oath of peace from the kindreds of the murdered man could then be given, and the murderer and his kinsmen, be at peace.[49] [Sidenote: The slayer’s right of ‘spear penny.’] But what happened if the murderer could not find the cattle for his third of the 40 cows which he and his immediate family had to find? He had yet a right, as a member of the greater kindred, to claim in aid a ‘spear penny’ from all those male kinsmen descended from a common ancestor on his father’s side two steps further back, _i.e._ still more distantly related to him than those included in the kindred to the seventh degree who had already paid their share. Even if the slayer were a woman, she had the same right of spear penny from the men of her kindred to help her to make her payment.[50] [Sidenote: The solidarity of the kindred and individual liability within it.] So this attempt to realise what was involved in the payment of an ordinary case of galanas brings us back to the recognition of the double aspect of the kindred in the structure of tribal society--its solidarity and joint responsibility, on the one hand, as against outsiders, the whole kindred being responsible in the last resort; on the other hand the individual responsibility of its members, graduated according to nearness of relationship, for the crimes of their relative. [Sidenote: Each had his _da_ or cattle for maintenance and so could contribute to the payment.] In Cymric tribal society this was made possible by the broad fact that both males and females in the group of kindred, on both paternal and maternal sides, liable to pay, had cattle of their own in the common herd, each having received his or her _da_ for maintenance by right of kin and descent from the common ancestor or chieftain of the kindred. The two things surely hang together. And therefore, if we find in the laws of other tribes somewhat similar rules regarding the payment of wergelds, it probably will be worth while to inquire further whether the corresponding structure of tribal society, or something more or less equivalent to it, may not be present also. VI. THE AMOUNT OF THE CYMRIC GALANAS. [Sidenote: The galanas and the saraad distinct things.] In all the Welsh Codes the galanas, as already mentioned, is described in a peculiar form. It is a combination of two items, viz. the saraad, or payment for insult, and the galanas proper. Thus the galanas of the innate boneddig, or young tribesman, accepted by the kindred as a tribesman of nine descents of Cymric blood, is described as ‘three kine and three score kine,’ that of the _uchelwr_ or _breyr_ as ‘six kine and six score kine.’ The explanation of this is obtained from the following passage:-- What is the galanas of the breyr without office? Six kine and six score kine. The six score kine is the galanas and the six kine is for saraad of the corpse.[51] So also in the Gwentian Code:-- When a married man shall be murdered his saraad is first paid and then his galanas, for the wife has the third of the saraad, and she has no part of the galanas.[52] So also in the Venedotian Code:-- No one is killed without being first subjected to saraad. If a man be married, let a third of the man’s saraad be given to his wife and let the two shares be placed with the galanas, and after that let the galanas be divided into three shares and let the third share go to the lord as exacting third.[53] [Sidenote: The wife shared in the saraad of her husband, not in the galanas.] The reason why the wife has a share in the saraad and not in the galanas has already been explained. She suffers from the personal affront or insult to her slain husband and shares in the saraad. But she has no blood relationship with her husband, and only the husband’s kindred are therefore entitled to share in the galanas, as her husband’s kindred alone would have been concerned in the feud. The saraad and the galanas were therefore separate things and subject to separate rules, though both payable on the murder of a tribesman. The galanas proper is what must be regarded in any comparison with Continental wergelds. [Sidenote: That of the ‘uchelwr’ 120 cows; of the young tribesman 60 cows.] The real galanas of the uchelwr or breyr, apart from the saraad, was 120 cows, and that of the young innate boneddig who had received his _da_ but had no family was 60 cows. In one of the Codes his galanas when _married_ is said to be 80 cows. Now in what currency was the galanas paid? Formerly, according to the Codes, all payments were made in cattle, and the galanas proper was reckoned in scores of cows. But of what cow? How was the normal cow for practical purposes to be defined? It is a question worth answering, because we may probably take the Cymric method, of valuing the cow as a unit of currency in cattle, as at any rate suggestive of the methods generally adopted by other tribes. [Sidenote: Description of the normal cow.] According to the Venedotian Code the cow was of full normal value when in full milk and until her fifth calf. And if there be any dispute concerning her milk, she is to be taken on the 9th day of May to a luxuriant place wherein no animal has been before her, and the owner is to milk her without leaving any for the calf, and put the milk in the measure vessel, and if it be full twice a day that is sufficient; and if it be not, the deficiency is to be compensated by oatmeal until the feast of St. Curic, thence until the feast of St. Michael by barley meal, and from thence until the calendar of winter by rye meal. Others say that the worth of the milk deficient in the measure is to be returned to the possessor of the cow; if half the milk be deficient, half the worth; if a third of the milk, a third of the worth; and that is the best mode.[54] Then the _milk measure_ is described thus:-- The measure for her milk is, three thumbs at the bottom, six in the middle of the vessel, and nine at the top, and nine in its height diagonally (_enyhyd en amrescoeu_), and the thumb whereby the vessel is to be measured (in case of dispute) is the breadth of the judge’s thumb. In the Dimetian Code substantially the same rules are given, except that the measure of the cow’s milking is smaller. The measure of a vessel for a cow’s milk is nine thumbs at its edge, and three at the bottom, and seven diagonally from the off-side groove to the near-side edge in height.[55] The only difference is between the seven and the nine thumbs of diagonal measurement. Possibly there may be some error in the figures, and the measure may have been the same in both Codes. Returning to the galanas; although it was reckoned in the Codes in scores of cows, a fixed equation had already been made between cows and silver. [Sidenote: The cow reckoned as three ‘scores’ or ounces of silver.] The normal cow was equated in the Codes with ‘three scores of silver.’ And in the Latin version of the Dimetian Code the ‘score of silver’ is translated by ‘uncia argenti.’ The score of silver at the date of the Code was therefore an ounce of silver. So that the reckoning is the Frankish or Anglo-Saxon one of twenty pence to the ounce. The score of pence of 32 wheat-grains would make the ounce of 640 wheat-grains: that is, the ounce of the pound of 240_d._, or 7680 wheat-grains--the pound in use in England after the time of Kings Offa and Alfred, and at the date of the Codes. [Sidenote: The galanas of the ‘uchelwr’ 30 lbs. of silver. At a ratio of 1:12 equal to the gold mina of 200 solidi.] The galanas of the uchelwr or breyr being 120 cows, and the cow being reckoned at three scores or ounces of silver, the galanas would equal 360 scores or ounces, or thirty pounds of silver. The ratio of gold to silver after the temporary disturbance under Charlemagne had, as we have seen, settled down again to the Imperial ratio of 1:12. Now thirty pounds of 7680 wheat-grains equal 230,400 wheat-grains, and this number of silver wheat-grains divided by twelve equalled exactly 19,200 wheat-grains of gold. So that this Celtic galanas of the Cymric uchelwr or breyr of 120 cows, like so many Continental wergelds, was apparently exactly equal to 200 _gold solidi_ of ninety-six wheat-grains, _i.e._ the heavy gold mina of Imperial standard. VII. THE METHODS OF TREATMENT OF STRANGERS OR NON-TRIBESMEN. [Sidenote: Strangers in blood how treated.] Another point upon which special inquiry is made in this volume regards tribal methods of treating strangers in blood and slaves. There is no subject requiring more careful investigation than the combination of circumstances out of which arose what is roughly called serfdom, _i.e._ the attachment of tenants to the land rendering services to a lord. I shall not be suspected of suggesting that tribal customs and methods were the _sole_ factors which produced serfdom and of ignoring the influences which came from Roman methods of managing landed estates, and from Roman law modified by ecclesiastical usage. Indeed, I have insisted from the first that while, in the ‘Germania’ of Tacitus, the germs may be found of an ‘embryo manor,’ both Roman and German elements probably combined in producing the later manorial system and serfdom which grew up in what were once the Roman provinces of Gaul and the two Germanies, and even also in Britain.[56] But I think that in Cymric tribal custom we may find a fresh clue worth following in the attempt to gather from Continental evidence the methods likely to be used by conquering German or Anglo-Saxon tribes in the treatment of strangers in blood.[57] [Sidenote: After four generations on the land they become _adscripti glebæ_ and obtain recognition of kindred.] In Welsh tribal custom _alltuds_ or strangers and their descendants (not necessarily otherwise unfree persons) having some special circumstances in their favour, being allowed to settle within the district of a greater or lesser chieftain upon land which, in a sense, may have been his demesne land, were free to remove and settle under another chieftain, unless and until they had remained on the same land or under the same lordship for four generations. But thereafter the great-grandchildren of the original settlers became _adscripti glebæ_. And this fixture to the land, or rather to the lordship, was apparently not looked upon as in any way a degradation in rank, but on the contrary a step in advance towards the recognition of tribal rights. The great-grandson of the stranger did not indeed become a Cymric tribesman, but he gained the recognition of his status as the founder of a kindred of his own, the members of which in after-generations would, as kinsmen, be able to swear for and defend one another. This being so in the case of free strangers coming into the country, the next question is what was the position of the semi-servile class, the _aillts_ and _taeogs_ of the Codes, who and whose ancestors for many generations had been born upon the land in a semi-servile condition? [Sidenote: Their rights increase with growth of kindred.] The fixture to the land of the aillt or taeog was not the special mark so much of a semi-servile condition as of his _want of recognised kindred_, and under the local custom of South Wales it seems that he too, like the alltud, could sometimes arrive at the recognition of kindred, without indeed becoming a Cymric tribesman, at the end of four generations of residence under the chieftain of the land; and even to further recognition of it, involving a still better position as to rights, at the ninth generation. The ninth man in South Wales seems according to local custom in some districts to have, at last, climbed the highest rung of the ladder, and to have attained the right to claim the status of a Cymric tribesman. This curious rise under Cymric custom, by steps of four generations, up the ladder towards the recognition of tribal rights, seems to have a suggestive correspondence with the reverse process under manorial usage of proving the serfdom of a _nativus_ by showing that the great-grandfather was a _nativus_ on the lord’s land, the manorial rule being that settlement on servile land for four generations made the posterity of an original settler into _nativi_.[58] [Sidenote: Want of kindred the key to their position.] Once more let us try to realise what this meant, and what was the position of these Cymric non-tribesmen in regard to their settlement on land. If under the guidance of the Codes we turn to the extents and surveys, we find them living, in some cases, not mixed up with the tribesmen, but in separate groups, or trefs, or trefgordds. There may be here and there exceptional alltuds or strangers of a higher class growing up, by the gradual process of intermarriage for four generations with tribeswomen, into the status of tribesmen. But the mass of the stranger class were aillts and taeogs living in separate _taeog trefs_, though, according to the surveys, sharing, often in common, certain rights of grazing over certain districts with gwelys of tribesmen. Now these groups of taeogs and aillts were, according to the Codes, as we have seen, of two classes, and we recognise the same two classes when we find in the surveys not only groups of taeogs in taeog-trefs but also gwelys of non-tribesmen. The normal group of the taeog-tref differed from the free tref in the fact that in it no family rights were recognised. All the members of it shared in its rights and payments equally _per capita_, and not _per stirpes_. They were all liable as a body, few or many, for the whole amount of the dues to the chieftains. During their fathers’ lifetime sons shared _pari passu_ and equally with their parents, and other members of the group, in the pasture and common ploughing, except youngest sons, who remained with their fathers. In the gwelys, on the other hand, as in the gwelys of tribesmen, there was recognition of family or blood relationships, and a patriarchal element. There were thus under Cymric tribal custom various subordinate grades or classes. Beginning at the bottom of the ladder were:-- (1) The slaves who could be bought and sold, and who were reckoned as worth one pound of silver. (2) The taeogs and aillts or permanent _nativi_, born non-tribesmen, without recognised family rights. (3) Non-tribesmen growing or having grown in four generations into gwelys of non-tribesmen with recognised family rights. (4) Strangers of exceptional position who, having married into the tribe, had become tribesmen in the fourth generation by repeated intermarriage. And once more the fact should never be lost sight of, that the gradual growth into tribal or quasi-tribal rights was not a growth into exactly what in a modern sense would be called individual freedom. It was accompanied by the growth of ties which bound the family to the chieftain, till at the moment that at the fourth generation the recognition of rights of kindred was attained, the family found itself, as we have seen, so closely tied to the chieftain and the land that the newly recognised gwely had become _adscriptus glebæ_. Finally, the tribal logic of the case was probably something like this:-- [Sidenote: The stranger a kinless man who has no protection but from his lord till a kindred has grown up around him.] The free tribesman is the man who belongs to a kindred who can protect him by oath and by sword. Until a stranger has kinsmen who can do this he is an odd or kinless man, protected only by his lord. If he be killed his galanas goes to his lord; he has no recognised kin to receive it. If, on the other hand, he is charged with slaying another, he has no kin to swear to his innocence, the oath of a non-tribesman not being held good as against a tribesman. If guilty, he has no kin bound to fight in the feud for him, or to help him to pay a galanas for his crime. So that even when at the fourth generation the descendant of the alltud becomes the founder of a gwely he has gained only half the status of a tribesman. It is not till the fourth generation of descendants in the gwely, _i.e._ the seventh generation from the original settler, that a complete kindred has grown up. It is not till then that the descendant of the original alltud is surrounded by a full group of relatives, born in his great-grandfather’s gwely, whose oaths can be taken and who can protect him by oath and sword or in payment of galanas. All this time the alltud family have been more or less dependent on the protection of the chieftain, and rights and obligations are apt to be correlative. The object of this essay is to inquire how far, in the case of other tribes, evidence may be found of the working of somewhat similar tribal instincts, resulting in customary rules more or less like those of the Cymry, so that at last, turning attention to the Anglo-Saxon laws, we may be able all the more fully to recognise and appreciate in them the traits of tribal custom, which among other factors went to the making of Anglo-Saxon England. In the meantime, for future reference, the following list of the galanas of various classes will be found convenient:-- The chief of kindred 180 cows In Gwent and Dimetia 540, The uchelwr 120 ” and his family 180 Man with family without office 80 ” The innate boneddig unmarried 60 ” The alltud of the brenhin or chief 60 ” The alltud of uchelwrs 30 ” Bondman 1lb. of silver or 4 ” Bondman from beyond sea 6 ” CHAPTER III. _THE EVIDENCE OF BEOWULF ON TRIBAL CUSTOM REGULATING FEUDS &c._ [Sidenote: What were the laws of the blood feud?] The object of the short study, in this chapter, of _Beowulf_, is to learn what incidental information it may give of tribal usage regarding the _blood feud_, especially on points which, in the case of the substituted wergeld, present doubt and difficulty.[59] Allusion has already been made to some of these points. Did the rule excluding galanas or blood-fine within the kindred extend beyond the gwely to the greater kindred? What happened to a tribesman in a feud between his paternal and maternal kindreds? Did he abstain from taking sides, or did a marriage so far unite two families or kindreds as to make them one for the purpose of blood-fine or feud, so as to prevent the feud or blood-fine from arising? These are questions upon which we want light from the point of view of Welsh tribal custom, and upon which we approach Beowulf for light, with eyes open also to other matters of tribal usage as they may turn up. [Sidenote: An 8th century story of blood feuds.] Beowulf for the present purpose may be taken as an Anglian or Northumbrian recension of a story founded upon Scandinavian tradition, and designed for use or recital at some 8th century royal court--possibly, if Professor Earle’s suggestion be correct, that of King Offa. The western horizon of the story extends to the Frisian shores, but the scene seems chiefly to lie in the Baltic. The plot involves tribal relations between a chieftain of the Danes possibly of Zealand, and two Swedish chieftains. The two latter concern us most, and they seem to be the chiefs of two kindreds--Geats and Swedes--Beowulf himself being the link between them, his mother having married from one into the other kindred. This marriage at any rate was one _between_ two kindreds. There is no apparent effort on the part of the poet to enlighten the reader or those who heard him either upon the pedigrees of the persons mentioned in his story or upon the rules of Scandinavian tribal custom. But it happens that, by incidental hints dropped in the telling of the tale, the pedigree of each of the kindreds involved can be fairly made out, and has already been made out by translators and critics. [Sidenote: involving blood feuds between Beowulf’s paternal and maternal kindred.] And as the story involves a homicide within Beowulf’s maternal kindred, and fighting and bloodshed between the kindreds in spite of the marriage link, and as it deals also with outside feuds, it happens to present remarkable opportunities for studying the action of tribal custom in various cases. The evidence it gives is made all the more valuable by its being an Anglian version of Scandinavian traditions, inasmuch as the poet, or his Anglian interpreter, assumes throughout that the laws of the game, under Scandinavian tribal custom, were too well known to need explanation to his Anglian audience. So that by inference it would seem that the customs of Baltic chieftains were familiar at the court of Offa, and not very far removed from those of Anglian tradition. [Sidenote: The Scyldings.] The poet introduces us first to a tribe of _Gar-Danes_ and the clan or kindred of Scyldings. Scyld the son of Scef is the ancestor of the Scyldings. He is an Adeling who has torn their meadthrones from many tribes (mægdum) and in true tribal fashion compelled them to pay tribute. Surrounded in his old age by numerous descendants and other _gesiths_ who have resorted to him, the chieftain has become a great hero in his tribe (mægdh). [Sidenote: The burial of Scyld by his ‘gesiths.’] A graphic description of the burial of Scyld in his ships by his gesiths is a fitting introduction to the poem. Let us mark in passing that the word mægd evidently may mean a much wider kindred than the near family of a great-grandfather’s descendants (the Welsh gwely). One mægd conquers another and makes it pay tribute. Again the word gesith evidently includes, with members of the near kin, such others, not necessarily blood relations, as may have joined the warrior band of the hero. They may or may not have been adopted into his kindred in becoming his men, but this extension of comradeship or kinship, as the case may be, to these gesiths adds to the greatness and power of his mægd. SCYLD \| BEOWULF \| HEALFDENE \| HEOROGAR { HEOROWEARD The great- \| (not of \| The father \| (61 and { (2162) grandfather \| the story) \| \| 467) { \| The great- \| \| \| grandfather \| +-HROTHGAR { HRETHRIC \| The { (1190, \| Scylding { 1837) \| m. { \| Wealtheow { HROTHMUND \| (61 and { \| 613) { FREAWARE \| { (2023) +-HALGA \| (youngest { HRODULF \| son) (61) { (1018, 1165, \| { 1182) +-ELAN { ONELA \| daughter { \| presumably { \| married to { \| Ongentheow { OTHERE \| the { ‘sister’s { EANMUND \| Scylfing { sons’ to { 2929 \| (62-63) { Hrothgar { \| { 2929 { EADGIL \| { { 239 [Sidenote: Hrothgar the great-grandson of Scyld.] The opening episode of the burial of Scyld is followed by a few lines which reveal something of the pedigree of his descendant Hrothgar the Scylding. The pedigree of Hrothgar, in true tribal fashion, makes Scyld his great-grandfather. He is ‘Hrothgar the Scylding,’ may we not say, _because_ Scyld was his great-grandfather, just as Hengist and Horsa were _Oiscings_ according to Bede, who in stating their pedigree makes _Oisc_ their great-grandfather, and just as in the Welsh surveys the gwelys still bear the great-grandfather’s name though he be long dead, because the gwely hangs together till the fourth generation. So far as it goes here is at least an indication that the nearer kindred (or gwely) might be much the same thing both in Celtic and Teutonic tribes. But Hrothgar is not described only as chieftain of his nearer kindred. Success in arms had made him head of many _winemâgas_ (blood friends) and he was surrounded by a mighty _mago-dright_ (band of kin). He had built himself a famous _folk-stede_, or hall, called ‘Heort,’ and all had gone well with him till the monster Grendel came upon the scene. The deliverer from the monster was Beowulf, the hero of the story. He comes from another kindred, that of the Scylfings, whose pedigree, not fully given, seems to have been something like the following. Scylf was the common ancestor of the Swedes or Scylfings. The tribe was divided into two families in the elder of which descended the chieftainship of the Scylfings (2382). { ONGENTHEOW { { who presumably { (1) Links not stated { married Elan, { ONELA { { sister of Hrothgar { { EANMUND { the Scylding (62) { OHTHERE { { { EADGILS Second family of WÆGMUNDINGS. { . . . . { ECGTHEOW-----------BEOWULF { { who fled to (2) WÆGMUND { { Hrothgar { { { { WIHSTAN------------WIGLAF [Sidenote: Beowulf a great-grandson of Wægmund and so a Wægmunding.] At any rate the Scylfings seem to be divided into two families whose common ancestor was Scylf. But both Beowulf and Wiglaf are spoken of as _Wægmundings_ (2608 and 2815). The headship of the Scylfings had passed into the older of the two families (2384), and this probably is the reason why Beowulf is never called Beowulf the Scylfing. The reason why Beowulf appeared as the natural helper of Hrothgar from the monster Grendel was that his father Ecgtheow owed a debt of gratitude to Hrothgar. ‘Fighting out a mighty feud,’ Ecgtheow had killed Heatholaf the Wylfing (460), thereby raising another feud. Wherefore his own people (463) fearing invasion, had caused him to flee over sea, thereby seemingly wiping their hands of him. He seems to have fled to Hrothgar just as the latter had become chieftain of the Scyldings on his brother Heorogar’s death. Hrothgar compounded the feud with money (470), sending to the Wylfings over sea ‘ancient treasures.’ Whereupon Ecgtheow swore oath to Hrothgar and presumably became his ‘man.’ And Beowulf now, ‘at honour’s call,’ had come to fight the monster, thereby confirming the friendship between Geats and Gar-Danes, requiting what Hrothgar had done for his father (459). [Sidenote: Beowulf a thane of his maternal uncle Hygelac.] The details of the fight need not detain us. But the fact is important that Beowulf comes to the rescue not as a Scylfing or as representing his paternal kindred, but as the thane of his maternal uncle Hygelac, the chieftain of his mother’s kindred. He approaches Hrothgar with a band of fifteen chosen warriors. When asked from whence they came they said they were Geats, Hygelac’s _hearthgeneats_ (260). And the meaning of the word is illustrated further when the warriors accustomed to sleep in Hrothgar’s hall are spoken of as Hrothgar’s _hearthgeneats_ (1581, and see 260 and 2419). When brought into the hall Beowulf himself calls his band Hygelac’s _beod-geneats_ (344) (table geneats), and to Hrothgar he calls himself ‘mæg and mago-thegn,’ literally ‘kin and son thane’ of Hygelac (408). The daring deed accomplished, Beowulf’s success is rewarded by many golden and other gifts from Hrothgar, and it is significant that on his return he lays all these at the feet of his maternal uncle Hygelac, his _heofodmagus_--chief of kin--whose man and kin he owns himself to be. His position in Hygelac’s kindred thus demands careful study. This seems to be the pedigree. { (1) HEREBEALD { killed by Hæthcyn { { (2) HÆTHCYN HRETHEL { who had three sons { (3) HYGELAC { (1) A DAUGHTER and one daughter { { who married Eofor thus: { { { m. Hygd. { (2) HEARDRED { { Hygelac’s only son. { (4) A SISTER { Beowulf’s BEOWULF { mother Hygelac’s sister’s son. [Sidenote: Homicide within the family unavenged.] Beowulf is made to say that, when seven winters old, Hrethel had received him from his father Ecgtheow and had kept him as his own child (2420). ‘Remembering kinship’ (sippe gemunde), the old chieftain held him in no less regard than his own three sons, Herebeald, Hæthcyn, and Hygelac. But Hrethel’s old age was full of trouble. The worst tragedy that came upon him was the death of his eldest son Herebeald, killed by his second son apparently by accident. Hæthcyn by arrow from hornbow brought him (Herebeald) down, his near kinsman. He missed the target and shot his brother. (2440) Here, then, was an apparently accidental homicide within the family. How was it regarded? One brother killed the other with bloody dart. That was a wrong past compensation.… Any way and every way it was inevitable that the Etheling must quit life unavenged. (2445). The poet likens the father’s grief to that of ‘an old ceorle’ who should see his young son ride on the gallows-tree and can do nothing but wait while his son thus hangs, food for the ravens, as he cannot bring him help (2450). So did the crowned chief of the Stormfolk, in memory of Herebeald, carry about a tumult of heart-sorrow. He could not possibly requite the feud upon the man-slayer, neverthemore could he pursue the warrior with hostile deeds though not beloved by him. He then, with the sorrow wherewith that wound had stricken him, let go life’s joys and chose the light of God. (2464.) Thus incidentally is revealed by the poet the depth of the tribal feeling that homicide can only be atoned for by avengement and feud, making it a hard struggle against nature for a father to withhold revenge upon a son for even accidental fratricide. As with the Cymry, it seems that there could be no feud or composition within the family. Nor in the case of accidental homicide was there apparently in the poet’s mind the necessity of flight or outlawry, however great the craving for avengement. It is also significant that Hæthcyn, the slayer, is made to join with his brother Hygelac in the next warfare after Hrethel’s death (2474). The accidental slayer remains a tribesman. [Sidenote: Quarrel between Beowulf’s paternal and maternal kindred. He takes no part in it.] This next warfare was a quarrel--‘provocation and reprisal’--between Swedes and Geats, _i.e._ between the paternal and maternal kindreds of Beowulf. He himself, it is worth noting, did not engage in it. Onela and Ohthere, the sons of Ongentheow (Beowulf’s paternal relation and chief of the Scylfings or Swedes), apparently began the quarrel. They recklessly broke the peace between the two families--Swedes and Geats. Hrethel was no longer living. Beowulf’s maternal uncles, Hæthcyn and Hygelac, fought on one side, and Ongentheow and his two sons on the other (2485). Hæthcyn fell on one side and Ongentheow on the other: the latter by the hand of Eofor--a comrade rather than kinsman of Hygelac, for he was rewarded by the bestowal of Hygelac’s daughter. The quarrel seems to have been open fighting, possibly from the revival of the old enmities and in breach of tribal custom. Be this as it may, Beowulf himself took no part in the quarrel between his maternal and paternal kindreds. This disastrous and unnatural quarrel left Hygelac the only surviving son of Hrethel, and so the chieftain of Beowulf’s maternal kindred. All this irregular fighting, incidentally mentioned by the poet, was past before Beowulf’s great enterprise against the monster Grendel. And, as we have seen, it was as the ‘man and kin’ of Hygelac that Beowulf appeared at Hrothgar’s court. And it was at the feet of Hygelac as his chief of kin, and at the feet of Hygd his queen, that Beowulf laid down his treasures on his return in safety. This exploit ended, Hrothgar thenceforth disappears from the poem, and the poet confines himself to Beowulf’s nearer belongings. [Sidenote: But in feud with Frisians Beowulf fights for Hygelac, who is killed.] The next event in order of date is a quarrel between Hygelac and the Frisians. This time Beowulf fights for his chieftain. But Hygelac is killed (2357), and again the result reveals interesting traits of tribal custom. Beowulf returns from Friesland to Hygd the widowed queen of Hygelac. She ‘offers him rings and throne, not daring to trust that her young son Heardred would be able to maintain the chieftainship against all stranger folk.’ Beowulf, however, declines to become _hlaford_ over Heardred, but supports him in his chieftainship till he should be older (2370). Young Heardred, however, is not chieftain long (2380). The old lawless quarrel between Beowulf’s maternal and paternal relations rises up again. The facts, when unravelled, seem to be these:--Within Beowulf’s paternal kindred trouble had arisen. For some cause not told, the grandsons of Ongentheow (sons of Ohthere) had been outlawed. They are described as wräc-mäegas (2380) and as having cast off allegiance to the chieftain of the Scylfings. These outlawed kinsmen of Beowulf’s paternal family came to young Heardred’s court, and whilst his guests (‘on feorme’) the young chieftain fell by the sword of one of them (2388). [Sidenote: Homicide within the kindred again is unavenged, though Beowulf is guardian of the slain.] It was Eanmund by whom this outrage was committed, and once more the crime remained apparently unavenged. The slayer was allowed to withdraw in safety, leaving Beowulf to succeed to the chieftainship of his maternal kindred (2390). Again we ask why? Here was a crime committed by an outlawed paternal kinsman of Beowulf against the chieftain of his maternal kindred, of whom he was himself the guardian, and yet Beowulf did not avenge it! Was it because of the kinship, or because of the outlawry? Whilst nursing the remembrance of his chieftain’s death, Beowulf is made to act with kindness to the other outlawed brother in his desolation, waiting for such avengement as might come at last in the course of things--as it did, according to the poet, when ‘with a band of warriors over sea Eadgils died in cold and painful marches’ (2396). [Sidenote: An outlawed tribesman not protected by his kindred.] Avengement is made to follow too in the same way upon Eanmund the murderer. It came from Beowulf’s paternal uncle, Weohstan. But here again the poet is careful to record that it came not in a blood feud, but ‘in fair fight’ with weapon’s edge (2612). And, as if to emphasise the fact that the outlawed kinsman had forfeited all tribal rights, the poet adds that ‘Weohstan from his kindred carried off the armour and sword of Eanmund, Onela (Eanmund’s uncle) yielding them up to him _without a word about a feud_, although he (Weohstan) had slain his brother’s son’ (2620). Evidently the poet means to make it clear that Onela’s passive attitude was due to the fact that his nephew was a lawless exile, and so no longer entitled to protection from his kin (2612 and 2380). The old sword known among men as the relic of Eanmund (son of Ohthere), whom, when a lawless exile, Weohstan had slain in fair fight with weapon’s edge; and from his kindred (magum) had carried off the brown mottled helmet, ringed byrnie, and old mysterious sword; which Onela yielded up to him, his nephew’s war-harness, accoutrement complete. Not a word spake he (Onela) about the feud, although he (Weohstan) had killed his brother’s son. He (Weohstan) retained the spoils for many a year, bill and byrnie, until when his own boy (Wiglaf) was able to claim Eorlscip rank, like his father before him, then gave he to him, before the Geats, armour untold of every sort, after which he gave up life, ripe for the parting journey. Thus the restrained desire of avengement incidentally is made to find satisfaction at last as regards both the outlawed sons of Ohthere. After these events the elder branch of the Scyldings passes out of the poet’s interest. The only remaining heroes of the tale are the two Wægmundings--Beowulf and Wiglaf. A long interval had elapsed between Beowulf’s accession to the chieftainship of his maternal kindred and the final feat of daring which cost him his life. And it was Wiglaf, his nearest paternal kinsman, who in the last tragedy came to his aid bearing the sword of the outlawed Eanmund. Beowulf’s dying words to Wiglaf were: ‘Thou art the last left of our kindred (cynnes) the Wægmundings. Fate has swept into eternity all my kinsmen (mâgas)--eorls among men! I must after them!’ As he comes to the rescue, Wiglaf remembers the honour done to him by Beowulf, who had already passed on to him the hereditary right of the chieftainship of the Wægmundings (2608). [Sidenote: Beowulf as ‘sister’s son’ becomes chief of his maternal kindred.] Why had he done this? If we might tentatively use the clue given by ancient Greek tribal custom to elucidate a Scandinavian case, we should say that on failure of male succession the ‘sister’s son’ of Hygelac had been called back into his mother’s kindred to become its chieftain, leaving Wiglaf, his next of kin on his father’s side, to sustain the chieftainship of his paternal kindred. The right of the maternal uncle, known to have existed under early Greek law, to claim his ‘sister’s son’ if need arose, to perpetuate the mother’s paternal kindred, suggests a similar explanation in Beowulf’s case. Such a right, found as well in the Laws of Manu, may possibly have been inherent in Scandinavian tribal custom also. Such a suggestion would be at least consistent with the fact of Beowulf’s having been brought up from seven years old in the household of his maternal grandfather, and treated by him as a son. It would be in harmony, too, with what Tacitus describes to have been the relation of the ‘sister’s son’ to the _avunculus_ amongst the German tribes, and the peculiar value of the ‘sister’s son’ as a hostage.[60] Some indirect confirmation of the probable truth of such a suggestion may perhaps be also drawn from the fact that in Beowulf, when a man’s father is no longer living, the poet sometimes seems to describe him as his maternal uncle’s nephew instead of as his father’s son. Heardred, the young son of Hygelac and Hygd his queen, after his father’s death is spoken of no longer as Hygelac’s son, but as the _nephew of Hereric_, ‘nefan Hererices’ (2207). Now his paternal uncles were Herebeald and Hæthcyn, and it becomes an almost necessary inference that Hereric was a maternal uncle. Thus: HÆRETH (1929) father of Hygd +------------------------+ \| \| (HERERIC?) HYGD, m. Hygelac uncle of Heardred (2207) \| HEARDRED nephew of Hereric[61] (2207) So also in the case of Hygelac himself. He was the son of Hrethel. The poet calls him son of Hrethel (1486), and again _Hygelac Hrethling_ (1924). But after Hrethel’s death he calls him ‘Hygelac of the Geats, _nephew of Swerting_’ (‘_Hygelac Geáta nefa Swertinges_’) (1204). Here again it seems likely that Swerting was the maternal uncle, though the poet, as in the other case, does not think it needful to explain that it was so. Otherwise, why the change of epithet? We are here recording tribal customs as revealed in Beowulf, and not seeking for their origin in earlier stages of tribal life. We pass on, therefore, to consider what light the story throws on the customs of the Northern tribes as to marriage. [Sidenote: Tribal custom as to marriage.] It is with the chieftains’ grade of rank that we have mostly to do in Beowulf, and nothing is more strongly emphasised by the poet than the important place of marriage between two tribes or kindreds as a link, recognised, however, to be a very brittle one, binding them together so as to end or prevent the recurrence of a feud. When Beowulf, after his first exploit in aid of Hrothgar against Grendel, has returned to his maternal uncle and chief of kindred Hygelac, and is recounting his adventures, the poet at the first mention of Hrothgar’s queen makes him call her the ‘peace bond to the people.’ And in the same breath, in telling how in Hrothgar’s hall the daughter Freaware bore the ale-flagon, he stops to tell how that ‘she, the young, the gold dight, was promised to the gay son of Froda; it having pleased the Friend of the Scylfings that he, through that woman, should compose deadly enmities and feuds.’ And the poet makes Beowulf moralise to the effect:--‘Often and not seldom anywhere after deadly strife, it is but a little while that the baneful spear reposes, good though the bride may be!’ [Sidenote: Marriage a link between kindreds.] It would seem that Hrothgar had been formerly at feud with the Heathobeards, that Froda had been killed in the feud, and that the marriage of Freaware to Froda’s son, Ingeld, was to close the feud. But Beowulf repeats aside to Hygelac that he does not think much of the chances of a long continuance of peace between Scyldings and Heathobeards (2030). Well may it mislike the ruler of the Heathobeards and every thane of that people when the lady goeth into hall with a prince born of Danes, amidst the high company; upon him do glisten heirlooms of their ancestors, ringed harness, once Heathobeardic treasure, while they could keep the mastery of those weapons and until they in an unlucky moment led to that buckler play their dear comrades and their own lives. Then saith one over the beer, one who observes them both, an old lance fighter.… ‘Canst thou, my friend, recognise the blade, the precious steel, which thy father carried into battle, wearing his helmet for the last time, where the Danes slew him? … and the masters of the battlefield were the fiery Scyldings! Now here a boy of one of those banesmen walketh our hall … wearing the treasure which by right should have been thine!’ So urged and egged on at every turn with galling words, at last the moment comes that for his father’s deeds the lady’s thane sleepeth bloodspattered after the falchion’s bite, life-doomed! The other escapes alive! By-and-by the sworn oaths of the warriors on either side will be broken, when in Ingeld’s mind rankle war purposes, and care has lessened his domestic sorrow! Therefore I deem not the loyalty of the Heathobeards nor the alliance with the Danes secure, or the friendship firm! (2033-2069, slightly abridged.) What a consistent light this passage throws incidentally on the quarrels which, in spite of the Geats and Swedes being bound together in friendship by the marriage of Beowulf’s mother, broke out again and again, according to the poem, between the two kindreds--quarrels in which Beowulf himself is represented as taking no part, presumably because, according to tribal custom, his blood relationship to both kindreds was a bar to his taking up the feud or assuming the part of the avenger! And how the whole story of Beowulf’s paternal kindred reveals the melancholy fact that, however great the force of tribal custom in controlling feuds, the wild human nature of hot-blooded tribesmen was wont to break through restraints and often ended in the outlawry of tribesmen and the breaking up of kindreds! [Sidenote: Summary of the evidence of Beowulf.] To sum up the results obtained from the study of tribal custom as incidentally revealed in Beowulf:-- (1) There is no feud within the kindred when one kinsman slays another. However strong the natural instinct for avengement, it must be left to fate and natural causes. Accidental homicide does not seem to be followed even by exile. But murder within the kindred breaks the tribal tie and is followed by outlawry. (2) Marriage between two kindreds is a common though precarious means of closing feuds between them. The son of such a marriage takes no part in a quarrel between his paternal and maternal relations. (3) When a marriage takes place, the wife does not pass entirely out of her own kindred into her husband’s. Her own kindred, her father and brothers, maintain a sort of guardianship over her, and the son in some sense belongs to both kindreds. He may have to join in his maternal kindred’s feuds, and he may become the chieftain of his maternal kindred on failure of direct male succession, even though by so doing he may have to relinquish the right of chieftainship in his paternal kindred to another kinsman. Finally, in passing from the blood feuds to the composition substituted for them, after what we have learned from Beowulf of tribal custom, there need be no surprise that maternal as well as paternal relations are found to be interested in them. We may fairly judge that tribal custom, in the stage in which we find it in Beowulf and later in the laws of various tribes, would not have been true to itself, had this been otherwise. CHAPTER IV. _TRIBAL CUSTOM OF THE IRISH TRIBES._ I. THE ERIC FINE OF THE BREHON LAWS. [Sidenote: Goidelic tribal custom differed from Cymric.] Returning now once more to the examination of tribal custom and the structure of tribal society in the case of tribes belonging to the Celtic group, it might be expected that Cymric customs would be likely most closely to accord with those of the Celtic tribes of Ireland, Brittany, and Gaul. But it must be remembered that the Cymry whose customs are contained in the Codes, whatever their original Continental position may have been, are supposed to have come into Wales from the North, with Cunedda and his sons. The Codes therefore probably represent the customs of the Cymry of ancient Cumbria north of the Solway Frith, rather than those of the Britons, whether Goidels or Cymry, dwelling in South Wales and more or less subject for generations to Roman rule. If the theory of the emigration from Wales and Cornwall into Brittany, as the consequence of the Saxon invasion, be correct, the Britons who emigrated into Brittany may never have shared the peculiar customs of the immigrants into Wales following upon the conquests of Cunedda and his sons. They may have had more in common with the Goidelic tribes of South Wales than with the Cymric newcomers into Wales. These considerations may well prepare the way for the recognition of differences as well as resemblances between Cymric and Irish tribal custom. The system of payments for homicide amongst the ancient tribes of Ireland as described in the Brehon Laws differed widely from that of the Cymric Codes.[62] In the first place, the Brehon laws describe no scale of galanas or wergeld, directly varying with the social rank of the person killed. Gradations of rank there were indeed, and numerous enough. But there appears to have been only one _coirp-dire_, or body-fine, the same for all ranks, namely seven cumhals or female slaves--the equivalent of twenty-one cows. [Sidenote: The Brehon _coirp-dire_ of all tribesmen the same: six cumhals and one added.] And when this _coirp-dire_, or price of the body or life of a man, is further examined, it is found to consist of two parts: (1) one cumhal of compensation (aithgin); (2) the six cumhals of the _coirp-dire_ proper. In the tract ‘Of every Crime’[63] it is stated:-- If the man who is dead has a son, he takes the cumhal of compensation alone. If not alive, his father is to take it. If not alive, his brother; if he be not alive, the nearest person to him is to take it. And then the coirp-dire is divided: 3 cumhals to the son and the father; 1 cumhal to the brother; 1 cumhal to the son and father (_sic_); 1 to the geilfine from the lowest to the uppermost man; --so making up the 6 cumhals of the coirp-dire. And in the ‘Book of Aicill’ (p. 537) are these lines: Three eric fines are counselled: (1) There is paid full compensation; (2) And fair honest coirp-dire; (3) And honour-price is paid. [Sidenote: The _eneclann_ or honour-price varied with rank. The ‘eric’ fine included both.] Besides this coirp-dire, therefore, was the _eneclann_, honour-price or price of the face, _i.e._ payment for insult. And this was the payment, by no means confined to homicide, which varied according to rank. These two things then--the coirp-dire of seven cumhals and the honour-price--made up together (with, in some cases, exceptional additions) the eric fine. Next as to the persons liable for its payment. In the Corus Bescna[64] the following statement is made relating to homicide in cases where the homicide was one of _necessity_:-- The eric fine is to be paid by the slayer’s kindred (fine), as they divide his property (cro). He (the slayer) shall pay a cumhal of restitution (aithgin) and as much as a son or a father of the six cumhals of the dire-fine. As to crimes of _non-necessity_:--[65] he himself is to be given up for it, with his cattle and his land. [Sidenote: The kindred of ‘near hearths’ were liable for the whole eric.] If he has not enough to pay the eric or is not to be caught, then it is to be paid by his son until his cattle and his land be spent on it (or failing him) by his father in the same manner. Lastly, failing both the son and the father, it is to be paid by each nearest hearth (teallach) to him until all they have is spent, or full payment of the crime is made up among them. So that, in the absence or in default of the murderer, at the date of this Brehon tract, his family and kindred were answerable for the whole of the eric in the case of wilful murder. [Sidenote: The ‘hearths’ liable apparently to third cousins.] The nearest hearths or ‘fine who bear the crimes of each kinsman of their stock’ were, according to the Senchus Mor (i. p. 261):-- 1. _Geil_ fine; 2. _Derb_ fine; 3. _Iar_ fine; 4. _Ind_ fine. I think M. D’Arbois de Jubainville[66] is probably right in explaining these four hearths or fines to be groups or grades of kindred. He divides them thus:-- { father; The _geil_ fine { son; { grandson; { brother. { grandfather; _derb_ fine { paternal uncle; { nephew; { first cousin. { great-grandfather; _iar_ fine { great-uncle; { great-nephew; { second cousin. { great-great-grandfather; _ind_ fine { great-great-uncle; { great-great-nephew; { third cousin. Whether this interpretation of the Brehon scheme of the divisions of the Irish fine or kindred be correct in every detail I shall not venture to give an opinion, further than to say that, viewed in the light of other tribal systems, it seems to me to be nearer the mark than the various other attempts to make intelligible what after all are very obscure passages in the Brehon Laws. The seventeen persons making up the four divisions of the fine or kindred must be taken, I think, as representing _classes_ of relations and not individuals; _e.g._ under the head ‘first cousin’ must be included all ‘first cousins,’ and so on throughout. So understood, the four hearths or groups of kindred liable for the eric would include the sixteen grades nearest of kin to the criminal. He himself, or the chieftain, would form the seventeenth person on the list. The tract ‘Of every Crime’ seems to confirm the view above taken. It states (iv. 241) that ‘for the crimes of every criminal’ he himself was first liable. If he has absconded it goes upon his chattels; living chattels or dead chattels. [Sidenote: The four ‘fines’ or ‘hearths’ were groups of kinsmen in grades of relationship.] The liability falls next upon his father and his brother, but, according to the commentary, upon his son first, if he have one. These seem to be the _geilfine_ relations or nearest hearth. And after them it falls, according to the text, upon his ‘deirbhfine relations.’ And ‘if they have absconded so that they cannot be caught, his crime goes upon his chief.’ But before it goes upon the chief the iarfine and other fines come in, according to the commentary, and the _chief_ is said to be that of the _four fines_. The reason why the crime goes upon the deirbhfine division and the iarfine division here before it goes upon the chief is because it is one chief over them.… _His chief_--_i.e._ the chief of the four families (p. 243). On the whole, therefore, according to whatever rules of kinship a fine may have been divided into the ‘four nearest fines or hearths,’ we can hardly be wrong in considering them not as four artificial groups including in all seventeen individuals, but as four _family groups_ arranged in the order in which liability for a kinsman’s crime was to be shared. [Sidenote: The same groups both received and paid eric.] The full liability for the eric would then, as in the Cymric case, fall upon the four groups or hearths as a whole. But, again as in the Cymric case, the amount falling upon each of them was defined and divided among the individuals composing it. The same family division held good both as regards payment and receipt of eric.[67] The general correspondence between the obligation to pay and the right to receive a share in fines is shown by another passage from the Senchus Mor: The feini charge the liability of each kinsman [comfogius] upon the other in the same way as he obtained his eric fine and his inheritance.[68] The penalties for any other crime than homicide fell in the first instance upon the criminal alone, and the person injured took the whole of the compensation for his injury. But it was not so in the case of homicide. It was not a matter for the individual alone. Both in payment and receipt it was, as with the Cymry, a joint interest of the kindred. The following passage makes this clear:-- What is the reason that it is upon himself alone every crime that a person commits goes, _except killing_, provided he has the means of paying it? _Answer._ Because, though it be against him alone evil is done, _except killing_, it is to himself alone it shall be paid. Every _killing_, however, which he commits, it is not he alone that shall pay for, though he has the means of paying for it, but it goes upon the family (fine), and this is now the reason: because though it were himself or his son that had been killed, it is the whole family (fine) that would take the body fine (coirp-dire) of either of them, and not his son or father.[69] [Sidenote: The solidarity of the kindred.] A still clearer indication of this solidarity of the family or kindred occurs in the Book of Aicill (p. 541) in regard to the right of the several members, according to relationship, to share in composition for a kinswoman abducted without their consent. If taken without her own consent, honour-price was to be paid to herself, and also honour-price was to be paid to her chiefs, and her relations, according to the nature of their relationship to her. This presumably was for the breach of their protection. Should death overtake her before she was restored, coirp-dire and honour-price were to be paid to her family. In case of her consent it was the same except that she could claim no honour-price for herself. So far, then, we have felt our way to the following conclusions:-- [Sidenote: Summary of the rules as to eric.] (1) That the eric for homicide in Ireland was shared by the family in grades of relationship elaborately fixed, but which it is not necessary to discuss further. (2) In cases of innocent homicide the family, _i.e._ four nearest hearths or grades of kindred, shared the eric with the slayer, _i.e._ the slayer was only liable to pay a share of the eric. (3) In cases of intentional homicide the goods of the murderer all had to go first, and only the remainder was thrown upon his kindred. But (except _inter se_) they were liable to the kindred of the slain for the whole of what the slayer could not pay. (4) The eric consisted of two parts--the coirp-dire and the honour-price. The coirp-dire was seven cumhals, one of which was for restitution (_aithgin_), the other six cumhals being the _coirp-dire_ proper. (5) As in other laws, there were sometimes additional payments for breach of protection or privilege &c. II. THE HONOUR-PRICE (ENECLANN). It is necessary next to direct special attention to the honour-price (eneclann). The question at once arises, _whose_ honour-price had to be paid? In the first place, according to a passage in the Book of Aicill, it is the honour-price of the _slayer_ that had to be paid, _i.e._ the higher the rank of the slayer the greater the payment to the kindred of the person slain. [Sidenote: The honour-price of the slayer.] The passage alluded to occurs almost at the beginning of the Book of Aicill (p. 99). The heading, literally translated, is: ‘Fines are doubled by anger (ferg).’ Then follows a long commentary, in which the point seems to be limited to _secret_ murder, and the doubling seems to be the result of the _concealment_. This is quite consistent with tribal feeling as shown in other laws, concealment of the slain person on the part of the murderer being considered a grave aggravation. The passage is as follows:-- _Fines are doubled by anger (ferg)._ The double of _his own honour-price_ is due of each and every person, whether native freeman, stranger, foreigner, daerman, or looker-on, for the crime of _secret_ murder.[70] And then the commentary goes on to say that if it was the same person who killed and concealed a fine of 7 cumhals and full honour-price for the concealing, and 7 cumhals and full honour-price for the killing, which is twice 7 cumhals and double honour-price upon a native freeman for secret murder. Obviously the _honour-price_ in both cases is that of the murderer, for a little further on is a statement that the same fine is upon a native freeman for looking on at the killing of a native freeman, or a stranger, or a foreigner, or a daerman.[71] [Sidenote: The honour-price of the slain or of his kinsmen.] But besides this honour-price of the criminal, as we have seen, other payments had apparently to be made to the relatives of the slain, for breach of their protection or for injury sustained, and these were measured by the honour-price of the recipients and not by that of the criminal. It is not quite clearly stated that these payments were a part of the eric, but we may suppose that they were in a sense a buying off of the right of feud, and accepted in lieu of the right of joining in the avengement of the crime and in the feud, for which the eric was the composition. [Sidenote: The honour-price of the protector of the slain.] A passage in the Book of Aicill (p. 107) incidentally seems to show that the son of a person slain could choose whether to claim honour-price on the scale of his own social rank, according to right of property, or of the status of his father or grandfather, or that of the chieftain under whose protection he lived. If, having been given his choice of taking honour-price in right of property, or honour-price in right of his father and his grandfather, he made choice of honour-price in right of his property, and decay came upon his property so that he has [left] but the kingship of the three handles--the handle of his flail, the handle of his hatchet, and the handle of his wood axe; he is (then) entitled to but one screpall for his worthiness if he be worthy; and if he be not worthy he is entitled to nothing, unless children have been born to him afterwards which he had not before on the day of making his choice, and if they have been born he has honour-price in right of them. The passage goes on to mention the case of his having made choice ‘to have honour-price in right of his relations or in right of his chief.’ In the Senchus Mor (i. p. 275), without direct mention of the case of homicide, is the following statement:-- The honour-price is fourfold. Full honour-price is due to one for his father, half honour-price for his father’s brother, one third honour-price for his son or his daughter, one fourth honour-price for his grandson. On the whole it may be gathered from the Brehon tracts that, whilst the coirp-dire or body fine was a fixed amount, the eric or full payment was complex, involving, besides the coirp-dire, the honour-price of the slayer according to his rank, and also payments to the relations of the slain, regulated by their honour-price and rank, and nearness of relationship to the slain person, by way of reparation for the insult or injury involved, or for breach of their protection, &c. In order to judge how much these payments of honour-price added to the eric, we must seek to learn something of the character of the various grades and ranks, and the amount of the honour-price of each. III. THE GRADATIONS IN RANK UNDER THE BREHON LAWS. The gradations in the honour-price, as stated in the ‘Crith Gabhlach,’ become very important from the light thrown by them upon the structure of tribal society in Ireland. [Sidenote: The ‘midboth’ or ordinary freeman and his food allowance.] At the bottom of the list of these grades is mentioned the _midboth_ man or ordinary freeman without land or cows (?). He is said to be entitled, as food allowance, to the humblest fare of ‘milk and stirabout’ and for himself alone (iv. 301). His honour-price is only a dairt heifer or colpach heifer, and his honour-price (as that of other grades) is also the limit of the value of his oath or pledge. He is a man who has not yet attained to a household of his own. When he has done that he seems to rise to the next rank of an _og-aire_, _i.e._ a young _aire_. Suddenly, we are told of the og-aire that he has seven cows and a bull, seven pigs, seven sheep, and a horse. He also has a cow land, _i.e._ land to graze seven cows, for which a cow is paid every year by him to his chief. He has an ox, and a fourth part of the needful for ploughing: _i.e._ presumably he joins with others in making up a plough team of four oxen. Surely these have been supplied to him by his chief, as in the case of the Cymric ‘da.’ His proportionate stock (turcreicc) is eight cows, which with his land he gets from a bo-aire, possessed of surplus cattle, and he pays to him a food-rent ‘bes tigi’ (like the Welsh gwestva) of a cow and a pig, &c. Should his stock increase he does not always become at once a _bo-aire_, ‘because four or five such may occupy the land of a bo-aire, and it would not be easy for each of them to be a bo-aire’ (iv. pp. 305-309). [Sidenote: The ‘bo-aire.’] So in the same way a _bo-aire_ has land of twice seven cumhals, and he has half of a full ploughing apparatus, and his proportionate stock (from his chief) is twelve cows; and a colpach heifer is his food-rent; and his honour-price is five seds. A bo-aire may have a full and complete plough team and twenty cows and other things, and he may even rise to the giving of proportionate stock to tenants of his own if his stock should have grown too much for his land. But he still may remain a bo-aire. He may, however, rise from a bo-aire into a _flaith_ (or chief), when he has double as much as an ‘aire desa’ and has established himself with a _green_ round his homestead, and so surrounded his house with a _precinct_ in which he can give protection to cattle taken in distress, this being one of the important duties and functions of a chief (flaith) (iv. pp. 309-317). It would seem that even when a man had risen to be the chief of his kindred (fine) he might still be simply a bo-aire, and not necessarily yet a _flaith chief_. In another tract, among other disconnected items are the following:-- Whatever number of the divisions of the bo-aires happen to be contending, though one of them be older than the others, the grade which is most wealthy, _i.e._ in point of wealth, it is it that takes precedence. He is a hill of chieftainship in the third person. Unless his father and grandfather were flaith, though he may be of the same race as to his origin, his chieftainship is lost to him. A plebeian chief is one whose father or grandfather was not a chief (flaith). (iv. pp. 379-381.) It would seem from these statements that to become a flaith from the rank of bo-aires something like an election was needful, and that wealth weighed most in the election. It shows, however, that it was election out of a class or family in which the flaithship descended from father to son, and that one of the qualifications was that a man’s father and grandfather before him must have been flaiths. [Sidenote: The ‘aire desa.’] So too in the ‘Crith Gabhlach’ (iv. p. 321) the _aire desa_ must be the son of an aire and the grandson of an aire. He has (probably a minimum of) ten tenants, five _giallna_ and five _saer_, and gets a food-rent from each. But he himself takes proportionate stock from his chief, for which he pays food-rent in the same way. [Sidenote: The ‘aire ard.’] The _aire ard_ has twenty tenants, ten _giallna_ and ten _saer_, and in his turn he takes proportionate stock from his chief (iv. p. 325). [Sidenote: The ‘aire tuisi.’] The _aire tuisi_ has twenty-seven tenants, fifteen giallna and twelve saer, and he takes himself proportionate stock from a king, ‘and he makes corus-arrangements _in the raith right of his father and grandfather_,’ whatever this may be (iv. 325). [Sidenote: The ‘aire forgaill.’ The ‘Ri-tuaithe.’] Above him is the _aire forgaill_, with forty tenants; and at the head of the flaith or chieftain grade comes the _Ri-tuaithe_, who is the chief or King of a Tuath. [Sidenote: The lower grades take stock from the higher and pay food-rents to them.] We need not attempt to discuss the details of this hierarchy of chieftains. It is enough that, throughout, the lower chieftain takes stock from and pays food-rents to the higher chieftain, or the Ri-tuaithe, as the case may be. So that the grades of tribal rank were connected by the link formed by the receipt of an allotment of stock from, and the payment of food-rent to, the next superior grade. Concentrating attention now on the ‘fine’ or group dependent upon a single flaith or chief, we have seen that it consisted not only of his kindred, but also of other dependents. [Sidenote: The other tenants of a chieftain.] We have seen that the chief had both _giallna_ and _saer_ tenants, and that he supplied these tenants with stock, and received food-rent and services in return. In the second volume of the Senchus Mor[72] are two chapters on _Saer-raith_ and _Daer-raith_. And the two kinds of tenancy are explained somewhat as follows. [Sidenote: Effect of continuance of tenancy for three lives.] In the _saer_-raith the stock is given without any pledge, and the return for it is one-third in value as food-rent every year, and the tenant has to perform what is translated as homage, and to do service on the dun-fort, at harvest time, and on military expeditions, but he does no manual labour. The saer tenant cannot separate from his own hereditary tribal chieftain, or refuse to take stock from him, and to that extent he seems to be _adscriptus glebæ_. But if he chooses to receive stock from another chief he can give it up when he likes, unless not having returned it _for three lifetimes_, he has let the chief get a permanent hold on him, but this must not be so as to rob his own tribe of their innate rights (p. 219). This freedom to take stock from other chieftains does not, therefore, seem to alter his position or that of his successor as permanent tenants of their own hereditary chieftain. And this applies both to his higher chieftain of _kingly_ rank, and his own lesser chieftain of _flaith_ rank. He cannot separate from his own king (ri) at any time, either in _saer_-rath or _daer_-rath, unless the chief be indigent.… His own _aire_ of the _flaith_ grade is in the same position as his own _king_ (p. 211). On the other hand, whilst in the case of stock taken from another chieftain the contract can be ended on either side (except after three lives), the hereditary king or chieftain cannot, without good reason, withdraw the stock from the tenants. If he be his own king he can never take away either his _saer_ stock or _daer_ stock unless the tenant be indigent, and there are no life separations between the tenant and his own hereditary king unless either of them act illegally, &c.… The tightness of the tribal bond is shown still more clearly by the statement that the chieftain himself is not competent to forgive, so as to bind his successors, the food-rent due from the tenant. The food-rent is free to the successors of the chief; for the chief is not competent to forgive the payment of what supplies his house (p. 213). So much we gather from the chapter on _saer_-rath. Now as to _daer_-rath (p. 223). No one was bound to take _daer_ stock from any one, not even from his own chieftain or king. Taking daer stock was therefore a matter of contract, and a contract by a tribesman affected his _fine_ or kindred. The stock is received by the tenant either with or without the knowledge of the _fine_, for if it was unknown to them they could impugn his contract, but if it was within their knowledge, though the stock be ever so great, it is fastened upon them. The fine had a voice, presumably lest it should be found that cattle in their family herd, unknown to them, might belong to some outside chieftain. And further, if continued for three lives, the obligation might become permanent, as in the case of saer stock. [Sidenote: ‘Fuidhir’ tenants become _adscripti glebæ_ after three generations.] Besides these _daer_ and _saer_ tenants who had taken stock from their chieftain or king, and who seem to have been to a great extent _adscripti glebæ_, there is mention of _fuidhir_ tenants. They seem to be strangers, admitted, like the Cymric alltuds, upon a chieftain’s land, and, like the Cymric alltuds, free to move away, until by residence for three generations they also have become recognised as freemen, and at the same time _adscripti glebæ_. In the tract, ‘Divisions of the Tribe of a Territory,’[73] is the following mention of the fuidhir tenants, confirming what has been said above. It occurs in the commentary:-- His fuidhir tenants, _i.e._ they become free during the time of three persons; the fourth man is called a daer-bothach person; the _fifth is a sencleithe_ person. The fifth person would be the great-great-grandson of the original fuidhir. Further on (p. 287) is the following:-- The families of the fuidhir tenants are subject to manifold divisions. The son is enriched in the same ratio as his father, and the father does not sell anything to the prejudice of his sons, grandsons, great-grandsons, or great-great-grandsons. [Sidenote: The fifth generation become ‘sencleithe.’] The chief point of interest is that the men of the fourth generation of fuidhirs, according to the above-quoted passages, became _daer-bothach_ persons--half free men--and the fifth generation _sencleithe_, so that the family, like the Cymric stranger, grew into freedom in four or five generations. This gradual growth of fuidhirs into sencleithe tenants in five generations of occupation is illustrated by the retention of rights for a corresponding period. In the Book of Aicill (p. 157) is a statement that the land of an imbecile person (a fool’s land) is not lost to his descendants, though they be also imbeciles, ‘till five persons:’ that is, till the fifth generation. The number of generations required does not, however, seem to have been absolutely uniform. The following is from the ‘Crith Gabhlach’ (p. 321):-- If there be service from them (cottier and fuidhir tenants which he, the chief, brings upon the land) to ‘flaith’ chiefs to nine times nine (years?), they are cottiers and fuidhir tenants; they are _sencleithe_ tenants from that out. In the Editor’s note (p. 350) to the sequel to the ‘Crith Gabhlach,’ there is a statement that the sencleithe tenant was a man who came from his natural chief to settle under another chief; and if he or his successors continued away during the time of three successive chiefs, with the knowledge of the former chief, and unclaimed by him or his successors, he or they then became ‘sencleithe,’ and could not go away of themselves nor be claimed by the other.[74] [Sidenote: Comparison with Cymric custom as to strangers, and as to the link between chief and tribesmen made by bestowal and acceptance of cattle.] These passages, taken together, seem to imply that after five, or sometimes three, generations of tenancy under the same chieftain or his successors, the fuidhir tenants became in some sense _adscripti glebæ_, like the Cymric alltuds, and at the same time formed a group of kindred very much like a Cymric gwely. Beyond this it is not easy to realise the position of the _sencleithe_ person. The text of the Brehon law tracts is often very obscure, and the commentary so imperfect that the suggestion again and again occurs to the student that the commentator may sometimes himself be groping in the dark. Moreover, all the Brehon tracts have not yet been published, so that we have as yet only part of the evidence before us. Still it seems to be safe to say that there are indications that, as in Wales, there were rungs in the social ladder by which the stranger or unfree tenant might, after a certain number of generations, climb into something like freedom and tribal rights at the cost of becoming at the same time attached to the land of the chieftain; and that to the freeman also the grades of social rank were in some measure dependent upon the social position of fathers and grandfathers and great-grandfathers as well as upon the acceptance of stock and the payment of food-rent and the performance of services to chieftains of higher rank. Further, without pressing too far resemblances which are not complete between Irish and Cymric custom, it may at least be suggested that the Irish example of the acceptance of stock by the young og-aire from the chief of his family, or some higher chieftain whose man he was or became, may throw some light upon the Cymric provision of _da_ or cattle to the young tribesman who became ‘man and kin’ to the chieftain who gave it for his maintenance. In the Irish instance, this bestowal and acceptance of stock was part of a system which ran through all ranks and grades. And it seems to have formed the natural link connecting one social rank with another, and securing some kind of solidarity in the whole kindred or tribe, in addition to the tie of blood relationship and sometimes as a substitute for it. We are now in a position to consider the amount of the honour-price of the various grades in tribal society as exhibited in the Brehon tracts, and to judge how far it was an important addition to the coirp-dire, and whether it raised the Irish _eric_ to an amount at all near to that of the _galanas_ of the Cymric Codes. [Sidenote: The amount of the honour-price of each grade.] In the ‘Crith Gabhlach’ the honour-price of each grade is given as below:-- Midboth men a dairt heifer or colpach heifer Og-aire 3 seds of cow kind Bo-aire 5 seds or = 1 cumhal _Aire desa_ 10 seds or = 2 cumhals Aire ard 15 seds or = 3 cumhals Aire tuisi 20 seds or = 4 cumhals Aire forgaill 15 seds (_sic_; ? 30 seds) or = 6 cumhals.[75] _Ri_-tuaith 7 cumhals The honour-price is given in the ‘Crith Gabhlach’ in seds. The number of cumhals or female slaves is taken from a list in the Book of Aicill (p. 475) and from a statement in the Senchus Mor (i. p. 76) in which the honour-price of the aire forgaill is stated to be 6 cumhals. It seems, then, that the honour-price of the Ri-tuaith, the highest chieftain, was seven cumhals, whilst the honour-price of the bo-aire only amounted to one cumhal, that of the og-aire to only three two-year-old heifers, whilst that of the simple freeman without land or cattle was only one single heifer. [Sidenote: Difference between the Irish ‘eric’ and the Cymric ‘galanas.’] The whole eric fine for homicide, including the coirp-dire and additional payments of honour price, evidently fell very far short of that of the Cymric galanas. Even in the case of the Ri-tuaith or highest chieftain slain by one of his own rank, the eric can hardly have exceeded the galanas of the young unmarried Cymric tribesman--viz. of sixty cows. [Sidenote: The honour-price the limit of the power of protection.] The importance under Irish tribal custom of the honour-price of a tribesman, and its graduation in proportion to rank, position, and wealth in the tribe, is apparent quite apart from the question of homicide. It ruled the value of ‘his oath, of his guarantee, of his pledge, and of his evidence.’ These according to the ‘Crith Gabhlach’ (p. 307) were the four things in which he acted to the extent of his honour-price, and he was not competent to undertake liabilities beyond this limit. This becomes very important when we realise how large a place the system of compurgation, or the support of a kinsman by the oaths of his fellow-kinsmen, filled in tribal usage. On the other hand, whilst the honour-price of a tribesman or chieftain was the limit up to which his power of giving protection to his fellow-tribesmen by oath or pledge or otherwise extended, it also was the measure of his own protection. He was entitled to his honour-price not only in case of homicide. If he was satirised or insulted, or if the protection he afforded to others was violated, or his house was burned, or any one stole from him, out of his house or in it, or forced his wife or his daughter, his honour-price was the measure of the amount of redress he could claim for the wrong. The analogy of this to the Cymric _saraad_ is obvious, and something like it is found in most tribal systems. [Sidenote: A typical case of eric from the Senchus Mor.] Finally, imperfect and vague in some points as may be the result of the foregoing examination of the Irish evidence, we are now perhaps in a position to appreciate, for what it is worth, the curious case described in the Senchus Mor.[76] It may be taken so far as it goes as a precedent or indication of the way in which the intricate matters connected with the eric fine and honour-price were worked out in practice, though it is difficult to explain all the rulings of the Brehon experts. The matter in dispute was between two of the three principal races of Erin--the Feini or ‘men of the North’ and the Ulaidh or ‘men of the South.’ Fergus was the son of the King of the Ulaidh. Owing to a quarrel amongst the Feini, Eochaidh Belbhuidhe, being expelled by Conn of the Hundred Battles, had fled from his own tribe and put himself under the protection of Fergus. Whilst under the protection of Fergus, Eochaidh was killed by Asal the son of Conn, and by four sons of Buidhe, and a grandson of Buidhe. The latter, being the son of Buidhe’s daughter _Dorn_ by a stranger, was not acknowledged by her kindred (fine). The eric fine for this outrage upon the protection of Fergus was thus arranged:--He was to have three times seven cumhals, _i.e._ seven cumhals in gold, seven in silver, and land of seven cumhals called _Inbher-Ailbhine_. This was in satisfaction for the crime of the six murderers, viz. the son of Conn, and the four sons and the grandson of Buidhe. Five out of the six slayers apparently were able to pay their share. But not so the sixth, viz. the grandson of Buidhe, the illegitimate son of his daughter Dorn, who, being unrecognised by the kindred, apparently had no claim for help from them. Consequently Dorn, the mother of the illegitimate grandson, was handed over to Fergus as a bondwoman in pledge for her son’s share of the eric. So matters stood for a time. But a new trouble arose, which seems to have upset the whole settlement and made it necessary to consider it over again, from the beginning. It would seem that after all there was a question whether the land _Inbher-Ailbhine_ was permanently handed over, or only for a time, and redeemable within the period of the lives of three chieftains, because there was a question whether such a period had expired or not. And again it was claimed that Dorn was only given in _temporary_ bondage as a pledge for her illegitimate son’s share of the eric. Besides these doubts, new circumstances had created a new position. Fergus was unfortunate enough to have suffered a blemish on his face. This, being a serious matter in a chieftain, was studiously kept from his knowledge. Dorn, acting as bondwoman, was one day, according to the story, preparing a bath for Fergus. Fergus complained that she was too slow about it and struck her with his horse-whip. She, being vexed, reproached him with his blemish, and for this insult Fergus slew her on the spot. Very shortly afterwards Fergus himself died. This then was the new position, causing a new quarrel between the two tribes and involving the reopening of the old one. The interest lies in the way in which it was settled. [Sidenote: Final balance of payments agreed to.] A balance was now struck between the crimes on each side, beginning with the slaying of Eochaidh while under the protection of Fergus, as follows:-- Fergus, being king of a province, was entitled to 18 cumhals both as airer-fine and honour-price for the violation of his protection. There were also due to him 9 cumhals for his half airer-fine and half honour-price for Dorn’s insult in reproaching him with the blemish; so that this was altogether 27 cumhals to Fergus. On the other side the Feini claimed as follows:-- Honour-price was demanded by the Feini for the killing of (Dorn) the pledge, for the pledge they had given was without limitation of time, and for it 23 cumhals were payable by Fergus for airer-fine and honour-price, for the authority of Fergus was opposed at the time. This seems to have settled the matter between the two tribes; _i.e._, so to speak, the public matter between the Feini and Fergus’s people. But there were individual rights to be considered also. Besides these 23 cumhals due to his tribe, Buidhe was entitled to honour-price for the killing of his daughter, _i.e._ he was an _aire-forgaill_ of the middle rank and was entitled to 6 cumhals as honour-price. Her brother was also entitled to honour-price for her death; he was an _aire-ard_ and was entitled to 4 cumhals as his honour-price. Why the other brother had no claim for honour-price does not appear--perhaps the one brother was the representative of the brothers as a class. The total sum demanded on Dorn’s side was therefore 23 + 6 + 4 cumhals = 33 cumhals. So that this which the men of the South demanded amounted to 33 cumhals, and the men of the North demanded 27; and a balance was struck between them, and it was found that an excess of 6 cumhals was due by the men of the North, for which the land _Inbher-Debhline_ was again restored by the men of the North. The commentary goes on to say:-- And it is evident from this, that when a man has paid eric fine, should the person to whom it has been paid commit a crime against him, the law orders that his own eric fine should be restored to the former should it be better than the other eric fine. In this case the land which had been taken by Fergus as ‘seven cumhals of land’ was returned to pay for the balance due of six cumhals only. It will be observed that whilst the father and brother of Dorn had their own honour-price allowed for her slaying, no _coirp-dire_ was claimed for the life of Dorn herself. The reason is given as follows:-- What is the reason that the land was restored by the people of the North and that the eric-fine for the woman was not restored, whereas both had been given (to Fergus) as eric-fine for trespass? The reason is the woman committed an offence in the North for which she was forfeited, and the land did not commit any offence for which it could be forfeited, but it was returned in part payment for that trespass (_i.e._ the killing of Dorn). IV. THE CURRENCY IN WHICH THE BREHON FINES WERE PAID. Before leaving the Irish coirp-dire and honour-price, allusion must be made to the currency in which they were paid. [Sidenote: Payment in cumhals or female slaves.] The most significant point was the payment in _cumhals_ or female slaves. The cumhal was equated with three cows, but the payment was reckoned and stated in cumhals. The female slave was the prominent customary unit of payment, and doubtless a common object of commerce and trade. [Sidenote: Cumhal = three cows or ounces of silver.] The equation of the cumhal and the cow with silver was also remarkable. The cow was equated with the Roman ounce, and the cumhal with three ounces. From a passage in the Senchus Mor (i. p. 247) and the Book of Aicill (pp. 371-377), the following table of values is evolved:-- 8 wheat-grains = pinginn of silver 24 ” (3 pinginns) = screpall 72 ” (3 screpalls) = sheep (B. of A. p. 377) 96 ” (4 screpalls) = dairt heifer 576 ” (6 dairts) = bo, or cow, or unga 1728 ” (3 bo) = cumhal or female slave These silver values as compared with those of the Cymric Codes seem at first sight to be singularly low. The Welsh cow, as we have seen, was valued in silver at three Saxon ounces, and the male and female slave each at a pound of twelve ounces. The Welsh value of the cow was roughly three times, and that of the slave three and one third times, the Irish silver value. This Irish equation between cattle and silver must surely have been made at a time when silver was of quite exceptional value in Ireland. But there is some reason to believe that an earlier equation had been made with gold of a very different character. [Sidenote: An older equation with gold.] Professor Ridgeway has called attention to an interesting story from the life of St. Finian in the Book of Lismore (fol. 24, b.c.), in which an ounce of gold was required for the liberation of a captive, and a ring of gold weighing an ounce was accordingly given. Now, if the ounce of gold is put in the place of the cumhal or female slave, the gold values of the Brehon monetary reckonings would be:-- Cumhal = 576 wheat-grains = ounce Bo or cow = 192 ” = stater or ox unit Dairt heifer = 32 ” = tremissis These gold values, if established, would take their place at once as following the gold system of Constantine, and probably might belong therefore to a period in which the Continental ratio of gold to silver would be 1:12, and the silver values fairly consistent with those of the Welsh and other tribes. The cumhal or female slave would then equal twelve ounces or one pound of silver as in Wales. This, however, must not be taken as proved. It is with the silver values of the Brehon Laws that we are here concerned. And we should be tempted to refer this silver value to the period of Charlemagne’s attempted introduction of the ratio of 1:4 were it not that, as we shall see, it seems to date back to a period some centuries earlier. There is another point of interest in connection with the early Irish monetary reckoning. [Sidenote: The reckoning in scores of Roman ounces, _i.e._ the ‘Mina Italica.’] We have seen that in the Brehon Laws the smallest silver unit was the _screapall_ or scripulum. And it has already been mentioned that the scripulum was also known as the _denarius Gallicus_, of which 24 went to the Roman ounce of 576 wheat-grains, as in the Brehon Laws, and that a score of ounces made the mina Italica of twice 5760 wheat-grains. It is curious to find in a passage quoted by Petrie[77] from the _Fodla Feibe_ in the Book of Ballymote,[78] a full and exact appreciation of the number of wheat-grains in the scripulum and the Roman ounce. The wheat-grains, according to this passage, are to be taken from wheat grown on typically rich soil which produces ‘the three roots,’ and 24 wheat-grains are the weight of the ‘screapall’ of silver, and 576 the weight of the ‘uinge’ or ounce. Further it is stated that the full weight which the _Tinde_ or weighing bar is to weigh is--not a pound: there is no mention of the pound--but _seven score ounces_.[79] Now this reckoning, not in pounds, but in _scores of ounces_, has already been alluded to as, consciously or unconsciously, a reckoning in so many of the _mina Italica_. Petrie quotes a passage from the ‘Annals of the Four Masters’ in which this payment in scores is illustrated.[80] A.D. 1029. Amlaff, son of Sitric, lord of the Danes, was captured by Mahon O’Riagain, lord of Bregia, who exacted 1,200 cows as his ransom, together with seven score British horses and three score ounces of gold and the sword of Carlus … and three score ounces of white silver as his fetter ounces, and four score cows for word and supplication, and four hostages to O’Riagain himself as a security for peace and the full value of the life of the third hostage. Apart, however, from the monetary system of the Brehon Laws, the fact remains that the real currency of early Irish custom seems to have been in _cumhals_ or _female slaves_. The coirp-dire and the honour-price of the Brehon tracts were reckoned in cumhals, and we shall find that there appears to be good evidence that both payment in female slaves and the equation of the female slave with three Roman ounces of silver go back to a very early period. V. THE IRISH COIRP-DIRE AND HONOUR-PRICE TRACED FURTHER BACK THAN THE BREHON LAWS. The evidence regarding the coirp-dire of the Brehon Laws and its payment in female slaves does not rest on those laws alone. [Sidenote: St. Patrick’s ‘pretium hominis’ of ‘seven ancillæ.’] St. Patrick, in his ‘Confessions,’[81] treats the _pretium hominis_ as a well-known unit of value. These are the words of St. Patrick:-- Vos autem experti estis quantum erogavi illis qui judicabant per omnes regiones quas ego frequentius visitabam; censeo enim non minimum quam pretium quindecim hominum distribui illis. You know by experience how much I have paid out to those who were judges in all the regions which I have often visited; for I think that I have given away to them not less than the _pretium quindecim hominum_. Further, in the ‘Tripartite Life’ St. Patrick is represented as putting the alternative between the death of a transgressor and the payment of seven cumhals (‘_Aut reum morti aut VII. ancillas reddere debet_’).[82] The evidence for this coirp dire and its payment in ancillæ seems to be thrown back by these passages to the fifth century. [Sidenote: Evidence of the ‘Canones Hibernenses.’] Further, when we turn to the series of ‘Canones Hibernenses’ published in Wasserschleben’s work, _Die Bussordnungen der abendländischen Kirche_ (p. 136), we find repeated evidence that the ‘pretium hominis,’ or ‘pretium sanguinis,’ of seven ancillæ, was a well-recognised unit of payment in ecclesiastical quarters more or less connected with the Irish and Breton Churches. The first group of these Canons is headed ‘_De disputatione Hybernensis Sinodi et Gregori Nasaseni sermo de innumerabilibus peccatis incipit_.’ The first clause of this group imposes a penance for parricide of fourteen years in bread and water and satisfaction; or half this only if there was no intention. The next clause imposes for ordinary homicide seven years’ penance in bread and water. Clauses 8 and 10 fix the ‘prætium animæ’ of a pregnant woman (including woman and child) at twelve ancillæ. [Sidenote: _Ancilla_ of same value in silver as the Brehon _cumhal_.] Clause 9 fixes for us the silver value of the _ancilla_ and seems to show that it was the same as the silver value of the cumhal in the Brehon Laws. The clause is as follows:-- XII. Altilia[83] vel XIII. sicli (? XII.) prætium uniuscujusque ancillæ. Ecclesiastical usage retained to some extent the use of Roman phraseology. The siclus or sicilicus, as we have already seen, was the didrachma of two Roman _argentei_ or silver drachmæ. And as the drachma after Nero was one eighth of the Roman ounce, so the _siclus_ was one quarter. The Altilia was the ‘fattened heifer’ possibly of Irish custom.[84] Twelve fattened heifers or sicli equalled therefore three Roman ounces--_i.e._ the exact silver value of the cumhal of the Brehon Laws. Here, therefore, in these so-called Irish Canons the ancilla seems to be reckoned at the Brehon silver value of the cumhal. Having gained this point we proceed to examine the other clauses. In title III., headed ‘_Synodus Hibernensis decrevit_,’ are the following:[85]-- [Sidenote: Seven ancillæ the price of a man’s life.] Sanguis episcopi vel excelsi principis vel scribæ qui ad terram effunditur, si colirio indiguerit, eum, qui effuderit, sapientes crucifigi judicant, vel VII. ancillas reddat. The blood of a bishop or high prince or a scribe poured on the ground, _si colirio indiguerit_,[86] the ‘sapientes’ judge that he who sheds it shall be crucified or pay seven ancillæ. Here, obviously, the VII. ancillæ are the price of the life of the criminal--the seven cumhals of the coirp-dire. The canon adds the following:-- Si in specie, tertiam partem de argento et comparem verticis de auro latitudinem nec non et similem oculi de gemma pretiosa magnitudine reddat. If paid in specie, one third must be paid in silver, and of gold of the size of the crown of the head, and also the like in precious stone of the size of an eye. These passages seem to have a curious correspondence with the following passage in the Brehon Laws (sequel to the ‘Crith Grabhlach,’ iv. p. 363):-- As to the shedding of a bishop’s blood, if it reaches to the ground as blood that requires a tent the guilty person is to be hanged for it, or it is seven cumhals that are to be paid for his sick maintenance and his eric. If the wound be in his face, the breadth of his face of silver is paid, and of the crown of his head of gold. The canons go on to state that if the blood does not reach the ground _nec colirio indigeat_ the hand of the striker is to be cut off, or the half of VII. ancillæ paid, if the act is done with intention; if not, the price of one ancilla is to be paid. Another clause states that if a bishop be struck or violently handled, without effusion of blood, half the price of VII. ancillæ is to be paid. In all these cases the fines are reckoned in a unit of VII. ancillæ or the half of it. The cutting off of the hand of the criminal is reckoned as equal to half of VII. ancillæ. The VII. ancillæ is the recognised unit. When, in other clauses, dealing with the case of the same things done to a _priest_, a lesser punishment is decreed, still _the price of VII. ancillæ_ is the price of the life of the criminal. If the blood of a priest is shed and reaches the ground, _donec colorium subfert_, the hand of the criminal is to be cut off, or half of VII. ancillæ to be paid, if the act be intentional. If not intentional, the price of one ancilla is enough. In title IV., _Dejectione_, after a clause stating that he who ejects a poor man kills him, and he who meets a person ready to perish and does not succour him kills him, there follows this clause:-- Si quis jecerit episcopum et si mortuus fuerit, accipiatur ab eo pretium sanguinis ejus L. ancillas reddit, id est VII. ancillas uniuscujusque gradus vel l. annis peniteat et ex his accipiuntur VII. ancille de jectione ejus. If any one ejects a bishop and if he should be dead, let there be received for him the price of his blood, let him render fifty ancillæ, _i.e._ seven ancillæ for each grade of rank, or do penance fifty years, and from these shall be received seven ancillæ _de jectione ejus_.[87] [Sidenote: ‘Pretium sanguinis’ seven ancillæ.] Here the ordinary ‘_pretium sanguinis_’ or _coirp-dire_ is again clearly reckoned at VII. ancillæ, and the bishop, being of the seventh grade of rank in the ecclesiastical hierarchy, is to be paid for sevenfold. It is also worth notice that in these clauses the cutting off of a hand is reckoned as _half_ of the ‘_pretium sanguinis_.’ This is in full accordance with the Brehon rule laid down in the ‘Book of Aicill’ (iii. p. 349). Half the eric-fine of every person is to be paid for a foot, a hand, an eye, a tongue. But inasmuch as the ‘eric-fine’ in this case might be taken by mistake to include the honour-price as well as the coirp-dire, the commentary adds:-- He is entitled to half ‘coirp-dire’ and half compensation (aithgin) and full honour-price. The loss of the hand was reckoned at half the coirp-dire. The full honour-price was due for the insult or assault. Yet another clause in these canons seems to show that not only the coirp-dire of seven cumhals was familiar to the makers of the canons, but also the honour-price. In the Brehon Laws the honour-price was payable for breach of a chieftain’s protection, and in the case of the Ri-tuaith or kingly chieftain of a Tuath the honour-price was, as we have seen, seven cumhals. And so also was that of the bishop of the church in his territory.[88] [Sidenote: ‘Honour-price’ of a bishop or king seven ancillæ.] Accordingly, in the following clause in the canons the bishop is put in the same position as a king, with what was practically an honour-price of seven ancillæ:-- _Patricius dicit_: Omnis qui ausus fuerit ea quæ sunt regis vel episcopi aut scribæ furari aut rapere aut aliquod in eos committere, parvipendens dispicere, VII. ancillarum pretium reddat aut VII. annis peniteat cum episcopo vel scriba. _Patricius dicit_: Every one who shall dare to steal anything belonging to a king or bishop or scribe, or to take away from or commit anything against them heedlessly, shall pay the price of seven ancillæ or do penance for seven years with a bishop or scribe.[89] So that, though it is not very easy to put an exact date upon these canons, they seem clearly to adopt and confirm for ecclesiastical persons the Irish coirp-dire of seven ancillæ, and the highest honour-price also of seven ancillæ. And further the _ancilla_ of these canons was, it appears, of the same silver value as the _cumhal_ of the Brehon Laws. VI. THE BRETON OR GALLIC WERGELD OF THE SO-CALLED ‘CANONES WALLICI.’ It is perhaps possible with help from another set of canons to obtain further evidence of Celtic usage as to the fine for homicide, and what is still more to the point, to trace it back to the Continental side of the Channel. [Sidenote: The so-called ‘Canones Wallici’ of perhaps the Breton Church.] At the end of the Latin version of the Dimetian Code of South Wales are appended as part of chapter XLIX. several clauses which do not belong to the Code and are quite inconsistent with its provisions. These clauses are carelessly extracted, with variations, from a set of canons which, from their thus partly appearing at the end of the Latin version of the Dimetian Code, have come to be known as the ‘Canones Wallici.’ The oldest MS. of this document is referred to the 8th century, and the canons themselves are referred by Haddan and Stubbs to the 7th century.[90] It is not at all clear that, notwithstanding the name they have acquired, they are of Welsh origin. The intercourse between the missionary monks and churches of Brittany, Cornwall, Wales, and Ireland was so intimate that there is no difficulty in understanding how a Welsh scribe or copyist falling upon these canons should add extracts from them to a Latin copy he was making of the Dimetian Code. Whether of Welsh origin or not, some of them may have been used, amongst others, by the Church in South Wales. It may seem presumptuous to doubt their Welsh origin after the opinion expressed both by Wasserschleben and such competent authorities as Haddan and Stubbs, to whose labours the student is so greatly indebted. But that opinion is doubtfully expressed, and reference is made by them to the fact that two of the three MSS. describe the collection of canons not as ‘Canones Wallici’ but as ‘_excerpta de libris Romanorum et Francorum_,’ and ‘_excerpta de libris Romanis et Francorum_’ while the third, of the 8th century, does not seem to have any heading but ‘_Incipit justicium culparum_.’ Haddan and Stubbs assign the origin of these canons to that period (c. A.D. 550-650) during which both the Welsh Church and the Welsh Principalities appear to have become organised, _i.e._ to the period following St. Patrick and St. Finian, during which the monastic churches of South Wales were the channel of intercourse between the Breton and Irish Churches. This _collection_, according to the same authority, may date from the 7th century. The Canons may have been meant for use on both sides of the Channel. And as they are ‘_excerpta_’ from books of the Romans and Franks, they seem to originate from the Continental side, however much they may have been used in Wales. When we come to examine them, they bear every evidence of being ‘_excerpta_,’ and we know from the _excerpta_ of Isidor what different materials may be brought together in such a collection. There is no continuous plan or order apparently running through the whole. And certain of the canons, chiefly those relating to _homicide_, seem to be marked off from the remainder by the payments being made throughout in ‘_ancillæ_’ and ‘_servi_’; whilst in most others the payments are made in _libræ argenti_ or in _libræ stagni_, or occasionally in _solidi_, _unciæ_, and _scripula_. The safer course may be, therefore, to treat them, not as a consistent and single set of canons, but as _excerpta_ from various sources. [Sidenote: The clauses as to homicide.] Following the eighth-century MS. as most likely to be correct in its text, the _excerpta_ relating to homicide are these:-- C. 1. Si quis homicidium ex intentione commiserit, ancillas III. et servos III. reddat et securitatem accipiat. Canon 1. If any one by intention shall have committed homicide, let him pay three ancillæ and three servi and acquire safety. C. 2. Si quis judicio fuerit competitus et præstando verum durus esse voluerit et ipsam intentionem fuerit interfectus, ancillas II. et servos II. reddi debere præcipimus. Quodsi manum aut pedem vel quemlibet membrum perdiderit similiter duas partes prætii se noverit accepturum. Canon 2. If any one, being brought to justice, tries to resist the arrest and is slain in the attempt, we declare that two ancillæ and two servi shall be given for him, but if he loses a hand or a foot or any limb let him likewise know that he shall accept two thirds of the price. C. 3. Si quis homicidii causa fuerit suspicatus et non ei titulus comprobandi, XL. et VIII. viris nominatis, ex quibus XXIV. in ecclesia jurent eum esse veracem, sic sine causa discedat. Quodsi non juraverit, ancillas III. et servos III. reddat et securitatem accipiat. Canon 3. If any one shall be suspected of homicide, but there are not means of proof (‘titulus comprobandi’), 48 men having been named, of whom 24 shall swear in a church that he is right (‘verax’), so he shall depart innocent (‘sine causa’); but if he [they?] shall not have sworn he shall pay _three ancillæ and three servi_ and be free. C. 4. Si servus ingenuum occiderit et culpa ingenui fuerit hoc, de fuste aut dextrali aut dubio aut de cultello fuerit interemptus, ipse homicida parentibus tradatur, et quidquid faciendi voluerint habeant potestatem. Canon 4. If a slave shall kill a freeman and it shall be the fault of the freeman, and he shall have been slain by a cudgel, or a hatchet, or a … or a knife, the homicide himself shall be handed over to the parentes and they shall have power to do what they like with him. C. 5. Si quis dominus servum arma portare permiserit et ingenuum hominem occiderit, ipsum et alium juxta se noverit rediturum. Canon 5. If any master permits his slave to carry arms and he kills a freeman, let him know that he must hand over the slave himself and another likewise. C. 6. Si quis ingenuus servum alterius sine culpa occiderit, servos duos domino. Quod si culpa fuerit servi alius, alius servus domino reformetur. Canon 6. If a freeman shall kill the slave of another without fault (of the slave), he shall pay two slaves to the master. But if it were the fault of the slave, another slave shall be restored in his place. C. 12. Si quis homicidium fecerit et fugam petierit, parentes ipsius habeant spacium intra dies XV., ut aut partem restituant et securi insedeant, aut ipsi de patria vadant; post hoc si ipse interemptor venire voluerit, reddat medium quod restat et vivat securus. Quodsi interim occisus fuerit, mancipium et quæ acceperint faciant restaurari. Canon 12. If any one shall have done homicide and shall have sought flight, his parentes shall have the space of fifteen days, in order either to make their share of restitution and remain safe, or themselves quit the country. After this, if the slayer himself wants to return, he shall pay the remaining half and be safe. But if in the meanwhile he shall be slain they shall cause the slave [? slaves] and whatever they had received to be restored. [Sidenote: Payments of six _ancillæ_ or _servi_ for homicide. The slayer to pay half and the parentes half.] Here, apparently, is a fairly complete and consistent set of canons relating to homicide. All the payments are to be made in _ancillæ_ and _servi_. And the payment for intentional homicide is apparently a fixed payment of three ancillæ and three servi, _i.e._ six slaves in all. Canons 1 and 2 are consistent and conclusive on this point. Now, looking at these canons alone, two facts point very strongly to an Irish rather than a Welsh connection, or perhaps we ought to say, to a Goidelic rather than Cymric connection. In the Brehon Laws, as we have seen, the payments are made in _cumhals_ or ancillæ, and the fixed wergeld or _coirp-dire_ is strictly speaking _six_ ancillæ, and one added for a special object, making seven cumhals in all. In the Cymric Codes, on the other hand, the galanas is paid in cows and never in ancillæ, and the amount of the galanas is graduated according to rank, that of the lowest and youngest tribesman being 60 cows, nearly three times as great as the six ancillæ and servi of these canons. [Sidenote: The Irish coirp-dire apparently common to South Wales and the Breton churches from fifth to seventh century.] The force of these suggestions of Irish connection is greatly increased by the fact that nowhere else in the collections of Canons and Penitentials except in these so-called ‘Canones Wallici’ and the ‘Canones Hibernenses,’ and closely allied sources, do we find the payments expressed in ancillæ. And it must be remembered that the intimacy between Breton and Cornish saints was mainly with South Wales, and through South Wales with Ireland, and further that South Wales, until conquered by Maelguin, was Goidelic rather than Cymric. But whether the payment for homicide in the ‘Canones Wallici’ be the coirp-dire of the Brehon Laws or not, if we may recognise in these rules as to homicide the customs current in some degree on both sides of the Channel, let us say from the fifth to the seventh century, we cannot also fail to recognise in them evidence of influences at work which have broken away partly from tribal usage, and which hail, not from the primitive tribal instincts of Irish or Gallic tribes, but from the side of Roman and ecclesiastical law, to which the districts alluded to had long been subject. We shall see more and more how foreign the tribal instinct of the solidarity of the kindred, and the consequent obligation on the whole kindred for the whole composition for homicide, were to Roman law and Christian feeling, and how soon under these influences the disintegrating process began in Gallo-Roman districts, causing the solidarity of the kindred to give way. The solidarity of the kindred is partly recognised in these canons, but it is also partly ignored. [Sidenote: The extent of the liability of the parentes of the slayer.] The 12th canon states, as we have seen, that if the murderer had taken flight his parentes had fifteen days allowed either to pay part and be secure, or themselves leave the country. What part? The clause states that if the murderer wished to return from his exile he might pay the _half_ that remained, and thereafter live secure. So that it would seem that the kindred were only liable to pay half, instead of the whole coirp-dire of six ancillæ and servi. If, in the meantime, the murderer was killed, presumably by the parentes of the slain, the slaves, or whatever else had been received by the parentes of the slain from the parentes of the slayer, had to be restored to the latter, the feud having been satisfied by his death at their hands. In the Brehon Laws as in the Cymric Codes, the solidarity of the kindred was complete. As we have seen, under Irish custom the whole kindred of the four nearest hearths were liable for the payment of the _coirp-dire_ for unnecessary homicide. But the fact that the payment of wergelds was foreign to Roman law, combined with the claim of the Church to protect from death criminals taking refuge at the altar, had no doubt in Northern Gaul, as we shall find was the case in Southern Gaul also, already begun to break up to some extent the tribal solidarity on which joint liability for the payment of wergelds was based. [Sidenote: The cleric who slays is to give himself up to the slain person’s parentes.] Those criminals who claimed protection at the altar were, under Gallic ecclesiastical usage, as we shall see, saved from death, but at the same time handed over as slaves to the parentes of the slain. And it is not difficult to detect the lines of thought leading to this result. In the ‘Penitentials’ attributed to St. Finian,[91] the spirit in which the missionary churches of Brittany, Wales, and Ireland, from their clerical point of view, dealt with crime very clearly appears. A layman, in addition to making composition to the injured person, should also do penance; but a cleric who possessed no property of his own could not pay the composition (s. 9, p. 110). What, then, was he to do in a case of homicide? The penitential (s. 23) lays down the rule:-- If any cleric kills his neighbour he must undergo ten years’ banishment with seven years’ penance. If after ten years he has acted rightly and is approved by the testimony of the abbot or priest, let him be received back into his country and let him satisfy the friends of him whom he has killed. Let him return to the father or mother (of the slain), if alive, saying ‘Behold I, as for your son, will do whatsoever you tell me.’ If he does not rightly do this he is not to be received--‘in eternum.’ Then in s. 53 is added, ‘If any one will propose better rules we will accept and follow them.’ To sum up the evidence of the canons, we can hardly claim to have done more than to have connected the coirp-dire of the Brehon Laws with the _pretium hominis_ of St. Patrick, and with the _pretium sanguinis_ of the ‘Canones Hibernenses,’ and with the clauses relating to homicide excerpted by the compiler of the so-called ‘Canones Wallici’ from the books of the Romans and Franks. The connection, though traceable only through ecclesiastical channels, seems to establish a continuity as regards the fixed payment for homicide between the Breton and Irish churches, and possibly the churches of the Goidelic portion of South Wales, of the fifth and sixth centuries. [Sidenote: Continuity of Irish and Breton custom as regards the ‘pretium hominis’ and payment in ancillæ.] If it were suggested that the _pretium hominis_ of seven ancillæ might be an ecclesiastical invention originating with the missionary churches of the Armorican districts of Gaul, we should still have to inquire why these churches differed so much from other Gallic churches. Everywhere else the Church, finding it impossible to get rid of a deep-rooted custom, seems to have made compacts with the secular power, adopting the customary system of wergelds prevalent in each of the conquered and converted tribes, and giving to the several grades in the ecclesiastical hierarchy graduated wergelds placing them on a level with corresponding classes of tribesmen or laymen. Even in these Celtic Canons the clerical instinct, whilst apparently adopting the fixed wergeld or coirp-dire for laymen, claimed for the clergy a graduated wergeld. The bishop, as we have seen according to the canons, claimed a sevenfold _pretium hominis_--seven times the price of seven ancillæ--because of his rank in the clerical hierarchy. He claimed too the _honour-price_ of seven ancillæ--the same as that of the Irish chieftain of a district for breach of his protection or precinct. The bishop seems to place himself here as elsewhere in these matters, on a level with the secular prince or even with the king. And again, if St. Patrick in his ‘Confessions’ (a work the authenticity of which is generally accepted) could use, as he did, the _pretium hominis_ as a well-known unit of payment, it would seem that at least as early as the end of the fifth century the value of the _pretium hominis_ as a unit of payment was perfectly well understood. And this in itself is a proof of further antiquity. The redeeming of baptized captives from slavery was moreover a recognised method of increasing the number of converts to the Christian Faith. In his equally authentic Epistle to the subjects of Coroticus St. Patrick speaks of the Roman and Gallic custom of Christians to send holy and fit men to the Franks and other nations with so many thousands of solidi for redeeming baptized captives, while Coroticus was killing and selling captives to a foreign people ignorant of God. Mr. Whitley Stokes, in editing this letter, suggests that this passage points to a date before the conversion of the Franks (A.D. 496).[92] The traffic in captives and slaves, and their sale perhaps into a still pagan corner of France, accords with the strangely local use of the _ancilla_ as the unit of payment as well in the Canons as in the Brehon Laws. What, then, are we to make of this fixed wergeld of seven ancillæ? So far, we find it prevalent only in Ireland and in the Goidelic or non-Cymric districts of South Wales and Brittany. And the evidence seems to carry it back to the fifth century. VII. THE WERGELD OF ANCIENT GALLIC CUSTOM. THE EVIDENCE OF CÆSAR. [Sidenote: Cæsar does not state the amount of the Gallic wergeld, but the Druids had jurisdiction in cases of homicide.] There seems to be left but one possible further source of evidence as regards the wergelds of the Gallic tribes before the Roman conquest, viz. that of Cæsar. Speaking of the Druids, his words are these:-- Illi rebus divinis intersunt, sacrificia publica ac privata procurant, religiones interpretantur. Ad eos magnus adulescentium numerus disciplinæ causa concurrit, magnoque hi sunt apud eos honore. Nam fere de omnibus controversiis publicis privatisque constituunt, et, si quod est admissum facinus, _si cædes facta_, si de hereditate, si de finibus controversia est, iidem decernunt, præmia pœnasque constituunt (vi. 13). There is certainly nothing in these words, when carefully considered, which indicates in the slightest degree whether the Gallic wergeld was fixed, or graduated according to rank. They amount to this:-- The Druids have cognisance of nearly all public and private controversies, and if any crime has been committed, if a murder has been done, if concerning inheritance, if concerning boundaries there is controversy, it is they who decide, and they fix the compensation and penalties. On the occasion of any murder committed, there would be plenty of room for controversy whether the wergeld were fixed or graduated according to rank, or even, as is quite possible, left open to the judgment of the Druids. So that we gain nothing from Cæsar’s evidence on this particular point, further than that the penalties for slaying were within the jurisdiction of the Druids. It may, however, be well to notice that this passage has been the subject of controversy upon another point of interest to this inquiry: viz. on the question whether the evidence of Cæsar should be taken as in favour of the theory of the communistic ownership of land in Gaul or that of individual ownership. M. Fustel de Coulanges[93] has argued with great force that the statement of Cæsar that the Druids were accustomed to settle controversies whether _de hereditate_ or _de finibus_ implies that in his view there must have been something like private property whether of individuals or of families. [Sidenote: The evidence of Cæsar on tribal landholding.] Now if a connection may be traced between the liability of the whole kindred for wergeld and the occupation of land by kindreds, with lesser divisions into something like _gwelys_, then, without pressing the point too far, without suggesting that the Welsh or the Irish form of tribal occupation of land may have been exactly that which in Cæsar’s time prevailed in Gaul, we may at least say that the analogy of the Welsh and Irish examples would lead us, from a tribal point of view, to judge that the form of land occupation in Gaul was not likely to be either absolute individual or absolute communal ownership. And as under Welsh and Irish tribal custom and forms of land occupation there was plenty of room for public and private controversies both _de hereditate_ and _de finibus_, it may fairly be suggested that some form of tribal land occupation would at least be more consistent with what Cæsar recorded in the few sentences under review than either complete individual or complete communal ownership would be. But, passing from the passages already quoted to Cæsar’s further statements relating to the Druids, light seems to pour from them into another matter otherwise very difficult to realise. It is at first sight with something like amazement that we view the arrogance of the pretension of the missionary priests of the Christian Church to impose what must have been galling penances upon chieftains and tribesmen who had committed crimes of murder or incest. Still more surprised might we well be that they had any chance of securing obedience. The evidence of Gildas and of the Cadoc records quoted in a former volume is sufficient to show that to a most astonishing extent even chieftains submitted to the penalties and penances imposed by priests and monks who were claiming for themselves immunity from secular services and payments. The very fact that the Ecclesiastical Canons contain the rules we have examined as to the payments for homicide by the kindred of the murderer seems to involve the bold claim of the Church to bring the punishment of crime within its jurisdiction. We have seen also how in these Canons the right of the bishop to be placed in social rank on a level with the highest chieftains and princes and kings was already taken for granted in the corner of Gaul so closely connected with South Wales and Ireland. [Sidenote: The position of the Druids paved the way for clerical pretensions.] The statement of Cæsar opens our eyes to the extent to which under the earliest prevalent system of religious belief the way was paved both for these clerical pretensions and also for the submission of chieftains and people to the penances imposed. After describing, as above, the prerogatives of the Druids, Cæsar adds a few words to describe the nature of the _sanctions_ by which obedience to their awards was secured:-- vi. xiii. 5. Si qui aut privatus aut populus eorum decreto non stetit, sacrificiis interdicunt. Hæc pœna apud eos est gravissima. Quibus ita est interdictum, hi numero impiorum ac sceleratorum habentur, his omnes decedunt, aditum sermonemque defugiunt, ne quid ex contagione incommodi accipiant, neque his petentibus jus redditur, neque honos ullus communicatur. Whoever of them, whether a private person or a people, does not stand to the award, they interdict from the sacrifices. This penalty is with them a most heavy one. Those who come under this interdict are looked upon as in the number of the impious and criminal. These all shun, avoiding touch or speech, lest they should be hurt by the contagion. Nor to these is justice given if they seek it, nor is any honour shared with them. Then in the passage following Cæsar describes how strongly organised was the power which the Druids represented and which they had at their back:-- His autem omnibus Druidibus præest unus, qui summam inter eos habet auctoritatem. Hoc mortuo aut, si qui ex reliquis excellit dignitate, succedit, aut, si sunt plures pares, suffragio Druidum, nonnumquam etiam armis, de principatu contendunt. Hi certo anni tempore in finibus Carnutum, quæ regio totius Galliæ media habetur, considunt in loco consecrato. Huc omnes undique, qui controversias habent, conveniunt, eorumque decretis judiciisque parent.… Above all these Druids, there is one who holds the chief authority among them. To him, if dead, if there be one of the others excelling in dignity, he succeeds, or if there be many equal, by the suffrage of the Druids, sometimes even by arms, they contend for the chieftainship. At a fixed time of year they hold session in a consecrated place in the district of the Carnutes, which region is held to be the centre of all Gaul. Here all, from everywhere, who have controversies, assemble and submit to their decrees and judgments.… Druides a bello abesse consuerunt neque tributa una cum reliquis pendunt: militiæ vacationem omniumque rerum habent immunitatem. Tantis excitati præmiis et sua sponte multi in disciplinam conveniunt et a parentibus propinquisque mittuntur. The Druids are accustomed to keep away from war, nor do they pay tribute with other people; they have exemption from military service and a general immunity. Induced by so great advantages, many join their order both of their own accord and sent by parents and relations. It is not necessary here to follow further these familiar passages in the ‘De Bello Gallico’ or to inquire more deeply into the religion of the Gauls. It is enough that the religion or superstition of the Gauls was sufficient in itself, and sufficiently deeply believed in, to fortify the influence and power of the Druids with the necessary sanction, and to outlive the disintegration which Roman conquest, in spite of its tolerance to tribal religions, must have in degree produced. The testimony of Renan to the deep-rooted superstition of the Breton population, and the lingering presence even to this day of instincts and customs reaching back to a stratum of indigenous ideas underlying Roman and Christian civilisation, shows, as Irish and Welsh legends do also, that feelings of this kind are not subject to sudden change. And when we try to realise the position and work of the early Gallic or Breton or Cornish or Welsh or Irish churches from the fifth century onwards, we seem to see how their position and work were made possible only by the fact that what was technically called the conversion of a people to Christianity was not after all so great a revolution as one might at first sight have thought. The missionary monks or priests, it might almost be said, _naturally_ took the place of the Druids in the minds of the people. They had power to shut out the criminal from the sacrifices of the Christian altar, just as the Druids could from theirs. The conversion, such as it was, meant at least that in the belief of the people the spiritual powers were transferred to the priest, and that the old sanctions of superstition naturally followed the transfer. Thereby was secured to the Church something of the same prestige and power which had once belonged to the priests of the old religion. [Sidenote: The tribes were used to the central power of the Druids and of Imperial Rome and the Church took their place.] When it is considered how the organised and world-wide system of the Church, with its centre in Rome, continuing to some extent the prestige and the civilisation of Imperial Rome, must have appeared to the chieftains and petty kings of uncivilised tribes, it may be recognised that in this respect also it resembled to their eyes the power of the priesthood of the old religion with its centre at Chartres and reaching in its authority from Britain to Southern Gaul. So that in this respect also the way was paved for the Church in the minds of the people. The tribes were used to the idea of a great central spiritual power, and in the Church, by transfer from the old to the new religion, they found it again. CHAPTER V. _THE WERGELDS OF THE BURGUNDIAN AND WISIGOTHIC LAWS._ I. THE BURGUNDIAN WERGELDS. [Sidenote: The result of contact with Roman and Christian civilisation.] It is not proposed to do more in this chapter than very briefly to examine the laws of the Burgundians and Wisigoths with reference to the evidence they contain with regard to the results of contact with Roman and Christian civilisation upon the solidarity of the kindred as shown in the payment of wergelds. The remoteness of these tribes from any connection with the Anglo-Saxon invasion of Britain makes it unnecessary to do more than this. Indeed, this chapter might have been omitted but for the useful light it may throw upon the process of disintegration in tribal custom in the case of tribes settling in countries with a long-established civilisation superior to their own. In such cases tribal custom, however hardly it might resist, had eventually to succumb, thus affording a strong contrast with the Cymric and Irish examples, in which tribal custom was so much better able to hold its own, and even succeeded to some extent in forcing tribal rules upon the new Christian institutions. The Burgundian laws, so far as they belong to those first issued by Gundebald himself, fall between A.D. 501 and 516, and his reference to his ancestors in his preface shows that, while he may have remodelled the laws to meet altered circumstances, they were in part based upon traditional customs of his people.[94] But his people were in a new position. Geographically they were sharing with a population still under Roman law the south-western part of the Helvetian Valley--_i.e._ between Neuchâtel and Geneva, and a good part of the old country of the Sequani on the Gallic side of the Jura. [Sidenote: The method of settlement.] They seem to have come into this district not altogether as conquerors, but in some sense as invited guests. According to Tit. 54 of the laws the newcomers, by the munificence of the Burgundian king and his ancestors, had had delegated to them individually, in a particular place, _hospitalitas_, which consisted of two thirds of the land and one third of the slaves of the _hospes_ upon whom they were quartered, and by this clause in the laws they were forbidden to take more.[95] It is generally understood that this method more or less closely resembled the Roman method of quartering soldiers upon a district. The Burgundians therefore came into a district with a mixed population of Romanised Gauls and Germans, already, after long residence and many vicissitudes, living and settled under Roman law, and regarded by the newcomers as Romans. Thus two sets of laws became necessary, one for the Burgundian immigrants, the other for the old inhabitants who were to continue under Roman law. [Sidenote: Homicide under the ‘Lex Romana.’] Now under the Roman law there was no wergeld. And so in the Tit. II. of the Burgundian _Lex Romana_ the slayer, whether a freeman or slave, if captured outside a church was condemned to death. If the homicide was in defence of life it was to be referred to judicial decision according to the Novellæ of Theodosius and Valentinian. If the slayer had taken refuge in a church, _quia de preciis occisionum nihil evidenter lex Romana constituit_, the Burgundian lawgiver decreed that if a freeman by a freeman should be killed, and the slayer should flee to a church, he who confessed the homicide should be adjudged to be the slave of the heirs of the person killed, with half of his property, the other half to be left to the heirs of the slayer. After this follows a clause, also of Burgundian origin, fixing the payment by a freeman who has killed a ‘servus’ and fled to a church. The price is to be paid to the lord of the servus on the following scale: For an ‘Actor’ 100 solidi For a ‘Ministerialis’ 60 ” ploughman, or swineherd, or shepherd, and other ‘servi’ 30 ” goldsmith 100 ” smith (iron) 50 ” carpenter 40 ” ‘This by order of the King.’ [Sidenote: Under the Burgundian Law.] Now if from these clauses of the Lex Romana which relate to the Roman population, we turn to the Tit. II. of the Burgundian law proper of Gundebald ‘De homicidiis,’ we may gather what the old customary wergelds may have been, but at the same time recognise how strongly Roman law and ecclesiastical influence had led Gundebald to break through what to the Romanised conscience seemed to be the worst features of the system of tribal wergelds. [Sidenote: Original wergelds no longer adhered to. Homicide punished by death.] From Tit. II., ‘De homicidiis,’ it appears that the original wergelds were these: Optimatus nobilis 300 solidi Aliquis in populo mediocris 200 ” Minor persona 150 ” Pretium servi 30 ” These wergelds closely correspond with those of the Alamannic and Bavarian laws; but the first clause enacts that the homicide of a freeman by another, of whatsoever nation, shall only be compounded for by the slayer’s blood: thus overriding tribal usage and introducing the Roman law. The second clause enacts that if the homicide be in self-defence against violence, half the above-mentioned wergelds should be payable to the parentes of the slain. [Sidenote: Homicide by a slave.] Clause 3 enacts that if a slave, unknown to his master, shall slay a freeman, the slave shall be delivered up to death and the master free from liability. Clause 4 adds that if the master was privy to the crime of his slave both should be delivered to death. Clause 5 enacts that if the slave after the deed shall have disappeared, his master shall pay 30 solidi--the price of the slave--to the parentes of the slain. And lastly, in clause 6, the parentes of the slain are in all these cases warned that no one is to be answerable for the crime but the homicide himself, ‘because as we enact that the guilty shall be extirpated, so we cannot allow the innocent to suffer wrong.’ The new law breaks away altogether from old tribal traditions, and an attempt is made to treat homicide from the new point of view of reason and justice as between one individual and another, with but little, if any, regard to kindred. [Sidenote: The traditional value of animals.] From the law against theft we get a scale for the equation of cattle &c. with gold. If a Burgundian or Roman ‘ingenuus’ steals away a slave, horse, mare, ox, or cow, he is to lose his life, unless he takes refuge in a church, and from the property of the criminal the price of the stolen animal is, ‘in simplum,’ to be paid to the person robbed, unless the thing stolen can be found and restored--_i.e._: For the slave 25 solidi For ‘best horse’ 10 ” For moderate horse 5 ” For mare 3 ” For ox 2 ” For cow 1 solidus. Thus from these traditional values, retained even under new circumstances by the Burgundian law, we learn that the wergeld of the middle class of freemen, ‘mediocres in populo,’ of 200 solidi, was still regarded as the equivalent of 100 oxen or 200 cows. There is no doubt in this case that the solidi were those of the Imperial standard. The Burgundian Kingdom was destroyed by the Franks in A.D. 534--_i.e._ before the issue by Merovingian princes of solidi and trientes of the Merovingian standard. II. THE WERGELDS OF THE LEX WISIGOTHORUM. The laws of the Wisigoths are too Roman to be taken as evidence of what may have been the ancient tribal wergelds of the Goths. [Sidenote: The tribal polity of the Goths broken up by Roman influences.] Their rule extended to the Loire till they were driven back to the Garonne by the Franks in the sixth century, and lasted in Spain and Aquitaine to 711 when it succumbed to Arab conquest. The Wisigoths conquered a country already under Roman law, with a mixed population of German as well as Celtic and Iberian tribes. They were not the first German intruders. They were invaders, but not altogether at enmity with the Romans. Their princes, after the break-up of the Roman power, issued gold coins--solidi and tremisses--in close imitation of those of the Eastern Empire. Goth and Roman were encouraged to marry on equal terms. And though there are traces of a scale of payments in composition for homicide, it bears little trace of the tribal principle of the solidarity of the kindred. There is no scale of payments directly under the head of homicide, and we are left to gather incidentally what the wergeld (if it can be so called) may have been. In a clause[96] added between 653 and 672 it was enacted that upon the kidnapping of the child--son or daughter--of a free man or woman, the criminal was to be delivered over into the power of the child’s father, or mother, brother or nearest parentes, so that they may have power to kill him or sell him. And if they desired it, they might demand the composition for homicide from the criminal, _i.e._ 500 solidi (some MSS. 300 solidi), the crime being to the parents no less grave than homicide. If the child could be recovered, half the composition for homicide was to be paid, and if the criminal could not pay he was to become their slave. This doubtful mention of 500 solidi or 300 solidi finds some explanation in a later clause. [Sidenote: The wergeld graduated according to the age of the individual.] Indirectly, again, we get the scale in force for homicides in L. VIII. Tit. IV. s. 161, of about the same date. It enacted that injuries done by vicious animals, known to be such, were to be paid for _sicut est de homicidiis_ by the ‘constituted composition’--_compositio constituta_--and then the following scale is given: Aliquis honestus 500 solidi Ingenuus persona, 20 years old and up to 50 300 ” Ingenuus persona from 50 to 60 200 ” Older than this 100 ” Youths of 15 years 150 ” ” 14 ” 140 ” ” 13 ” 130 ” ” 12 ” 120 ” ” 11 ” 110 ” ” 10 ” 100 ” ” 7 to 9 90 ” ” 4 to 6 80 ” ” 2 to 3 70 ” ” 1 year 60 ” Daughter or wife from 15 to 40 250 ” ” ” 40 to 60 200 ” ” ” older 100 ” Under 15, half the payment for a male; liberti, half-payments. [Sidenote: Innocent homicide no longer to be paid for.] It is impossible to look upon this scale as fully representing ancient Gothic tribal tradition. And when we turn to the title ‘_De cæde et morte hominum_,’ which seems to belong to the same date, it becomes obvious how far the spirit of these laws had wandered away from any tribal standpoint and from all recognition of the solidarity of the kindred. A homicide committed unknowingly (‘nesciens’) is declared to be in the sight of God no cause of death. ‘Let the man who has committed it depart secure.’[97] Every man who killed another intentionally, and not by accident, was to be punished for homicide. The punishment had, in fact, already become a matter of criminal law. The prosecution for homicide was no longer to be left only to the parentes of the slain, ‘for they might be lukewarm’ (s. 15). The judex ought to take the matter up, and on neglect of his duty was to be liable for half the payment for homicide, viz. 250 solidi. Strangers in blood as well as relations had already been enabled to bring the accusation. [Sidenote: Homicides fleeing to a church to be handed over as slaves to the family of the slain.] Chindasvinthe, who reigned from 642 to 653, had legislated in the same direction. The question had arisen, what was to be done with homicides who took refuge in a church and committed themselves to the protection of God? Seeing that every one ought to be punished for his crime, he issued an edict to settle this question once for all. He enacted that whatever slayer or evil-doer the law required to be punished, no power whatever should be able to shield from punishment. And although the criminal might flee to the sacred altar, and in that case no prosecutor could drag him away without the concurrence of the priest, yet the priest, having been consulted, the sacrament having been given, was to repel the criminal from the altar, and expel him from the choir, so that his prosecutor might apprehend him. The criminal thus expelled was to be freed from any further death penalty, but short of this was to be in the power of the parentes of the slain, who might do what they liked with him, _i.e._ he became their slave unless presumably the composition required was paid. [Sidenote: Murder of a kinsman to be punished with death.] The successor of this king (653-672) dealt with another point in which tribal instinct was at variance with Roman law. With the dissolution of the kindred disappeared the reason and traditional justification for the rule that there was no feud and no wergeld within the kindred. Tribal custom everywhere left the worst crime of all--murder of a parent or a kinsman--without redress, at the same time unpardonable and unavenged. It became, therefore, needful to promulgate an edict that the judex should punish the murder of a kinsman by death. And in this case, if there were no children, all the murderer’s property was to go to the heirs and near relations of the murdered person. But if there were children of another marriage, innocent of their parent’s crime, half only of the property was to go to the children of the murdered kinsman, and half to the innocent children of the parricide. If the murderer had fled to the altar of a church he was to be delivered up to the parentes or propinqui of the slain kinsman, to be dealt with as they chose, short of death, and if there were no such parentes his property was to go to the fisc. The murderer whose life was thus spared was not to have the use of the property. Lastly there is found in some of the MSS., as an addition to Lib. XII. Tit. II., an edict of King Wamba, who reigned 672-680, which seems to mark the last stage in the process of confining the punishment of the crime to the criminal alone. [Sidenote: The punishment had become a matter of criminal law and was confined to the criminal alone.] Up to this time, as we have seen, the murderer _with all his possessions_ was by law to remain the slave of the parentes, or the next heirs of the murdered person, except in the one case of the murderer having children by another wife. Thenceforth, if the murderer, according to the edict, had children or wife free from participation in the crime, he alone was to be delivered up to the parentes or next heirs of the dead. His possessions were not to go to them, but to the children or heirs of the _criminal_, on the ground that the punishment should in justice fall alone upon the sinner, and not upon his innocent family. Clearly the last tie of tribal instinct securing the solidarity of kindreds was now broken. It had lost its ancient significance. Murder had become the crime of an individual against the State, and a matter of criminal law. The only survival of tribal feeling seems to have been that, as some compensation to the family of the murdered man, the murderer whose life the Church had saved was to become their slave. CHAPTER VI. _TRIBAL CUSTOMS OF THE FRANKS AND OF THE TRIBES CONQUERED BY THE MEROVINGIAN KINGS._ I. THE WERGELDS OF THE LEX SALICA. In turning now to the Lex Salica the inquiry will again at first more or less be a study of wergelds. There are many difficult points in the construction of the Lex Salica, and the capitularies connected with it, which, after all the learned labour expended upon them, still remain unsettled. To attempt to discuss them fully would involve an amount of research and erudition to which this essay can lay no claim. All that can be attempted in this survey of the traces of tribal custom in the laws of the Continental tribes is to approach their text afresh in the light of the Cymric evidence, as a tentative first step towards, at last, approaching the Anglo-Saxon laws from the same tribal point of view and from the vantage-ground of a previous study of the survivals of tribal custom elsewhere. [Sidenote: The district within which the Lex Salica had force.] The Lex Salica had force apparently at first over the Franks of the district extending from the _Carbonaria Silva_ on the left bank of the Meuse to the River Loire. [Sidenote: The first sixty-five chapters about A.D. 500, but with later alterations.] The earliest manuscripts of the Lex Salica are considered to belong to the late eighth or early ninth century. And the general opinion seems to be that the first sixty-five chapters may be ascribed to the time of Clovis, or at least to a period before Christianity had become general among the Franks. The reign of Clovis extended from A.D. 481 to 511, and may perhaps be taken as covering the date when the sixty-five chapters were first framed. There is, however, no proof that they were not modified afterwards. For at the end of the celebrated chapter _De chrenecruda_ there is a clause in a later manuscript which implies that it was no longer in force.[98] If these sixty-five titles, in their original form, really go back to the time of Clovis, the fact that they were allowed to continue in late issues of the Lex Salica along with the additions made to it, is probably enough in itself to excite suspicion that even these may not have been allowed to remain as they originally stood without modification. [Sidenote: Edict of Childebert II. A.D. 599 on homicide discourages receipt and payment of wergelds.] Particularly on the question of homicide and the liability of the kindred of the slayer in the payment of the wergeld, it is difficult to understand how the clauses relating to its payment and receipt, if representing fully more ancient custom, could have been left altogether unaltered after the decree of Childebert II. (A.D. 599), which may be translated as follows:-- Concerning homicides we order the following to be observed: That whoever by rash impulse shall have killed another without cause shall be in peril of his life. For not by any price of redemption shall he redeem or compound for himself. Should it by chance happen that any one shall stoop to (make or receive?) payment, no one of his parentes or friends shall aid him at all, unless he who shall presume to aid him at all shall pay the whole of the wergeld, because it is just that he who knows how to kill should learn to die. (Pertz, _Leges_, i. p. 10.) The logic of this decree is curious. The slayer’s kindred were absolved by it from liability if they chose to stand aloof. But, if they stooped to help their kinsman at all, they must see to it that the whole wergeld was paid, no doubt to avoid breaches of the peace from attempts at private revenge if any part were left unpaid. But if the slayer’s relations did not pay the wergeld--what then? The slayer was to be left ‘in peril of his life.’ From whom? It must have been from the vengeance of the slain man’s kindred. One would have thought that this decree would have defeated itself, for apparently, whilst it absolved the murderer’s kindred from obligation to assist the murderer to pay the wergeld, it left untouched the right of vengeance on the part of the slain man’s relations, thereby, one would have thought, multiplying cases of breach of the peace. That clauses relative to receipt and payment of wergeld were left in the Lex after this decree shows probably that the system of wergelds remained practically still in force. People went on ‘living under the Lex Salica,’ after the date of the edict, and in spite of the latter no doubt wergelds were paid and received. But whilst this may have been a reason why the clauses regulating the payment and receipt of wergelds could not be altogether omitted, it may also have made necessary the modification of some of their provisions. One may even venture to trace motives in the making of modifications in favour of the fisc, which can hardly have had their root in ancient tribal custom. The system of wergelds was extended to the advantage of ultimately both official and clerical hierarchies, and even from the Franks themselves to strangers and to the Gallo-Roman population amongst whom they dwelt. And the whole character and system of the ‘Lex Salica’ was so much like a statement of crimes and the composition to be paid for them that it lent itself very easily to the interest of the fisc. [Sidenote: The Lex allowed a tribesman to break himself away from his kindred. And the fisc gained by it.] In the sixty-five titles themselves there is direct evidence that tribal tradition and the solidarity of the kindred had once existed, and that in spite of the edict the fisc was interested in their maintenance. Thus by Tit. LX., _De eum qui se de parentilla tollere vult_, a door was thrown wide open for the Salic tribesman to escape from the obligations of kindred. To secure this object he is to go to the mallus with three branches of alder, and break them over his head, and throw them on four sides in the mallus, and declare that he withdraws from the oath, and the inheritance, and everything belonging to the parentilla, so that thereafter, if any of his parentes either is killed or shall die, no part either of the inheritance or of the composition shall pertain to him, but all go to the fisc. If we take this clause strictly it implies and sanctions the general right of a kinsman of a slain person to share in his wergeld. The share of the kinsman, who under this clause frees himself from the liability to pay, and gives up his right to receive any portion of the wergeld of a relative, does not lapse altogether, but is apparently kept alive for the fisc. This clause is not perhaps inconsistent with the edict which left the receipt of wergeld still possible, though payment by the slayer’s kindred was optional. And so long as the occasional receipt of wergeld was still possible, rules for its division might reasonably remain in the Lex. [Sidenote: Tit. LXII., ‘De compositione homicidii.’] The same may perhaps be said of other clauses included in the original sixty-five. Tit. LXII., _De compositione homicidii_, is the one which deals with the division of the wergeld by its recipients, _i.e._ the kindred of the person slain. According to the text of Hessels, Cod. I., it is as follows:-- Si cujuscumque pater occisus fuerit medietatem compositionis filii collegant, et aliam medietatem parentes quae proximiores sunt tam de patre quam de matre inter se dividant. If any one’s father be killed, the sons are to take collectively one half of the composition, and the other half is to be divided between the parentes who are proximiores, both of the paternal and maternal kindreds. Quod si de nulla paterna seu materna nullus parens non fuerit, illa portio in fisco collegatur. But if there be parentes on neither side,[99] paternal or maternal, then that portion (_i.e._ the second half) is to go to the fisc. According to this clause, in the absence of the parentes, their half share still has to be paid by the kindred of the slayer, but again the fisc gets control of the lapsed portion which the parentes would have taken had they been forthcoming. [Sidenote: Addition to the Lex by Childebert I. A.D. 515-551 in the interest of the widow (?) of the person slain.] Amongst some clauses said to be added to the Lex Salica by Childebert I. (A.D. 515 to 551) is a very important one, Tit. CI., _De hominem ingenuo occiso_, which seems to show that, at that date, composition was still encouraged by the law, but that some alteration was necessary in the division of the wergeld amongst the kindred of the slain.[100] Si quis hominem ingenuum occiderit et ille qui occiderit probatum fuerit, ad parentibus debeat secundum legem componere; media compositione filius habere debet. Alia medietate exinde ei debet ut ad quarta de leude illa adveniat. Alia quarta pars parentibus propinquis debent. Id est, tres de generatione patris et tres de generatione matris. Si mater viva non fuerit, media parte de leudae illi parentes inter se dividant. Hoc est, tres de patre proximiores et tres de matre. Ita tamen qui proximiores fuerint parentes de prædictis conditionibus prendant. If any one shall have killed a freeman and he who slew shall have been ascertained, he ought to make composition according to the law to the parentes. The son (Cod. 2 ‘sons’) ought to have half the composition. After that, of the other half it ought to be for her (? the mother), so that she (?) comes in for a quarter of that leuda (or wergeld). The other quarter ought to go to the near parentes, _i.e._ three [parentillæ] of the kindred of the father and three of the kindred of the mother. If the mother shall not be alive, the half leuda (wergeld) those parentes divide amongst themselves, _i.e._ the three proximiores [_i.e._ nearest parentes] of the father and three of the mother, but so that the nearest parentes under the aforesaid conditions shall take [two thirds]. Et tres partes illis duabus dividendam dimittat. Et nam et illis duabus ille qui proximior fuerit, illa tertia parte duas partes prendant, et tertia parte patre suo demittat. Three parts again it leaves to be divided between the other two [parentillæ]. For also of those two the nearest [parentilla] takes two thirds and leaves one third for [the parentilla of] the previous ancestor.[101] There must have been some special object in this addition to the Lex. Brunner, following the very plausible suggestion of Wilda and Boretius, points out that the ‘mother,’ who, if alive, is to share in the second half of the wergeld, may be the mother of the son who takes the first half, _i.e._ the _widow of the person slain_, otherwise why should the mother alone be mentioned, and not the father of the slain?[102] If this view may be accepted the object of the clause becomes at once apparent. Under Tit. LXII. no share is given to the widow. And we have learned from the Cymric example the reason why tribal custom gave no part of the wergeld of the husband to the widow. It was simply because there was no blood relationship between them. The widow and her kindred would have taken no part in the feud, and so took no part of the galanas in composition for the feud. The silence of Tit. LXII. and the force of the Cymric precedent warrant the inference that it may have been so also under ancient Salic custom. However this may be, the fact that an addition to the Lex was made, whether in favour of the widow or of the mother, seems to show that Roman and Christian influences had introduced other considerations than those of blood relationship, so breaking in upon tribal custom and necessitating special legislation. [Sidenote: The three ‘parentillæ’ sharing in the wergeld.] If this view may be accepted, and if (as we had to do in interpreting the Brehon rules regarding divisions of the kindred) we may take the word ‘son’ as meaning all the sons, and insert the word _parentillæ_ in explanation of the three _proximiores_, so as to understand them (as in the Brehon _Geilfine_ division) to be not three persons but three groups of kindred, then these clauses become fairly intelligible and consistent with Tit. LXII.[103] The wergeld is divided into two halves and the second half (subject to the newly inserted right of the widow or mother of the slain) goes to the three groups of proximiores. What these three groups or parentillæ may be is not very clear. The father has been killed and his sons take the first half of the wergeld. The other half is taken by the three nearer parentillæ. The nearest group at first sight would be the descendants of the two parents of the slain. The second group would be the descendants of the four grandparents of the slain. The third group should include the descendants of the eight great-grandparents of the person slain. [Sidenote: The three ‘parentillæ’ include descendants of great-great grandparents.] But Brunner has pointed out that the division into paternal and maternal lines of relationship begins with the slain person’s grandparents; so that the three proximiores on both sides should go back to the descendants of great-great-grandparents. He also points out that, as at each step the nearer group are to take two thirds and those behind it one third, the division between the three groups would be in the proportions of 6:2:1. And he quotes a statement regarding the division of wergelds in Flanders in the year 1300, in which the proportions of the payments of the three groups of relatives were still as 6:2:1. The half falling to the three groups being reckoned as 18/36, the division was as under:-- Rechtzweers (Geschwister Kinder), { paternal 6/36 } _i.e._ first cousins. { maternal 6/36 } } Anderzweers (Ander-geschwister Kinder), { paternal 2/36 } 18/36 _i.e._ second cousins. { maternal 2/36 } } Derdelinghe (Dritt-geschwister Kinder), { paternal 1/36 } _i.e._ third cousins. { maternal 1/36 } We may then safely, I think, follow Brunner’s cautiously expressed conclusion that it is very probable that also in the Lex Salica under the words ‘tres proximiores’ are intended relations belonging to three separate parentillæ.[104] [Sidenote: The wergeld from the payer’s point of view] So far we have dealt only with the _receivers_ of the wergeld. We have now to consider the wergeld from the _payers’_ point of view. When at last we turn to the title ‘_De chrenecruda_,’ which deals with the _payment_ of the wergeld by the slayer and his kindred, we seem all at once to breathe in the atmosphere of ancient tribal custom before it had been materially tainted by the new influences, which the conquest of a Romanised country and migration into the midst of a mixed population necessarily brought with them. The force of tribal instinct survives in this clause even though since the edict of Childebert II. it may have been allowed to remain in the Lex partly on sufferance, and even though some of its details have been made incoherent by the mutilation it may have undergone. It was probably left in its place in the Lex, together with the clauses regarding the receipt of wergeld, because, even though the assistance of the kindred in the payment of wergeld had been made optional and discouraged, the instincts of kindred were not to be extinguished all at once. To save the life of a kinsman, kinsmen will sometimes exercise the option. And the slayer, before he flees for his life, will make his appeal to his kinsmen. The old traditional rules for payment will have force in the feelings of those who, under all the discouragements of the law, still choose to assist the slayer. Moreover, the Mallus, it appears, still exercised jurisdiction over the option. This celebrated clause may perhaps therefore be quoted as evidence for so much of ancient tribal custom as to wergelds as the royal edict was unable to extinguish all at once. [Sidenote: The title ‘De chrenecruda.’] Difficulty arises chiefly from the imperfect condition of the text of one of the clauses. But, keeping close to Codex I. of Hessels and Kern’s edition, the following translation may pass for our purpose (Tit. LVIII.): (1) Si quis hominem occiderit et, totam facultatem data, non habuerit unde tota lege conpleat, xii juratores donare debet [quod] nec super terram nec subtus terram plus facultatem non habeat quam jam donavit. If any one shall kill a man and, having given up all he possesses, he yet shall not have enough to satisfy the whole legal requirement, he ought to give the oaths of twelve co-swearers that neither above the earth nor under the earth he has any more property than he has already given up. (2) Et postea debet in casa sua introire et de quattuor angulos terræ in pugno collegere et sic postea in duropullo, hoc est in limitare, stare debet intus in casa respiciens, et sic de sinistra manum de illa terra trans scapulas suas jactare super illum quem proximiorem parentem habet. And afterwards he ought to enter into his house and to gather earth in his hand from its four corners, and after this he ought to stand on the threshold, looking back into the house, and so from his left hand throw across his shoulders some of that earth over _him_ [? those] whom he has nearest of kin. (3) Quod si jam pater et fratres solserunt, tunc super suos debet illa terra jactare, id est super tres de generatione matris et super tres de generatione patris qui proximiores sunt. But if father and brothers have already paid, then over his (relations) he ought to throw that earth, to wit over three [parentillæ] of the kindred of the mother and over three [parentillæ] of the kindred of the father who are nearest of kin. (4) Et sic postea in camisia, discinctus, discalcius, palo in manu, sepe sallire debet, ut pro medietate quantum de compositione diger est, aut quantum lex addicat, illi tres solvant, hoc est illi alii qui de paterno generatione veniunt facere debent. And likewise after that, in his shirt, ungirded, unshod, stake in hand, he ought to leap the fence, so that for that half those three shall pay whatever is wanting of the composition or what the law adjudges: that is, those others who come of the paternal kindred ought to do so. (5) Si vero de illis quicumque proximior fuerit ut non habeat unde integrum debitum salvat; quicumque de illis plus habet iterum super illum chrenecruda ille qui pauperior est jactet ut ille tota lege solvat. But if any very near kinsman shall be unable to pay the whole amount due, then whoever of them has more, on him again let the one who is poorer throw the chrenecruda, so that he may pay the whole amount due. (6) Quam si vero nec ipse habuerit unde tota persolvat, tunc illum qui homicidium fecit qui eum sub fidem habuit in mallo præsentare debent, et sic postea eum per quattuor mallos ad suam fidem tollant. Et si eum in compositione nullus ad fidem tullerunt, hoc est ut redimant de quo domino[105] persolvit, tunc de sua vita conponat. But if not even he shall have the wherewith to complete the required amount, then those who held him under oath ought to produce him who committed the homicide in the Mallus, and in the same way again afterwards four times in the Mallus hold him to his faith. And if no one take up his faith concerning the composition, _i.e._ to redeem him by payment, then let him make composition with his life. Now, if we are here dealing with actual tribal custom, it is natural to place some weight upon the picturesque incidents which testify to its traditional origin. These picturesque incidents can hardly be other than proofs of antiquity. [Sidenote: The slayer and his co-swearers declare that he has given up everything.] Let us try, then, in spite of some confusion in the text, to make out the probable meaning of the action described. Clause 1 makes it clear that the first public step taken on the part of the slayer was to go to the Mallus with twelve co-swearers, who with him pledge their faith that he has given up everything, above ground or below it, towards the wergeld. There must have been previous negotiations with the kinsmen of the slain, and a stay of vengeance must have been conceded on the understanding that if possible the wergeld will be paid. Having thus obtained legal security for a time, the next stage in the proceeding is one between the slayer and his kinsmen, without whose help he cannot pay the wergeld. [Sidenote: The family gathering to arrange for payment of the rest of the wergeld.] The graphic details of the second clause seem to involve the presence of a family gathering met within the enclosure containing the house of the slayer, and, for anything we know, other houses of near relations. In this enclosure the kindred have met to deal with a family catastrophe in which they themselves are involved as well as the slayer. Even if they have to find only their half of the wergeld, fifty head of cattle from the family herd or their separate herds, as the case may be, must be to them a matter of importance. Standing on the threshold of the house from the four corners of which the slayer has gathered a handful of earth, he throws it over the representatives of his paternal and maternal kindred. He has done his part, and now the responsibility rests on them. The vagueness and difficulty of the next clause result from a text which has probably been tampered with. But with the help of Tit. LXII. and the addition of Tit. CI., giving further details, it becomes at least partly intelligible. The rule that the payment of wergeld was made by the relatives in the same proportions as they would receive it, if one of their kinsmen had been slain, is so general that we may fairly assume that it was followed also by the Salic Franks. We have seen that according to these clauses, if a father was killed, the sons took the first half of the wergeld, and that the other half was divided between three sets of _proximiores_--the three parentillæ or sets of relatives of both paternal and maternal kindreds--in certain proportions. The slayer and his sons should pay the first half, and his father and brothers apparently help them to pay it. The other part ought to fall upon the three parentillæ nearest of kin on both the paternal and maternal side. So that Clause 3 becomes partly intelligible. ‘If the father and brothers have already paid’ what the slayer could not pay of the first half, the earth has to be thrown upon the three parentillæ nearest of kin of the mother’s kindred and the three parentillæ nearest of kin of the father’s kindred. These seem to be the ‘proximiores’ who should pay the other half. The phraseology of the titles LXII. and CI. and the analogy of other tribal custom seem to warrant the conclusion that here also the _three proximiores_ on the paternal and the maternal side were originally not three persons next of kin, but the three _parentillæ_, _i.e._, according to Brunner, the descendants of the grandparents, the great-grandparents, and the great-great-grandparents of the slayer on both the paternal and maternal sides. The next clause is the one which bears clearest marks of having been tampered with. It makes no sense when strictly construed, but it seems to contain two ideas: first that there may be a deficiency as regards the second half of the payment, and secondly that the persons who ought to make it up are ‘_those others who come of the paternal kindred_.’ The question who are intended by these words is one not easily answered decisively. Nor is it one upon which we need to dwell. It is to be regretted, however, that at this critical point the text is so sadly confused. For it must be borne in mind that if no relative was liable beyond those included in the phrase ‘the three proximiores’ then the liability to pay and receive wergeld under Salic custom was restricted to the descendants of the paternal and maternal great-great-grandparents. And whether it was so in ancient custom is just what we should like to know. [Sidenote: Having cast the responsibility upon his kindred, the slayer leaps over the fence.] Be this as it may, the slayer has done what he could in throwing the responsibility upon his kindred. He knows not, perhaps, whether they will fulfil the obligation thus cast upon them. He has given up everything he himself possessed, and now, in his shirt, ungirded, and unshod, he leaps over the fence of the enclosure with a stake (‘palus’) in hand, to wander about in suspense until it transpires whether the rest of the wergeld will be found or not: whether those who ought to assist him, whoever they may be, will help him in his need. Clause 5 seems to state merely that the liability of the ‘proximiores’ is collective and not individual, so that the poorer in each group of relatives are to be assisted by the richer, and we need not dwell upon it. [Sidenote: If his kindred do not pay, the slayer pays with his life.] Lastly, Clause 6 brings the slayer, after all his efforts and appeals to his kindred, face to face with the final result. Four successive times his co-swearers have brought him up to the mallus to hold him to his faith, and now at last, if no one steps in to complete payment of the wergeld, he must pay with his life. This is the best we can make of the famous title in the Lex Salica regarding the payment of wergeld. But perhaps it is enough when taken together with the clauses relating to its receipt to reveal the main points of early Salic tribal custom. We may state them thus:--(1) That the wergeld was divided into two halves, for one of which the slayer, helped by his father and brothers, was responsible, and for the other of which the three grades of kindred, extending apparently to the descendants of great-great-grandparents, were responsible. (2) That if the addition of Tit. CI. in this respect represented ancient tribal custom, the payments, like the receipts, of the second half, were so distributed that the nearer parentilla or group of relatives paid and received, in relation to those behind them in kinship, in the proportion of two thirds and one third. (3) That, if we may take the addition of Tit. CI. as giving a share to the _widow_, and as an innovation, then it may fairly be concluded that, under ancient Salic custom as under Cymric custom, the widow originally took no share in the wergeld of her husband, not being a blood relation to him. [Sidenote: Position of the wife and her kindred.] Further, as in the title _De chrenecruda_ there is no mention of any share in the _payment_ of wergeld falling upon the wife of the murderer or her family, we may conclude that however closely two families might be united by a marriage, the wife, for the purpose of wergeld, still belonged to her own kindred, and that marriage did not involve the two families in mutual obligations for each other’s crimes of homicide, until both paternal and maternal kindreds became sharers in payment and receipt of wergelds in the case of the children of the marriage. [Sidenote: What became of the slayer’s rights in the land.] It is not needful to follow the speculations of various authorities as to what became of the homestead and landed rights abandoned by the slayer when he threw the chrenecruda upon his kindred and leaped, ungirt and unshod, over the fence of the inclosure. It is begging the question to call it his _Grundstück_ in the sense of a plot of land individually owned. Whether it was so, or whether under Salic custom land was held by family groups, as in the case of the Cymric gwely, is what the clause _De chrenecruda_ does not tell us. The question may perhaps have easily solved itself. The homestead and grazing rights, under tribal custom, might probably simply merge and sink into the common rights of the kindred, _i.e._ the neighbouring kinsmen would get the benefit of them. Even if the slayer, now himself slain or an exile, had held a privileged or official position as chief of his family, it would not follow that his successor (having doubtless already a homestead of his own) would care to succeed to the one left vacant. It is much more likely that tribal superstition would leave the murderer’s homestead to decay. Even the sons of a person, whose kindred had left him to perish by refusing the necessary help in the payment of the wergeld of his victim, might well refuse to ‘uncover’ the haunted hearth of their father, whilst if the wergeld were paid the slayer would return to his old homestead. Finally it must be remembered that in the tribal stage of land occupation the value of land itself bore a very small proportion to the value of the cattle upon it. And so the ‘Grundstück’ of the slayer would be as nothing compared with the value of the hundred cows of a normal wergeld. II. THE DIVISION OF CLASSES AS SHOWN BY THE AMOUNT OF THE WERGELD. Turning now to the amount of the wergeld, something may be learned of the division of classes under the Lex Salica. Tit. XLI. fixes the amount of the wergeld of the typical freeman who is described as ‘the Frank or the barbarian man who lives under the Lex Salica.’ [Sidenote: The wergeld of the freeman living under Salic law 200 solidi.] The amount, as throughout the Lex are all the payments, is stated in so many denarii and so many solidi--8,000 denarii, _i.e._ 200 solidi. And that the Frank or barbarian living under the Lex Salica was the typical freeman is shown by the title _De debilitatibus_,[106] which fixes the payment for the destruction of an eye, hand, or foot at 100 solidi. Half the wergeld is the highest payment for eye, hand, and foot ever exacted by the Continental laws, and 100 solidi certainly cannot apply to any grade of persons with a lower wergeld than 200 solidi. Tit. XLI. is as follows:-- Si quis ingenuo franco aut barbarum, qui legem Salega vivit, occiderit, cui fuerit adprobatum viii. _M._ den. qui fac. sol. cc. culp. jud. If any one shall kill a freeman--a Frank or barbarian man who lives under the Lex Salica--let him whose guilt is proved be judged to be liable for viii. M. denarii, which make cc. solidi. As this clause probably dates before the issue of Merovingian solidi of diminished weight, the 200 solidi of the wergeld may be taken to have been at the date of the law 200 gold solidi of Imperial standard. So that the wergeld of the Frank or the free ‘barbarus living under the Lex Salica’ originally, when paid in gold solidi, was neither more nor less than the normal wergeld of a heavy gold mina. [Sidenote: Officials had a triple wergeld.] We learn from clause 2 of the same title that if the homicide was aggravated by concealment of the corpse the composition was increased to 24,000 denarii or 600 solidi, and that the wergeld of a person ‘in truste dominica’ was again 600 solidi. The Royal Official thus, as in several other laws, had a triple wergeld. Then lastly under the same title are three clauses describing the wergelds of the ‘Romanus homo conviva Regis,’ as 300 solidi, of the ‘Romanus homo possessor’ as 100 solidi, and of the ‘Romanus tributarius’ in some texts 45, and in others 63, 70, and 120 solidi. In Codex 10 the ‘Romanus possessor’ is described as the man who in the pagus in which he lives _res proprias possidet_. The natural inference from these lesser wergelds is that the Gallo-Romans were not ‘living under the Lex Salica,’ but under their own Gallo-Roman law, with wergelds one half the amount of those of the Frankish freemen. Another of the 65 titles, viz. LIV., gives a further set of wergelds. The wergeld of a _grafio_ is to be 600 solidi, that of a _sacebaro_ or _ob-grafio_ who is a _puer regis_ 300 solidi, and that of a _sacebaro_ who is an _ingenuus_ 600 solidi. The _sacebaro_ was apparently the lowest in rank of judicial officials except the _rachinburgus_, and the clause adds that there ought not to be more than three sacebarones in each malberg. We may conclude from these statements that, the wergeld of the freeman living under the Lex Salica being 200 gold solidi, the higher wergelds up to 600 solidi were the threefold wergelds of public officials, _i.e._ threefold of the wergeld of the class to which they belonged. The wergeld of the sacebaro who was a _puer regis_ was three times that of the Romanus possessor. The sacebaro who was an _ingenuus_ had a wergeld three times that of the ingenuus living under Salic law. [Sidenote: Strangers in blood had only half wergelds _Romanus possessor_ 100 solidi.] We are thus brought into contact with an interesting question. These laws, made after conquest and settlement on once Roman ground, ought to be good evidence upon the tribal method of dealing with strangers in blood: _i.e._, in this case, the Gallo-Roman conquered population. And these clauses seem to show that half wergelds only were awarded to them under Salic law. M. Fustel de Coulanges held indeed the opinion that the term ‘Romanus’ of the laws was confined to the _freedman_ who had been emancipated by process of Roman law.[107] But here the contrast seems to me to be between Franks and barbarians ‘who live under Salic law’ on the one hand, and the Gallo-Romans, whether freedmen or Roman possessores, living under Roman law on the other hand. We shall come upon this question again when the Ripuarian laws are examined, and need not dwell upon it here. It is interesting, however, to notice that in Codex 2, Tit. XLI. the Malberg gloss on the clause regarding the wergeld of the ‘_Romanus tributarius_’ is ‘_uuala leodi_,’ which Kern (208) explains to mean the wergeld of a _Wala_--the well-known name given by Teutonic people to their Gallo-Roman and Romanised neighbours. III. TRIBAL RULES OF SUCCESSION IN ‘TERRA SALICA.’ The question of the payment of wergeld is now generally admitted to be distinct from that of inheritance in land. The persons who receive and pay their share of the wergeld are those who would have taken part directly or indirectly in the feud. They are not confined to the expectant heirs of the slayer or the slain.[108] If we are to learn anything directly upon the question of the method of landholding under Salic custom it must be, not from the clauses relating to the wergelds, but mainly from the Title LIX. _De Alodis_. It is the next title to the _De chrenecruda_ and can hardly be passed by without some attempt to recognise the bearing of its clauses upon the present inquiry. Its text is very variously rendered in the several manuscripts, and it has been the subject of many interpretations. But if it may be legitimate to approach it from a strictly tribal point of view, it will not be difficult, I think, to suggest an interpretation consistent with what we have learned of tribal custom from the Cymric example, and therefore worthy at least of careful consideration. [Sidenote: The title ‘De Alodis.’] According to Codex 1 of Hessels and Kern the clauses are as follows:-- (1) Si quis mortuus fuerit et filios non demiserit, si mater sua superfuerit ipsa in hereditatem succedat. If any one shall have died and not have left sons, if his mother shall have survived let her succeed to the inheritance. (2) Si mater non fuerit et fratrem aut sororem dimiserit, ipsi in hereditatem succedant. If the mother shall not be [surviving] and he shall have left brother or sister, let them succeed to the inheritance. (3) Tunc si ipsi non fuerint, soror matris in hereditatem succedat. Then, if they shall not be [surviving], let the sister of the mother succeed to the inheritance. (4) Et inde de illis generationibus quicunque proximior fuerit, ille in hereditatem succedat. And further concerning these generations, whichever shall be the nearer, let it succeed to the inheritance. (5) De terra vero nulla in muliere hereditas non pertinebit, sed ad virilem secum (leg. _sexum_) qui fratres fuerint tota terra perteneunt. But concerning _land_ no inheritance shall pertain to a woman, but to the male sex who shall be brothers let the whole land pertain. The last clause in Codex 10 (Herold’s) is amplified as follows: (5) De terra vero Salica in mulierem nulla portio hæreditatis transit, sed hoc virilis sexus acqviret: hoc est, filii in ipsa hæreditate succedunt. Sed ubi inter _nepotes aut pronepotes_ post longum tempus de alode terræ contentio suscitatur, non per stirpes sed per capita dividantur. Concerning, however, _terra Salica_, let no portion of the inheritance pass to a woman, but let the male sex acquire it: _i.e._ sons succeed to that inheritance. But where after a long time dispute may arise between _grandsons_ or _great-grandsons_ concerning the alod of land, let the division be not _per stirpes_, but _per capita_. [Sidenote: The ‘alod’ embraced the whole inheritance--land and cattle, &c.] Now, in the first place, what is meant by the term _alod_? In the Lex Salica it occurs again in Tit. XCIX. _De rebus in alode patris_, which relates to a dispute about the right to a certain thing, as to which the decision turns upon the proof that can be given by the defendant that he acquired the thing _in alode patris_. He has to bring three witnesses to prove ‘_quod in alode patris hoc invenisset_,’ and three more witnesses to prove ‘_qualiter pater suus res ipsas invenisset_,’ and if after failure of proof and the interdiction of the law the thing be found in his possession he is to be fined XXXV. solidi. From this clause the inference must apparently be that the ‘_alod_ of the father’ was the whole bundle of rights and possessions, personal as well as real, which passed to descendants by inheritance. Indeed, it seems to be generally admitted that in the title ‘de alodis’ all the clauses except the last apply to personal property, and only the last to realty.[109] [Sidenote: It was an ancestral family inheritance.] There are titles ‘de alodibus’ both in the Ripuarian Law[110] and in that of the ‘Anglii and Werini.’[111] In both laws the ‘alod’ includes personalty, and the latter defines the personalty as ‘_pecunia_ et _mancipia_,’ thus reminding us that the personalty of the alod mainly consisted of cattle and slaves. In the title ‘de alodibus’ of the Ripuarian Law, the hereditary or ancestral character of the alod is emphasised by the application to it of the words ‘hereditas _aviatica_’ There may, however, be some doubt whether the term _hereditas aviatica_ included the whole alod or only the land of the alod. Regarding, therefore, the ‘alod’ as in some sense a bundle of rights and property, let us try to consider these clauses with a fresh mind in the light of what we have learned of Cymric tribal custom. [Sidenote: The position of females and modifications made in their favour.] Under this custom, speaking broadly, as we have seen, daughters did not share in the landed rights of the gwely. They received instead of landed rights in the gwely their _gwaddol_ or portion, mostly, no doubt, in cattle, and they were supposed with it to marry into another gwely, in whose landed rights their sons were expected to share by paternity. If women inherited landed rights at all, it was exceptionally in the case of failure of male heirs, and then only so that their _sons_ might inherit. The heiress in such a case, under Cymric as well as Greek tribal law, was in quite an exceptional position, and, as we have seen in Beowulf, the sister’s son might be called back into the mother’s family to prevent its failure for want of heirs.[112] The exclusion of female successors from terra Salica is therefore quite in accordance with tribal custom. That the clauses as to personalty in the ‘de alodis ’ were modifications of ancient Salic custom, made in favour of females, is rendered almost certain by the position of the last clause as a saving clause, apparently inserted with the object of protecting the rights of the sons in the land of the alod, by preventing the application to it of the previous clauses. [Sidenote: The land of the alod was _terra_.] Codex 1 does not describe the land as _terra Salica_. It is content to protect _land_ without qualification from the application of the previous clauses, which, if applied to land, would transgress against tribal custom. And the same may be said of Codices 3 and 4. But in the Codices 5 to 10 and in the ‘Lex emendata’ the words ‘terra Salica’ are used. This is a point of importance, because it goes far to show that the whole of the land of the alod was terra Salica, and protected by the saving clause from participation by females. The use of the word _land_ alone in Codex 1 forbids our thinking that part of the land of the alod was terra Salica and the rest not terra Salica.[113] And this consideration seems to show that to import into the clause any explanation of the term derived from the word _Sala_, so as to confine its meaning to the ‘_Haus und Hofland_’ or the ‘_Väterliches Wohnhaus_,’ as Amira[114] and Lamprecht[115] would do, would be misleading. The homestead of the chief of a tribal family holding, on terra Salica, may, like the Roman villa, have passed by various and even natural stages into the ‘_Herrengut_,’ or ‘_terra indominicata_’ of later manorial phraseology, and the term _terra Salica_ may have clung, as it were, to it. But to reason backwards to the Lex Salica from the instances of its later use, given by Guérard in his sections on the subject, seems in this case, if I may venture to say so, to be a reversal of the right order of inference. Lamprecht carefully guards himself against the view that the _terra Salica_ of the Lex was as yet a ‘Herrengut,’ and Guérard, in his careful sections on the subject, admits three stages in the evolution of the _terra Salica_: (1) ‘l’enceinte dépendant de la maison du Germain;’ (2) ‘la terre du manse seigneurial;’ (3) ‘simplement la terre possédée en propre, quelquefois donnée en tenure.’[116] This may in some sense fairly represent the line of evolution subsequently followed, and I have long ago recognised the embryo manor in the ‘Germania’ of Tacitus; but, for our present purpose, this does not seem to help to an understanding of the term as used in the Lex Salica. When all the Codices are taken together into account, _terra Salica_ seems to include the whole of the land, or landed rights, of the alod. From the whole, and not only the chief homestead, the succession of females is excluded, and it is the whole, and not the chief homestead only, which is to be divided between the nepotes and pronepotes of the deceased tribesman. Approaching the Lex Salica, as we are doing, from a tribal point of view, we seem to get upon quite other and simpler ground. [Sidenote: _Terra Salica_ was land held under the rules of the Lex Salica and subject ultimately to division _per capita_ between great-grandchildren.] The emphasis laid in the Lex Salica upon the distinction in social status between persons ‘living under the Lex Salica’ and those living under Roman law suggests that _land_ held under the Lex Salica was not held under the same rules as those under which the ‘Romanus possessor’ held his ‘res propria.’ It would seem natural, then, that _terra Salica_ should be land held under Salic custom as opposed to land held under Roman law. And if this be the simple rendering of the term _terra Salica_ in the Lex, then returning to the likeness of the Salic ‘alod’ to the Cymric family holding some likeness might be expected in the rules of succession to the land of the alod when compared with the Cymric rules of succession to the ‘tir gweliauc’ or family land of the gwely. We have seen that in the gwely the descendants of a common great-grandfather were kept together as a family group till, after internal divisions between brothers and then between cousins, there was at last equal division of landed rights between second cousins, _i.e._ great-grandsons of the original head of the gwely. The fact of this right of redivision at last between great-grandchildren was apparently what held the family group together till the third generation. The last clause of the ‘de alodis,’ even as it stands in Codex 1, coincides with Cymric custom in so far as it excludes females from landed rights and confines inheritance in the land of the alod in the first instance to _sons_ ‘… _qui fratres fuerint_.’ And when at last later Codices call the land of the alod _terra Salica_, and the addition in Codex 10 is taken into account, the evidence becomes very strong indeed that under Salic custom the land of the alod or terra Salica was held as a family holding, and, like the land of the gwely, divisible, first between sons, then between grandsons, and at last between great-grandsons. But when among grandsons or great-grandsons contention arises, after long time, concerning the alod of land, they [the lands of the alod] should be divided, not _per stirpes_, but _per capita_. The later the date at which this sentence was added to the final clause of the ‘de alodis,’ the stronger becomes the evidence of what ancient Salic custom on this matter was. [Sidenote: The final clause protects the family holding.] Assuredly the object of these words is not to introduce a new principle. They obviously describe ancient Salic custom in order to protect it. And how could a division _per capita_ amongst great-grandsons take place unless, as in the Cymric gwely, the holding of terra Salica had during the whole period of the three generations been kept in some sense together as a family holding? It would be unwise to press analogies between Cymric and Salic tribal custom too far, but I have before pointed out that a system of wergelds, to which paternal and maternal relatives each individually contributed their share, seems to imply an original solidarity of kindred, which must, wherever it was fully in force, have been connected with a corresponding solidarity in the occupation of land, together with its complement, an individual ownership of cattle. And in the light of the ‘de alodis’ it does not seem unlikely that it may have been so under ancient Salic custom. [Sidenote: Distinction between land under Salic and land under Roman law.] If the foregoing considerations be accepted, may we not recognise in the term _terra Salica_, as at first used, a meaning analogous to that which Professor Vinogradoff has recently so brilliantly given to the Anglo-Saxon term ‘folc-land’?[117] In both cases surely it was natural that there should be a term distinguishing land still held under the rules of ancient tribal custom from land held under the Romanised rules of individual landownership. It is not necessary to do more than allude here to the various clauses of the Lex Salica from which the existence of individual holdings is clearly to be inferred. If, from this single mention of _terra Salica_ and its ultimate division among great-grandsons _per capita_, the continued existence of tribal or family holdings held still under Salic law may be legitimately inferred, it is at least equally clear that the _Romanus possessor_ who lived and held his possession as _res propria_ under Roman law also existed. And if so the two classes of holders of land must often have been neighbours. The vicini, ‘qui in villa consistunt,’ of the title ‘de migrantibus’ (XLV.) may some of them have been of the one class and some of them of the other. The objection of a single person living under Salic law to the interloper would have a new meaning and become very natural if the conflict between the two systems were involved. And when we have reminded ourselves of these facts the title _De eum qui se de parentilla tollere vult_, to which allusion has already been made, which enabled the tribesman, by the somewhat theatrical action of breaking the four sticks of alder over his head, to cut himself loose from his parentilla, takes its proper place as evidence of the temptation which must have beset the young tribesman in close contact with Gallo-Roman neighbours to free himself from what had come to be regarded as a bondage, and to take an independent position as an individual under the new order of things which was fast undermining the old. [Sidenote: Edict of Chilperic A.D. 561-584.] Besides the title ‘de alodis’ there is another source of information which must not be overlooked--viz. the Edict of Chilperic (A.D. 561-584).[118] This edict appears to have been issued soon after the extension of the Frankish boundary from the Loire to the Garonne, and specially to apply to the newly conquered district. [Sidenote: Admission of female succession to prevent Salic land from passing from the family group to strangers.] This conquest would necessarily extend the area within which Salic settlements would be made among non-Salic neighbours, and multiply the cases in which even a Salic Frank might find himself less securely surrounded by kinsmen than of old. Under these altered circumstances instances would become more and more frequent of the close neighbourhood of tribesmen still holding under Salic custom and strangers living under Roman laws of succession. The clauses of the edict seem accordingly to be directly intended to prevent lapsed interests of Salic tribesmen in land from falling to the vicini when there were brothers or female relations surviving. In old times in purely Salic settlements lapsed interests must usually have become merged in the general rights of the kindred, the vicini being kinsmen. And no harm might come of it. Landed rights would seldom have passed away from the kindred. But as the stranger element increased in prominence the kindreds would more and more suffer loss. Hence probably the extended rights given by the edict to female relatives. It allows them to succeed in certain cases so as to prevent the land, or, as we should rather say, the landed rights, from lapsing to the vicini. Clause 3 is as follows:-- Simili modo placuit atque convenit, ut si quicumque vicinos habens aut filios aut filias post obitum suum superstitutus fuerit, quamdiu filii advixerint terra habeant, sicut et Lex Salica habet. Likewise we will and declare that if any one having _vicini_, or sons or daughters, shall be succeeded to after his death, so long as the sons live let them have the land as the Lex Salica provides. So far evidently no change is made; old custom still holds good. But in the rest of the clauses a modification is made evidently to meet altered circumstances, and specially to shut out the _vicini_. Et si subito filii defuncti fuerint, filia simili modo accipiat terras ipsas, sicut et filii si vivi fuissent aut habuissent. Et si moritur, frater alter superstitutus fuerit, frater terras accipiat, _non vicini_. Et subito frater moriens frater non derelinquerit superstitem, tunc soror ad terra ipsa accedat possidenda.… And if suddenly the sons shall have died let the daughter receive those lands as the sons would have done had they been alive. And if he [a brother] should die and another brother should survive, let the brother receive those lands, _not the vicini_. And if suddenly the brother shall die not leaving a brother surviving, then let a sister succeed to the possession of that land.… The remainder of the clause is very difficult to construe in the imperfect state of the text, and it is not necessary to dwell upon it. It seems to apply to newcomers (‘qui adveniunt’) and their rights _inter se_.[119] We have then in these clauses an allusion to ancient tribal custom as well as to the change made necessary by the new circumstances. [Sidenote: Analogy of Cymric custom.] The implication is that under the rule of ancient custom, on a brother’s death without children, _his brothers did not succeed to his land, but the vicini_. Now the brother is to succeed, _not the vicini_. At first sight this seems unnatural and unlikely. But it ceases to be so if we may regard the alod of terra Salica as a family holding under conditions somewhat like those of the gwely. For under Cymric custom the brother did not succeed to the childless brother as his heir. The co-inheritors, as far as second cousins, were his heirs. In other words the lapsed share went to his _vicini_, but they were the kinsmen of his own gwely.[120] Nor did a brother succeed to his brother’s _da_, and the grazing rights and homestead connected with it. He had received this _da_, as we have seen, from his chief of kindred by ‘kin and descent,’ _i.e._ by tribal right in his kindred, and therefore if he should die without children his _da_ and everything he had by kin and descent went, not to his brothers, but back to the kindred or the chief of kindred from whom he received it. If the son die after 14 years of age and leave no heir, his ‘argluyd’ is to possess all his _da_ and to be in place of a son to him and his house becomes a dead-house. (_Ven. Code_, i. p. 203.)[121] The lapse of landed rights in family holdings to the kindred was one thing. Their passing out of the kindred to vicini who were strangers would be quite another thing. When after a time, let us say under cover of the title ‘de migrantibus’ or upon extended conquests, others, perhaps ‘Romani possessores,’ had taken places in the villa side by side with the tribesmen living under the customary rules of _terra Salica_, or when Salic Franks had settled among strangers, the new element would have to be reckoned with. In the clause ‘de migrantibus’ the protection of ancient Salic custom was sought by the exclusion of strangers at the instance of a single objector from terra Salica. In the Edict of Chilperic, on the other hand, the presence of stranger vicini was taken for granted, and the protection of terra Salica sought by extending the right of succession to brothers and females, so that at least fewer cases might arise of lapsed inheritances falling away from the kindred into the hands of the _vicini_ who might be strangers. The breaking up of tribal custom thus was not all at once, but by steps. At first _terra Salica_ was limited to men, then female succession was allowed, and lastly, in default of kindred, stranger vicini under certain conditions were admitted to the lapsed inheritance. IV. THE WERGELDS AND DIVISION OF CLASSES IN THE ‘LEX RIPUARIORUM.’ The customs of the Ripuarian Franks as to wergelds, as might be expected, do not seem to have varied much from those of the Salic Franks. They were probably neighbours in close contact with each other, and, judging from the laws, the population of the district was a mixed one. [Sidenote: Wergeld of freeman as under the Lex Salica, 200 gold solidi. That of the official threefold.] The wergeld of the Ripuarian ingenuus, like that of the Salic Frank or barbarian living under the Lex Salica, was 200 gold solidi, and 12 co-swearers were required to deny the homicide (Tit. VII.). Here again official position seems, as under the Salic law, to be protected by a triple wergeld. The _grafio_ or _comes_, who was a fiscal judge, had a wergeld of 600 solidi (Tit. LIII.). The payment for one _in truste regis_ was also 600 solidi (Tit. XI.). On the other hand, the wergeld of a ‘_homo regis_’ (Tit. IX.), like that of the ‘_puer regis_’ of the Salic law, was only 100 solidi, and that of the ‘man’ of the Church the same (Tit. X.), _i.e._ half that of the Ripuarian ingenuus. Consistently with this, the triple payment for killing a woman between childbearing and 40, as also in the Salic Law, was 600 solidi, whilst the wergeld of the ‘femina regia’ or ‘ecclesiastica’ was only 300 solidi. There are apparently hardly any indications as to how or to whom the wergelds were to be paid. There is only one reference to the _parentes_, and that is not connected with the wergelds. In Tit. LXXXV. it is stated that he who shall disinter a corpse and rob it shall pay 200 solidi and be ‘expelled till he shall satisfy the _parentes_.’ The murderer alone seems to be responsible, unless indeed the few words added to the clauses imposing the triple wergeld of 600 solidi upon the murderer of a woman may be taken to be of general application. The words are these:-- ‘If the murderer shall be poor, so that he cannot pay at once, then let him pay _per tres decessiones filiorum_.’ Has it really come to this, that since the Edict of Childeric II. came into force the parentes are released, and the descendants of the murderer, for three generations, are to be in slavery till the wergeld is paid? It may be so, for the penalty in default of payment of the wergeld probably included his own slavery, which involved with it that of his descendants. [Sidenote: The fisc gradually takes the place of the kindred.] The ancient tribal tradition that within the family there could be no feud or wergeld, but exile only, was still apparently in force. In Title LXIX. there is a clause which enacts that if any one shall slay one next in kin (‘proximus sanguinis’) he shall suffer exile and all his goods shall go to the fisc. This exile of the slayer of a near kinsman and forfeiture of his goods to the fisc seems to be almost the only distinct important survival of tribal feeling, apparently neither wergeld nor the death of the slayer being admitted. But in this case the fisc was, as usual, the gainer. Parricide under any system of criminal law would be a capital crime. The pertinacity with which the custom that, being a crime _within_ the kindred, there could be no feud and therefore no wergeld, was adhered to in the midst of manifold changes in circumstances, feeling, and law, is very remarkable. There is not much else in the Ripuarian laws throwing light upon tribal customs as regards the solidarity of the kindred. But there is a good deal of interesting information upon the important subject of the treatment of strangers in blood. [Sidenote: Distinction between persons living under Salic law and those living under Roman law who were treated as strangers in blood.] We have seen that in the Lex Salica the definition of the _ingenuus_ with a wergeld of 200 solidi was the _Francus_ or _barbarus_ living under Salic law. The ‘barbarus’ who lived under Salic law was no longer a stranger; he had in fact become a Frank. As we should say, he had been _naturalised_. Hence there was no inconsistency in the apparent occasional indiscriminate use of the words ‘Francus’ and ‘ingenuus.’ They meant the same thing. But there is nothing to show that the ordinary Gallo-Roman was included under the term ‘_barbarus_ who lived under Salic law.’ On the other hand, we find him living under the Roman law. In considering the method of dealing with people of so mixed a population as that of the Ripuarian district it is very important to recognise how, under tribal custom, every man continued to live under the law under which he was born, until by some legal process his nationality, so to speak, was admitted to be changed. The Cymric example has shown us how strictly the tribal blood and admission from outside into the tribe were guarded. In such a mixed population as that of the Ripuarian district, the strictness may have been somewhat relaxed, and the formalities of admission less difficult. But there is evidence enough, I think (with great deference to M. Fustel de Coulanges’ doubts on the subject), to show that to some extent at any rate social distinctions were still founded upon ‘difference of blood.’ At all events it is worth while to examine the additional evidence afforded by some clauses in the Ripuarian laws. [Sidenote: Strangers of allied tribes have wergelds according to the law of their birth, but if they cannot find compurgators must go to the ordeal.] In Tit. XXXI. it is stated that Franks, Burgundians, Alamanni, and others, of whatever nation, living in the Ripuarian country, are to be judged and dealt with, if guilty, according to the law of the place of their birth, and not by the Ripuarian law, and it is significantly added that (living away from their kinsmen as they often must be) if they cannot find compurgators they must clear themselves by the ordeal of ‘fire or lot.’[122] Here we come upon one of the strongest tests of tribal custom in its insistence upon the necessity of a man being surrounded by a kindred before he can be a fully recognised tribesman. Unless he be surrounded by kinsmen who can swear for him, under tribal custom, he must have recourse to the ordeal in case of any criminal charge. There is a clause, not inconsistent, I think, with Tit. XXXI., which seems to draw a clear distinction in favour of tribes more or less nearly allied in blood with Franks, viz. the Burgundians, Alamanni, Bavarians, Saxons, and Frisians, resident in the Ripuarian district, as contrasted with the _Romanus_, who surely must be the Gallo-Roman. In Title XXXVI. the following wergelds are stated, the slayer being a Ripuarian in all cases:-- A stranger Frank 200 solidi ” ” Burgundian 160 ” ” ” Romanus 100 ” ” ” Alamann } ” ” Frisian } 160 ” ” ” Bavarian } ” ” Saxon } [Sidenote: Wergeld of the _Romanus_ 100 solidi instead of 200 or 160 solidi.] Thus the Roman stranger is placed in the lowest grade. His wergeld is only 100 solidi--half that of the Ripuarian or Salic Frank--whilst those tribes nearer in blood to the Frank are classed together with a wergeld of 160 solidi, not much less than that of the Frank. Indeed, there is reason to believe that these were the wergelds of the several tribes in force in their own country according to their own laws.[123] In this connection the view of M. Fustel de Coulanges, that the term ‘Romanus’ is confined to the libertus freed under Roman law, hardly seems natural. The evidence seems to show that the man freed under the formalities of Frankish law thenceforth lived under Salic law and became a Frankish freeman with a freeman’s wergeld of 200 solidi, whilst the man who became a freedman under process of Roman law thenceforth lived under Roman law, and became a Roman freeman--a Romanus--with a wergeld of only 100 solidi. The inference that the difference in status was the result of difference in blood is not altered by the fact that the social status awarded to the Gallo-Roman was the same as that of the libertus in some other laws. The fact relied upon by M. Fustel de Coulanges, that under the laws of the Burgundians and the Wisigoths the Gallo-Roman was placed in a position of equality with the Teutonic conquerors, need not, I think, affect the view to be taken of his position under the Salic and Ripuarian laws. Tribal custom had to meet in Burgundy and the Wisigothic district with Roman law and Roman institutions still comparatively in their full strength. Marriages with the Gallo-Roman population were encouraged, and the system of wergelds almost entirely superseded. The Frankish conquest was of another kind, and the Frank was hardly likely to care to meet the Gallo-Roman on equal terms. [Sidenote: Position of the freedman or _denarialis_ under Frankish law. His wergeld 200 solidi.] Passing now from the position of the stranger who was recognised as a freeman, let us try to get a clear idea of the position of the _freedman_ under the Ripuarian law, taking the cases of the Frankish freedman and the Roman libertus separately. In Tit. VIII. the payment for slaying a _servus_ is 36 solidi. In Tit. LXII., if any one makes his servus into a _tributarius_ or a _litus_ and he is killed, the penalty is the same--36 solidi, but if he chooses to make him into a _denarialis_ (_i.e._ a freedman under Frankish law) then his value shall be 200 solidi. The tributarius or litus has gained but one step up the ladder of Frankish freedom. But the denarialis, with nearly six times his wergeld, has as regards his wergeld reached the highest rung at a single leap. [Sidenote: But till he has a free kindred, if he has no children the fisc is his heir.] Though, however, as regards wergeld he has done so, in another sense he has by no means done so. Under tribal custom he would not attain to full tribal rights till a kindred had grown up around him. So under Tit. LVII. the ‘homo denarialis,’ notwithstanding his wergeld of 200 solidi, is recognised as having no kindred. (s. 4) If a ‘homo denariatus’ shall die without children he leaves no other heir than our fisc. And in full accord with this statement is the following clause in the ‘Capitulare legi Ripuariæ additum’ of A.D. 803. Homo denarialis non ante hæreditare in suam agnationem poterit quam usque ad terciam generationem perveniat. So that more of tribal custom still prevails in his case than at first appears. Only in the third generation are full rights of inheritance secured to his successors. [Sidenote: Wergeld of the _libertus_ under Roman law 100 solidi.] If now we turn to the _libertus_ under Roman law, Tit. LXI. states that if any one shall make his servus into a libertus and Roman citizen, if he shall commit a crime he shall be judged by Roman law, and if he be killed the payment shall be 100 solidi: but ‘if he shall die without children he shall have no heir but our fisc.’ Thus, as regards inheritance, the Frankish denarialis and the Roman libertus seem to be treated alike, notwithstanding the difference of wergeld. Turning to another matter, the Ripuarian laws, being of later date than the Lex Salica, made provision for the wergelds of the clergy. [Sidenote: Wergelds of the clergy, and of their ‘men.’] Tit. XXXVI. provided that the clergy should be compounded for according to their birth, whether of the class of servi, or men of the king or of the Church, or liti, or ingenui. If _ingenui_, they were to be compounded for with 200 solidi. Then the wergelds of the higher clergy are stated as follows:-- Subdeacon 400 solidi Deacon 500 ” Priest 600 ” Bishop 900 ” And there is a long clause _De Tabulariis_ (Tit. LVIII.) providing that servi may be made under process of Roman law _tabularii_ of the Church, so that they and their descendants shall be and remain servants of the Church, and render the proper services of tabularii to the Church, without any one having power further to enfranchise them. In case of their death without children the Church is to be their heir. These appear to be the ‘men of the Church’ whose wergeld was 100 solidi. [Sidenote: The clause ‘De alodibus.’] The Tit. LVI. _De alodibus_ is as follows:-- Si quis absque liberis defunctus fuerit, si pater materque superstites fuerint in hereditatem succedant. If any one shall have died without children, if father and mother survive they shall succeed to the _hereditas_. Si pater materque non fuerint, frater et soror succedant. If there are not father and mother, brother and sister shall succeed. Si autem nec eos habuerit, tunc soror matris patrisque succedant. Et deinceps usque ad quintam genuculum, qui proximus fuerit, hereditatem succedat. But if he has not these either, then the sister of the mother and the sister of the father shall succeed. And further, up to the fifth knee, whoever is nearest shall succeed to the inheritance. Sed cum virilis sexus extiterit, femina in hereditatem aviaticam non succedat. But as long as the male sex survive, a woman shall not succeed to the _hereditas aviatica_. All that need be remarked regarding this title is, first its close resemblance to the clause ‘de alodis’ in the Lex Salica and the confirmation given by the phrase ‘hereditas aviatica’ to the family character of the ‘alod,’ and secondly that it seems to belong to the time when female succession was favoured. Whether the ‘hereditas aviatica’ included the whole alod or only the land of the alod, on failure of male heirs, females were now to succeed. [Sidenote: The traditional value of animals in payment of wergelds. The wergeld of 200 solidi = 100 oxen.] There remains only to be noticed the interesting addition to Tit. XXXVI. which enacts that if any one ought to pay wergeld he should reckon, _inter alia_:-- The ox, horned, seeing, and sound, for 2 solidi The cow, horned, seeing, and sound, for [3 or] 1 solidus The horse, seeing and sound, for 6 solidi The mare, seeing and sound, for 3 ” And this is followed by a final clause which is found only in some of the manuscripts and which is probably an addition made under Charlemagne:-- If payment shall be made in silver, let 12 denarii be paid for the solidus, _sicut antiquitus est constitutum_. Thus our consideration of these laws ends with the fact that, before the disturbance in the currency made by Charlemagne, the wergeld of the Frankish freeman of 200 gold solidi or heavy gold mina was still, in the Ripuarian district at all events, a normal wergeld of 100 oxen. V. THE ALAMANNIC AND BAVARIAN LAWS. These laws have an interest of their own, but only those points come directly within the range of this inquiry which are likely to throw light upon the interpretation of the Anglo-Saxon laws. Beginning at once with the wergelds, there are two distinct statements. [Sidenote: The wergelds of the early Alamannic ‘Pactus,’ and of the later ‘Lex Hlotharii.’] According to the ‘Pactus,’ which is assigned to the sixth or seventh century, and which is considered to represent customs of the Alamanni before they were conquered by the Franks,[124] the wergelds were as follows:-- Baro de mino flidis 170 solidi (? 160) Medianus Alamannus 200 ” Primus Alamannus 240 ” And for women:-- Femina mino flidis 320 ” Mediana 400 ” Prima Alamanna 480 ” These wergelds correspond very closely in some points with those of the Burgundian laws and should be compared with them.[125] The wergeld of women was double that of men of the same class. In the Lex Salica and Lex Ripuariorum, women were paid for threefold. In the Lex Hlotharii, s. LXIX., the wergelds are stated as follows:-- If any freeman (‘liber’) kills a freeman, let him compound for him twice 80 solidi to his sons. If he does not leave sons nor has heirs let him pay 200 solidi. Women of theirs, moreover, always in double. The medius Alamannus, if he shall be killed, let 200 solidi be paid to the parentes. It is not clear that there has been any change in the wergelds since the date of the ‘Pactus.’ [Sidenote: The wergeld of 160 solidi accords with the statement in the Ripuarian law.] The wergeld of the medius Alamannus, 200 solidi, is the same as before. That of the liber, 160 solidi, seems to be the same as that of the baro de mino flidis in the ‘Pactus.’ It is also the wergeld of the Alamannus according to the clause mentioning strangers in the Ripuarian law. The use of the term ‘medius Alamannus’ seems to imply that there should be a primus Alamannus as in the ‘Pactus.’ But what these two classes of Alamanni with higher wergelds than that of the liber were does not appear. This later statement of the wergelds seems also to contain a provision which can, I think, only be explained by tribal custom. It occurs again in clause XLVI., which enacts that the same payment has to be paid to the parentes of a person sold out of the country beyond recall as if he had been killed. This rule is the same in the Salic and Ripuarian codes. But in this law a distinction is made between the case of a slain man leaving an heir, and the case of his leaving no heir. [Sidenote: Wergeld of 200 solidi if no heir of the person slain.] If he cannot recall him let him pay for him with a wergeld to the parentes. That is twice 80 solidi if he leave an heir. But if he does not leave an heir let him compound with 200 solidi. The explanation must be that if the lost kinsman leaves no heir, the loss is all the greater to the kindred. This looks like a survival of tribal custom. The dread of a family dying out lay, as we have seen, at the root of the widespread custom which brought in the sister’s son to fill the vacant place when there was no one else to keep up the family. This addition in the later statement, though omitted in the ‘Pactus,’ pointing back as it appears to earlier custom, seems to show that the Lex as well as the ‘Pactus’ may in the matter of wergeld be traced to Alamannic rather than Frankish sources. [Sidenote: Wergeld of women.] In both the ‘Pactus’ and the Lex, as we have seen, the wergelds of women were double those of men. The Bavarian law gives the reason of the rule (IV. 29) and also the reason why sometimes an exception was made to the rule. Whilst a woman is unable to defend herself by arms, let her receive a double composition; if, however, in the boldness of her heart, like a man, she chooses to fight, her composition shall not be double. In titles XXIX. and XXX. of the Alamannic law it is enacted that if a man be slain in the _curtis_ of the Dux a threefold wergeld must be paid, and that if the messenger of the Dux be killed within the province his triple wergeld must be paid. [Sidenote: The freeman’s wergeld of 160 solidi under Bavarian law.] In the Bavarian law the wergeld of the freeman is stated to be 160 solidi, thus:-- If any one kill a free man (‘liberum hominem’) let there be paid to his parentes, if he have any, or if he have no parentes to the Dux or to him to whom he was commended whilst he lived, twice 80 solidi: that is, 160 solidi. (Tit. IV. c. 28.) There are no wergelds mentioned in the Bavarian law corresponding to those of the _medius Alamannus_ and the _primus Alamannus_ of the Alamannic laws. [Sidenote: Higher wergelds of certain families.] According to Tit. III. 1, there were certain families who were held in double honour, and had double wergelds. The Agilolvinga had fourfold wergelds, being the family from whom the Dux was chosen. The Dux himself had a fourfold wergeld with one third added. If the life of any of his parentes were taken the wergeld was, according to one manuscript, 640, and according to another 600 solidi. These wergelds of the Alamannic and Bavarian laws are not on all fours with those of the Salic and Ripuarian Laws. But in both cases the ordinary freeman’s wergeld is 160 solidi (unless there be no heir to inherit), so that in both cases the wergelds correspond sufficiently with the clause in the Ripuarian Laws which accords to them a wergeld of 160 solidi, after having before stated that strangers are to be judged according to the laws under which they were born. [Sidenote: Wergelds of the freedman and the servus.] In the Bavarian law there is special mention of the freedman and the servus, and it is worth while to dwell a moment on the position assigned to them as compared with the ordinary freeman. There are three titles headed as under:-- Title IV. De _liberis_, quo modo componuntur. ” V. De liberis qui per manum dimissi sunt liberi, quod _frilaz_ vocant. ” VI. De _servis_, quo modo componuntur. These clauses relate to injuries as well as to homicide. As regards all minor injuries, the freedman is paid for at one half, and the servus at one third, of the payment to the liber for the same injury. [Sidenote: Payments for eye, hand, or foot one fourth the wergeld.] But when the payment comes to be for the eye, hand, or foot, the difference is, roughly speaking, doubled. The payment for the liber is 40 solidi, for the freedman 10 solidi, and for the servus 6 solidi (? 5 sol.). And these payments are seemingly intended to be one quarter of the respective wergelds for homicide. We have seen that the wergeld of the freeman was 160 solidi. These clauses state that the freedman’s wergeld was 40 solidi, and that of the servus 20 solidi, and that in both these cases the lord took the payment. In Tit. IV. 30, _De peregrinis transeuntibus viam_, the passing stranger’s death was to be paid for with 100 solidi to his parentes, or in their absence to the fisc. [Sidenote: Bavarian wergelds.] The wergelds of the Bavarian laws may therefore be thus stated:-- Ducal family (4 fold) 640 solidi Families next in honour 320 ” Liber 160 ” Stranger 100 ” Freedman 40 ” Servus 20 ” And all these solidi were gold solidi of Imperial or Merovingian standard, it does not matter much which. [Sidenote: No wergeld within the family.] The crime of homicide within the near family was dealt with in the Alamannic law in conformity with ancient tribal custom. There was no wergeld in such a case. If any man wilfully kills his father, uncle, brother, or maternal uncle (avunculus), or his brother’s son, or the son of his uncle or maternal uncle, or his mother, or his sister, let him know that he has acted against God, and not fulfilled brotherhood according to the command of God, and heavily sinned against God. And before all his parentes, let his goods be confiscated, and let nothing of his pertain any more to his heirs. Moreover, let him do penance according to the Canons. (Tit. XL.) Once more in these laws the parricide (the fisc having taken his property) goes free, but for the penance required by the Canons of the Church. [Sidenote: Wergelds of the clergy.] As regards the wergelds of the clergy in the Alamannic law the Church seems to claim triple penalties. The wergelds of the clergy are as follows, according to the Lex Hlotharii (XI. to XVII.):-- Bishop as that of the Dux or Rex. Priest, parochial 600 solidi Deacon and monk 300 ” Other clerics like the rest of their parentes. Liber per cartam (the Ripuarian tabularius) 80 ” The free colonus of the Church as other Alamanni. According to the Bavarian law (Tit. I. c. x.) a bishop’s death was to be paid for by the weight in gold of a leaden tunic as long as himself, or its value in cattle, slaves, land, or villas, if the slayer should have them; and he and his wife and children are to be _in servitio_ to the Church till the debt is paid. The lower clergy and monks were to be paid for according to their birth _double_; parochial priests threefold. (I. c. viii. and ix.) [Sidenote: The wife’s inheritance goes back to her kindred if no children born alive.] In the _Liber secundus_ of the Alamannic law is an interesting clause which throws some light upon the position of married women. (XCV.) If any woman who has a paternal inheritance of her own, after marriage and pregnancy, is delivered of a boy, and she herself dies in childbirth, and the child remains alive long enough, _i.e._ for an hour, or so that it can open its eyes and see the roof and four walls of the house, and afterwards dies, its maternal inheritance then belongs to its father. This is natural, but it seems to show that if the child had been born dead and the wife had died without children her paternal inheritance would have gone back to her kindred and not to her husband. In the absence of other evidence this is perhaps enough to show that in accordance with tribal custom the kindred of the wife had not lost all hold upon their kinswoman, and therefore that she by her marriage had not passed altogether out of her own kindred. [Sidenote: Traditional value of cattle stated in gold tremisses.] Lastly, there are clauses in the same _Liber secundus_ which declare the value of the solidus in equation with cattle. LXXX. Summus bovus 5 tremisses valet. Medianus 4 tremisses valet. Minor quod appreciatus fuerit. LXXVII. Illa mellissima vacca 4 tremisses liceat adpreciare. Illa alia sequenteriana solidum 1. These clauses show that the solidi in which the wergelds were paid were gold solidi of three tremisses. In the Ripuarian laws the ox was equated with 2 gold solidi, _i.e._ 6 tremisses, so that we learned from the equation that the wergeld of the Ripuarian liber, 200 solidi, was really a wergeld of 100 oxen. But the above equations show that under Alamannic law the wergeld of the liber was not so. In the Alamannic laws the best ox was valued only at five tremisses instead of six, so that the wergeld of 200 solidi of the medius Alamannus was really a wergeld of 120 oxen; and the 160 solidi of the wergeld of the _baro de mino flidis_ of the ‘Pactus,’ or simple ‘liber’ of the Lex Hlotharii, was a wergeld of 96 oxen or 120 Alamannic ‘_sweetest cows_.’ Any one who has seen the magnificent fawn-coloured oxen by which waggons are still drawn in the streets of St. Gall will appreciate what the ‘summus bovus’ of the Alamannic region may have been. Why it should have been worth in gold less than the oxen of other lands does not appear. CHAPTER VII. _TRIBAL CUSTOMS OF THE TRIBES CONQUERED BY CHARLEMAGNE._ I. THE EFFECT UPON WERGELDS OF THE NOVA MONETA. [Sidenote: The _nova moneta_ of Charlemagne.] We have reached a point in our inquiry at which it becomes necessary to trouble the reader with further details concerning the changes in the Frankish currency, made by Charlemagne. We are about to examine the customs as regards wergelds of those tribes which owed their laws, in the shape in which we have them, to the conquests of Charlemagne. The alterations in the currency, made literally whilst the laws were in course of construction, naturally left marks of confusion in the texts relating to wergelds, and we have to thread our way through them as best we can. [Sidenote: A change from gold to silver.] The change which we have to try to understand was in the first place a change from a gold to a silver currency--_i.e._ from the gold currency of Merovingian solidi and tremisses to the silver currency of Charlemagne’s _nova moneta_. There had been a certain amount of silver coinage in circulation before, but the mass of the coinage had been hitherto gold, mostly in gold tremisses. In all the Frankish laws hitherto examined the monetary unit was the gold solidus with its third--the tremissis. And the only question was whether the solidi and tremisses were of Imperial or of Merovingian standard--whether the solidus was the Merovingian solidus of 86·4 wheat-grains and the tremissis 28·8, or the Imperial solidus of 96 wheat-grains and the tremissis 32. [Sidenote: Merovingian kings first used and then imitated Imperial coin.] As regards the Lex Salica, originally the solidus was probably of the Imperial standard, because the Merovingian kings at first in their coinage copied the Imperial coins both in type and weight. And before they issued a coinage of their own they made use of Imperial coins, both gold and silver. Numismatists point in illustration of this to the fact that in the tomb of Childeric at Tournay were found no Frankish coins, but a large number of Roman coins, gold and silver, of dates from A.D. 408 to those of the contemporary Emperor Leo I. (457-474). And for proof that these Roman coins were afterwards imitated by Merovingian princes M. Maurice Prou had only to refer the student ‘to every page’ of his catalogue of ‘Les Monnaies Mérovingiennes.’[126] [Sidenote: The denarius of the Salic law first the scripulum and then the Merovingian silver tremissis of 28·8 w.g.] Now, if the gold solidus was at first of 96 wheat-grains, then the denarius (one fortieth) would be 2·4 wheat-grains of gold, and at a ratio of 1:10 the denarius would be the scripulum of 24 wheat-grains of silver, which was called by early metrologists the ‘denarius Gallicus.’ Further, at 1:12 the denarius would become the Merovingian silver tremissis of 28·8. So that probably the denarius of the Lex Salica may originally have been the scripulum, and under later Merovingian kings their own silver tremissis. Thus these silver tremisses had probably been regarded as the denarius of the Lex Salica for a century or two at least before Charlemagne’s changes. Up to this time, therefore, there was apparently a distinct connection between the reckoning and figures of the Lex Salica and the actual Frankish coinage. The Merovingian coinage of gold and silver tremisses of 28·8 wheat-grains was therefore, from this point of view, so to speak, a tribal coinage for the Franks themselves, but not one adapted for currency, over a world-wide Empire such as Charlemagne had in view, and with which at last, when adopting the title of Emperor, he had practically to deal. The changes he made in the currency were intimately connected, not only in time but in policy, with the extension of his kingdom and his ultimate assumption of the Imperial title. [Sidenote: Charlemagne, on conquest of Italy, raised the gold and silver tremissis to the Imperial standard of 32 w.g.] His raising of the weight of the Frankish gold tremissis and silver denarius from the Merovingian standard of 28·8 to the Imperial standard of 32 wheat-grains was probably the result of his conquest of Italy. He seems to have arranged it with the Pope, for they issued silver denarii of the higher standard with the impress of both their names upon them.[127] It was natural that he should wish his coinage to obtain currency throughout his dominions, and this could not be expected if it was continued at a lower standard than that of the Byzantine Emperor. Not only in the currency, but also in other matters, extended empire involved the breaking down of tribal peculiarities and greater uniformity in legal provisions and practice. [Sidenote: The Lex Salica still in force for Franks. And its family holdings not yet extinct.] To mention one instance suggested by our previous inquiry, we have noticed how the extension of Frankish rule in Gaul from the Loire to the Garonne increased the difficulties of maintaining two laws as to land. Strangers under Roman law, as in the ‘de migrantibus,’ one by one were settling among Franks holding alods or family holdings of terra Salica. Extended conquests reversed the process, and in conquered provinces immigrants living under Salic law became strangers amongst vicini living under Roman, Burgundian, or Wisigothic law. The family holdings of terra Salica must have now become the exception and not the rule. This becomes evident in the provisions made for the army. In the Capitulare of A.D. 803,[128] _de exercitu promovendo_, it was ordered that every free man (‘liber homo’) who, _de proprio suo_ or as a benefice, had four _mansi vestiti_, that is mansi occupied by tenants, should equip himself and attend ‘in hostem.’ And those not having so many mansi were to club together so that for every four mansi a soldier should be found. The possession of mansi had apparently become sufficiently general to be taken as the typical form of landholding. In A.D. 807[129] special arrangements were made for the case of the recently conquered Frisians and Saxons. If help should be needed in Spain, every five of the Saxons were to equip a sixth. If the need arose nearer home, every two were to prepare a third. Or if the need arose still closer at hand, all were to come. Of the Frisians, counts and vassals and those who held benefices, all were to come, and of those who were poorer every six were to equip a seventh. There is no mention of mansi in the case of the Saxons and Frisians. The Capitulare of A.D. 803 seems to show that in the longer settled districts of the Empire the possession of so many mansi, _de proprio suo_, was the prevalent form of landownership. So that, although the lex Salica remained still in force, the number of Franks living under it seems by this time to have borne a very small proportion to those living under Roman and other laws. Family holdings under the Lex Salica were, however, probably not quite extinct. In the ‘Capitula generalia’ of A.D. 825[130] was inserted the following clause providing specially for family holdings, which may possibly have been holdings of _terra Salica_, though it is not so directly stated. De fratribus namque qui simul in paterna seu materna hereditate communiter vivunt, nolentes substantiam illorum dividere, hac occasione, ut unus tantum eorum in hostem vadat, volumus ut si solus est vadat: si autem duo sunt similiter: si tres fuerint unus remaneat: et si ultra tres numerus fratrum creverit, unus semper propter domesticam curam adque rerum communium excolentiam remaneat. Si vero inter eos aliqua orta fuerit contentio, quis eorum expeditionum facere debeat, prohibemus ut nemo illorum remaneat. In ætate quoque illorum lex propria servetur. Similiter et in nepotibus eorum hæc conditio teneatur. Concerning brothers who together live in common in the paternal or maternal inheritance, unwilling to divide their substance, when occasion comes that one of them only should go _in hostem_, we will that if there be one only he should go, and if there be two the same: if there be three let one remain; and if the number of brothers grows to more than three, let one always remain on account of domestic care and to attend to their common concerns. But if among them any contention shall have arisen which of them ought to go on the expedition we prohibit that any one of them shall remain. During their lives also let the _lex propria_ be preserved. In the same way let this condition be kept to even among their grandsons. When we reflect that the Franks living under the Lex Salica must have thus sunk into a small minority, it becomes obvious that wider views must of necessity have entered into the minds of Charlemagne and his advisers, not only as regards land, but also as regards the currency. [Sidenote: The currency of the Lex Salica only a local one.] The currency of the Lex Salica, with its solidi of 40 denarii, was, as has been said, after all a local one. And outside the old Frankish boundary, in the Wisigothic region, as well as probably in Italy, the Roman currency or local modifications of it apparently more or less prevailed. Ecclesiastics, as we have seen, even Alcuin himself, still used the terms of Roman currency in writing on monetary matters to their friends outside the Empire. [Sidenote: The Roman drachma or _argenteus_ of 72 w.g. the silver denarius of the Empire.] To them the denarius was still the Roman drachma of 72 wheat-grains of silver, commonly called the _argenteus_, in contrast to the gold solidus or _aureus_. Gregory of Tours, when he has occasion to mention monetary payments, speaks of _aurei_, _trientes_, and _argentei_. In one story he speaks of _solidi_, _trientes_, and _argentei_.[131] Further, in a supplement to the laws of the Wisigoths[132] is a statement under the name of _Wamba Rex_ (A.D. 672-680), which apparently represents the monetary system in vogue south of the Frankish boundary. It states that the pound of gold equalled 72 gold solidi, so that the gold solidus was not the Merovingian solidus but that of Constantine. It then states that the ‘dragma’ of gold = ‘XII argentei.’ The argenteus being the silver drachma, the ratio of gold to silver was 1:12. To Isidore of Seville, from his Spanish standpoint, the silver drachma was still the denarius.[133] Dragma octava pars unciæ est et _denarii_ pondus argenti, tribus constans scripulis. The drachma is the eighth part of an ounce, and the weight of the silver denarius containing three scripula. _Solidus_ apud Latinos alio nomine ‘sextula’ dicitur, quod his sex uncia compleatur; hunc, ut diximus, vulgus _aureum_ solidum vocat, cujus tertium partem ideo dixerunt tremissem.[133] The _solidus_ with the Romans is otherwise called the _sextula_ because it is one sixth of the ounce; hence, as we have said, the vulgar call the _solidus_ the _aureus_, the third part of which is called the tremissis. Thus the solidus was the typical gold unit or aureus, and the drachma was the silver denarius or argenteus. [Sidenote: Twelve drachmas of silver = at 1:10 the Merovingian gold solidus.] It is remarkable that at a ratio of 1:10 twelve Wisigothic or Roman argentei or drachmas of silver equalled exactly in wheat-grains the Merovingian gold solidus current on the Frankish side of the Garonne or the Loire.[134] It would seem, then, probable that traditionally and ‘according to ancient custom’ outside the Frankish kingdom the Merovingian gold solidus had been equated with twelve silver argentei or denarii of this reckoning, whilst within Frankish limits 40 of the silver tremisses and now of the pence of the nova moneta were reckoned as equal to the gold solidus of the Lex Salica. But even to the Frank the 40 denarii of the Lex Salica may have become antiquated except for wergelds and other payments under its provisions. [Sidenote: The silver solidus of 12 silver tremisses already in use in accounts, as 1/20 of the pound of silver of 240 pence.] The practice apparently had already grown up of reckoning 12 of the silver tremisses as a solidus of silver, twenty of which went to the pound of 240 pence, without, however, any pretence being made that this solidus of twelve silver pence was to be reckoned as equal to the gold solidus in making payments. In the ‘Capitulare Liftinense’ of A.D. 743[135] a payment is enacted _de unaquaque cassata solidus, id est 12 denarii_. It was necessary to make this explanation. It is not known how much earlier the practice of reckoning in pounds of silver of 20 solidi of 12 denarii came into vogue, but it was long before the issue of the nova moneta. It might at first sight be thought that these twelve denarii may have been twelve _argentei_ or drachmæ, but 240 drachmæ would make far more than a pound. And by an edict of A.D. 765[136] Pippin had enacted that out of a pound of silver not more than 22 solidi were to be made, one of which was to go to the monetarius, and this clearly forbids the supposition that the solidus could be of twelve drachmæ. The pound would contain only eight such solidi. Another Capitulare of A.D. 779[137] proves that the twelve denarii were Merovingian denarii of 28·8 wheat-grains.[138] The issue of the new denarii of 32 wheat-grains was apparently made before A.D. 781, for in that year an edict was passed forbidding the currency of the old denarii.[139] [Sidenote: The pound of the _nova moneta_ was 240 pence of 32 w.g. = 7680 w.g.] There was nothing very remarkable in this raising of the silver denarius from 28·8 to 32 wheat-grains. It was merely adopting the Imperial standard. But the extraordinary thing was that Charlemagne seems to have thought that he could, by law, substitute the solidus of 12 of his silver denarii for the _gold solidus_ hitherto in use. The gold currency was going out and the silver currency was taking its place; but it was quite another thing to make the solidus of 12 silver denarii of 32 wheat-grains legal tender in the place of the gold solidus of the Lex Salica of 40 silver denarii of 28·8 wheat-grains. Yet this was what Charlemagne did, though perhaps only by degrees. [Sidenote: Charlemagne enacted that the silver solidus should be legal tender for the gold solidus.] The change was made under the pretence of the sanction of ancient custom. In the addition made to Tit. XXXVI. of the Ripuarian law the wording of the clause as to the payment of wergelds was ‘Quod si cum argento solvere contigerit, pro solido duodecim denarios, _sicut antiquitus est constitutum_.’ And this allusion to antiquity was repeated. What was meant by this appeal to ancient custom it is not easy to see, unless it might be the probably long-established equation already mentioned between 12 Roman drachmas or argentei and the Merovingian gold solidus. Very possibly this equation was older than that of the 40 denarii to the solidus of the Lex Salica. In a series of remarkable articles contributed to the _Forschungen zur Deutschen Geschichte_ of 1862,[140] Dr. Ad. Soetbeer endeavoured to show, and with considerable force, that the introduction into the Lex Salica of the round numbers of denarii--forty to the solidus--was of comparatively late date; and if this hypothesis be correct, then it may be that Charlemagne was appealing to an earlier Frankish custom of reckoning 12 silver denarii or drachmæ to the gold solidus. But even if it could be so, obviously the denarii of 12 to the solidus of ancient custom cannot have been the same denarii as those which afterwards were reckoned at 40 to the solidus.[141] [Sidenote: This involved a ratio of 1:4.] Economically speaking, the substitution of the solidus of 12 denarii for the gold solidus, if they had been Roman drachmæ, would have been reasonable and might have made no change in prices; but the substitution of 12 of the new denarii of 32 wheat-grains for the forty denarii of 28·8 wheat-grains, involving a ratio between gold and silver of 1:4, could only be justified by such a scarcity of silver as would prevent a rise in prices. That it was not so justified became very soon apparent. Following the order of date, the Capitulare of A.D. 785, ‘de partibus Saxoniæ,’ shows that prices when quoted in the solidus of 12 pence immediately rose. The ox, the traditional value of which was two gold solidi, is reckoned as worth ten silver solidi. And M. Guérard has shown from the various instances given in the ‘Polyptique d’Irminon’ that on the estates of the Abbey of St. Germain-des-Prés the price of oxen remained at an average of eight silver solidi long after the death of Charlemagne.[142] The Lex Salica continued in force with all its fines and wergelds stated in gold solidi of 40 denarii. And a Capitulare of A.D. 801[143] contains the following section which reveals the beginning of confusion:-- [Sidenote: Exception made as to Saxons and Frisians.] Ut omnis solutio atque compositio, que in lege Saliga continetur, inter Francos per duodecim denariorum solidos componatur, excepto hubi contentio contra Saxones et Frisones exorta fuit, ibi volumus ut 40 dinariorum quantitatem solidus habeat quem vel Saxo vel Frisio ad partem Salici Franci cum eo litigantis solvere debet. That every payment and composition which is contained in the lex Salica between Franks shall be paid by solidi of twelve pence, except that where a dispute has risen up against Saxons and Frisians we will that the solidus shall be of the amount of 40 pence which either a Saxon or a Frisian ought to pay to a Salic Frank at law with him. In A.D. 803 a clause was inserted in a Capitulare to the effect that all debts to the King should be paid in solidi of 12 denarii ‘excepta freda quæ in lege Saliga scripta sunt.’[144] This looks like a general reservation of the fines and wergelds of the Lex Salica. But it does not seem to have been so intended, or perhaps there was vacillation in the Councils of the Emperor. A Capitulare of A.D. 816[145] contained the following:-- De omnibus debitis solvendis _sicut antiquitus fuit constitutum_ per duodecim denarios solidus solvatur per totam Salicam legem, excepto leudis, si Saxo aut Friso Salicum occiderit, per 40 dinarios solvant solidum. Infra Salicos vero ex utraque parte de omnibus debitis sicut diximus 12 denarii per solidum solvantur, sive de homicidiis sive de omnibus rebus. In the payment of all debts _according to ancient custom_ the solidi shall be paid by 12 denarii throughout Salic Law, except in the case of wergelds, if a Saxon or Frisian shall kill a Salic Frank let the solidus be paid by 40 denarii. Among Salic Franks, however, on both sides as to all debts, as we have said, 12 denarii shall be paid for the solidus, whether in the case of homicides or anything else. As between Salic Franks, therefore, the solidus of 12 denarii was to be legal tender in payment of wergelds and everything else. [Sidenote: The _nova moneta_ enforced by penalties.] This was all very well for debtors, but it was not so satisfactory to creditors. The exception that, when a Frank was killed by a Saxon or a Frisian, the wergeld was still to be paid in the solidus of 40 denarii, was an admission that to receive it in solidi of 12 denarii would have been a hardship. And as to the general public, the acceptance of payment of debts in the denarii of the nova moneta had to be secured by penalties. A clause was introduced into the Capitulare of A.D. 794[146] according to which freemen refusing the new denarii were to be fined 15 solidi; whilst servi refusing them were to be publicly beaten naked at a post. [Sidenote: And it became permanent and was adopted by Offa and Alfred.] The permanent result was very remarkable. The new currency was maintained as legal tender in France, and the gold currency practically disappeared. Charlemagne and his successors coined very few more gold solidi and tremisses. King Offa and after him Alfred raised the English sceat to the penny of 32 wheat-grains, probably in imitation of the nova moneta, and Charlemagne’s pound of 240 of these pence--_i.e._ of 7680 wheat-grains of silver--became generally recognised as the pound of monetary reckoning in Western Europe. [Sidenote: But the ratio between gold and silver went back to 1:12.] So far Charlemagne triumphed. But in the meantime the artificial ratio of 1:4, sought to be established between gold and silver, could not be maintained. The pound of silver remained the standard in accounts, but one of Charlemagne’s successors restored the Imperial ratio of 1:12 and enacted that the pound of pure gold should no longer be sold at any other price than 12 pounds of silver. The date of the edict by which this restoration of the old ratio was secured was A.D. 864.[147] These were the changes in the currency which took place during the period of the formation of the Lex Frisionum and Lex Saxonum which we have next to examine. No wonder that they should have introduced confusion and alterations in the text of the various clauses. And in order that we may be able to feel our way through them it now only remains that we should realise the actual difference between the amount of silver in the 40 denarii of the solidus of the Lex Salica and the amount of silver in the 12 denarii of the new solidus of the _nova moneta_ which had thenceforth to take its place as legal tender in the payment of debts and wergelds. In the first place, we know that the denarius of the nova moneta was a silver penny of 32 wheat-grains, so that Charlemagne’s solidus of 12 silver pence contained 384 wheat-grains of silver. [Sidenote: All debts could be paid in one third of the weight of silver required before.] In the next place, whatever the denarii of the Lex Salica may originally have been, we know that the Merovingian silver denarii which had long been current in France and in England were of the same weight as the Merovingian gold tremisses, viz. 28·8 wheat-grains. Forty of these would contain 1152 wheat-grains of silver--_i.e._ exactly three times as much silver as the twelve denarii of the nova moneta. So that if a wergeld were paid in silver it could now be paid in exactly one third of the weight of silver hitherto required under the Salic law, and so of every other debt. Finally, not only was the ratio between gold and silver disturbed, but also the ratio between money and cattle. And this was an important matter in the payment of wergelds, for, as we have seen, the normal wergeld was 100 head of cattle. Obviously, wergelds would no longer be paid, as of old, either in gold or in cattle, when they could be paid at a third of the value in silver. [Sidenote: In which currency are the wergelds of the Frisians and Saxons recorded in the laws?] In framing new laws representing the old customs of the newly conquered Frisians and Saxons, the question would certainly arise whether the wergelds were to be stated in the equivalent of their old customary value in cattle, or reduced to one third of their old value by retaining the traditional number of solidi as if they were still of the gold value. We have seen that Frisians and Saxons were exceptionally dealt with; but they had now become a part of the Empire, and, with the best intentions, how was the framer of their laws to describe their ancient wergelds which had hitherto been paid in gold solidi or in cattle? No one of the courses open to him would be without its difficulties. He might record the customary wergeld as still to be paid in gold solidi; in which case the wergeld would be three times that of neighbouring tribes who could now pay their wergelds in silver. Or he might divide the amount of the ancient wergeld by three, so as to reduce it to the lower level; in which case the number of animals in which by long custom the wergeld had been paid would be worth three times the wergeld payable in gold. These would be the alternatives if the payment in gold were continued, and never as yet in any of the laws had the wergelds been stated otherwise than in gold. There was only one other way open to the legislator, if he wished to keep up the old customary values, viz. to translate the gold values at the old ratio into the new silver solidi: that is, to treble the gold figures of the ancient customary wergelds and make them payable in silver solidi. This would probably be the best course if he wished to continue the old relation of the wergelds to the animals in which they had hitherto been mostly paid. But then it might be difficult to enforce the payment of wergelds in silver in districts where the currency was still gold. The legislator would, in any case, have to make up his mind whether to lower the ancient wergelds of the newly conquered tribes to a third of what they had been, or to keep up the value of the wergelds and the number of cattle in which they had from time immemorial been paid. The wergeld in the popular tribal mind was a thing so fixed and so sacred that the makers of the Lex Frisionum and the Lex Saxonum were almost certain to find themselves between the horns of a dilemma. II. THE LEX FRISIONUM. The tribes conquered by Charlemagne, whose laws we have now to examine, differed from those whose laws and wergelds have been already considered in one important particular. They were not conquering tribes which had migrated into districts already under Roman law. The conquests of Charlemagne over the Frisians and Saxons were conquests of German tribes settled as of old in their own countries. They were, moreover, conquests of still pagan tribes by Christian and partly Romanised Franks. Frankish conquest had extended far into Frisian and Westphalian territory under the Merovingian kings. In Frisia Frankish influence was shown by the existence of Merovingian mints at Duurstede.[148] In Westphalia, at Soest and Paderborn, there were already Christian churches under the jurisdiction of the Archbishop of Cologne. But neither the conquest nor the conversion was completed till the time of Charlemagne. [Sidenote: Was the wergeld 160 solidi?] We have already learned from Titles XXXI. and XXXVI. of the Ripuarian law that there were Frisians as well as Saxons, Burgundians, Alamanni, and Bavarians resident in the Ripuarian district. Moreover, it was directly stated that these immigrants were to be judged, not by Ripuarian law, but by their own law and custom. Further, being often isolated and without kindred near them to swear for them, if charged with crime they were to clear themselves by the ordeal of fire or lot. And finally their wergeld was stated to be 160 solidi, the inference being that this was the wergeld of the Frisian freeman in his own country, by the law and custom of which he was to be judged. So that we approach the text of the Frisian law with this valuable earlier knowledge in our possession. Two centuries before the date to which the collection of Frisian laws is assigned, the Ripuarian law bears witness that the Frisian wergeld was 160 solidi. Even if these clauses were not a part of the original text and did not date back to the sixth century,[149] the inference would be strong, and perhaps all the stronger, that such must have been the wergeld at the later date of the Frisian law. This earlier evidence is important, as, without the clue it gives us and with nothing but the Frisian law to guide us, we might very easily have been led to a wrong conclusion. [Sidenote: The laws are of different dates.] There seems to be no text of the Frisian laws earlier than that published by Herold at Basle in 1557, and he does not state from whence he obtained the text followed by him.[150] Moreover, it is clear from internal evidence that the laws as we have them are by no means of one single date. They form, in fact, a collection of the customs of the three districts into which Frisia was divided, with modifications and various additions made to the original collection at different times. At first sight there are inconsistencies in the statements of the wergelds, and, as in other cases, the key to an understanding of them is to be found, to some extent, in close attention to the currencies in which the amounts of the compositions are stated. It is not necessary to enter into any discussion of the various theories suggested to meet the difficulties caused by the confusion of the various currencies. The knowledge already obtained in the course of this inquiry will, I think, if adhered to, suffice to clear the way sufficiently for our purpose. Bearing in mind that the ‘Lex Frisionum’ as we have it is a compilation with various additions, the inconsistencies in the text will be no surprise provided that the reason for their occurrence is apparent. [Sidenote: The three districts of Frisia and their local solidi.] Frisia was divided into three divisions, and in certain glosses which appear late in the laws[151] we are told that each division had a separate solidus of its own. (1) Between the _Laubach_ and _Weser_ (the Northern division) the solidus is described as of two denarii, _i.e._ tremisses, of the nova moneta.[152] This solidus, we shall find, was like that of the Saxon tribes on the Eastern side of the Weser. The solidus, being of two tremisses, contained sixty-four wheat-grains of gold. (2) In the middle division, between the _Laubach_ and _Fli_, the solidus is said to have been of three denarii, or tremisses, of the nova moneta,[153] _i.e._ ninety-six wheat-grains of gold. This solidus is the gold solidus of three tremisses after it had been raised by Charlemagne to the standard of the Eastern Empire. (3) In the Southern or Western divisions, between the _Fli_ and the _Sincfal_, the solidus was 2½ denarii or tremisses _ad novam monetam_, _i.e._ eighty wheat-grains of gold.[154] But it seems to be clear that the statements of the wergelds and other fines in earlier clauses of the laws are not made in these local solidi. Thus in Title XVI. we are told that _Inter Laubachi et Sincfalam_, _i.e._ in both Middle and Southern divisions, in cases of homicide the payment to the lord for breach of his peace (_de freda_) was thirty solidi, ‘_which solidus consists of three denarii_,’ although the local solidus of the Southern division was that of 2½ tremisses. Sometimes the fines are stated in solidi of three tremisses and sometimes in solidi of 20 to the pound. There is no difficulty, after what we have seen in other laws, in recognising in the solidus of three tremisses the _gold solidus_, and in the solidus of 20 to the pound the _silver solidus_ of the Frankish Empire. Again, we at once recognise in the term _nova moneta_ the new standard of Charlemagne, and in the term _veteres denarii_, which also occurs in the laws, the gold or silver tremisses of the Merovingian currency before the monetary reform of Charlemagne. All this is exactly what might be expected in laws of somewhat different dates, some of them perhaps going back to the time of the Merovingian conquests, and others following upon the conquests of Charlemagne. [Sidenote: Wergelds in gold solidi under Tit. I.] Having thus so far cleared the way, we pass on to the amounts of the wergelds as stated in the Lex. Title I. is headed _Incipit lex Frisionum, et hæc est simpla compositio de homicidiis_. And the wergelds of the three districts as stated in the text and glosses may be tabulated as follows:-- (1) _Between the Laubach and the Weser._[155] Nobilis 106 solidi and 2 denarii (or tremisses) Liber 53 ” ” 1 denarius Litus 26½ ” ” ½ tremissis (2) _Between the Laubach and the Fli._[156] Nobilis 80 solidi Payable ⅔ to the heir of the slain and ⅓ to his ‘propinqui proximi.’ Liber 53 ” and 1 denarius (_i.e._ tremissis). Litus 27 ” less 1 denarius (payable to his lord). ” 9 ” less ⅓ denarius payable to the propinqui of the slain. (3) _Between the Fli and the Sincfal._[157] Nobilis 100 solidi } Liber 50 ” } of three denarii [_i.e._ tremisses] Litus 25 ” } _novæ monetæ_ These wergelds, with one exception, are alike throughout, so far as regards the proportions between the three classes. The wergeld of the liber is double that of the litus, and that of the nobilis double that of the liber except in the Middle district, in which the wergeld of the nobilis is only 1½ times that of the liber. In the same district there is an additional payment to the _propinqui_ of the litus, his proper wergeld, half of that of the liber, going to his lord. It will be observed that in the last district only are the denarii (_i.e._ tremisses) stated to be _novæ monetæ_. The inference is that in the other two districts the tremisses, and therefore the solidi, were of the lower Merovingian standard. The district in which the tremisses were novæ monetæ was the Southern district, first conquered and most thoroughly brought under Frankish influence. The other two districts had apparently not yet so completely come under it. Accordingly, if we take the 106⅔ solidi of the nobilis of the Northern district to be of Merovingian standard, the result is (106½ × 86·4 wheat-grains) 9216 wheat-grains, or exactly 16 Roman ounces, _i.e._ the mina called, as we have seen, the Attic mina, which in Scandinavian usage was divided into two gold marks. The wergeld of the nobilis in the Middle district between the Laubach and the Fli is stated to be 80 solidi instead of 106 solidi and two denarii. But as the wergeld of the liber and litus are the same as those of the Northern district, and therefore also presumably expressed in Merovingian currency, the wergeld of 80 solidi of the nobilis, to be consistent, should also be of the same Merovingian standard. And so it seems to have been, for 80 Merovingian solidi (80 × 86·4 wheat-grains) make exactly the Roman pound of 6912 wheat-grains or 12 Roman ounces, _i.e._ 1½ gold marks. In the wergelds of both Northern districts, therefore, an original reckoning in gold marks of the Scandinavian system seems to have been afterwards translated with exactness into an uneven amount and fractions of solidi of the Merovingian standard. [Sidenote: Wergelds in gold marks of the Baltic tribes.] We may therefore state the wergelds of the two districts north of the Zuider Zee in marks of the Scandinavian system thus: Nobilis 2 or 1½ gold marks. Liber 1 ” mark. Litus ½ ” mark. That these wergelds could be stated thus evenly in gold marks of the Scandinavian system, whilst in Frankish solidi they could be stated only in uneven numbers and fractions, is an interesting fact. It seems to show that the original wergelds went back to a time when the trade intercourse of Northern Frisia was connected mainly with Scandinavia, the Baltic, and the Eastern trade route. In ‘Beowulf’ we found that Frisia was on the horizon of the area included within the vision of the poet, the interest of whose story lay chiefly in the Baltic. [Sidenote: Only one third of 160 solidi.] Now let us compare the wergeld of the liber in these districts, viz. 53 solidi and 1 tremissis of Merovingian currency, with what the statement in the Ripuarian law would lead us to expect it to have been, viz. 160 of the same solidi. It is exactly one third of what it ought to be. And the inference from what we have learned in the last section would be that the maker of the laws had divided the wergeld of ancient custom by three. But for the moment we pass on to follow further the text of the Frisian laws. [Sidenote: Slave to be paid for at his value.] In s. 11 of Tit. I. it is enacted that if any one, whether nobilis, liber or litus, or servus, shall slay the servus of another, he shall compound for the servus according to his value. And in s. 13 of the same title it is stated that if a slave shall kill either a nobilis or liber or litus, unknown to his lord, the lord of the slave shall swear that he did not order it and pay twice the value of the slave. But if the lord cannot deny that he ordered it he must pay for the homicide as if he had done it with his own hand. In Title IV. it is again enacted that if any one shall kill the slave of another he shall be compounded for at the value put upon him by his lord. And the same rule is made to apply to the case of a horse, ox, sheep, goat, pig, and all domestic animals, except the dog: they are all to be paid for at the owner’s estimate of value, or the alleged slayer must clear himself with as many oaths as the judge may require. [Sidenote: Value of the dog.] The _dog_ is the only animal whose value is fixed by the law. And its value at first sight was not the same in the several divisions. _Between Laubach _Between Laubach and Sincfal._ and Weser._ Dog for hawking 4 sol. 8 solidi and 12 Wolfhound accustomed to kill wolves 3 sol. Wolfhound which wounds but does not kill 2 sol. 8 ” Shepherd dog 1 sol. 4 ” The difference between the value of the dog in the Northern and the other divisions can hardly be other than one of different currencies. Probably the values for the Northern division may be silver values. It may, however, be remarked in passing that the value of a dog in any case is not lightly to be regarded as excessive. Its high value in the Frisian laws, and also in other laws, shows how dependent the tribes surrounded by forests were upon its help. In the Cymric Codes, as we have seen, the herdsman’s dog was worth as much as an ox. In the Alamannic Laws the shepherd dog which could kill a wolf was valued at 3 gold solidi, or half as much again as the ‘best ox,’[158] and in the Lex Salica the _canis pastoricalis_[159] was valued at 3 solidi. It is not difficult, therefore, to understand how in Frisia the dog which could kill a wolf should be worth 3 gold solidi, and the ordinary shepherd dog a gold solidus. We now come to a set of clauses in which the differences between the three districts again appear, and in one of which, viz. again the district between the Laubach and the Weser, we meet with values stated in _silver solidi_ of 20 to the pound, _i.e._ of twelve pence. [Sidenote: Methods of compurgation and ordeal.] These clauses are interesting as illustrating Frisian methods of compurgation, the ordeal of the lot and of hot water, and trial by battle, all of which evidently belong to ancient tribal custom. Title XIV. relates to the slaying of a man in a crowd, and describes the means taken to ascertain whose deed it was. Each division had its own custom. That of the _Middle district_ is first described:-- The relative of the slain may summon seven men and charge each of them with the crime, and each is then put upon his oath with eleven co-swearers. Then they are to go to the church, and lots are to be cast upon the altar, or if the church be too far off the lots are to be cast upon relics. The lots are to be two pieces (tali) cut from a rod and called _teni_, on one only of which is the sign of the cross, the other being left blank. A clean cloth is to be spread over the altar or the relics, and then the priest (or if none, an innocent boy) ought to take one of the lots from the altar and pray God to show by some evident sign whether those seven who have sworn have sworn truly. If he takes up the lot marked with the cross, then those who have sworn were innocent. But if he takes up the other, then each one of the seven makes his own lot, from a rod, and marks his own sign on it, and so that both he and those standing by can recognise it. And the lots shall be wrapped up in clean cloth and laid upon the altar or relics, and the priest, if he be there, and if not the innocent boy, as above, shall take up each of them one by one from the altar, and shall ask him who knows it to be his own lot. And he whose lot happens to be last shall be compelled to pay the composition for the homicide. The rest, whose lots have already been taken up, are absolved. But if, in the first trial of the two lots, he takes up the one marked with the cross, the seven shall be innocent, as aforesaid, and he (the accuser), if he wishes, shall summon others for the same homicide, and whoever may be summoned ought to clear himself by complete oath with 11 co-swearers. And this shall be enough for the accuser, nor can he bring any one further to the lot. This law prevailed between the Laubach and the Fli. But between the Fli and the Sincfal for a case of this kind the following was the custom:-- He who seeks composition for a homicide shall swear on saints’ relics that he will not summon in this matter other than those who are suspected by him of the actual homicide: and then he shall summon for the homicide one or two, or even three or four, or however many there be who have wounded him who was slain. But though there were twenty, or even thirty, yet not more than seven are to be summoned, and each of those summoned shall swear with eleven others, and shall, after the oath has been tested by the judgment of God, show himself innocent by the (ordeal of) boiling water. He who swears first shall go to the ordeal first, and the rest in order. He who shall be found guilty in the ordeal shall pay the composition for the homicide, and to the king twice his own wergeld: the rest of his co-swearers shall be treated as above concerning perjurers. Between the Laubach and the Weser the following was the custom:-- He who seeks composition for homicide shall summon one man, declaring him to be the homicide of his kinsman, and saying that he ought to pay the ‘leud’ of the slain man. And if he, in reply, says that he is willing to purge himself on oath with his co-swearers, let him who has summoned him as homicide say that he wishes to summon him _in placito publico_, and let him so do. Let him summon him _in placito_ before judges, and let him who is summoned, if he cannot deny, show another defendant for the homicide of which he is accused. And this ought to be done thus: Let him produce the man he wishes, and let him swear “he is guilty of the homicide for which I am summoned,” holding him by the hem of his cloak. But if he wishes to deny this oath let him swear and go forth to wager of battle against him. And whichever of them in that battle is conquered (_et sibi concrediderit_) shall pay the ‘leud’ of the slain. But if he be slain his next heir shall pay the composition of the homicide. But in this battle it is lawful for either to pay a champion for himself if he can find one. If the hired champion is slain, let him who hired him pay sixty _solidi_ (_i.e._ _three libræ_) to the king, and over and above pay the ‘leud’ of the slain man. [Sidenote: Wergelds stated in silver.] The payment of _sixty solidi_--_i.e._ _three libræ_--clearly indicates that the solidus of this clause was the Frankish silver solidus of 12_d._, of which 20 made the pound of silver. And this helps us to understand that the compositions described in the immediately succeeding and closely connected clause are also silver values. (Tit. XV.) This is the custom in the same region observed for the composition of wergeld:-- (1) Composition of a _nobilis homo_ } ‘per denarios veteres’ } 11 lbs. (2) Composition of the _liber_ ‘per } denarios veteres’ } 5½ lbs. (3) Composition of a _litus_, of which } two thirds pertains to the } 2 lbs. 9 oz. lord, one third to his kinsman } (4) Composition of a _servus_ 1 lb. 4½ oz. There can, I think, be no doubt that the libræ of this clause are silver pounds, and further, that as they are stated to be pounds ‘per denarios veteres’ they must be pounds of Merovingian and not of Carlovingian weight. [Sidenote: These silver values equal to the gold ones at the Norse ratio 1:8.] The pounds of this statement are therefore Roman pounds, of 240 Merovingian pence. Let us compare then the wergeld of the liber of 5½ such pounds of silver with the wergeld of the liber as stated in Tit. I., which we saw was equivalent to one mark of gold. Following the Scandinavian ratio of 1:8, the mark of 8 ounces of gold would equal 64 ounces of silver--_i.e._ 5⅛ pounds instead of 5½. The silver wergeld of the nobilis would equal 10⅔ pounds instead of 11. The reckoning is rough, but near enough to justify the conclusion that what was aimed at was the nearest even pound of silver, and that therefore the wergeld of the one statement is the equivalent of the wergeld of the other statement. At the same time the fact of the reckoning being throughout in Roman, _i.e._ Merovingian pounds, and not in those of Charlemagne’s _nova moneta_, is instructive. It shows that this clause belongs to the period during which the silver currency was pushing its way into Frisia. A reckoning in silver had become necessary, although, as we happen to know, the Frisians had a special liking for gold. They continued to coin gold much longer than the Franks, and some years later than the date of the laws. The Frisians were in close contact with the mint at Duurstede, which was in fact the commercial metropolis of the North at the date of the laws. The mint at Duurstede continued to coin gold coins till the city was destroyed by the ravages of the Northmen in A.D. 837, and it was from these Duurstede Frisian coins that the types were taken of the first Scandinavian coinage.[160] In the meantime the close connection between Frisia and the Scandinavian district is quite sufficient to account for the Scandinavian ratio of 1:8 being the one used in the translation of the gold wergeld of the district next to the Weser into a silver equivalent. [Sidenote: The wergelds in the local gold solidi.] Let us now at last translate the wergelds of the three Frisian districts, as stated in Tit. I. in gold solidi of three tremisses, back again into what they must have been when reckoned in the local solidi. If originally they were reckoned in these local solidi the result should be in even numbers. _Between the Laubach and the Weser._ Nobilis (9216 w.g.) = 144 solidi of 2 tremisses or 2 gold marks. Liber (4608 w.g.) = 72 ” or 1 gold mark. Litus (2304 w.g.) = 36 ” or ½ a gold mark. _Between the Laubach and the Fli._ Nobilis (6912 w.g.) = 72 solidi of 3 tremisses or 1½ gold mark. Liber (4608 w.g.) = 48 ” or 1 gold mark. Litus (2304 w.g.) = 24 ” or ½ a gold mark. _Between the Fli and the Sincfal._ Nobilis (9600 w.g.) = 120 solidi of 2½ tremisses. Liber (4800 w.g.) = 60 ” ” Litus (2400 w.g.) = 30 ” ” It is interesting to observe that the wergelds of the two districts north of the Zuider Zee, when translated back again into local solidi, turn out to have been in even numbers of such solidi, as well as in even gold marks of the Scandinavian district, whilst those of the Southern district, most under Frankish influence, make even numbers of the local solidus but not of the mark. When these Frisian wergelds in local solidi are regarded in connection with the fact that the wergelds on the east or Saxon side of the Weser were, as we shall find, also paid in a local solidus, and that this Saxon local solidus, like the solidi of the North Frisian district, was of two tremisses, and further that it represented the value of the one-year-old bullock, we are led to conjecture that the Frisian local solidi also may have represented the animal in which the wergelds were originally reckoned and paid. And this may perhaps be confirmed by the fact that, down to comparatively modern times, the East Frisian silver currency consisted chiefly of the _gulden_ and its one-tenth the _schaap_. Possibly the _gulden_ of this silver currency may point back to a time when the ‘gold piece’ was reckoned of the value of ten sheep.[161] But this is conjecture only. The dog, as we have seen, was the only animal whose value was fixed in the laws. [Sidenote: Why only one third of 160 solidi?] The fact that the gold and the silver values of the wergelds of titles I. and XV. of the lex seem to correspond leads up once more to the difficult question why the wergeld of the liber should be exactly one third of what the Ripuarian law apparently declared it to have been. Richthofen, in his preface and notes to the Frisian laws in the edition of Pertz, points out that in later additions to the laws there is a curious duplication and triplication of figures which has to be accounted for. The facts seem to be these:-- In Tit. XXII. _De Dolg_, relating to the Middle district and forming part of the more ancient law, the fines for wounding are first given for the _liber_, and then an explanation is made in the Epilogue that those for the _nobilis_ were one third higher and those for the _litus_ one half less. The composition for the eye is stated to be half the wergeld. [Sidenote: Fines and perhaps wergelds trebled afterwards.] Then, under the heading _Additio Sapientium_, Tit. II., the amount for the hand is stated to be ‘25 solidi et 5 denarii.’ And after the mention of the amounts for the several fingers are the words, ‘_Hoc totum in triplo componantur_.’ The payments for hand and eye are generally alike, and three times 25 solidi and 5 denarii = 80 solidi, _i.e._ half a wergeld of 160 solidi. Immediately following these words Tit. III. begins with the statement that the foot entirely cut off is to be compounded for as the hand, _i.e._ by 53 solidi and 1 tremissis, being double the previous amount. The payment for the eye put out is ‘ter quadraginta solidi,’ _i.e._ 120 solidi. Then whilst in the title _De Dolg_ the ear is valued at 12 solidi, in Tit. III. of the Additio it is valued at ‘_ter_ duodecim solidi.’ Again, according to the title _De Dolg_, if both testicles were destroyed, the whole wergeld was to be paid: and in Title III. of the Additio the fine has become _ter_ 53 solidi and 1 tremissis, three times the wergeld of the liber in Tit. I. It is not needful to pursue the comparison further than to point out that Richthofen had some reason at any rate to form the opinion that in the additions to the law made, as he thinks, after A.D. 785 and probably about A.D. 802, the _wergelds_ were trebled, as well as some of the payments for wounds; and that the inference from the Ripuarian laws that the Frisian wergeld was 160 solidi was therefore correct.[162] So far Richthofen’s contention is, I think, a correct one. But what was the reason of this trebling of the wergeld in the additions to the laws? [Sidenote: The wergeld of ‘liber’ was probably 160 solidi.] Was it that the ancient wergelds were originally one third of those of neighbouring tribes and trebled at some auspicious moment to make them correspond with others; or have we not rather to do with the results of that confusion in the currency which was caused by the endeavour to force into use the silver solidus of 12 pence as the equivalent of the gold solidus? This conjecture standing by itself on the evidence of these laws alone would be too hazardous to build upon, and it is not necessary to consider it further in this place. The matter of chief importance is that, all things considered, there seems to be fairly sufficient evidence that the wergelds of Tit. I. represent the ancient wergelds divided by three, and that accordingly we may take the wergeld of the liber in the two Northern districts of Frisia to have been three gold marks or 160 Merovingian gold solidi,[163] as stated in the Ripuarian laws. [Sidenote: Division of wergeld among grades of kindred.] With regard to the distribution or division of the wergeld amongst the relations of the person slain, the laws mention only the custom of the Middle districts, according to which two thirds of the wergeld went to the heir of the slain and one third ‘ad propinquos proximos.’ They give no information as to how the ‘propinqui proximi’ divided their third amongst themselves, or to what grade of kinship this class of relations extended. Happily, however, Dr. Brunner, in his informing essay on ‘Sippe und Wergeld’ already quoted, has been able to supplement the meagre information given by the laws as to wergelds with further details gained from later local sources. In his section (p. 25) on ‘Die Friesen zwischen Zuidersee und Weser,’ he gives an illustration of the way in which under later custom the payment of the wergeld was divided amongst the relations of the slain. He states that the North Frisian _tale_, _i.e._ the third share which the kindred had to pay, was known as the _mentele_ or _meitele_ (magzahl). [Sidenote: Later example.] In a legal document of ‘Westerlauwersches Friesland’ the _mentele_ of the kindred is described as 4 lbs. 5 oz. 6⅔_d._, and the _erbsühne_, or two thirds to be paid by the heirs, as 8 lbs. 10 oz. 13⅓ pfennig. The pound, we are told, is 12 oz. of 20_d._, so that here we have clearly Frankish currency and _silver_. The third and the two thirds together make a whole wergeld of 13 lbs. 4 oz. of silver. Now in the first place if, as we probably should do, we were to consider this wergeld to be stated in pounds and ounces of Charlemagne’s nova moneta, it would be not very far from treble the amount of the wergeld of the liber in Titles I. and XV. of the laws. And this, so far as it goes, confirms the Ripuarian statement that the ancient Frisian wergeld was one of 160 solidi.[164] Let us now see how the third falling on the kindred was divided. The one third of the _mentele_ of the kindred (moeg) was divided thus:-- lbs. oz. p. (1) The _brother_, or if none, the _brother’s son_, or if none, the sister’s son 0 12 0 (2) The _uncle_ on the father’s side (fedria) 0 9 0 The _uncle_ on the mother’s side (eem) 0 4 0 Or in default of these the _cousins_ of the slain, or in default the cousins of the uncles. (3) The _eftersusterbern_ or cousins descendants of grandparents: (_a_) On the side of the father’s grandfather 0 3 8 (_b_) On the side of the father’s grandmother 0 3 8 (_c_) On the side of the mother’s grandfather 0 2 5 (_d_) On the side of the mother’s grandmother 0 2 5 (4) The rest falls on the cousins--the eight stems which descend from the great grandparents The four stems from father’s side 0 7 12 ” ” mother’s side 0 7 8 -------- 4 3 6 This interesting illustration of the payment of a Frisian wergeld, though of later date than the laws, confirms the statement in the laws that in its division the immediate heirs of the slain took two thirds and the _propinqui proximi_ one third. It shows that at a later date the immediate ‘erbsühne’ was two-thirds, and the share of the kindred one third. And it adds the important point that the kindred who paid, and by inference shared in the receipt of the one third, were confined to the descendants of the great-grandparents, both paternal and maternal, of the slayer or of the slain. III. THE LEX SAXONUM. [Sidenote: Divisions of the Saxon tribes.] In turning from the Frisian to the Saxon district, we have again to notice that, as in the Frisian instance, so in the Saxon, the territory over which the law had force was divided into several districts belonging to allied but separate tribes with their own peculiar customs. The Westfali and the Ostfali and the Angrarii were the chief tribes with which the Lex Saxonum and the Capitularies had to deal. The ‘Saxones Bortrenses’ and ‘Septentrionales’ are also mentioned in one of the Capitularies, but these do not appear to be of much importance to our inquiry. The stubborn resistance of the Saxon tribes to the Frankish conquest, and the sanguinary character of the Saxon wars of Charlemagne, may well have made a cleaner sweep of local custom from these districts than had taken place in others. And this may explain to some extent the disappointing silence of the Lex Saxonum upon questions of custom which might otherwise have been expected to afford useful and interesting points for comparison with the Kentish and Anglo-Saxon Laws. Moreover, the wergelds as stated in the text are, like those of the Frisian Laws at first sight so misleading that only a very careful regard to the changes in Frankish currency can make their amounts intelligible, and bring them into line with those of neighbouring tribes. [Sidenote: Statement of wergelds of _nobilis_ and _litus_.] Happily, in approaching the wergelds of the Lex Saxonum, we can do so, as in the case of the Frisian wergelds, with the statement of the Ripuarian Law in mind, that the Saxon as well as the Frisian wergeld was 160 solidi. And it is well that we can do so, for otherwise we might very easily lose our way. The Lex Saxonum begins with a title ‘de vulneribus’ which describes the payments to be made for the different wounds inflicted upon a _nobilis_. Title II., ‘de homicidiis,’ next follows with a statement of the wergelds. Qui nobilem occiderit, 1440 solidos conponat; ruoda dicitur apud Saxones 120 solidi et in premium 120 solidi.… Let him who shall kill a _nobilis_ make composition 1440 solidi; the Saxons call ‘ruoda’ 120 solidi, and ‘in premium’ 120 solidi.… Litus occisus 120 solidis componatur.… The _litus_ killed is compounded for with 120 solidi. Much controversy has arisen upon the two extra payments ‘ruoda’ and ‘in premium;’ but whatever they may have been, they need not surprise us. Though we may not be able to identify them with the ‘halsfang’ or the ‘wites’ and ‘bots’ of Anglo-Saxon laws, they were probably payments of something of the same kind, additional to the wergeld. It is more important to remark the absence altogether of any mention of the ordinary ‘liber’ or ‘ingenuus’ between the nobilis and the litus, especially as in the title on theft the three classes are all mentioned. According to Clause 2 of the Tit. II. of the Lex, married women had the same wergelds as men. Those unmarried were to be paid for with a double wergeld. And by Clause 4 a servus slain by a nobilis was to be paid for with 36 solidi. By Clause 5: Litus si per jussum vel consilium domini sui hominem occiderit, ut puta nobilem, dominus compositionem persolvat vel faidam portet. Si autem absque conscientia domini hoc fecerit, dimittatur a domino, et vindicetur in illo et aliis septem consanguineis ejus a propinquis occisi, et dominus liti se in hoc conscium non esse cum undecim juret. If a litus shall slay a man, _e.g._ a _nobilis_, by the order or counsel of his lord, the lord shall pay the composition or bear the feud. But if the litus shall do this without the knowledge of the lord, he shall be dismissed by the lord and avengement made on himself and seven others of his blood by the near kindred of the slain, and the lord of the litus shall swear with eleven [compurgators] that he had no knowledge of the deed. [Sidenote: Value of the ox 2 solidi.] Title IV. on Theft is interesting as, besides mentioning the _liber_, it fixes the value of the four-year-old ox at the date of the clause at 2 solidi, _i.e._ the old ox-unit. VI. He who by _night_ steals a four-year-old ox, which is worth 2 solidi, shall be punished by his head. Theft of bees from within another’s fence or of things to the value of two solidi by night from a house, or of things of any kind, day or night, of the value of _three_ solidi, was to be capitally punished. Theft of things of less value than three solidi was to be compounded for ninefold, and _pro freda_ the nobilis was to pay 12, the liber 6, and the litus 4 (? 3) solidi. In Clause 6 of Title II. is the following:-- Si mordum totum quis fecerit, componatur primo in simplo juxta conditionem suam; cujus multæ pars tertia a proximis ejus qui facinus perpetravit componenda est, duæ vero partes ab illo; et insuper octies ab eo componatur, et ille ac filii ejus soli sint faidosi. If any one commit murder with aggravation of concealment he (the murderer) makes composition first _in simplo_ according to his condition, of which payment one-third part is to be paid by the next of kin of him who has perpetrated the crime, and two-thirds by himself; and besides eight times (the wergeld) is to be paid by him, and he and his children alone shall be in feud. [Sidenote: Murderer pays two thirds and his kindred one third of wergeld, as in Frisian law.] This clause is valuable as showing that, as in the customs of Frisia and most other Low German tribes, the murderer paid two thirds and his kinsmen one third of the wergeld in ordinary cases. The murderer and his children alone had to pay the eight parts added for the aggravation of the crime by concealment. That the Lex Saxonum is in some things at least a record of local custom is shown by the fact that, as in Frisia, varieties were recognised in the several divisions of the country. [Sidenote: Local customs as to dower of wife.] The payment for taking a wife, in all the divisions, was 300 solidi (Tit. VI.), to be paid to her parentes if with their consent. If with _her_ consent, but not with theirs, the payment was doubled. If she were seized without the consent of either, she must be restored to her ‘parentes’ with 300 solidi to them and 240 to her. Tit. VIII., however, shows that with regard to dower the customs of the several districts varied. Among the Ostfali and the Angrarii, if a wife bore children, she, the mother, retained the dower received on marriage for her life and left it to her children. Should she survive her children _her_ next heirs received it. If there were no children, the rule was _dos ad dantem_, _i.e._ it went to the husband, or, if he were not alive, to _his_ heirs. Amongst the Westfali, after a woman had borne children she kept the dower till her death. After her death, _dos ad dantem_, it went to the husband or the husband’s next heirs. Further, Tit. IX. states that as regards what had been acquired by man and wife together, amongst the Westfali the wife received half, but amongst the Ostfali and Angrarii nothing: she had to be content with her dower. The final clause of the laws, which describes the currency in which the payments were made, is important. According to the best manuscripts it was as follows:[165]-- [Sidenote: Wergelds to be paid in solidi of two tremisses, _i.e._, value of the bullock.] _Tit._ XVIII. _De Solidis._ (1) Solidus est duplex; unus habet duos tremisses, quod est bos anniculus duodecim mensium: vel ovis cum agno. (1) The solidus is of two kinds; one has two tremisses, which is the one-year-old bullock, or a sheep with lamb. (2) Alter solidus tres tremisses id est, bos 16 mensium. (2) The other solidus, three tremisses: that is, the ox of sixteen months. (3) Majori solido aliæ compositiones, minori homicidia componuntur. (3) Other compositions are compounded for with the greater solidus, homicide with the lesser one. This was originally the final clause. But the following additions were afterwards made. In the Corvey Code:-- Quadrinis bos duo solidi. Duo boves quibus arari potest 5 solidi. Vacca cum vitulo solidi duo et semis. Vitulus anniculus sol. 1. Ovis cum agno et anniculus agnus, si super adjunctus, sol. 1. The four-year-old ox, two solidi. Two oxen by which one can plough five solidi. Cow, with calf, two-and-a-half solidi. Year-old calf, one solidus. Sheep with lamb, if a year-old lamb be added, one solidus. And in the Codex Lindenbrogius:[166]-- Westfalaiorum et Angrariorum et Ostfalaiorum solidus est secales sceffila 30, ordei 40, avenæ 60; apud utrosque: duo sicle mellis solidus; quadrimus bos duo solidi: duo boves quibus arari potest quinque sol., bos bonus tres solidi; vacca cum vitulo solidi duo et semis. The solidus of the Westfali and Angrarii and Ostfali is 30 sceffila of rye, 40 of barley, 60 of oats; with both: two siclæ of honey a solidus; four-year-old ox two solidi; two oxen, with which one can plough, five solidi; good ox, three solidi; cow with calf, two-and-a-half solidi. According to the original final clause, if it had been followed in the text of the Lex Saxonum the wergelds ought to have been stated in gold solidi of two tremisses, representing the bullock, or a sheep with her lamb. And the lesser penalties for wounds, &c., should have been stated in solidi of three tremisses, representing the ox of 16 months. These values in gold tremisses would then have been consistent with that of the full-grown four-year-old ox as stated in Tit. VI. at two solidi--_i.e._ the normal value of the ox before the change in the currency. But, as it is, the text is not consistent throughout. Returning to the statement of the wergelds: Nobilis 1440 solidi. Litus 120 ” we are struck at once with the excessive amount of that of the nobilis. But if the solidi were of two tremisses, as they should have been, then, translated into solidi of three tremisses, the amounts would stand thus:-- Nobilis 960 solidi, or 1440 bullocks. Litus 80 ” or 120 ” These amounts appear to be still far too large; whether regarded in cattle or in gold. [Sidenote: The statement of wergelds seems to be in silver solidi.] It seems probable that, in spite of the last clause, the wergelds of the Lex Saxonum, in the text as we have it, are described in Charlemagne’s _silver solidi of_ 12_d._--the solidi which at the moment he was trying at a ratio of 1:4 to substitute for gold. Very nearly contemporary with the Lex Saxonum is Charlemagne’s _Capitulare de partibus Saxonie_, A.D. 785.[167] In this document no wergelds are mentioned, but other fines are described which may be compared with them. And it will be noticed that three classes are mentioned--nobilis, ingenuus, and litus. In s. 19, for refusal to baptize an infant within a year of birth:-- Nobilis 120 solidi to the fisc. Ingenuus 60 ” ” Litus 30 ” ” So again in s. 20 for illicit marriage, and in s. 21 for engaging in pagan rites:-- Nobilis 60 solidi. Ingenuus 30 ” Litus 15 ” These fines were evidently payable in the silver solidus, for in s. 27 the penalty for a man remaining at home contrary to the bann was to be 10 _solidi_ or _one ox_. Obviously this is the value of the ox in silver solidi before they were made legal tender. Its gold value was only 2 solidi, as stated in Tit. VI. of the Lex. And, as we have seen, the value of the ox in the silver solidus of twelve pence was maintained at an average of about 8 solidi. [Sidenote: Capitulare of A.D. 797.] Twelve years later in date another Capitulare was issued, entitled _Capitulare Saxonicum_ and dated A.D. 797.[168] It was the result of a conference and contract between Franks and Saxons of the three tribes, Westfali, Angrarii, and Ostfali. According to s. 3 the Saxons agreed that whenever, under the laws, Franks had to pay 15 solidi, the Saxon nobilis should pay 12 solidi, ingenui 5 solidi, and liti 4 solidi. Then follows a clause which is interesting as showing that the payment of wergelds still was a general practice. It enacted that when a homicide had occurred and a case had been settled in a district by the neighbours, the pacificators should, according to custom, receive 12 solidi for their trouble (_pro districtione_), and in respect of the wergeld (_pro wargida_) they should have sanction to do what according to their custom they had been used to do. But if the cause had been settled in the presence of a _royal Missus_, then it was conceded that on account of that wergeld the neighbours should still have their 12 solidi; and that the Missus of the King, for the trouble taken in the matter, should receive another 12 solidi, _ad partem Regis_. In clause 7, homicide of a _Missus regalis_, or theft from him, was to be paid for threefold. Further, in Clause 9, the King, with the consent of Franks and Saxons, was to have power at his pleasure, whether _propter pacem_, or _propter faidam_, or for greater causes, to double the amount of the usual _bann_ of 60 solidi, making it 120 solidi, and to insure obedience to his commands by any amount up to 100 or even 1000 solidi. Lastly, in the final clause is the following:-- [Sidenote: Wergelds payable in cattle &c. or in the silver solidi of 12 pence.] Moreover, it is to be noted what the solidi of the Saxons ought to be, _i.e._: The one-year-old bullock of either sex in autumn, as it is sent into the stable, for 1 solidus. Likewise in spring, when it leaves the stable, and afterwards as it grows in age, so its price increases. _De annona bortrinis_ let them give for a solidus 40 _scapili_, and of rye 20. _Septentrionales_ for a solidus, of oats 30 scapili, of rye 15. _Bortrensi_ 1½ sicla of honey for a solidus. _Septentrionales_ 2 sicla of honey for a solidus; also of clean barley they give the same as of rye for a solidus. In silver let them make twelve pence the solidus. (_In argento duodecim denarios solidum faciant._) In other things at the price of estimation. So that in this Capitulare of A.D. 797, issued just before Charlemagne became Emperor, there is the clear statement that the one-year-old bullock is still to be reckoned as one solidus, and the further statement that in silver 12 pence make the solidus. And this in a clause headed with the words: ‘Moreover it is to be noted what the solidi of the Saxons ought to be.’ The fact therefore seems to be that these Capitularies relating to the Saxons, and the Lex Saxonum, following upon the Conquest of the Saxons, date from the middle of the time when the change in the currency from gold to silver was taking place, and the silver solidus of 12 pence, first of Merovingian standard and ultimately of the _nova moneta_, was by law made equivalent for payments to the gold solidus of the Lex Salica of three gold tremisses or of 40 pence. Now, having derived this information from the Capitularies, let us turn back to the laws. [Sidenote: Destruction of eye &c. paid for with a half wergeld.] In Tit. I. _De vulneribus_, the penalty for destroying another’s eye is 720 solidi, exactly half the number of solidi in the wergeld of the nobilis, and for both eyes 1,440 solidi--_i.e._ exactly the amount of the whole wergeld of the nobilis. These proportions are found in several other laws, and were quite natural if the payments were made in both cases in the _same_ solidi. But these wounds ought, according to the final clause in the law, to have been paid for in the solidus of three tremisses, while the wergelds should have been paid in solidi of two tremisses. Clearly they are _not_ stated in different solidi, for if for a moment we take them to be so, then the two eyes of the nobilis would be paid for at a higher value than his life. [Sidenote: The solidi must be silver solidi.] Further, if we look at these payments for wounds carefully, it becomes clear that they cannot be _gold_ values. Three hundred and sixty gold solidi for a thumb and 260 for the little finger of a nobilis are quite impossible fines. The little finger of the Saxon nobilis cannot have been valued at more than the ordinary freeman’s wergeld under the Salic and Ripuarian Laws. We conclude then that, in spite of the last clause in the law, these values, both for wounds and homicide, are silver values, and that the figures in the text have at some date or other been substituted for the original ones to meet the change in the currency. Let us try to realise what the effect upon the wergelds of the Lex Saxonum would be of Charlemagne’s substitution of the silver solidus of 12_d._ for the gold solidus. Up to this time the wergelds had been paid in bullocks valued in gold at the solidus of two tremisses, and the equation was one no doubt of ancient custom. Now the Capitularies made them payable in silver at 12_d._ to the solidus. [Sidenote: Confusion in the currency.] One result became at once apparent. In the Saxon district the value of the ox went up, as we have seen, from two of the gold solidi to ten of the new silver solidi--an excessive rise, no doubt, and one likely to startle everybody. As regards most debts the change did not matter very much. The debtor got the advantage. But as regards wergelds hitherto payable in cattle and in gold it mattered very much indeed. It meant that a wergeld of 100 head of cattle could be paid in silver at one third of their value. And Charlemagne’s advisers soon found this out. What if a Frisian or a Saxon killed a Frank? Was he to be allowed to escape with a silver payment of one third the value of the cattle? Certainly not; and so, as we have seen in the Capitularies of 781 and 801 enforcing the receipt of the silver solidus of 12_d._ for all debts, an exception was made of wergelds payable by Saxons and Frisians who killed a Salic Frank. These were still to be paid for, as heretofore, in the solidus of 40_d._ of the Lex Salica--_i.e._ the gold solidus of three tremisses. This, so far as the wergelds were concerned, set the matter right when a Saxon killed a Frank; but it did not set it right in the ordinary case of a Saxon slaying a Saxon. [Sidenote: The wergelds must be divided by three to obtain value in gold solidi.] How could this be remedied but by altering the figures of the wergeld and the compositions for wounds, and inserting silver values instead of the gold ones? This seems to have been clumsily done, the other clauses in the laws being apparently left unaltered or only partially altered. But assuming that the wergelds as they appear in the present text of Tit. II. are stated in silver solidi of twelve denarii, let us divide them by three, so as to restore them to gold values in solidi of three tremisses. The wergeld of the nobilis of 1440 solidi divided by three becomes 480 solidi of three tremisses. And if, following very common precedents, we take this wergeld of the nobilis, whether from his noble birth or natural official position, to be a triple wergeld, then the missing wergeld of the _liber_ or _ingenuus_ would be 160 solidi, as the passage in the Ripuarian laws so often quoted declared it to be. [Sidenote: Wergeld of ‘liber’ then 160 solidi.] The wergelds would then stand thus:-- Nobilis 480 solidi of three tremisses. [Liber 160 ” ” ] Litus 40 ” ” or in the local solidi of two tremisses:-- Nobilis 720 solidi or bullocks. [Liber 240 ” ” ] Litus 60 ” ” These then are the figures which, if we are right, were the original figures of the Title _De homicidiis_. IV. LEX ANGLIORUM ET WERINORUM, HOC EST THURINGORUM. We may probably follow Richthofen[169] in his conclusions that the Thuringians of these laws were the tribes settled with the Anglii and Werini in North Thuringia, and that they were promulgated under Charlemagne about A.D. 802. [Sidenote: Wergelds of the Anglii and Werini.] In the first title the wergelds for homicide are stated:-- Adaling 600 solidi. Liber 200 solidi. Servus 30 solidi. These are evidently unaltered gold values. [Sidenote: A half wergeld for destruction of an eye, hand, or foot.] The rest of the first five titles relate to wounds, and we need only mention that the destruction of an eye, hand, or foot, or a blow causing loss of hearing, was to be paid for with _half_ the wergeld of each class, following in this respect the custom of the Frisian and Saxon tribes. These five titles in the Corvey Manuscript of the tenth century constitute a whole under the title ‘Lex Thuringorum.’ The remaining titles are, in this manuscript, added to the Lex Saxonum, to which, however, they do not appear to belong. [Sidenote: Triple wergeld of the Adaling.] The triple wergeld of the Adaling of these laws may have been the result either of noble birth or official position, or both combined. The wergeld of the _liber_ of 200 gold solidi, presumably of three tremisses, seems to connect the customs of the Thuringian tribes of these laws with those of the Salic and Ripuarian Franks rather than with those of the Saxons and Frisians. It is worth notice, too, that, while in the Lex Saxonum and the Lex Frisionum the figures seem to follow a duodecimal system, in these laws the more usual decimal reckoning is retained as in the Lex Salica. The fact that among the additional titles there is one ‘De alodibus’ connects still further these laws, notwithstanding their later date, with the Salic and Ripuarian laws which contain similar titles. And it is worth while, for purposes of comparison, to give it at length. (Tit. v.) [Sidenote: The title ‘De Alodis.’] (I) Hereditatem defuncti filius non filia suscipiat. Si filium non habuit, qui defunctus est, ad filiam pecunia et mancipia, terra vero ad proximum paternæ generationis consanguineum pertineat. (I) Let the son of the deceased and not the daughter receive the inheritance. If he who has died had no son, to the daughter shall go the cattle and slaves, but the land shall pertain to the next blood relation of the paternal generation. (II) Si autem nec filiam non habuit, soror ejus pecuniam et mancipia, terram proximus paternæ generationis accipiat. (II) But if he had no daughter either, his sister shall take the cattle and slaves; the next of the paternal generation shall take the land. (III) Si autem nec filium nec filiam neque sororem habuit, sed matrem tantum superstitem reliquit, quod filia vel soror debuerunt, mater suscipiat, id est, pecuniam et mancipia. (III) But if he had neither son nor daughter nor sister, but he left a _mother_ only surviving, what daughter or sister should have had, let the mother take, _i.e._ the cattle and slaves. (IV) Quodsi nec filium nec filiam nec sororem aut matrem dimisit superstites, proximus qui fuerit paternæ generationis, heres ex toto succedat, tam in pecunia atque in mancipiis quam in terra. (IV) But if he leaves neither son nor daughter nor sister nor mother surviving, he who shall be next of the paternal generation shall succeed as heir of the whole as well in cattle and slaves as in land. (V) Ad quemcumque hereditas terræ pervenerit, ad illum vestis bellica, id est lorica, et ultio proximi et solutio leudis debet pertinere. (V) And to whomsoever the inheritance in the land shall come, to him ought to pertain the coat of mail, _i.e._ the birnie, and the avenging of the next of kin and the payment of wergeld. (VI) Mater moriens filio terram, mancipia, pecuniam dimittat, filiæ vero spolia colli, id est murenulas, nuscas, monilia, inaures, vestes, armillas, vel quicquid ornamenti proprii videbatur habuisse. (VI) A mother dying shall leave her land, slaves, and goods, to her son, but to her daughter her neck-treasures, _i.e._, necklaces, buckles, collars, earrings, robes, bracelets, or whatever personal ornaments she appeared to have. (VII) Si nec filium nec filiam habuerit, sororem vero habuerit, sorori pecuniam et mancipia, proximo vero paterni generis terram relinquat. (VII) If she had neither son nor daughter, but had a sister, to the sister shall she leave the cattle and slaves, but the land to the next of the paternal kin. (VIII) Usque ad quintam generationem paterna generatio succedat. Post quintam autem filia ex toto, sive de patris sive de matris parte, in hereditatem succedat; et tunc demum hereditas ad fusum a lancea transeat. (VIII) As far as the fifth generation the paternal kin succeed. But after the fifth, a daughter, whether on the father’s or on the mother’s side, may succeed to the whole inheritance; and then finally let the inheritance pass over from the spear to the spindle. [Sidenote: The alod included both land and cattle.] As in the other laws so under these rules the alod clearly embraced both the land and the ‘pecunia’ and ‘mancipia’ upon it. Its object, like that of the similar clauses in the other laws and also like that of the Edict of Chilperic, seems to have been to protect the land in ordinary cases from passing over ‘from the spear to the spindle,’ while at the same time sanctioning inheritance by females even in the land of the alod when otherwise there would be danger of its passing away from the kindred altogether. In certain cases the land of the alod was made to go to male heirs while the ‘pecunia’ and ‘mancipia’ upon it went to females. Whether the word ‘pecunia’ in such cases should be translated by ‘cattle’[170] or the wider word ‘chattels,’ it must have included the cattle, and at first sight it is not easy to see how the rule would work which gave the cattle of the alod to a female and the land to a distant male heir. The cattle must in the nature of things have remained or be put upon land, and the awkward question arises upon whose land they remained or were put. And so we are brought once more to the practical question of the position of women in relation to the land. That in certain cases in default of male heirs they could inherit land is one thing; but this question of the cattle and slaves involves quite another. [Sidenote: Male next of kin takes the land and chieftainship, but females may have cattle upon the land.] When a sister received her portion or gwaddol under Cymric custom, and when she received so many cows for her maintenance from the chief of kindred, she must have had rights of grazing for her cattle in the family herd of her gwely. Till she married, her cattle would graze with the cattle of her paternal gwely; and when she married, with the cattle of her husband’s gwely. And so under the rules of this clause ‘De alodibus’ it does not follow that the distant male heir succeeding to the land of the alod was to evict her and her cattle from it. With the land he had to take also the responsibilities involved in the family holding. Clause V. states that to whomsoever the inheritance of the land shall come, to him ought to pertain the coat of mail, _i.e._ the birnie, and with it the duty of the chief of the kindred to avenge his kin and to see to the payment of wergeld if any one of the kin should be slain. Read from this point of view this clause ‘De alodibus’ becomes good evidence that, whatever changes may have been made as to female inheritance, the _land_ of the alod had not yet lost all its tribal traits. It had not yet become the ‘res propria’ of an individual possessor under Roman law. V. THE SO-CALLED LEX CHAMAVORUM. This document, according to most recent authorities, relates to a district between the Frisians and Saxons to the North and East, with the river Meuse to the South.[171] [Sidenote: The Chamavi under Frankish law.] Its real title seems to be _Notitia vel commemoratio de illa euva quæ se ad Amorem habet_, and it seems to be not so much a code as a memorandum of the wergelds and fines of a Frankish people settled in the district alluded to. Probably in date it may belong to the time of Charlemagne, but before his changes in the currency. It is of some interest to this inquiry because of its peculiar position, as relating to a tribe or people under Frankish rule, and yet with customs of its own which have survived Frankish conquest. The Notitia starts with the declaration that in ecclesiastical matters, as regards the _bannus dominicus_, the same laws prevail ‘as other Franks have.’ [Sidenote: Wergeld of the Homo Francus three times that of the ingenuus.] And then it at once describes the wergeld, as follows:-- The wergelds of this law are as under. Whoever kills-- Homo Francus 600 solidi et pro fredo 200 sol. Ingenuus 200 ” ” 66⅔ ” Lidus 100 ” ” 33½ ” Servus 50 ” ” 16⅔ ” Then follows a clause (VII.) which states that if any ‘Comes’ be slain in his own ‘comitatus’ the wergeld is to be three times that according to his birth. The _Homo Francus_ thus has a triple wergeld, like the Comes. But the _Comes_ may possibly be not _ingenuus_. He may be a lidus with official position, and so presumably, according to Clause VII., with a threefold wergeld of only 300 solidi. In the next clause the Royal ‘Missus’ is put in the same position while on the King’s business. His wergeld is also to be trebled. What, then, is the _Homo Francus_ with a wergeld three times that of the ordinary _ingenuus_ of the district of Amor? The wergeld of the latter is the full normal wergeld of 200 solidi. The Homo Francus in this district was therefore very much above the ordinary freemen of other laws. He was evidently a Frankish landowner on a large scale, towering in social position above the ordinary freemen of the district. The _casa_ and _curtis_ of the Homo Francus alone were protected by special clauses (XIX. and XX.), and of him alone are any hints given as to kindred or inheritance. Clause XLII., in the following few words, enlightens us as to his social position:-- If any Francus homo shall have sons, his inheritance in woods and in land shall pass to them, and what there is in slaves and cattle. Concerning the maternal inheritance, let it go in like manner to the daughter. We must probably consider the privileged position of the Homo Francus as presumably the result of Frankish conquest. The great landowner may have been the holder of a benefice, or a tenant _in capite_ placed upon the royal domain with ministerial and judicial duties, and the triple wergeld may fairly be assigned to his official position. But to return to the wergelds. The payment _pro fredo_ seems to have been equal to an additional one third of the wergeld. [Sidenote: Payment for the eye etc. one quarter the wergeld.] From clauses XX. and XXXII. it appears that the value of an eye or hand or foot was one quarter of the wergeld, instead of half as in the Salic and Ripuarian Laws. Theft was to be paid for ninefold with four solidi _pro fredo_. The further clauses regarding theft in this border district of forests and cattle and mixed population are not quite easily understood, nor need we dwell upon them. In c. XXX. the penalty for letting a thief go without bringing him before the Comes or centenarius was 60 solidi, as in the Ripuarian Laws. VI. CONCLUDING REMARKS. Before passing from the laws, the compilation of which seems to date from the conquests of Charlemagne, it may be well to note that, regarded from the point of view of the wergelds, the tribes whose customs have been examined in the last two sections seem to have belonged to the Frankish group with wergelds of 200 gold solidi, while on the other hand the Frisians and Saxons seem to have belonged to the other group with wergelds of 160 gold solidi. This grouping of the tribes may not be exactly what might have been expected. [Sidenote: The two groups of tribes with wergelds of 200 and 160 solidi.] Geographically the Frankish group is sufficiently compact. The other is widely extended and scattered. Frisians and Saxons remain in their ancient homes. The Alamannic, Bavarian, and Burgundian tribes have wandered far away from theirs. But in their northern home they may have been once sufficiently contiguous to have shared many common customs and among them a common wergeld of 160 solidi.[172] Settled in their new quarters, the Rhine and its tributaries seem to have been the great highways of commercial intercourse and the connecting links between them. Immigrants from them all met as strangers (_advenæ_) in the Ripuarian district, and, as we have seen, we owe our knowledge of some of their wergelds very much to the recognition of them in the Ripuarian law. CHAPTER VIII. _THE TRIBAL CUSTOMS OF THE OLDEST SCANDINAVIAN LAWS._ I. THE MONETARY SYSTEM OF SCANDINAVIA. The facts needful for the understanding of the monetary system of the Scandinavian tribes need not detain the reader very long. The weight system applied to gold and silver was that evidently derived from the Eastern Empire. [Sidenote: Marks, ores, and ortugs. The ortug the Greek stater or ox-unit.] It consisted of the mark, the ore, and the ortug. The mark was divided into eight ores or ounces, and the ore or ounce into three ortugs, which were in fact staters or double solidi. The ounce being the Roman ounce of 576 wheat-grains, the ortug contained 192 wheat-grains, and was the exact counterpart in wheat-grains of the Greek stater, _i.e._ Professor Ridgeway’s ox-unit. Reckoned in wheat-grains, two Scandinavian marks of 8 ounces were, as we have seen, exactly equal to what the early metrologists called the (light) _Mina Attica_, which consisted of 16 Roman ounces or 9216 Roman wheat-grains. Four gold marks thus made a _heavy_ gold mina, traditionally representing a normal wergeld of 100 head of cattle. But this heavy gold Mina of four marks had been seemingly twisted from its original Greek character to bring it into consistency with Roman methods of reckoning. It was divided no longer into 100 staters, but now into 96 ortugs, so as to make the ortug double of the solidus and one third of the Roman ounce, thus throwing it out of gear, so to speak, with the normal tribal wergelds of 100 head of cattle. It was thus made to contain only 96 ox-units, although in actual weight its 32 Roman ounces really did contain, so long as the standard of the Roman ounce was adhered to, 100 Attic staters or ox-units. That the light mina of two marks or 9216 wheat-grains had found its way by the Eastern trade routes into Scandinavia appears from its survival in the monetary system of countries on both sides of the Baltic to quite modern times. [Sidenote: The pound of two marks.] In Northern Europe the pound of twelve ounces was not, as elsewhere, the usual larger unit. The pound of two marks or sixteen ounces had taken its place. And except in Norway and Denmark, which sooner or later adopted the monetary and weight system of Charlemagne, the ounce remained the Roman ounce of 576 wheat-grains. At the same time, as in the case of the Merovingian system, in spite of the Imperial influence of the gold solidus, there were evident marks of a tendency towards the ancient Eastern standard of the stater rather than the heavier standard of the double solidus. The ortug of 192 wheat-grains seems to have often sunk in actual weight below even the Attic weight to that of the ancient Eastern stater of 8·18 grammes. Thus when the Russian weight system was recorded in the time of Peter the Great the unit both for precious metals and goods was found to be the _Zolotnic_ or gold piece. Thus-- Dolja = ·0444 grammes = wheat-grain. Zolotnic = 4·265 ” = 96 w.g. Funt = 409·511 ” = 96 zolotnic, or 9216 w.g. Here, then, _in wheat grains_ the Funt is the light Mina Attica over again, Romanised in its divisions. The Zolotnic is the solidus or half-stater. But in actual weight the pound is exactly half of the ancient Eastern gold mina of 818 grammes. The Pfund of Silesia (Breslau), according to Martini, was 405 grammes, and that of Poland (Cracow) the same. Only Sweden and Riga seem to have adopted or preserved higher standards, the double mark of Sweden being 425 and that of Riga 419 grammes; but even these fell far short of the standard weight of 16 Roman ounces, viz. 436 grammes. But throughout, low as the standard of the Baltic _Funts_ or double marks may have been, they were divided according to the Roman commercial weight system into _ores_ or ounces and _loths_ or half-ounces, and _gwentschen_ or drachmas of one eighth of an ounce, just as if they were of full Imperial weight. The marks and the ores remained, but the old division of _ores_ into ortugs or staters had long ago disappeared. The division into marks, ores, and ortugs was, however, in full force at the time of the Norse laws, both for gold and silver. And the evidence of actual weights seems to show, not only that for the purposes of the Eastern trade routes, reckoning in marks, ores, and ortugs was in common use, but also that the standard, like that of the Merovingian coinage, was the ancient Eastern standard. Thus the following weights, believed to belong to the Viking period, from the island of Gotland, are now in the Royal Museum at Stockholm (Nos. 4752 and 5984). [Sidenote: The ortug in weight = Eastern stater or two Merovingian solidi.] o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o 819 grammes = 100 staters or ortugs of 8·19 o o o o o o o--o--o 57·25 ” = 7 ” ” 8·1 o o o o 32·65 ” = 4 ” ” 8·16 o o o o 32·4 ” = 4 ” ” 8·1 o o o 24·35 ” = 3 ” ” 8·12 o o The unit of these weights is exactly the Eastern stater of 8·18 or two Merovingian solidi.[173] Whether this standard had been arrived at independently of the Merovingian standard, or adopted from it, we must not stop to inquire. It is enough that the ortug at the date of the laws through Roman influence had come to be reckoned as one third of the ounce. Whatever may have been the early Byzantine influences and that of Eastern trade routes, long before the date of the Norse laws, Scandinavia had come under Frankish influences also. [Sidenote: The mark of 8 Roman ounces and Charlemagne’s mark of the _nova moneta_.] Already during Merovingian times, chiefly through the Frisian mint at Duurstede, Merovingian currency had become well known on the Baltic, and we have seen that the first Scandinavian coins were copies from those of the Duurstede type. Hence it came to pass that in the most ancient of the Norse laws the old Scandinavian reckoning in gold and silver marks, ores, and ortugs had become connected with the Frankish currency. During the period of Merovingian influence the Merovingian ounce and the Norse ore were both, reckoned in wheat-grains, the ounce of the Roman pound, whatever may have been their actual weight. The mark of eight ounces contained 4608 wheat-grains of gold or silver. But at last, as the result of Charlemagne’s conquests in the North, his _nova moneta_ with its higher standard was brought into contact with Scandinavia. His mark of eight of his ounces or 5120 wheat-grains ultimately superseded in Norway and Denmark the old mark of eight Roman ounces. Hence, as all the Scandinavian laws as we have them, are of later date than Charlemagne’s conquests, the question must arise, which of the two marks is the one in which the wergelds and other payments are described. In the oldest Norse laws the wergelds are stated mostly in _silver_ marks, ores, and ortugs. The ratio between gold and silver was 1:8, so that an ore of gold equalled a mark of silver, and thus the translation of silver values into gold is easy. The laws themselves, as we shall find, make this perfectly clear. A wergeld stated as of so many gold marks is divided in the details of payment into silver marks, ores, and ortugs at the ratio of 1:8. II. THE WERGELDS OF THE GULATHING AND FROSTATHING LAWS. [Sidenote: The Gulathing law.] In approaching the consideration of the Scandinavian custom as to wergelds and the structure of tribal society as disclosed in the ancient laws, I do it with great diffidence, especially as, for the translation of Old Norse, I am dependent on others. On the whole it seemed best to concentrate attention upon the _Gulathingslög_ as the oldest of the Norse laws. The Danish and Swedish laws and the Grágás of Iceland no doubt under competent hands would yield valuable additional evidence, but the oldest of the Norse laws may probably be fairly taken as the most representative of early Northern custom, and at the same time most nearly connected with the object of this inquiry. Geographically the Gulathing law was in force in the southern portion of Norway. It seems to have embraced, in about the year 930, three, and afterwards six, _fylkis_ or districts each with its own _thing_ and local customs.[174] In this respect it resembled the Frisian and Saxon laws, both of which recognised, as we have seen, the separate customs of tribal divisions contained in the larger district over which the laws had force. The Gulathing law must therefore be regarded as in some sense a compilation or collection of customs rather than one uniform law. For instance, there are three or four separate descriptions of the wergeld and the modes of its payment and receipt. One of these is avowedly of later date. The older ones may probably describe local variations of general custom, belonging to one or another of the divisions, and even these bear marks of later modification and additions. As usual, the introduction of Christianity was the occasion and perhaps the cause of the compilation, and therefore from the time of the formation of Dioceses by King Olaf (A.D. 1066-93) ecclesiastical influence must be expected. But on the whole this Gulathing law presents in some points a far more interesting and instructive picture of social conditions resulting from tribal custom than the laws of other tribes already examined of much earlier date. [Sidenote: The Frostathing law.] The next important of the ancient laws of Norway is the _Frostathingslög_ belonging to the more northerly district of Drontheim. Without pretending to have made it the subject of special study, I have here and there found it useful in elucidation of the Gulathing law, and as showing that tribal custom, though with local variations, was in force over a wider district than that under the Gulathing law. The question of the structure of tribal society and the division of classes in Norway may be most conveniently approached from the point of view of the _rett_ or ‘personal right,’ somewhat analogous to the Irish ‘honour-price’ and the Welsh ‘saraad.’ [Sidenote: Grades of personal ‘rett.’] Both in the Gulathing law and in the Frostathing law this personal ‘rett’ lies at the root of the graduated payments for insults, wounding, and homicide. And the statements of it are practically identical in the two laws. They are as follows:-- _Gulathing_ (200) _Frostathing_ (X. 35) Leysing before freedom’s ale 4 ores Leysing 6 ores Leysing after freedom’s ale 6 ores Leysing’s son 8 ” Leysing’s son 8 ores or 1 mark Bónde 12 ” Reks-thane[175] 12 ores Árborinn man[176] 16 ores or 2 marks Hauldman[177] 24 ” Hauldman 24 ores or 3 ” Lendman and Stallare 48 ” The chief difference is that the Frostathing law divides the leysings into two classes, a significant point on which important considerations turn. The things for which full rett was paid may be described as insults. If a man were knocked down, even if he fell on his knees, or if his moustache were ‘seized with hostile hand’ (195), or if a man were called ‘a mare or bitch,’ these were insults for which full rett was to be paid (196). The payments for inflicting serious wounds (sár) were regulated in the same gradations according to rank as the rett, but were threefold in amount. These payments were made in ‘baugs’ or rings, each of twelve ores of silver. _Gulathing Law_ (185) _Frostathing Law_ (IV. 53) Leysing 1 ring Leysing’s son 2 rings Leysing 2 rings Bónde 3 ” Reks-thane 3 ” Ár-borinn man 4 ” Odal-born man[178] 6 ” Hauld 6 ” Lend-man and Stallare 12 ” Lend-man 12 ” Jarl 24 ” Jarl 24 ” King 48 ” King 48 ” These were the penalties paid by the person inflicting the wound--_i.e._ _three times his own rett_--and besides this he had to pay _sár-bót_ according to the extent and character of the wound, as in other laws. He also had to pay the healing fee (185) of the injured person. [Sidenote: The hauld or odal-man the typical tribesman.] Passing from insults and wounds to homicide, throughout the Gulathing law the hauld, or odal-born man, is taken as the typical tribesman. His wergeld is described, and then the wergelds of other classes are said to vary according to the rett. But before we consider the wergelds it must be remarked that here, as elsewhere, there is no wergeld for a murder within the family. In clause 164 under the heading of ‘A madman’s manslaying’ is the following:[179] Nu hever maðr óðz mannz víg vigit, vigr sunr faður, æða faðer sun, æða bróðer bróðor, æða systkin eitthvert, æða vigr barn móðor sína, æða móðer barn sitt, þá firi-vigr hann arve þeim er hann átti at taca. Scal sá þann arf taca er nestr er þá, oc helldr scal konongr hava en hann. En hann være í lande, oc gange til skrifta, oc have sitt allt. Now if a man has done the slaying of a madman, if a son slays his father, or a father his son, or a brother his brother or any of his sisters and brothers, or a child slays its mother or a mother her child, then he forfeits the inheritance he ought to take. The one next to him in kin takes that inheritance, and the King shall have it rather than he. But he shall stay in the land and be shriven and keep all that is his. [Sidenote: No wergeld within the family.] In the Gulathing law the kindred within which there is no wergeld is thus the actual family, and it is in full accord with the instance in Beowulf in which the old father is represented as having to put up with the presence of a son by whose arrow another of his sons had been slain, such a crime being one which under tribal custom could not be avenged. Turning now to the amount of the wergeld of the Gulathing law and the Frostathing law, it must again be remarked that there are in these laws varying accounts of it. [Sidenote: The wergeld of the Frostathing law of later date awarded in marks of gold.] In the first place there are some avowedly of later date than others. Thus, in Frostathing VI. 1 the description of the wergeld is commenced as follows:-- Her hefr upp oc segir í frá því er flestum er myrkt oc þyrftu þó marger at vita, fyrir því at vandræði vaxa manna á millum en þeir þverra er bæði höfðu til vit oc góðan vilja, hvesso scipta scylldi ákveðnum bótum ef þær ero dœmdar, fyrer því at þat er nú meiri siðr at ánemna bœtr, hvesso margar mercr gulls uppi sculu vera epter þann er af var tecinn, oc velldr þat at marger vito eigi hvat laga bót er, er þó at vissi, þá vilia nú fáer því una. En Frostoþings bóc scipter lagabót hveriom epter sínum burð oc metorði, en ecki hinum bótum er þeir ofsa eða vansa er í dómum sitia oc sáttmál gera. Here begins and is told that which to most is dark and yet many had need to know, because difficult matters increase among men and those grow fewer who both had the wits and the goodwill for it,--how to divide the fixed _bóts_ (bœtr) if they are adjudged, _for it is now more the custom to fix the bóts, how many marks of gold_ shall be paid on account of him who was slain, and the cause of that is that many know not what the lawful _bót_ is, and though they knew it, few will now abide by it. _But the Frostathing book divides the lawful bót_ to every one according to his birth and rank, and not those _bóts_ (bœtr) which they that sit in courts and make terms of peace put too high or too low. Here the writer clearly refers back to the ancient Frostathing book as the authority for the ‘lawful bót,’ but on examination he seems to add certain additional bóts which the courts now include in the round amount of so many gold marks awarded by them in each case as it comes before them. The writer takes first the case of an award of six marks of gold and describes how it is to be divided, and then the case of five marks of gold, and so on. [Sidenote: Division of it in silver marks at ratio of 1:8.] The division is throughout made in _silver_ marks, ores, ortugs, and penningar. But when the items are added up, the total in silver divided at the ratio of 1:8 brings back the result as nearly as may be to the number of _gold marks_ from which the division started. Thus in the clause describing the division of the wergeld of six marks of gold, the silver items add up to 48 marks exactly, and the division of this by 8 brings back the amount to six marks of gold. And so in the clause dividing five marks of gold, the items seem to add up to one ortug only less than 40 silver marks, and again a division by 8 brings the amount sufficiently near to five marks of gold. [Sidenote: The group of Bauga men. The other group of Nefgildi-men.] In each case, however, the writer adheres to the same scheme of division. When he has 6 gold marks to divide he first assigns 18 silver marks to _Bauga_ men (_i.e._ the near group of kinsmen of male descent on the paternal side only), and then he adds half as much (_i.e._ 9 marks) to a group of _Nefgildi-men_[180] among whom are included, with others, kinsmen of descent through females on both paternal and maternal sides. So that these two groups of Bauga men and Nefgildi get 27 marks. In all cases he makes the group of Nefgildi receive only half the amount received by the Bauga group, the whole amount being reduced according to the number of gold marks to be divided. After the amount allowed to these two groups, the remainder is made up of additional payments some of which he expressly declares were not included under old law. Thus (in clause 6) he adds an amount which he says was ‘not found in the old Frostathing book’ and justifies it by saying that there would be danger to the slayer if it was not paid. And so again (in clause 9), there are additions for half-brothers, half-brothers’ sons, &c., of the same mother. And these additions are included in the six marks of gold ‘according to new law.’ Evidently, therefore, we must not take these wergelds of six and five marks of gold with their divisions as representing the ancient customary wergelds of this class or that in the social scale, but rather as showing the extent to which the system of wergelds had become somewhat arbitrarily expanded and elastic in later times. The total amount with additions was apparently increasing as time went on. [Sidenote: Later statement in the Gulathing law.] As in the Frostathing law so also in the Gulathing law (clause 316, p. 104) there is a statement of wergeld, avowedly of a late date and added under the name of _Biarne Marðarson_, who lived about A.D. 1223. And this, too, seems to belong to a time when the amount of the wergeld was awarded by some public authority in so many marks of gold. He takes the case of a wergeld of six marks of gold and shows how it ought to be divided; and then the case of a wergeld of five marks of gold and shows how that should be divided--‘What each shall take of five marks of gold’ and so on--just as was done by the writer in the Frostathing law. One might have supposed from this that, as the method of awarding fixed amounts and the amounts to be divided in gold marks were the same, so the groups and the persons included in them would have corresponded also. But they differ considerably. Biarne Marðarson up to a certain point follows the same scheme as the writer in the Frostathing. In his division of six marks of gold he, too, draws a line at the amount of 27 marks, and he also divides this amount into thirds and gives two thirds to one group and one third to the other. The son of the slain and the brother of the slain form the first group and take 18 marks, and a second group take 9 marks, the two together taking 27 marks. The group who together take 9 marks, like the Nefgildi-men of the Frostathing, embraces however by no means the same relatives as are included in the latter. The only persons included are the father’s brother and his children, _i.e._ first cousins or brœðrungs of the slain, but among them are included the sons of concubines and of female first cousins. And after the mention of these is the statement, ‘_All that these men take amounts to 27 marks and 2 aurar_.’ Out of the remainder of the 6 gold marks or 48 silver marks other relations take to the ‘fifth man’ on the male line and the sixth on the female line. Biarne Marðarson seems, like the writer in the Frostathing law, to have had to some extent a free hand in the division. It is clear that there was much variety in the course adopted. Nor does he seem to have been by any means so systematic and accurate as the other writer. The silver amounts, when added up, do not so accurately correspond with the six gold marks to be divided. [Sidenote: Earlier wergeld of the Gulathing law. In silver marks and cows.] We turn, then, from these later statements to what seems likely to be an older statement of the Norse wergeld, viz. that which commences at clause 218 of the Gulathing law. It describes the division of the wergeld of a ‘hauld’ or ‘odal-born’ man, and it begins with the explanation that the ‘mannsgiöld’ or wergeld decreases and increases from this as other retts. It describes the various amounts both in silver marks and in cows, which the other statements do not, and this, so far as it goes, is a sign of antiquity. In clause 223 is inserted a statement of the various things in which wergelds may be paid. The only item the value of which is given is the cow, which is to be taken at 2½ ores if not older than eight winters and if it be ‘whole as to horns and tail, eyes and teats, and in all its legs.’ And this silver value of the cow--2½ ores--is the one used in this older description of the wergeld. The wergeld according to this statement consists of bauga payments and upnám payments. The first are received in three baugs or rings thus:-- [Sidenote: The 64 cows of the Bauga group.] _Höfuð_ (head) _baug_, taken by the son and the father of the slain 10 marks or 32 cows. _Bróður baug_, taken by brother, or if none, by the son of the slain 5 marks or 16 cows. _Brœðrungs baug_ taken by the father’s brother’s son, _i.e._ first cousin of the slain 4 marks or 13 cows - ½ ore. -------- ------------------ 19 marks or 60 cows + 2 ores. To this is added for women’s gifts, _i.e._ the mother, daughter, sister, and wife of the slain, or in default to the son of the slain 1 mark or 3 cows + ½ ore. -------- ------------------ Total 20 marks or 64 cows. After this statement is the declaration, ‘Now all the baugs are counted.’ A clause is here interpolated changing the point of view so as to show how, and by whom on the slayer’s side the same three baugs were paid. Nú scal vigande bœta syni hins dauða hafuðbaug. (222) The slayer shall pay to the son of the dead the _höfuð baug_. En bróðer viganda scal bœta brœðr hins dauða bróðor baug, ef hann er til, ellar scal vigande bœta. The slayer’s brother (if he has one) shall pay to the brother of the dead the _bróður baug_; otherwise the slayer shall pay it. Nú scal brœðrongr viganda bœta brœðrongi hins dauða brœðrongs baug, ef hann er til, ellar scal vigande bœta. The brœðrung of the slayer (if he has one) shall pay to the brœðrung of the slain the _brœðrungs baug_; otherwise the slayer shall pay it. Sá er sunr hins dauða er við giölldum tecr, hvárt sem hann er faðer æða bróðer, æða hvigi skylldr sem hann er. He is [reckoned] the son of the dead who takes the giöld, whether he is father or brother or however he is related. Then follows the declaration, ‘_Now the baugs are separated_’ (‘Nú ero baugar skildir’). It seems clear, then, that the slayer was in the last resort responsible for the whole of these baug payments, as it was the son of the slain who would take any part of them lapsing through failure of the designated recipients. [Sidenote: Women’s gifts.] The small payments to the mother, daughter, sister, and wife included in the baug payments are evidently additional and exceptional payments in regard to close sympathy. The slayer does not make these payments. It is expressly stated that they are made ‘by the kinswomen of the slayer,’ but they are included in the even amount of 20 marks or 64 cows. The recipients of the three baugs, it will be seen, were limited to the nearest relatives on the _paternal_ side--fathers, sons, brothers, and first cousins--with no descent through females, while the recipients in the next set of groups or ‘upnáms’ include also relations through females: but, again, _only males receive_. There is, however, one exception. In clause 231 is the following:-- Nú ero konor þær allar er sunu eigu til sakar, oc systr barnbærar. þá scal þeim öllum telia söc iamna, til þær ero fertogar. All those women who have sons are in the _sök_ (suit), and sisters capable of bearing sons. They shall all be held to have an equal part in it till they are forty. Evidently they partake, as under Cymric custom, only in respect of possible sons who if born would partake themselves. Indeed, the sons only appear in the list of receivers and in no case the mother, except among the women’s gifts included as above in the baug payments. [Sidenote: The upnám group includes descendants of great-grandparents.] Clause 224 describes the upnám set of recipients as under. It will be seen that they include descendants of great-grandparents, but no more distant relations. ‘Sac-tal of upnáms or groups _outside bauga men_.’ _1st upnám._ { Father’s brother (_i.e._ uncle). The slain person’s { Brother’s son. { Mother’s father. { Daughter’s son. Each gets a mark from the slayer if a hauld be slain; and this amounts to _4 marks_. _2nd upnám._ { Father’s brother’s son (_brœðrung_). { Brother’s daughter’s son. The slain person’s { Mother’s brother. { Sister’s son. { _Systling_ (? Father’s sister’s son). Each gets 6 ores from the slayer if a hauld be slain; and this amounts to _3 marks 6 ores_. _3rd upnám._ { Mother’s sister’s son (_systrung_). { Brœðrung’s child. { Father’s brœðrung. { Mother’s mother’s brother. { Sister’s daughter’s son. They get half a mark from the slayer if a hauld be slain (probably ½ mark each): _i.e._ _2 marks 4 ores_, making the total of upnáms _10 marks 2 ores_. [Sidenote: Total wergeld 30 marks or 96 cows.] Then follows the declaration, ‘_Now all the upnám men are counted._’ If we add up the amount of the two sets of payments the result will be as follows:-- The three _bauga_ payments of near relatives, with addition of women’s gifts 20 marks or 64 cows. The _upnám_ payments within descendants of paternal and maternal great-grandparents 10 marks 2 ores or 32⅘ cows. --------------- --------- 30 marks 2 ores or 96⅘ cows. As in the Frostathing law the _nefgildi-men_ took as a group an amount equal to one half the amount of the bauga group, so here the _upnám_ men do the same. Evidently this is the intention. [Sidenote: Wergeld of the hauld at 1:8 200 gold solidi, or roundly, 100 cows.] Now if we may take the bauga payments and the upnám payments as representing in intention 30 silver marks or 96 cows, then, at a ratio of 1:8, the 30 silver marks equalled, in wheat-grains, exactly 200 Merovingian gold solidi.[181] And this may have been the ancient wergeld of the hauld. There is, however, in clause 235 a further payment mentioned extending ‘to the fifteenth degree of kinship’ and amounting to about 1 mark and 3 ores. Possibly (though I hardly think it likely) this formed a part of the original wergeld, and if it be added, it would increase the wergeld to 31 marks, 5 ores, and at 2½ ores to the cow the wergeld would be increased to 101⅕ cows. If we might take this as roughly aiming at the round number of 32 marks and 100 cows, the wergeld of the hauld would be, at the ratio of 1:8, four gold marks or 100 cows: _i.e._ in actual weight the heavy gold mina of 32 Roman ounces, which under Greek usage was divided into 100 staters or ox-units. The confusion between 96 and 100 cows is so likely a result of the application of Roman methods to the division of the mina that we need not regard it. That the one or the other of these amounts may have been the original wergeld of the hauld representing originally 100 cows is consistent at least with widely spread tribal usage. This view is confirmed by the fact that the further payments mentioned in the Gulathing are distinctly abnormal ones, and so presumably added at a later date like those mentioned in the Frostathing law. We are justified in so considering them, because in the laws themselves the persons to whom they were made are expressly called _Sak-aukar_, or ‘additional persons in the sak or suit.’ And when we examine them further we find that they were hardly likely to have been included among the original recipients of the wergeld. Among those of clause 236 are the thrallborn brother and thrallborn son of the slain, and the half-brother by the same mother; and clause 239 extends the number to the son-in-law, brother-in-law, stepfather, stepson, oath brothers, and foster brothers. Evidently in these exceptional cases the rules of strict blood relationship have been broken away from, and additions have been made to the normal wergeld to stay the vengeance of persons sufficiently nearly connected in other ways to make them dangerous if left unappeased. It was probably these additional payments, added from time to time in contravention of the strict rules of blood relationship, which caused the uncertainty of the later laws, and led to the new system of awarding a round number of gold marks as the total wergeld, included in which were additions intended to meet the introduction of half-blood and foster relations and others the risk of whose vengeance it seemed needful apparently in later times to buy off. Returning, then, to the original wergeld of the hauld without these additions, we have seen that it consisted of two sets of payments, bauga payments and upnám payments, and possibly the small addition of those of more distant relations. Now in the Gulathing law there are two other descriptions of the amount of the bauga payment, and it will be useful to examine them. [Sidenote: Another statement makes the bauga men pay 18 marks.] The first is to be found in clauses 179 and 180. In clause 179 the payment for cutting off a hand or foot and for striking out an eye is said to be a half ‘giöld,’ and it is added:-- En ef allt er af einum manni höggvit hönd oc fótr, þá er sá verri livande en dauðr; scal giallda sem dauðr sé. But if both hand and foot be cut off the same man, he is worse living than dead, and is to be paid for as if he were dead. And then in the next clause, under the heading ‘_About Giöld_,’ is the following:-- Nú ero giölld töld í Gula; giallda haulld xviii mörcom lögeyris. Nú scolo þeðan giölld vaxa oc svá þverra sem rétter aðrer. Now shall be told payments in Gula. A _hauld_ shall be paid for with 18 marks of lawful aurar. Starting from this, the payments shall increase or decrease as other retts. Now it would seem that this payment for the death of a hauld was not the whole wergeld but only the _bauga_ part of it. No details even of the bauga payments of eighteen marks are given in this clause. It seems to be inserted in this place simply with reference to the full limit of payments for injuries. Liability for wounding, under Cymric custom, was confined to the kinsmen of the gwely, and so it may well be that under Norse custom it was confined to the bauga group. But the amount in this clause is only eighteen marks, while that of the bauga payments of the wergeld we have just been considering, as probably the earlier one, was twenty marks. How is this to be accounted for? The answer surely must be that eighteen marks of Charlemagne, reckoned in wheat-grains, were exactly equal to twenty of the Roman or Merovingian marks of the earlier period. [Sidenote: Another detailed statement makes the bauga payment 18 or 20 marks.] The other statement alluded to is also a statement avowedly of the bauga payments, and begins with almost the same words, ‘Now the giöld for the hauld shall be told.’ In this case the details are given and the detailed payments add up between eighteen and nineteen marks, and yet the total is given as a little more than twenty marks. This statement differs from the older one in its divisions, but it has an air of antiquity and reality about it which suggests that it may represent a local custom actually in force. Little touches of picturesque detail seem to bring it into contact with actual life, and to show how local custom might work out a common object by its own peculiar method. It meets us abruptly in clause 243 under the heading ‘_On baugar_,’ and commences thus:-- Now the giöld for the hauld shall be told-- 6 marks (of 12 ells to the ore) in the _head-baug_, 4 marks in the _brother’s-baug_, 2½ marks in the _brœðrung’s baug_. It then introduces quite another element, viz. the _tryggva-kaup_ (truce-buying). Nú scolo fylgia tvau tryggva kaup baugi hverium. Two tryggva-kaup shall go with every baug. hvert scal eyrir oc fimtungr eyris tryggva kaup. Each tryggva-kaup shall be 1⅕ ore. En tryggva kaup scal fara bauga manna í mellom. Tryggva-kaup shall go between _bauga-men_. In the next clause it is explained that this ‘peace-price’ (_sættar-kaup_) is paid when the kinsmen come together to make peace, and that three marks are also paid as _skógar-kaup_--‘forest price,’ _i.e._ payment to release the slayer from being a _skógar-maðr_, or outlaw living in the forest. The slayer pays a _baug_ to the son of the dead, and two _truce-prices_, one to the brother and the other to the ‘_brœðrung_’ of the dead. And the slayer’s brother pays a _baug_ to the brother of the slain and again two truce-prices, one to the son of the slain and the other to the _brœðrung_ of the slain. And the _brœðrung_ of the slayer pays a _baug_ to the _brœðrung_ of the slain and again two ‘truce-prices,’ one to the son and the other to the brother of the slain. All this is for peace-buying (_sættar-kaup_) when the kinsmen are met together to make peace. Then, in clause 245, the women’s gifts are described. The slayer, his mother, his daughter, and his wife each give a gift of 1⅕ ore to the wife, mother, and daughter of the slain--making twelve gifts. The sister of the slayer gives a half gift to the sister, wife, daughter, and mother of the slain (two gifts), and the slayer, his mother, wife, and daughter, each give a half gift to the sister of the slain, making the number of women’s gifts sixteen in all. The amounts thus stated add up as follows:-- Baug payments 12 marks 4 ores 6 truce payments -- 7⅕ ” Forest price 3 ” -- 16 women’s gifts 2 ” 3⅕ ” ------------------- 18 marks 6⅖ ores The amount aimed at seems to be 18 marks (the upnám payments being 9 marks), and yet the total is stated as follows:-- Now with _baugar_ and with _tryggvakaup_ and _skógar-kaup_ and women’s gifts it is 20 marks and 2⅖ ores. Absolute accuracy need not be expected, but there must be a reason for the difference between eighteen and twenty marks--between the detailed payments and the total--and it is difficult to suggest any other than the one already mentioned. The total amount of the bauga payments seems to be the same in this as in the other statement, but a new element is introduced with an obvious and interesting object. The bauga-men, as before, consist of three groups. The slayer pays the _baug_ to the son of the slain and appeases the other two groups by payment to each of them of a truce-price, so that to all the three bauga groups of the relations of the slain he has acknowledged his wrong and desire to make composition. And so in each case the representative of the other two groups of slayer’s relations pay the _baug_ to the corresponding group of the relatives of the slain and a truce-price to the other two, so that no relation of the slain could after this point to any individual as not having joined in the payment to himself or his group. The women most deeply concerned on both sides are also present at the gathering. And each of those connected with the slayer is prepared with her gift of 1⅕ ore for the corresponding relative of the person slain. Women’s gifts were included in the bauga payments in the other statement also. The clauses relating to the bauga payments are followed by three others, headed ‘On saker,’ and the further recipients of wergeld, as before, seem to be divided into _upnáms_ and _sakaukar_, but in this case there is a strange mixture of the two. The mother’s brother and the sister’s son are excluded from the upnáms to make way for the half-brother by the same mother of the thrallborn son. Clause 246, ‘On saker,’ gives twelve ores to each of the following, who in clause 250 are called _upnám_ men. Father’s brother 12 ores Brother’s son 12 ” Brother by the same mother 12 ” Thrallborn son 12 ” Daughter’s son 12 ” Mother’s father 12 ” ------- 72 ores = 9 marks. So that the bauga and upnám payments--two thirds and one third--added together once more make a normal wergeld of twenty-seven marks, that is, thirty of the Merovingian standard. Then clause 247, ‘Further on saker,’ gives to-- Mother’s brother 9 ores Sister’s son 9 ” Thrallborn brother 9 ” Father’s sister’s son 6 ” [Sidenote: The whole wergeld 2 marks of _nova moneta_ or 30 Roman marks.] And in clause 248 ‘further on saker,’ a thrallborn father’s brother and a thrallborn daughter’s son by a kinborn father, take each a mark. The traditional wergeld seems, therefore, once more to be 27 marks of Charlemagne or 30 Merovingian marks, and the additional payments appear to be _sakaukar_. But the upnám group in this case includes the brother by the same mother and the thrallborn son, leaving outside as sakaukar the mother’s brother and the sister’s son and the father’s sister’s son along with the thrallborn brother. [Sidenote: Payments to outsiders additional to secure safety, and varied locally.] It is not within the scope of this inquiry to attempt either to explain, or to explain away as of no moment, the variations in the persons included under the various schemes in the groups of bauga and nefgildi or upnám men. Even such a question as that of the exclusion from the upnám group of the mother’s brother and the sister’s son, to make way for the illegitimate half-brother and thrallborn son, is not necessarily to be disposed of as a later alteration in favour of those of illegitimate birth. For the Cymric precedent might well lead us to an opposite conclusion, inasmuch as in the laws of Howell, in spite of strong ecclesiastical opposition, the ancient pagan custom of admitting illegitimate sons to share in the father’s inheritance was defended and retained as too fully established to be given up.[182] Looked at from the point of view of the feud, they were naturally more on the spot and therefore of much more moment than the mother’s brother or the sister’s son. Professor Vinogradoff[183] has suggested that the evidence of Norse and Icelandic wergelds seems to point to an original organised group of agnates who were bauga men and formed the kernel of the kindred liable for wergeld as contrasted with after additions of relations on both paternal and maternal sides and others more or less nearly concerned. The Cymric precedent would lead us to expect to find thrallborn sons as well as legitimate sons among the bauga men without any special mention as such. Under Christian influences they may have been excluded from this group to find a place ultimately, sometimes with special mention, in the upnám group. It may or may not have been so, according to the stage of moral growth arrived at in the particular case of this tribe or that, at the particular period in question. Hence, although under Norse custom the amount of the normal wergeld of the hauld may have been constant, the way in which it was divided and the group responsible for its payment may well have varied from time to time and in different districts. It has already been noticed that even under the later methods of awarding as wergeld an even number of gold marks, both the Gulathing and the Frostathing laws, in the case of the award of 6 marks of gold, draw a line, the one at 18 and 27 marks and the other at 20 and 30 marks, as though these amounts had a strong traditional sanction. Even in the case of the lower awards the scheme of division being the same with proportionately lessened figures, this portion of the wergeld was always divided into two thirds of bauga payments and one third of nefgildi or upnám payments. This seems to be strong evidence that, although the persons forming the groups may have differed, the two groups formed originally an inner and an outer kernel of the wergeld proper, the additions to which may fairly be regarded as sakaukar. The repetition of evidence in both laws that the bauga payment of two thirds was followed by another third of nefgildi or upnám payments, when connected with the further fact that the two together made an amount which was, at the value of the cow stated in the laws, equated with 96 or 100 cows, seems to confirm the hypothesis that in this amount we have the normal wergeld of the hauld. To Professor Vinogradoff’s suggestion that the bauga payments may have formed an original inner kernel of the wergeld we may therefore perhaps add that the nefgildi and upnám payments may have formed an outer shell of the kernel, and that both may have been included in the original normal wergeld of 96 or 100 cows. [Sidenote: Wergelds of the several grades of social rank.] Finally, if this may fairly be taken to be the wergeld of the hauld, then, recurring to the repeated statement in the Gulathing law that the wergeld of the hauld being told, the wergelds of others ‘varied according to the rett,’ the wergelds of the several classes in Norse social rank may, it would seem, with fair probability be stated as follows:-- +-----------------------------+-----------+-----------+----------+ \| \| Rett in \|Wergeld in \|Wergeld in\| \| -- \|silver ores\|silver ores\| cows \| +-----------------------------+-----------+-----------+----------+ \| Leysing before freedom ale \| 4 \| 40 \| \| \| ” after ” ” \| 6 \| 60 \| 24 or 25 \| \| Leysing’s son \| 8 \| 80 \| 32 \| \| Bónde \| 12 \| 120 \| 48 or 50 \| \| Ár-borinn or Ættborinn-man \| 16 \| 160 \| 64 \| \| Hauld or Odal-born \| 24 \| 240 \| 96 or 100\| +-----------------------------+-----------+-----------+----------+ The significance of these gradations in the retts and wergelds of Norse tribal society will become apparent in our next section. III. THE GRADATIONS OF SOCIAL RANK DISCLOSED BY THE WERGELDS ETC. We are now able to devote attention to the interesting question of the gradations in social rank under Norse tribal custom. And we are fortunate to have the guidance of Dr. Konrad von Maurer’s valuable paper written in 1878 and entitled ‘Die Freigelassenen nach altnorwegischem Rechte.’ [Sidenote: Grades of social rank in the churchyard.] Although tribal custom, viewed as we view it after the acceptance of Christianity, may not be altogether what it was originally in its actual working, yet still it is worth while to seek for the principles underlying the separating lines between social conditions as revealed in the laws. So far as they can be discovered, they are sure to be instructive, for they cannot have been the result of the sudden change in religion. Their roots at any rate go far back into tribal custom, however much, as in other cases, the Church may have adopted and modified what it could not eradicate. The hard lines of distinction between social classes were kept up even in the churchyard. Kirkiu garðe er skipt í fiórðonga til griæftar. Skall grafua lænda menn austan at kirkiu oc í landsuðr undir vxa [_v.r._ upsa] dropa, ef þæir æigu lut í kirkiu giærð. En ef þæir æigu æigi lut í kirkiu giærð, þá skullu þæir liggia í bónda legho, þá skall grafua hauldzmen oc þæira börn. The churchyard is divided into four quarters for burial. Lendmen shall be buried to the east and south-east of the church, under the eaves-drop, if they have taken part in the building of the church. But if they have not done that, they shall lie in the burial place of a _bónde_. Next to them shall be buried _haulds_ and their children. En nest kirkiu garðe, þá skall grafua hión manz, oc þá menn er rekner ero at siofuar strandu oc hafua hárskurði norœna. En ef maðr læggær man í frials-giæfua lego, sæckr vj aurum. En ef maðr græfuer frials-giæfua í lœysinga lego, sæckr xij aurum. Græfuer lœysingia í hauldmanz lego, sæckr iij mörkum. And next to the churchyard wall shall be buried the servants (thralls) of a man, and those who are cast upon the sea shore and whose hair is cut in the Norwegian manner. If a man buries a thrall in the burying-place of a frialsgiaf, he is liable to pay 6 aurar. If a man buries a frialsgiaf in the burial-place of a leysing, he is liable to pay 12 aurar. If he buries a leysing in the burial-place of a hauld, he is liable to pay three marks. (Borgarthing law 13.) [Sidenote: The two classes of leysings or freedmen before and after making ‘freedom ale.’] Referring to the gradations of _rett_, it will be seen that there are apparently two classes of leysings, whose social condition was next above the thrall at the bottom of the ladder. This was first made clear by Konrad von Maurer. The thrall who by purchase or by gift had been made a ‘freedman’ (frials-giafi) had only taken the first step towards even that limited amount of freedom which belonged to the leysing. Another step had to be made good before he became a full leysing. And the step was accomplished by the ceremony of ‘making his freedom ale.’ The leysing before ‘making his freedom ale’ was still so far the property of his master that his children did not inherit his goods. They belonged to his master. Nú ero brœðr tveir fœdder upp ánauðgir at eins mannz, oc ero þeir bæðe brœðr oc fostbrœðr, oc leysasc þeir undan drótne sínum, oc firrasc eigi fóstr, eigu saman verc oc orco, þá kemr hvartveggia þeirra til annars arfs. Börn þeirra koma eigi til, nema þeir geri frælsis öl sitt. If two brothers are brought up as thralls at one man’s house, and are both brothers and foster brothers, and they are freed by their master and continue in fosterage, and have their work and employment together, then either of them inherits from the other. _Their children do not inherit from them unless they make their freedom ale._ (Gulathing, 65.) This passage shows that the link of blood-relationship between two brothers and foster brothers, by reason of their being fostered together, in the case of thralls was recognised before that between parent and child. It was the fosterage in this case which had forged the link. Blood-relationship in thraldom counted for nothing. [Sidenote: The ‘making a freedom ale,’ first step to freedom.] The ceremony of ‘making a freedom ale’ is thus described, in the two laws. Nú vill leysingi ráða kaupum sínum oc kvánföngum, þá scal hann gera frælsis öl sitt, þriggja sálda öl hit minzta, oc bióða skapdrótne hans til með váttom, oc bióða eigi sökunautum hans til, ok sissa hánom í öndvege, oc leggia .vi. aura í skáler hinn fysta eftan, oc bióða hánom leysings aura. Nu ef hann tecr við, þá er vel. En ef hann gefr upp, þá er sem golldet sé. (Gulathing law 62.) If a leysing wishes to have control of his bargains and his marriage, he shall make his freedom ale out of at least 3 sievefuls of malt and invite his master to it, in the hearing of witnesses, and not invite his master’s foes, and seat him in the high seat, and lay 6 aurar in the scales the first evening [of the banquet], and offer him the ‘leysing’s fee.’ If he takes it, that is well. If he remits the sum, it is as if it had been paid. Ef þræll kemr á iörð eða býr, þá scal hann gera frelsis öl sitt, hverr maðr níu mæla öl, oc scera á veðr. Ætborinn maðr scal höfuð afscera, en scapdróttinn hans scal taca hálslausn af hálse honum. Nú vill scapdróttinn hans leyfa honum at gera frelsis öl sitt, þá scal hann beiða hann með vátta .ii. at hann megi gera frelsis öl sitt, oc bióða honum með .v. (fimta) mann til öldrs þess er hann gerir frelsis öl sitt […] þá scal hann þó gera, oc láta öndvegi hans oc cono hans kyrt liggia. (Frostathing law IX. 12.) If a thrall takes up land or sets up house, he shall make his freedom ale, every man of 9 mælar [= 1½ sievefuls of malt], and kill a wether. A freeborn man shall cut off its head, and his master shall take the ‘neck-release’ off his neck. If his master will allow him to make his freedom ale, he shall ask his leave to make it, in the hearing of two witnesses, and invite him and four with him to his freedom ale. [If they do not come] yet he shall make the ale and let the high seat for his master and his master’s wife stand empty. A master might dispense with this formality. He might take his thrall to church, or ‘seat him on the kist,’ and if then he proceeded formally to ‘free him from all debts and dues’ the leysing need not ‘make his freedom ale.’ (G. 61.) [Sidenote: Social status of the leysing.] Now let us see what change in social position and rights the ceremony of ‘making freedom ale’ or its substitute produced. The leysing was still unfree in the sense that he could not leave his master. The following is from the Gulathing law (67). Nú ferr leysingi ór fylki firi útan ráð dróttins síns, oc aflar sér þar fiár æða kaupa, þá scal scapdróttenn fara efter með vátta. Ef hann vill aftr fara, þá er vel. En ef hann vill eigi aptr fara, þá leiði hann vitni á hönd hánom at hann er leysingi hanns, oc fœri hann aptr hvárt sem hann vill lausan æða bundinn, oc setia hann í sess hinn sama, þar sem hann var fyrr. Now a leysing leaves the district without the advice [or will] of his master, and earns property or concludes bargains; then his master shall go after him with witnesses. If he is willing to come back, that is well. If he is not willing, he [the master] shall call witnesses that he is his leysing, and bring him back, fettered or unfettered, as he likes, and set him in the same seat that he had formerly. But, on the other side, the master might not sell even a thrall ‘out of the land’ (F. XI. 20); so that probably he could not turn his leysing adrift at his pleasure. The leysing remained under _thyrmsl_ towards his master, or obligations involving personal loyalty and duty, and upon any breach of these, he could be put back into thraldom. En ef hann gerer einnhvern lut þeirra, þa scal hann fara aftr í sess hinn sama er hann var fyrr, oc leysasc þeðan verðaurum. Fé sínu hever hann oc firigort. Should he make himself guilty of any of these things, he shall go back to the seat in which he sat formerly, and buy himself free out of it with money to his value. And his property is forfeited. (G. 66.) [Sidenote: The leysing must now keep his children.] The reason assigned in a clause above quoted for the desire to ‘make freedom ale’ was that the leysing might ‘have control of his bargains and his marriage.’ He gained, therefore, both as regards property and also in family rights. In Gulathing law (63) is described what happened on his marriage. If he marries a kin-born (_ætt-borin_) woman, and they afterwards separate, all the children go with her. He, not being kin-born, has no kindred. She being kin-born, her kindred have rights over her and obligations as to her children. En ef hon verðr fyrr dauð, þá scolo börn öll hverva til faður síns aftr, oc eta fé hans meðan þat er til; en þá er þat er allt etet, þá scolu börn öll aftr hverva í hit betra kyn, en hann undir scapdrótten sínn. If she die first, all the children shall go back to their father, and eat his property so long as it lasts, and after it is all eaten up, all the children shall go back to the better kin, _and he back to his master_. If one leysing marries another, and both father and mother have made their freedom ale, the children of the marriage inherit from both. This is the beginning of the rights to inherit. But it is accompanied by the obligation to keep the children, who are no longer thralls of the master but leysings like their parents. What happens, then, if the parents fall into poverty and cannot keep their children? Is the master to keep them or are they to starve? En ef þau verða at þrotom, þá ero þat grafgangsmenn. Scal grava gröf í kirkiugarðe, oc setia þau þar í, oc láta þar deyia. Take skapdróttenn þat ór er lengst livir, oc fœðe þat síðan. (63) If they come to extreme want, they are _grafgangsmenn_. A grave shall be dug in the churchyard, and they shall be put into it and left to die there. The master shall take out the one who lives the longest, and feed that one thereafter.[184] But it is not all leysing families which come to this gruesome pass. It may be presumed that the leysing who had ‘made his freedom ale’ and married and could make his own bargains and keep what property he and his wife could accumulate was mostly prosperous. [Sidenote: Children could inherit from him, but no other kin.] In clause 106 the rules as to ‘leysing inheritance’ are described. If the leysing who ‘made his freedom ale’ afterwards had children they could inherit. But he had no other kin who could inherit: so if he died childless the master took the property. As generation after generation passed and a wider kindred was formed, any one of his (the leysing’s) kin took in preference to the master and his descendants. But the rights or chances of inheritance on the side of the master’s family did not cease for nine generations from the first leysing who had ‘made his freedom ale.’ So that if a leysing even of the eighth generation died without kin the inheritance in this extreme case went to the descendants of the master of the first leysing ‘to the ninth knee’ rather than pass by failure of kin to the king. Leysings erfð … scal taca til niunda knés, fyrr en undir konong gange. Ðegar leysings sun tecr efter faður sínn, þá take hverr efter annan. Nú verðr þar aldauða arfr í leysings kyni, oc er engi sá maðr er þar er í erfða tale við hann er andaðr er ór leysings kyninu, þá scal hinn er ór skapdróttens kvísl er, taca til níunda knés fyrr en undir konong gange, þó at sá sé hinn átte er andaðr er frá leysingjanom. (G. c. 106.) A leysing’s inheritance shall be taken to the ninth knee before it falls to the king. When a leysing’s son takes after his father, then let one take after the other. If in a leysing’s kin there comes to be an ‘all-dead’ inheritance, and no one has inheritance-right after the deceased man of the leysing’s kin, then one of his master’s kin shall take to the ninth knee before it falls to the king, even though the deceased man be the eighth from the leysing. [Sidenote: Further steps into freedom at stages of three generations.] Thus we seem to see the family of the leysing who had ‘made his freedom ale’ gradually growing up into a kindred in successive stages until in the ninth generation a kindred of leysings had been fully formed and might be very numerous. In the corresponding clause in the Frostathing law (IX. 11) further details are mentioned. If not previously purchased by agreement with the master, the ‘_thyrmsl_’ came to an end after four generations: that is, the fifth generation was free from them. They lasted, therefore, over the first four generations from the original leysing to his great-grandchildren. For these four generations the leysing and his descendants were the leysings of the master and his descendants. [Sidenote: At the ninth generation the lordship over them ceases.] Then the clause goes on to show that the first leysing having ‘made his freedom ale’ shall take inheritance only of his son and daughter, and of his own freedman. The sons of this leysing take inheritance from six persons, viz. father, mother, sons, daughters, brothers, sisters, and, seventhly, from any freedman of their own. Svá scal sunr leysingia taca oc sunarsunr oc þess sunr … oc svá dóttir oc systir sem sunr oc bróðir, ef þeir ero eigi til. Oc svá scal hvárt þeirra hyggia fyrir öðru. So shall the son of a leysing take, and his son’s son [grandson] and _his_ son [great-grandson] … and daughter and sister like son and brother, if there are none of these. Each _of these shall provide for the other_. Failing these leysing claimants, the inheritance rights revert to the master to the ninth knee, and, it is added, ‘_also providing for these if needed_.’ [Sidenote: Analogy of the Cymric gwely.] There is here something very much like the Cymric gwely or family of descendants of a great-grandfather with rights of maintenance under the rules of ‘_tir gwelyauc_’ and mutual liability. Until a kindred has been formed the master’s obligation to provide for the leysing remains, and it does not cease altogether until the kindred is complete. In the meantime as the kindred is formed its members are mutually liable for each other’s maintenance. In this respect within the group of descendants of a great-grandfather there is solidarity for maintenance as well as wergeld. [Sidenote: The lordship over them ceases when a full kindred is formed.] We are dealing evidently here with a family of leysings growing into a kindred, as under Cymric custom the family of the Aillt and Alltud grew into a kindred. During all these four generations the family were leysings with a _rett_ of six ores. But the fifth generation seems to rise into a second grade of social rank and to attain the rank of ‘_leysings’ sons_’ with a _rett_ of eight ores. And further in another four generations, those of the ninth generation again rise in social rank and seem to become _árborinn_ or _ættborinn_ men, _i.e._ _men born in a kindred_, with a _rett_ of sixteen ores. They can now boast of a full leysing kindred. Their father, grandfather, and great-grandfather were born in a kindred, and they have now full rights of inheritance. The master and his descendants have no further hold on them or obligation for their maintenance. Any lapsed inheritance now goes direct to the king. The _árborinn_ or _ættborinn_ man, therefore, seems at last, at the moment when a full kindred of his own has risen up to swear for him and protect him by feud or wergeld, to have become clear from any claims on the master’s side. And accordingly if any claim be set up he has to prove his freedom by witnesses ‘that he can count four of his forefathers as _árborinn_ men and himself the fifth.’ That is, he shows that his great-grandfather was a man with an _ætt_ or kindred. If he can prove this he is free from any claim in regard to his leysing descent. En ef sá callaz árborinn er fyrir söc verðr, þá teli hann fióra langfeðr sína til árborinna manna, en siálfr hann hinn fimta, oc hafi til þess .ii. búanda vitni árborinna. En ef hann er svá liðlauss at hann fær þat eigi, oc hefir þó þessa vörn fyrir sér, þá sanni ætt sína árborna með guðscírslum. En ef hann verðr scírr með iárne eða vitnisburð, þá gialldi hinn honum fulrétti, en biscopi eiða sect. En ef hann fær sic eigi scírt, þá hefir hann fyrirgort fé sínu öllu við scapdróttin, oc liggia á .iii. mercr sylfrmetnar, nema hann launi af sér. Oc svá um vánar mann. (Frostathing, IX. 10.) But if the accused calls himself _árborinn_ _let him reckon up four of his forefathers as árborinn men_, he being the fifth himself, and have for it the evidence of two árborinn householders. But if he is so supportless that he does not get this, and yet sets up this defence [viz. that he is árborinn], then he shall prove his kin to be árborinn by ordeal. And if he is cleared by iron or evidence, the other shall pay him full atonement, and to the bishop an oath fine. If he cannot clear himself, he has forfeited all his property to his master, and is liable to pay three marks in silver, unless he work it off. The same applies to a _vánar mann_ [man of hope, _i.e._ the higher class of leysing]. So far the conclusions drawn from the laws respecting the leysing do not vary much from the views expounded by Dr. Konrad von Maurer in his ‘Die Freigelassenen nach altnorwegischem Rechte,’ and confirmed by so great an authority they can hardly have wandered very far from the truth. The theory of this gradual growth of the kindred of the leysing is so nearly analogous to that of the Cymric alltud, and the Irish fuidhir, and at the same time so logical, when the tribal theory of blood-relationship is applied to it, that we cannot be dealing with the fanciful theory of legal enthusiasts which never had an actual place in practical life. Behind all this imperfect description, in the laws, of social conditions and landholding there was, no doubt, a reality, the features of which may be difficult to grasp from our modern point of view, but which become, I think, fairly intelligible when approached from a tribal point of view. [Sidenote: The leysings have become a family group, and the descendants of the master also.] When we consider that in the course of the successive generations, during which some kind of shadowy lordship seems to have prevailed over the family of leysings, they must generally have multiplied into considerable numbers, and that the descendants of the master of the leysing ‘who made freedom ale’ must during the same period also have multiplied; and further when we consider that the descendants of the leysing were in some sense, it would seem, _adscripti glebæ_, we have to recognise not merely a relation between individuals but something approaching to a relation between two classes, tribesmen and non-tribesmen, the one in some sense in a kind of servitude to the other. In other words, we have to conceive of a kindred of half-free tenants, living under the joint shadowy lordship of a kindred of fully-free men, probably in some tribal sense landowners, with complicated tribal rights among themselves. It would seem that this semi-subject class of leysings were mostly the descendants of a class of thralls, it may be perhaps in origin some conquered race, members of which had gradually grown into leysings and were now gradually in successive stages growing into freemen. Before we can fully understand this process we must examine the other side of the question and learn what was the position of the fully-free class by whom this more or less shadowy lordship over the leysing class was exercised. In the meantime it may be remarked that the shadowy lordship of one class or tribe over another finds parallels enough in Indian experience, and that, coming nearer home, we have only to remember the petty exactions of the cadets of French noble families upon a peasantry over whom their family, or the feudal head of it, held a quasi-manorial lordship. IV. THE CLASSES OF FREE MEN AND THEIR RELATION TO LAND. [Sidenote: The odalman or hauld.] Following again the clue of the statements of the ‘personal right’ of the different classes, and commencing with the _bónde_ or ordinary freeman settled upon land and presumably having in some sense, as in Wales, originally tribal rights to share in the land or its use, the next class which claims attention above the bónde is the _odalman_ or odalborn man or hauld, whose wergeld of 96 or 100 cows was taken as that of the full and typical freeman. Now, in the Frostathing law there is a statement as follows:-- Engum manni verðr iörð at óðali fyrr en .iij. langfeðr hafa átt, oc kemr undir hinn .iiij. samfleytt. (XII. 4.) No man’s land becomes an odal to him until _three forefathers_ have owned it and it falls to the fourth in unbroken succession. And again in the Gulathing law is the following:-- Nu scal þær iarðer telia er óðrlom scolo fylgia. Sú er ein er ave hever ava leift. (270.) Now shall the lands be told that are odal. The first is the one which _grandfather_ has left to _grandfather_. [Sidenote: His grandfather’s grandfather had the land.] The odalborn man inherits land from his grandfather’s grandfather. The son of an odalman who claims odal as odal by inheritance counts four or five forefathers who had the land before him. In Gulathing law c. 266 is a description of the mode of settling a claim as to land. It describes the sitting of the open-air court, from which both bauggildsmen and nefgildsmen and relations by marriage of the claimant are excluded as ineligible, the calling of witnesses all to be odalborn men of the same fylki as that in which the land lies, and so on. The validity of the claim is made to rest according to this statement upon the ability to count up _five forefathers who have possessed that land, while the sixth possessed it both by ownership and by odal_. Þeir scolo telia til langfeðra sinna .v. er átt hava, en sá hinn sétti er bæðe átte at eign oc at óðrle. (266.) They [the men who claim odal] shall count five of their forefathers who have owned [the land] and the sixth having it both in ownership and odal. [Sidenote: The odalmen were of full kindred on the land.] If, then, at the time of the laws we look at the class of landowners who were prominent as odalmen or haulds--typical men with wergelds originally of 100 cows--they were not only men of full _kindred_ whose full pedigree of freedom went back the necessary nine generations, but their grandfather’s grandfather must have possessed the land. The sixth generation of owners were the first to hold land _both in ownership and odal_. The steps in the rank of Norse aristocracy were marked, therefore, as in the case of the more dependent class, by the number of the generations of ancestors through whom they could claim their landed rights. [Sidenote: The odal land was held by a family and subject to family divisions.] Nor in the case of the odalborn man any more than in the case of the leysing must we look upon the odalman or hauld merely as a detached individual landowner owning his own separate estate like a modern country squire. Such a conception would be far indeed from the truth. It must be remembered that holdings in odal were subject to rules of division. Moreover, indications appear in the laws that the division was not merely one between the heirs of a single holder, but something more like what took place between the group of kinsmen in the case of the Cymric gwely and ‘_tir gueliauc_.’ How otherwise can this clause be read? _Um óðals iarðer._ Nú scal þær iarðer telia er óðrlom scolo fylgia. Sú er ein er ave hefir ava leift. Sú er önnur er gollden er í mannsgiölld … þær scolo óðrlom fylgia, oc allar þær er í óðals skipti hava komet með bræðrom oc með frændom þeim [_sic_]. Allar aðrar aurum. (G. 270.) _Of odal lands._ Now the lands shall be told which _are odal_. One is that left by grandfather to grandfather. Another is that paid as wergeld.… These shall be odal and all those _which have come under odal division between brothers and their kinsmen_. All other lands shall be counted _aurar_ [money]. [Sidenote: The odal-sharers must consent to a sale of odal land.] At the time of the laws owners of odal had, it appears, certain powers of selling their odal, but even then it was not an uncontrolled right of a man to do what he would with his own. His first act must be to ‘go to the “thing” in autumn and offer it to his _odal-sharers_’ (_odalsnautr_, one who has odal-right to land in common with others). (G. 276.) If a man buys without its having been thus offered, then ‘the odal-sharers may break that bargain’ (G. 277). Even when the sale and purchase have been made by the public ceremony of _skeyting_, _i.e._ by taking earth from the four corners of the hearth and from under the ‘high seat,’ and where field and meadow meet, and with witnesses at the ‘thing’ (G. 292), the _odal-sharers_ of the seller have the right to redeem it within a twelvemonth (G. 278). [Sidenote: The odal-sharers have rights to keep it in the family and to prevent its passing to females.] Take, again, the case of two brothers dividing odal, and observe how careful law and custom had been to prevent either of the odal-shares going out of the family. The odal rights between them were maintained for as many generations as must pass before the shares could be united again by a lawful marriage between a son of one family and a daughter of the other (G. 282). One is tempted to say that here again there may be something very much like the Cymric gwely and to suppose that marriage was forbidden within the gwely, _e.g._ between second cousins, and that the odal sharing continued so long as the gwely held together. Nú skipta brœðr tveir óðrlom sín á milli, þá scal þingat hverva í þá kvísl óðol, sem loten ero, bæði at boðom oc at ábúð, bióða því at eins í aðra kvisl ef þá sœker þrot æða aldauða arfr verðe. En eigi skiliasc óðol með þeim at helldr fyrr en hvártveggia má eiga dottor annars. If two brothers divide their óðals between them, the óðals shall pass into the hands of the branch which receives them by lot, in respect both of right of redemption and of occupation; they shall only be offered to the other branch if this one comes to utter poverty, or the inheritance is left without a legal heir. Yet the latter does not lose its right to the óðals until each of the two can marry the other’s daughter. If the family of one of the brothers sinks into utter poverty or is left without a legal heir, the other family have the right of redemption and occupancy; and yet the poverty-stricken or heirless branch does not lose its rights to the odal altogether. There is still the chance that its rights may be restored when a son on each side can marry a daughter of the other side. There is a further clause in the Gulathing law which provides that when land falls to a woman the men of the kindred, ‘if their relationship be so close as to be _nefgildi_ or _bauggildi_’--that is, as we have seen, paternal and maternal relations descendants of great-grandparents--have a right to redeem it from their kinswoman at one-fifth less than its value, ‘paying one half in gold and silver and the rest in thralls and cattle.’ The men then keep the odal and their kinswoman ‘keeps the aurar.’ Even if odal has passed ‘three times under the spindle’ it comes back at last to the male kinsmen (275). Nú verðr kona baugrygr, verðr hon bæðe arva óðals oc aura, oc á engi maðr undan henne at leysa. Nú ero þær konor er óðals konur ero, oc óðrlom scolo fylgia, dótter oc systir oc faður systir oc bróðor dótter oc sunar dótter. Þær ero baugrygiar tvær, dótter oc syster. Þær scolo baugum bœta oc svá taca sem karlmenn, oc svá eigu þær boð á iörðum samt sem karlar. Nú ero þær arvar faður síns. Nú elr önnur dóttor eina, en önnur sun einn, þá scal sunr leysa undan frendkonom sínum sem lög ero til. En ef enn skiptizt um, oc elr hon sun en þeir dœtr, þá scolo þeir leysa undan þeim slícum aurum sem hann leysti undan mœðr þeirra, oc scal þá liggia iörð kyrr þar sem komin er. Þá er iörð komen þrysvar undir snúð oc undir snælldo. If a woman is a _baugrygr_ [an only daughter who in default of heirs male could receive and pay wergeld] she inherits both odal and aurar and no man requires to redeem it from her. The women who are odalwomen and take odal are daughter and sister and father’s sister and brother’s daughter and son’s daughter. Daughter and sister are two _baugrygiar_. They shall pay and take _baugar_ as males, and they may redeem land as men. Now if they are their father’s heirs, and one of them gives birth to a daughter and the other to a son, the son shall redeem [the odal] from his kinswomen as the law is. But if things turn round again, and she has a son and they [masc.] have daughters, they [masc.] shall redeem it from them [_i.e._ from the daughters] for the same payment by which he redeemed it from their mother, and the land shall then remain where it is. Then the land has passed three times under the spindle. [Sidenote: These are marks of early family ownership.] Now when these remarkable survivals of tribal custom are found still remaining in the laws as to odal and odal-sharers and the right of kinsmen who would have to pay wergeld to redeem odal, so that it may be kept within the ring of odal-sharers, they cannot be regarded as laws framed to meet the needs of individual landownership. They come down in the laws as survivals of family ownership under tribal custom, the principles of which are by no means wholly obsolete, even though society may have passed onwards some stages towards individual landownership of the more modern type. [Sidenote: The solidarity of the family shown both by odal-sharing and wergelds.] And when we consider the solidarity of kindreds, as regards the payment of wergelds on the one hand, and the corresponding solidarity in the matter of landownership on the other hand, we can hardly fail to recognise that the two are connected--that both spring from a tribal principle which lies at the root of tribal polity. The solidarity of kindreds, taken together with the liability of individuals to take their share in the payments for which their kindred is responsible, corresponds to the solidarity of odal landholding, taken together with the individual rights of the odal-sharers. Unless every one in a kindred had his recognised tribal rights on the land, unless he were possessed of cattle and rights of grazing for their maintenance, how could he pay his quota of cattle to the hauld’s wergeld of 100 cows? The two things seem to hang together as in the Cymric instance, and the one makes the other possible. V. THE LEX SCANIA ANTIQUA. The ‘Lex Scania Antiqua’ might perhaps be selected as fairly typical of Danish[185] ancient custom, as the Gulathing has been taken as typical of Norse custom. But apart from this it contains some chapters which seem to throw further light on odal and family holding, and so can hardly be overlooked in this inquiry. [Sidenote: The Latin and old Danish versions of Scanian law.] There are two versions of the Scanian Law, one in Latin and the other in old Danish. They differ considerably and are certainly not translations one of the other, though an older text may have been the foundation of them both. They both refer to recently made modifications of local custom which fix their date to the early years of the thirteenth century. The author of the Latin text was the Archbishop of Lund (A.D. 1206-1215), and from the use made by him of legal terms borrowed more or less from Roman law it may be gathered that Scanian custom required for him more explanation than the Danish writer deemed it necessary to give.[186] The rules with regard to wergelds cannot be quoted as representing unmodified ancient custom. They avowedly are the result of modifications made to remedy evils which had arisen partly, no doubt, from the gradual loosening of the ties of kindred. In the same way the clauses as to property represent the results of long-continued conflict between ancient rules of family holding and gradual innovations in the direction of individual ownership. In this they resemble the Lex Salica. Still if family holdings more or less on the lines of the Cymric gwely, or the Salic alod, had once been the prevalent form of occupation, even new rules making alterations could hardly fail to reveal traces of older custom. The special value to this inquiry of the ‘Lex Scania antiqua’ is that it does so. Disguised as some of these traces may be in the Latin text, under Roman phraseology, with the Danish version at hand it ought not to be difficult to recognise the meaning of the facts disclosed. [Sidenote: When there was arrangement on marriage widow took half of their joint property if no children.] The first chapter relates to the rights of a wife surviving her husband when there are no children of the marriage. Omnia que in hereditate sunt mobilia, vel se moventia,[187] vel immobilia, precio tempore matrimonii comparata, equis sunt partibus dividenda, medietate heredes defuncti proximos cum prediis que propria ipsius fuerant et uxorem altera cum suis prediis contingente.… All things in the _hereditas_ which are moveable or cattle or immoveable, brought in by value fixed at the time of the marriage, are to be divided in equal parts, one part appertaining to the next heirs of the deceased [husband] with the lands which were his own, and the other part to the wife together with her lands. This clause may very possibly represent an extension of the rights of a childless widow beyond what tribal custom may have originally given her. But certainly the fact that under Scanian law the childless widow was entitled to half of what by compact at the time of the marriage had become the joint property of husband and wife, while the other half went to the husband’s next heirs, is good evidence that marriage was by no means a surrender of the wife and her property once for all into the power of the husband and his family. And evidence of the accord of Scandinavian with other tribal custom on this point is not without value. It may be observed, however, that in the case mentioned there had been something like a compact or valuation of the property brought under the marriage arrangement at the time of the marriage. The result might therefore have been different if no special compact had been made. The inference might well be that the childless widow in that case would not have been allowed to take her half share with her away from her husband’s kindred. [Sidenote: Family holding vested in the grandfather as _paterfamilias_.] Chapter III. refers again to a wife’s property and adds important information. It brings before us a family group with something like a family holding. And it becomes intelligible only, I think, when approached from this point of view. Into this family group a wife has been brought apparently without the special ‘definition’ or arrangement. There are also children of the marriage. And the question asked in the heading of the Latin text is, what shares the grandchildren take on their father’s death, not in their parent’s property, but in the property of the grandfather. The grandfather is the head of the family group. In the Latin version he is elsewhere styled the _paterfamilias_ and in this clause his sons are _filiifamilias_. In the Danish version the family group is simply that of an ordinary _bonde_ and the family character of the holding is taken for granted as not needing special mention or explanation. The chapter is as follows (divided into sections for convenience in comparison of the Latin and Danish texts):-- De bonis avitis que portio contingat nepotes post obitum filiifamilias. Of the grandfather’s property what portion goes to the grandchildren on the death of a _filiusfamilias_. (1) Filiifamilias[188] in sacris paternis cum uxore constituti, si sine diffinicione certe quantitatis bonis patris addiderit bona, que ipse habuit, cum uxore, quotcumque fuerint filii de communi substantia, etiam prediorum post contractas nuptias comparatorum, cum avo et aliis consortibus post obitum patris viriles et equales accipient porciones, (2) per priorem gradum ab aliis prediis excludendi. (3) Si vero, in mansione patris, bona, que habuit cum uxore, fuerunt diffinita, illa sola, si vivente avo pater obierit, filii, quotcumque fuerint, obtinebunt. (1) If a _filiusfamilias_ established with his wife in the paternal rites shall, without definition of the exact quantity, have added to property of his father property which he himself had with his wife; then, however many sons there may be, they shall, after the death of their father, receive _equal shares per capita with the grandfather and other co-sharers_ in the common substance even of lands acquired after the marriage was contracted, (2) they having to be excluded from other lands by the prior grade. (3) But if in the _mansio_ of his father the property which he had with his wife, had been defined, _that alone_, if the grandfather was alive when the father died, shall go to the sons, however many they may be. The Danish text (I. 5) is as follows:-- Vm bondæ sun förœr kono sina j bo mœth faþœr sinum. If a bonde’s son brings his wife into the house with his father. (1) Far bondæ sön konu oc förær hanæ j bo mæth faþur sinum, oc aflær barn wiþær hana oc læghs æy fælegh theræ i mællin, um tha dör bondans sön, tha taki all hans börn fullan lot æftir theræ faþær æm wæl j köpæ iorth sum j bolfæ. (2) Æn af hans fæthrinis iortho fa the æy wattæ mer æn han will giuæ them. (3) læghs fælagh, tha fa the æy mer æn han atte j bo. (1) If a bonde’s son gets a wife and brings her into the house with his father and begets a child with her and no partnership is made between them,[189] if the bonde’s son dies, then let all his children take a full lot after their father as well in land purchased as in moveables. (2) But of his [the bonde’s] father’s lands they get not a whit more than he will give them. (3) If partnership is made, then take they no more than he [their father] owned in the house. [Sidenote: If no arrangement on marriage wife’s property merged into the family stock.] This clause, in both the Latin and the Danish version, confirms the inference from the previous one, that there was a difference of destination as to the property of husband and wife according to whether it had or had not been ‘defined’ and so put in partnership as joint property of the husband and wife separately from the property of the family group represented by the grandfather. If not so defined, it became apparently under ancient custom part of the common family property and so divisible after the grandfather’s death among all the _consortes_ instead of going solely to the children of the marriage. The clause pictures for us the family group as bound together by paternal rites (_sacris paternis_). The grandfather is alive and is the _paterfamilias_. A son who is a _filiusfamilias_ (_i.e._, as we shall see presently, not an emancipated son) has married and brought into the _mansio_, or family homestead of the grandfather, property which he had with his wife. This, not having been ‘defined’ on marriage, so as to keep it separate, has become, in the phrase of the Latin text, ‘added to the property of the grandfather.’ The husband has died leaving several sons, it matters not how many. The question is, what share these grandsons are to take in the property which their father had with their mother, which, for want of ‘definition,’ has become added to the grandfather’s property, or, in other words, become part of the ‘_substantia communis_.’ [Sidenote: There was no succession by representation to a deceased parent during the grandfather’s lifetime.] The answer is that the parents’ property does not go exclusively to their children as it would have done if it had been defined and separate property. It has become merged in the family property, and there is no sharing of this till the grandfather’s death. But apparently by a compromise, due probably to recent legislation, they are allowed on their father’s death, according to the Latin text, to take equal shares in his property _per capita_ ‘with the grandfather and other _consortes_,’ or, according to the Danish text, a ‘full lot’ in it. We are not told who were the ‘_consortes_’ with whom and the grandfather it was to be shared. The _consortes_, whether uncles or cousins or both, were the co-sharers in the ‘_communis substantia_’ of the family holding. In the final paragraph of the clause both texts give the alternative rule applying to cases, probably the most frequent, in which proper ‘definition’ of the wife’s property had been made on the marriage. And the rule is stated to be that the property so defined and made joint or partnership property on the marriage, and that alone (_illa sola_), would go to the children of the marriage at their father’s death during the life of the grandfather. According to the Latin text, they were excluded from the other family property ‘by the prior grade.’ As the Danish version puts it: ‘not a whit of the other property would they get except what the grandfather chose to give them.’ That this is the true meaning of these clauses is confirmed by other chapters. [Sidenote: Permission to the grandfather to give succession to a deceased son’s children.] Chapter XVI. is headed: ‘How much may be conferred by a father upon the sons of a deceased son during the lives of the other sons, their uncles.’ The text is as follows:-- Licet cuique post mortem filii quantum ipsi deberetur si viveret, ejus filio nepoti conferre. It is lawful to every one after the death of a son to confer upon a grandson, the son of that son, whatever would have been due to the son had he lived. This seems to be a special permission to the grandfather during his life to mitigate the injustice of the customary rule excluding grandchildren from succession by representation in their deceased parent’s property. If under Scanian custom the children of a dead _filiusfamilias_ had succeeded by right to their father’s property, this special permission would not have been needed. But it seems to be clear that no such right of succession was recognised by ancient custom. Chapter XI. opens with the following general statement, there being in this case no question of a marriage or a wife’s property. [Sidenote: Otherwise no succession given by custom.] Patre superstite defunctus filiusfamilias nullum habet, ac si nunquam fuisset genitus, successorem. The father surviving, the dead _filiusfamilias_ has no successor, as if he had never been born. This seems to make it clear that, the grandfather being alive, the grandchildren took by right under ancient custom no share in their deceased father’s property. It was simply merged in the family holding, and they must wait for their shares in it along with the other co-sharers after the grandfather’s death. The growing feeling of the injustice of this from the individual point of view was probably the reason, not only why the permission in Chapter XVI. was given, but also why, following the example of Roman law, the emancipation of sons was admitted. Chapter XI. proceeds, after the initial sentence above quoted, to tell what happened in the case of the death of an emancipated son dying without children. But this does not concern us. [Sidenote: Both in Norse and Scanian custom originally on a son’s death his share in the odal merged in the common stock.] It may be well before passing from the consideration of these clauses of the Scanian law to bring into notice a short isolated clause from the Gulathing law, which seems to accord with them, and so to connect the Scanian rules of family holdings with somewhat similar rules as to the Norse odal-sharing. The denial of the right of representation in both Scanian and Norse ancient custom suggests that a common principle may underlie the custom in both cases. The clause of the Gulathing law (294) is as follows:-- Nu ero brœðr tveir oc andast annar fyrr en faðer þeirra oc livir sunr efter hinn dauða. Þa scal hann þann lut leysa oðrla at fimtungs falla, undan faður brœðr sinum, sem faður hans stoð til efter faður sinn. En eigi ma hann fyrr leysa en faður faðer hans er andaðr. Now there are two brothers and one of them dies before their father, and a son lives after his death. He shall redeem from his father’s brother, at one fifth less, that part of the odal to which his father was expectant heir after his father. But he may not redeem it till his father’s father be dead. In this case, as before, there are living a grandfather and a son and a grandson (son of a deceased son). The share which the deceased son as coheir with his brother might at first sight be expected to take in the grandfather’s odal does not go directly to the grandson. By apparently a new law he has permission after the grandfather’s death to redeem it from his uncle at one fifth less than its value. This can only be explained upon the principle that under ancient Norse custom the sons of a deceased son would not succeed by right of representation to their deceased father’s share in the division of the grandfather’s property. Evidently the right to redeem it from their uncle was an innovation of later law.[190] [Sidenote: The new rules to amend tribal custom show what it once was. Thus the Scanian laws throw light on Norse odal holdings. They were family holdings.] These and other innovations may have been the result of a new sense of justice brought in with Christianity or under the influence of Roman law. The question for us is the meaning of the ancient custom. And we are brought back to the point that in so far as the family group more or less may have resembled the Cymric gwely, and is approached from this point of view, it must be regarded as the group of descendants of a common grandfather or great-grandfather, who is, in the Archbishop’s phrase, the _paterfamilias_. While he is alive the landed rights are vested in him. On his death his sons take his place with divided or undivided equal shares, but still as the representative members of the original gwely or family group. One of them dies, and the question is whether the surviving brothers ‘of the prior grade’ are to promote into this grade at once the sons of their deceased brother. Such a course might naturally be regarded as preferring these nephews to their own sons. The rights of all the members of the ‘lower grade’ will come in time when all of the ‘prior grade’ are gone and the grandsons share equally _per capita_ in the family property. In the meantime the sons of deceased parents, like those whose fathers are alive, must wait. So it may have been under ancient custom. But in course of time family ties weaken and individual rights grow stronger in national feeling, as we have seen them everywhere doing. And then little by little compromises are made. The joint property of husband and wife, even if not properly ‘defined,’ is recognised in the Scanian law as belonging to the sons of the marriage to the very limited extent that they may have equal shares with the other _consortes_ whether uncles or cousins. The sons of the deceased brother when the grandfather is dead and division among the brothers comes in question are allowed by the clause in the Gulathing law to buy back their father’s share in the odal at a fifth less than its value instead of sharing in it as family property. So far the clauses in the Scanian and Gulathing laws considered together seem to throw light upon the traditional principle on which the rights of the odal-sharers of the Norse laws may have been founded. The rules of Cymric custom may not be identical with those of Scandinavian custom, but we seem to recognise very similar tribal principles at the root of them both. [Sidenote: The _paterfamilias_ and those in communion with him.] Finally other clauses in the Scanian law may be alluded to as pointing to the common liability of the family group, _i.e._ of the _paterfamilias_ and others ‘_in communione_’ with him. Chapter IX. is as follows:-- Universos contingit de communi consortio quicquid vel culpa amittitur vel industria conquiritur singulorum. As regards the common consortium whatever is lost by the fault of or acquired by the industry of individuals concerns all. And in Chapter LXXXVII. it is enacted that if a person denies that he is in possession of a thing stolen and if afterwards upon scrutiny it is found in his house, double the value of the thing stolen is to be taken, ‘not only from the portion of the _paterfamilias_, but also from the common property (_de bonis communibus_), however many there may be with the _paterfamilias in communione_.’ And the reason stated confirms the prevalence of family holdings of the kind already mentioned. The double value is to be taken, … non de sola patrisfamilias porcione sed de bonis communibus quotcunque fuerint cum patrefamilias in communione. Nam cum omnes lucrum respicerent in detentione non est mirum, si dampnum in ejusdem rei contingat omnibus restitutione. … not from the portion of the paterfamilias alone, but from the common property, however many there may be with the _paterfamilias in communione_. For since all expect gain from the detention [of the thing stolen] it is not strange if all sustain loss in its restitution. The _paterfamilias_ in whose house the stolen property is found is evidently himself a member of a wider family group with common interests and liabilities. And the clause goes on to say that the accused must deny the charge with twelve co-swearers if the thing stolen be worth half a mark, or submit to the test of the ordeal of hot iron. [Sidenote: The resort to the ordeal if no co-swearers.] In Chapter XCIX. the ordeal of hot iron is described as having three forms: (1) that of walking on twelve red-hot plough-shares; (2) that called ‘trux iarn,’ applied to cases of theft: _i.e._ carrying an iron twelve feet and then throwing it into a basin; (3) that of carrying it nine paces and then casting it down: called, from the throwing, _scuzs iarn_. After the ordeal the feet or hands, as the case might be, were to be wrapped in cloth and sealed to prevent fraud, and so to remain till the sabbath, on which day it should be opened and viewed in order to ascertain the innocence or guilt of the accused. This is one of the clauses which fixes the date of the Latin version, for the ordeal was abolished in A.D. 1215.[191] On the whole, we may fairly conclude that the Scanian law when regarded from a tribal point of view affords additional evidence of family occupation or ownership and of the solidarity of the family group in Scandinavian society. But at the same time it shows that in Scandinavia, as elsewhere, family ownership was gradually succumbing to the new rules of individual ownership. The same process of gradual disintegration of tribal usage is visible also in the chapters relating to wergelds. [Sidenote: The Scanian wergeld.] In Chapter XLIII. it is enacted that the amount to be paid for homicide is not to exceed 15 marks of silver. [Sidenote: How it was divided.] In Chapter XLIV. it is stated that the wergeld is to be divided into three equal parts, of which each is commonly called a _sal_. And in the next chapter, ‘De Compositione,’ we are told that before the time of the last constitution it always lay upon the slayer or his heir to provide the first portion only from his own property. He might then exact the second portion from his agnates, and finally the third and last from his cognates. Then it proceeds to say that, as excessive amounts were levied by violence upon the kindred, King Canute had laid down certain rules for the payments. _Inter alia_, it was enacted that of the two thirds falling on the kindred, both agnates and cognates being computed in their grades of kinship, the prior grade should always pay twice as much as the grades behind it. Further, in Chapter XLVII. it is stated that according to ancient law the distribution should be so made that each third should be divided again into sub-thirds, one of which should be paid to the heirs of the slain, the second to the agnates, and the third to the cognates. [Sidenote: Later modifications.] It appears also from Chapter XLV. of the Latin version and s. 84 of the Danish version that special care had been taken to prevent fraud on the part of the slayer in claiming the aid of his kinsmen. He was to pay one ‘sal’ of his own payment before calling upon them for their portion, which was called the _ættæbot_. He then was to collect together his father’s friends and compute with them what each was to pay. And when the day for payment came, not a penny was to be paid into the slayer’s hands till the hour when he paid it over to the slain man’s kindred. Then they were safe. The same course was to be afterwards adopted as regards the payments of maternal relations. The Latin version (Chapter XLV.) proceeds to say that this legislation not having been successful in extirpating fraud and discouraging murder, King Waldemar II. (A.D. 1202-1241) enacted that the murderer should be liable for the whole wergeld (instead of one third). The agnates and cognates were not to be forced by him to contribute against their will. Within three days the murderer was publicly to offer satisfaction or be outlawed, in which case he would be liable to be put to death by any one. In case, however, of his flight, his relatives, agnates and cognates, were individually to offer their proper share of two thirds of the wergeld or be liable to the vengeance of the relatives of the slain, so that the latter should not be deprived of all satisfaction. These clauses throw some light on ancient custom, but they are evident signs of the gradual loosening of the ties of kindred. [Sidenote: Payment for the servus and libertus.] In Chapter L. of the Latin version the payment for a _servus_ is fixed at three marks, and in Chapter LII. the payment for a _libertus_ is fixed at half that of the freeborn man. It is difficult to judge how far these are to be taken as the ancient wergelds of Scanian custom, or whether they had been altered in amount by changes in the currency or recent legislation. The wergeld of 15 marks of silver is exactly half of that of the normal wergeld of the Norse hauld. And yet it does not seem likely that it had been reduced in amount by recent legislation when it is considered that under the Norse laws, as we have seen, the tendency seemed to be to add ‘sakauka’ to the ancient wergelds rather than decrease them. It may be noted also that in a later addition[192] to the Danish version it is stated that ‘a man’s bot is 30 good marks and overbot 26 marks and 16 ortugs.’ And also in the ‘City Law’ of A.D. 1300 the wergeld is stated at 30 marks with an additional ‘overbot.’[193] [Sidenote: The Scanian wergeld perhaps that of the ‘bonde.’] We seem bound to consider the wergeld of the freeborn man under the ‘Lex Scania antiqua’ of the previous century as 15 marks of silver. The explanation probably may be that the _bonde_ and not the hauld was taken as the typical freeborn man. When it is further considered that in the Danish version of the Scanian law there is no mention of the hauld, and that, as we have seen, the _bonde_ seems to have been regarded as the ordinary householder or _paterfamilias_ of the family holding, the inference becomes probably a fair one that the _bonde_ was the typical _ingenuus_ or freeborn man for the purpose of the wergelds. If this may be assumed, then the wergelds of the Scanian law accord well with the Norse wergelds. For in that case the wergeld of the bonde is 15 marks of silver in both laws. And further the wergeld of the _libertus_ of the Scanian law and that of the Norse leysing after he had made his freedom’s ale also correspond, being half that of the bonde. It may further be noted that as in the Norse law so also in the Scanian law the payment for an eye or hand or foot was half a manbot, while the full manbot was payable if both eyes or hands or feet were destroyed.[194] VI. SCANIAN AND LOMBARDIC CUSTOM COMPARED. [Sidenote: Lombardic custom.] Before closing this very imperfect chapter on the Scandinavian laws it may be well to compare with them clauses from the Lombardic laws relating to the family holding of land and property ‘in communione.’ The laws of the tribes still remaining on the Baltic were five or six centuries later in date than the laws of the Lombardic emigrants who had left their old home and settled in the South upon Roman ground. And yet in this matter we find traces of the same ancient custom of family holdings underlying them both, notwithstanding wide separation, and what is more, of the same process of change going on notwithstanding the difference in date. Roman and Christian influences had not reached the Scanian district on the Baltic till the twelfth century, and were only then effecting changes which in the seventh century had already been accomplished in Transylvania and Italy. [Sidenote: Edict of Rothar. A.D. 643. Kindred of seven generations.] The first clause to which reference may be made is s. 153 of the ‘Edict of Rothar’ (A.D. 643). It is entitled ‘De gradibus cognationum.’ It is interesting as showing that seven generations were necessary to the complete kindred. Omnis parentilla usque in septimum geniculum nomeretur, ut parens parenti per gradum et parentillam heres succedat: sic tamen ut ille qui succedere vult, nominatim unicuique nomina parentum antecessorum suorum dicat. Let every parentilla up to the seventh knee be named, so that parent to parent by grade and _parentilla_ the heir may succeed; so moreover that he who wishes to succeed must tell name by name the names of his antecedent _parentes_. Seven generations would reach back to the great-grandfather’s great-grandfather, an important limit of kindred both in the Norse laws and those of the Cymri. Another clause of the same edict (c. 167), under the heading ‘_De fratres, qui in casam communem remanserent_,’ enacts as follows:-- [Sidenote: Family holdings.] Si fratres post mortem patris in casa commune remanserint, et unus ex ipsis in obsequium regis aut judicis aliquas res adquesiverit, habeat sibi in antea absque portionem fratrum; et qui foras in exercitum aliquit adquisiverit, commune sit fratribus quod in casa dimiserit. If brothers shall have remained in the common home after the father’s death and one of them shall have acquired some property in service of the king or judge, let him henceforth have it for himself without the brothers sharing in it. And if one shall have acquired anything abroad in the army let that be in common to the brothers which he left behind in the home. Et si quis in suprascriptis fratribus gairethinx fecerit, habeat in antea cui factum fuerit. And if any one of the said brothers makes a donation, let him to whom it was made have it henceforth. The rest of the clause refers to payments to a wife brought into the family holding by a brother. The ‘meta’ or portion has, in this case, been given to her on marriage out of the common property, and so the rights of the other brothers have to be considered. Et qui ex ipsis uxorem duxerit, et de rebus communes meta data fuerit: quando alteri idem uxorem tollere contigerit, aut quando ad divisionem faciendam venerit, simili modo de comunes rebus ei refundatur aliut tantum quantum frater in meta dedit. De paterna autem vel materna substantia quod relicum fuerit inter se æqualiter dividant. And he who of them marries a wife and her _meta_ was given from the common property, whenever it happens to another likewise to take a wife or whenever it comes to a division being made, in the same way there shall be refunded to him from the common property as much as the brother gave in meta. But whatever is left of the paternal or maternal substance let them divide among them equally. [Sidenote: Rules of family divisions.] Attempts to settle such questions as these, whether and how far property acquired by one brother is to form part of the common family property or be retained by the brother acquiring it, and again how the fact that the payment for a wife’s ‘meta’ had been taken from the common family property was to affect the rights of the brothers when they came to a division, are in themselves good proof, so far as they go, of the continuance of family holdings. But the changes made by these clauses show the same tendency which we have seen in the Scanian laws towards individual ownership and the breaking up of the family holdings. Finally, the point which in the Scanian laws was most suggestive of the original completeness of the family community of property, viz. that originally there was no succession of sons to their father’s share, but division _per capita_ between the uncles on the grandfather’s death, appears again in the Lombardic laws and is dealt with in the seventh century practically in the same way as in Scania it was dealt with centuries later. From the tribal point of view the solidarity of the family group was the chief interest regarded. But the point of view was changed. Under the new influences the interests of the individual came more and more into prominence. [Sidenote: No succession of sons by representation at first, but afterwards allowed.] It now seemed unjust to the sons that their father’s property should be allowed simply to lapse into the common stock of the family till the grandfather’s death and then left to be divided among the uncles. And to mitigate the injustice the right to succeed was given, in the Lombardic as in the Scanian laws, to the limited extent that upon the grandfather’s death the sons took the share of their father with the uncles in the division, as if he had been living at the time. S. 5 of the ‘Leges a Grimowaldo additæ’ is headed ‘_De successione nepotum qui post mortem patris in sinu avi remanserint_,’ and is as follows:-- Si quis habuerit filios legitimos unum aut plures, et contigerit unum ex filiis vivente patre mori, et reliquerit filios legitimos, unum aut plures, et contigerit avo mori, talem partem percipiat de substantia avi sui, una cum patruis suis, qualem pater eorum inter fratribus suis percepturus erat si vivus fuisset. If any one shall have legitimate sons, one or more, and it happens that one of the sons dies, the father being living, and he leaves legitimate sons, one or more, and it happens that the grandfather dies, let him [the son] take such part of the substance of his grandfather together with his uncles as their father if he had been alive would have taken among his brothers. Similiter et si filias legitimas unam aut plures, aut filii naturales unum aut plures fuerint habeant legem suam, sicut in hoc edictum legitur. Quia inhumanum et impium nobis videtur, ut pro tali causa exhereditentur filii ab hereditatem patris sui pro eo, quod pater eorum in sinu avi mortuos est, sed ex omnibus ut supra aequalem cum patruis suis in locum patris post mortem avi percipiant portionem. Likewise also if there were legitimate daughters, one or more, or natural sons, one or more, let them have their rights as is decreed in this edict. Because it seems to us inhuman and impious that for such a cause sons should be disinherited from the inheritance of their father because their father died in the mund of their grandfather. But let them take an equal portion with their uncles of everything in the place of their father. The continued existence of community in the family property is shown by the fact that, even after the concession made in this clause, during the grandfather’s lifetime everything fell into the common stock and not till a family redivision was made after the grandfather’s death was the new rule admitting the sons’ succession along with their uncles to take effect. To trace further the survivals of tribal custom in the Lombardic laws would lead us too far afield. The clauses already quoted are sufficient to show a remarkable similarity of custom in the case of tribes once neighbours on the Baltic notwithstanding that they had been widely separated and that there was an interval of five or six centuries between the dates of their laws. CHAPTER IX. _TRIBAL CUSTOM IN SCOTLAND._ I. TRACES OF TRIBAL CUSTOM IN THE LAWS OF THE EARLY KINGS. [Sidenote: Tribal custom in the ancient laws of Scotland.] The population of Scotland was so various in origin and language that it would be unreasonable to expect uniformity of custom. Even where Celtic custom was best able to hold its own there must naturally have been a mixture of Cymric and Gaelic elements. In districts, on the other hand, where Frisian and Northumbrian and Danish and Norse influences may have once predominated, whatever survivals there may have been of tribal custom from any of these origins may well have been afterwards submerged under legal forms and ideas from Anglo-Norman sources. It is worth while, however, to examine what scattered survivals of tribal custom may be found in the laws of the early kings, and in the various documents collected in the first volume of the ‘Ancient Laws of Scotland.’ That tribal custom as to wergeld existed and was recognised is proved by the necessity to abolish what remained of it. Thus in the ‘Leges Quatuor Burgorum’ is the following clause:-- [Sidenote: Laws of the Four Burgs.] XVII. _Of bludewyt and siklyk thingis._ And it is to wyt at in burgh sall nocht be herde bludewyt na yit stokisdynt [styngisdynt] na merchet na heregelde na nane suilk maner of thyng. This wholesale and disdainful disregard of feudal and tribal customs on the part of the townsmen of the four Burgs was followed somewhat later by an Ordinance of Edward I. (A.D. 1305) which again testifies to the wider survival of more directly Celtic tribal usages by forbidding their continuance.[195] Ordene est que l’usages de Scots et de Brets desorendroit soit defendu si que mes ne soient usez. Here we have the usages of the Brets and Scots distinctly recognised as still lingering on so late as the beginning of the fourteenth century in some parts of Scotland. [Sidenote: Laws of King David.] In the laws of King David[196] there are distinct traces of ancient custom as regards wergelds and the connection of the kindred with their payment and receipt. In section XIV. it is enacted:[197]-- If in any place within the peace of the King any one shall attempt to strike another, he shall pay to the King 4 cows and to the other 1 cow. If he shall really strike, but without drawing blood, 6 cows to the King and 2 cows to the other. If blood be drawn, 9 cows to the King and 3 to the person struck. If he slay the other, he shall give to the King ‘_XXIX ky and a colpindach_’ (juvenca).[198] And he shall assyth to the kin of him slain after the assyse of the land. Clause XV. deals with violence done in the king’s court:-- If any one draws a knife to another in the King’s Court it shall be stricken through the middle of his hand. If he draws blood, the hand shall be cut off. And if he slay any man, he shall give to the King _XX ky and a colpindach_ [ixˣˣ, Ayr MS.] and he shall make peace with the kin of him slain and with the King ‘after the assyse of the kynrik.’ In both these clauses the wergeld to the kin is additional to the payment to the king (of 180 cows?) for breach of his peace. Clause XVI. forbids the letting off of a thief for money or friendship. An earl or any one having the freedom and custom of an earl who does this is to pay to the king 100 cows, and other great men not of earl’s rank 34 cows. The thief is to be ‘outlawed through all the king’s land.’ It is clear, then, that in the time of King David the system of wergelds payable to the kindred of the person slain was generally in force, though no amount is mentioned, and that payments were made at this date mostly in cows. [Sidenote: Assize of King William.] In the ‘Assize of King William’ under date A.D. 1180 is the following mention of the _wergeld_ to be paid evidently for a thief who has been allowed to escape as above. XIV. _Of the law which is called weregylt._ Of every thief through all Scotland whether that he be bondman or freeman the wergeld is XXXIV ky and a half. The following clause is further evidence of the continued right of vengeance on the part of the kin of a person slain. XV. _Of a man slain in the King’s vengeance._ If any one for theft or rapin dies by law of iron or water, and of him right be done, or if he were slain with theft found with him and afterwards if his kin in vengeance of him slew him that brought him to the law, the King shall have as fully right of such men slayers for the death of him, as of his peace fully broken, without concord or relaxation; unless it be through the counsel or the assent of his kin. And if it happen by chance that the King grant peace to the adverse party unknown to the kin of him that was slain, nevertheless the kin of him shall take vengeance of them that slew their kin. [Sidenote: Laws of Alexander II.] Among the Statutes of Alexander II. under date A.D. 1220 the following fines were imposed upon persons who held land of the king and who absented themselves from the army. (Clause II., p. 68.) From a thane, 6 cows and a gillot [_juvenca_]. From an _ochtyern_, 15 sheep or 6_s._ (half to King and half to the thane or the knight). From a carl [_rusticus_], a cow and a sheep to be divided between the King and the thane or knight, but if with the leave of the thane or the knight, then all to the King. This clause reveals a social division of classes into thanes, _ochtyerns_,[199] and carls or rustics; to which another clause (IV., A.D. 1230) enables us to add the nativus or ‘_kind-born bondman_.’ It is not needful to pursue the inquiry into the laws of the later kings of Scotland. But among the ‘Fragmenta’ in App. V. (p. 375) of the collection there is one which must not be overlooked, although it may be difficult to fix its date. It seems to be made up of two fragments united and is interesting as containing two very different statements of the payment ‘for the life of a man.’ Put into modern English, the first part is as follows:-- All laws either are man’s law or God’s law. By the law of God, a head for a head, a hand for a hand, an eye for an eye, a foot for a foot. By the law of man _for the life of a man ixˣˣ cows_, for a foot a mark, for a hand as much, for an eye half a mark, for an ear as much, for a tooth 12 pence, for each inch of length of the wound 12 pence, for each inch of breadth of the wound 12 pence. For a stroke under the ear 16 pence, for a stroke with a staff 8 pence, and if he fall with the stroke 16 pence. For a wound in the face he shall give an image of gold [? a coin with the King’s head upon it]. The other part is as follows:-- And by man’s law for breaking of bones 5 ores, for a wound under the clothes 12 pence. For a wound before the sleeve 16 pence, and for each visible wound except the face 15 pence. _For a man’s life 12 marks_; for a wound above the chest 6 solidi, and under the chest 60 pence; for a foot stroke 60 pence; for blood drawn 25 shillings, and beyond the sea 6 cows. [Sidenote: Amount of the wergeld doubtful.] Now what are we to make of these ‘Fragmenta’? Clearly the two fragments must be taken separately, for in the first the payment ‘for the life of a man’ is 180 cows and in the second the payment ‘for a man’s life’ is twelve marks. Mr. Robertson seems to have concluded that the payment of 180 cows was the wergeld according to the Assize of Scotland, or, as he puts it, ‘the manbote for homicide throughout Scotia.’[200] But he arrived at this conclusion apparently by connecting this fragment with the clause already quoted in the Assize of King David which states that a person killing another in any place within the king’s peace ‘shall pay to the king 180 cows and a colpindach.’ He concluded that the payment was 180 cows from the reading ‘ixˣˣ cows,’ as it is found in the Ayr manuscript of one of the clauses, as already stated. But the clause itself shows that this payment to the king was not the wergeld, because after making this payment the slayer had still to ‘assyth to the kin of him slain after the assyse of the land.’ Nor does it seem any more likely that the payment of twelve marks mentioned in the second fragment was the wergeld of Scottish custom. From its amount it seems much more likely to correspond with the payment already alluded to as the ‘wergeld’ of the thief allowed to escape, which, however, might possibly represent that of persons of lowest rank. The evidence of these undated fragments leaves us in the dark as to what the wergeld of the ancient Assize of Scotland may have been. Confused and mixed statements as to the wergelds are not surprising when the mixture of races is taken into account, and, after all, the phrase ‘after the assize of the land’ or ‘after the assize of the Kynrik’ may refer only to those portions of the kingdom to which the laws of King David specially applied. II. THE ‘REGIAM MAJESTATEM.’ Further traces of tribal custom are mentioned in the treatise entitled ‘Regiam majestatem’[201] apart from the remarkable addition to it, which also appears again as a separate document, under the heading ‘Leges inter Brettos et Scotos.’ [Sidenote: Scotch version of Glanville.] The ‘Regiam Majestatem’ itself may be regarded as a version of Glanville’s well-known treatise on English law, applied with alterations and adaptations to Scotland by a Scotch writer conversant with local custom, and probably dating between A.D. 1200 and 1230.[202] As in the laws of King David and his successors, so in the body of this treatise, references to ancient usages occur with occasional survivals of untranslated Gaelic words which seem to refer them back to Celtic tribal custom. [Sidenote: Celtic survivals here and there.] Thus, in Lib. II. s. ix, in reference to the modes by which _nativi_ might obtain freedom, a specially Scotch addition is made, to the effect that if a lord has carnal intercourse with the betrothed wife of his _servus_, and this is proved by the visinage, the _servus_ is thereupon released from the servitude of his lord; and then follows the phrase ‘nec aliud _enache_ habebit a domino suo nisi recuperationem libertatis.’ This untranslated Gaelic word _enache_ has already been met with in the _enec-lann_ of the Irish ‘honour-price,’ and we shall find it used again when we come to the customs of the Bretts and Scots. So, in Lib. IV. c. 7, in cases of rape the woman (according to the text of Glanville) is to make it known to men in good position (_probi homines_) or to the ‘_prepositus_ of the hundred.’ In this Scotch treatise the writer inserts instead of the words ‘_prepositus_ of the hundred’ ‘_vicecomitatus vel le toshederach_.’ The Gaelic _Toshach_ or chieftain of a district is much in evidence in the marginal records of the ‘Book of Deer.’[203] Again, in IV. 12, in a passage not found in Glanville, the theft of a calf or ram or whatever can be carried off on the back is described in the local words ‘_berthinsak_ seu _yburthananseca_.’ In the same chapter is inserted the already quoted clause from the Assize of King William as to the wergeld of a thief who has been allowed to escape. De unoquoque fure per totam Scociam est _wargeld_ triginta vacce et una juvenca sive fuerit liber sive servus. In IV. xxiii. a pledge is mentioned ‘quod vocatur _culrach_.’ [Sidenote: Cro and galnes of person killed paid to the _parentes_.] In IV. xxx. of the treatise it is stated that if a person on horseback rides over some one going before him so as to kill him, he must render for the dead man so killed ‘_cro et galnes_’ as if he killed him with his own hands; and it goes on to say that if the rider treads a man to death by riding over him when _backing_ his horse (as it would not then presumably be his fault) he is to pay nothing but ‘the fourth foot of the horse,’ which satisfaction the _parentes_ of the man killed ought to accept. The mention in this treatise of _cro and galnes_ payable to _parentes_ of the slain seems to imply that the customs relating to payments for homicide were generally in force throughout Scotland and not confined to any particular district. The words ‘cro and galnes,’ apparently meaning the wergeld, meet us again in the document relating to the customs of the Bretts and Scots. The final clause (IV. liv.) describes the ‘merchet’ of women ‘according to the assize of Scotland.’ It begins by stating that the merchet of a woman, _quecunque mulier fuerit, sive nobilis, sive serva, sive mercenaria_, is ‘una juvenca vel tres solidi’ with 3_d._ as _rectum servientis_. Surely a female slave is here intended. [Sidenote: Merchet of several grades of women.] This seems to be the minimum ‘merchet,’ for the clause proceeds:-- And if she be the daughter of a freeman and not of the lord of the town (_dominus ville_) her merchet shall be one cow or six shillings and ‘rectum servientis’ 6_d._ Likewise the merchet [of the daughter] of a thane’s son or _ochethiern_ two cows or twelve shillings and ‘rectum servientis’ 12_d._ Likewise the merchet of the daughter of an earl (_comes_); and that of a queen; twelve cows and ‘rectum servientis’ two solidi. This clause regarding the ‘merchet’ is useful as giving a scale of values in cows and shillings. juvenca = 3 shillings. cow = 6 shillings. And the merchet scale: {_nobilis_ [?]} _Mulier_ {_serva_ } throughout Scotland ½ cow. {_mercenaria_ } Daughter of a _liber_ 1 ” ” of a thane’s son or ochethiern 2 cows. ” of an earl or of a queen 12 ” [Sidenote: Value the cow six Norman shillings: at 1:12 = stater.] The solidus of this document can hardly be any other than the Anglo-Norman silver shilling of 12 pence of 32 wheat-grains, _i.e._ 384 w.g. The cow equalled six of these shillings or 2304 w.g. At the Anglo-Norman ratio of 1:12 the value of the cow would thus be 192 wheat-grains: that is, exactly the normal ox-unit of two gold solidi of Imperial standard. This curious result is not only interesting as one more instance of the tenacity of custom in retaining the traditional gold value of the animal used as the unit of payments when made in cattle, but also useful for our present purpose as affording a valuable proof that the Scotch compiler of the ‘Regiam Majestatem’ in appending the important clauses relating to the customs of the Bretts and Scots which follow closely upon this merchet clause was adding to his work a quite independent document, probably of much earlier date. [Sidenote: Value of the cow in the next document three ores, or at 1:8 = stater.] In this added document while the payments are again stated in cows, the value of the cow is reckoned, not in shillings, but in _ores_, which the figures, when examined, show to be ores of 16 pence. This reckoning in ores of 16 pence suggests a Norse or Danish influence. For, although the Anglo-Norman reckoning in shillings of 12 pence ultimately conquered and became the prevalent reckoning in the Scotch statutes, there was no doubt a period when the reckoning in ores of 16 pence was in use in Danish England, probably including Northumbria. This is shown by a law, probably of Cnut’s,[204] which enacted as follows:-- Et ipsi qui portus custodiunt efficiant per overhirnessam meam ut omne pondus sit marcatum ad pondus quo pecunia mea recipitur, et eorum singulum signetur ita quod xv ore libram faciant. Those who have charge of the towns (_portus_) shall secure that under penalties every weight shall be marked at the weight by which my money is received, and let each of them be marked so that fifteen ores shall make a pound. The ores of this law, as we shall see, were evidently ores of 16 pence, or 512 wheat-grains (16 × 32), for fifteen of such ores made the Saxon and Anglo-Norman pound of 240 pence, or 7680 wheat-grains. [Sidenote: Danish ratio of 1:8.] The fact that the ore of the document describing the customs of the Bretts and Scots was the same ore as that in use with both Danes and English in Danish England and probably Northumbria about A.D. 1000 is an important one. For in this document the value of the cow of the Bretts and Scots is stated to be three ores, _i.e._ 1536 wheat-grains of silver, and at the Scandinavian ratio of 1:8 the gold value of the cow would therefore be once more 192 wheat-grains or two gold solidi of Imperial standard. That the Danish ratio was 1:8 as in the Scandinavian laws we shall find to be involved in the Anglo-Danish compacts making Danes and English ‘equally dear,’ while as late as A.D. 1192 the Abbey of Kelso compounded for payments to the Pope at the same ratio, two solidi of sterlings (24_d._ of 32 wheat-grains), or 768 wheat-grains of silver being paid for the gold solidus of 96 wheat-grains.[205] [Sidenote: Laws of the Bretts and Scots belong to time of Danish influence.] We may therefore consider that the document relating to the Bretts and Scots belongs to the period of Danish influence, and is of much earlier date than the work to which it was appended by the Scotch editor of Glanville. III. LEGES INTER BRETTOS ET SCOTOS. [Sidenote: Norman French version thirteenth century.] The remarkable document printed separately in Appendix III. of the ‘Ancient Laws of Scotland’ under the above title is given in three languages--Latin, Norman French, and Scottish English. The oldest version of it is that of the ‘Berne Manuscript,’ now in the ‘Register House’ at Edinburgh, which is considered to be of the thirteenth century. It appears in this manuscript as a separate document in Norman French, and therefore it would seem that we owe this statement of ancient custom to a Norman scribe. The Latin version added to the ‘Regiam Majestatem’ is of later date. The earliest manuscript is of the fourteenth century.[206] As given in the ‘Regiam Majestatem’ it consists of four clauses, LV. to LVIII. [Sidenote: The cro and galnes.] The clauses are headed ‘Quid sit le cro quod anglice dicitur “grant before the King,”’ ‘De occisis in pace Regis,’ ‘De Kelchyn regis et aliorum dominorum Scocie,’ and ‘De effusione sanguinis.’ It is printed in Appendix III. of the ‘Ancient Laws of Scotland’ among the ‘capitula vetustiora’ under the heading ‘Leges inter Brettos et Scotos.’ The Norman French of the Berne manuscript is accompanied by the Latin from the ‘Regiam Majestatem’ and a Scottish-English version of unknown date. The first clause is as follows:-- De cro quod anglice dicitur grant befor the Kyng. De cro le Rey descoce & des altres choses. Her folowis lee Croo. Statuit dominus rex quod le Cro domini regis scocie est mille vacce vel tria millia orarum aurearum scilicet tres ore pro vacca. Item le Cro filii regis vel vnius comitis scocie est septies viginti [et decem] vacce vel tres ore pro vacca. Cro le rei descoce est · mile vaches · u · treis mil ores · e fet a sauer treis ores · a la vache. Cro a vn conte descoce · v del fiz le Rei · viiˣˣ · vaches · ⁊ x · ov · iiiiᶜ ⁊ · L · ores. Þe lord þe king has statut þat þe Croo of þe king of scotland iᵐ ky or iiiᵐ orarum aurearum bot iii ar for þe kow. Item þe Croo of þe kingis soune or of ane erl of scotland is vii tymes xxᵗⁱ ky and ten ky. Item le Cro filii vnius comitis vel vnius thani est centum vacce. ¶ Cro a vn fiz a cunt ou a vn thayn · est · C · vaches · u · treis · C · ores. Item þe Croo of þe sone of ane erl or of a than is jᶜ ky. Item le Cro filii thani est sexaginta sex vacce et due partes vnius vacce. ¶ Cro a fiz dun thayn · est · lxvi · vaches · ⁊ · ii · pars dune vache · ou · CC · ores. Item þe Croo of þe sone of a thane is iiiˣˣ ky and vi ky and twapert a kow. Item le Cro nepotis vnius thani vel vnius ogthiern est quadraginta quatuor vacce et viginti unus denariorum et due partes vnius denarii. Et omnes bassiores in parentela sunt rustici. ¶ Cro · del neuu · a vn thain · u · de vn ogettheyrn est · xliiij · vac͠c · ⁊ · xxi · đ · ⁊ deu pars dun deñ. E tu li plꝰ [bas] en le parente sūt vilayns · ⁊ vnt dreitᶻ a vilayn. Item þe Cro of þe newow of a than or of ane ogethearn is xliiii ky and xxi penijs and twapert of a peny. Item al þir þat ar lawer þan þir in kyn ar callit carlis. Item le Cro vnius rustici est sexdecim vacce. ¶ Cro a vn vileȳ · xvi · vac͠c. Item þe cro of a carl is xvi ky. Item le Cro cuiuslibet femine virum habentis est minor per terciam partem quam le Cro viri sui et si non habeat virum tunc le Cro ipsius est adeo magnum sicut le Cro fratris sui si quem habet. ¶ Cro a checune fēme q̃ barō at · est de la tierz partie mayns de son barō · et si ele nat nēt de barō · dūkes est le cro ausi gʳnt cū vne de se freres. Item þe Croo of euerilk woman hafand husband is less be þe thridpert þan þe cro of hyr husbande. And gif scho has nocht a husband þan þe cro of hir is alsmekil as þe cro of hir broder gif scho ony broder has. Item le Cro et le galnys et le enach vnius cuiusque hominis sunt pares scilicet in respectu de le enach feminarum suarum. le cro ⁊ le galnis · ⁊ le enach a checū hōme sūt peirs · ceo est a sauer le enach · pur sa fēme. Item þe Cro and þe gallnes and þe enauch of euerilkaman ar lik þat is to say in respic of enauch of þar wiffis. It will be most convenient to put these payments of the cro and galnes into a tabular form. _King of Scotland_ 1000 cows = 3000 ores King’s son and comes (earl) 140 cows = 420 ” Comes’ son and thane 100 cows = 300 ” Thane’s son 66⅔ cows = 200 ” Thane’s grandson or ogthiern 44 cows & 21_d._ and ⅔_d._ All lower in _parentela_ or kin and rustics 16 cows [Sidenote: Thane’s wergeld 100 cows.] The cro and galnes seem to be substantially the same thing as the wergeld. The word ‘cro’ is of uncertain meaning. The ‘cro’ of the Brehon laws is translated ‘property.’ It seems also to have had the meaning of ‘death.’ The word ‘galnes’ can hardly be other than the Welsh _galanas_ or wergeld. Whether the phrase ‘cro and galnes’ means two things or one thing, and if two things, what the distinction between them was, it is not easy to see. But evidently the two together made a single payment for each grade of rank. The payments, moreover, are expressed in cows as well as in ores and pence, and the payment of 100 cows seems to mark the _thane_ as the typical and complete tribesman. The two explanatory clauses introduce a third element, the ‘enach.’ The Cro of a woman having a husband is one third less than the husband’s cro, and if no husband she has the same cro as her brother. The _Cro_ and the _galnys_ and the _enach_ of every man are alike, that is to say in respect of the _enach_ of their wives [_i.e._ one third less than the husband’s]. The enach, as already said, seems to be the honour-price of the Brehon law. We have seen that, according to the Scotch addition and Glanville’s clause, if a slave was injured by his master, he was to be set free and his freedom was to be in the place of any other ‘enach.’ This accords well with the Irish enec-lann and the Welsh saraad and the Norse rett, all of which referred to insult rather than bodily injury. [Sidenote: Payments for breach of peace of various persons.] The next clause relates to homicide ‘in pace regis’ or of other lords. We have already seen that in the laws of King David the manbote or payment to the king for breach of his peace, or for crime committed in his _grith_ or precinct, was a thing distinct from the satisfaction to be made to the kin of the person slain ‘according to the assize of the Kynrik.’ In these early laws the payment for slaying a man in the king’s peace was, according to the corrected text, 180 cows. In the following clauses 180 cows are again the payment for breach of the king’s peace, but there are payments also for breach of the peace of other classes. De occisis in pace regis. [] Of þhaim þat ar slayn in þe peis of þe king and oþer lordis. Si quis homo sit occisus in pace domini regis sibi pertinent nouies viginti vacce. ¶ Si hūme est ocys en la pes le rei · il a feit · ixˣˣ vac͠c. Giff ony man be slayn in þe pes of our lord þe king til him pertenis ix tymis xxᵗⁱ ky. Item si homo sit occisus in pace filii regis vel vnius comitis sibi pertinent quater viginti et decem vacce. ¶ Si hūme seit ocis en la pes · le fiz le rei · v en la pees vn cunte · ilur · a feit · iiijˣˣ · vacc · ⁊ · x. Item gif a man be slayn in þe pes of þe sone of þe king or of ane erl til him pertenis iiij tymis xxᵗⁱ ky and x ky. Item si homo sit occisus in pace filii vnius comitis vel in pace vnius thani sibi pertinent sexaginta vacce. ¶ Si hūme seit ocis · en la pees · al fiz dun cunt · v · de vn thain · ilur a feit · lx · vachis. Item gif a man be slayn in þe pes of þe son of an erl or of a thayn till him pertinis iijˣˣ ky. Item si homo sit occisus in pace filii vnius thani sibi pertinent quadraginta vacce. Item si homo sit occisus in pace nepotis vnius thani sibi pertinent viginti vacce et due partes vnius vacce. ¶ Si vn seit occis en la pees al fiz dun thain · ili a feit · xxvi · [· _xl_ ·] vac͠c. Item gif a man be slayn in pes of þe sone of a thayn til him pertenis xl ky. Item gif a man be slayn in þe pece of a nevo of a thayn til him pertinis xxᵗⁱ ky and twapert a kow. The payments were as under:-- If a man be killed _in pace regis_ 180 cows. } _To the In that of the King’s son or comes 90 ” } person in ” ” comes’ son or thane 60 ” } whose peace ” ” thane’s son 40 ” } he was ” ” thane’s grandson 20⅔ ” } killed._ They seem to be very large, but they are not impossible, seeing that in the Norse law, while the wergeld of the hauld was 27 marks of silver or 96 cows, the payment to the king for the breach of his peace (frith-bot) was 40 marks, _i.e._ 128 cows.[207] [Sidenote: The Kelchin.] The next two clauses, under the heading ‘Kelchin’ or ‘Gelchach,’ seem to refer to insult or wounding, (the Welsh _gweli_ = wound). And as the word _enach_ does not occur again in the laws of Bretts and Scots it seems probable that it may have been included under this heading, and that the Kelchin or Gelchach, like the Irish _enach_ and the Welsh _saraad_, referred quite as much to insults to personal honour as to bodily injuries. _De Kelchyn_ [ ] _Of lee Kelchyn_ Item le kelchyn domini regis est centum vacce. Item le kelchyn filii regis vel vnius comitis est sexaginta sex vacce et due partes vnius vacce. ¶ Gelchach le rei · a · C · vacc · a cont v al fiz le rei · lx[vi] vac͠c · ⁊ · ii · pars deune vac͠c. Item þe kelchin of our lord þe king is jᶜ ky. Item þe kelchyn of a sonne of þe kingis or of an erle is iijˣˣ ky [and sex ky and twapert of a kow]. Item le kelchyn filii vnius comitis vel vnius thani est quadraginta quatuor vacce viginti vnus denarii et due partes vnius oboli. Item le kelchyn filii thani est minor per terciam partem quam patris sui et sunt viginti nouem vacce [ ] vndecim denarii et tercia pars vnius oboli. Rusticus nichil habet de kelchyn. ¶ Gelchac · de thayn · v · de fiz a cunt · est xliiij · vac͠c · & · xxi · đ · ⁊ deus pars deune mayl. Item þe kelchin of a thane or of þe sone of ane erle is xliiij ky and xxi peniis and twapert of a half peny. Item þe kelchin of þe sonne of a thane is les be thrid part þan of his fader þat is to say þar pertenis til him xxix ky and xi peniis and þe thrid part of a half peny. And a carl has na kelchin. Item si uxor liberi ominis sit occisa vir suus habebit le kelchyn [ ] parentes eius habebunt le cro et le galnes. ¶ Si fēme a vn franc hūme est ocis · son barō auera le kelchin · ⁊ ses parens auerūt le cro & le galnis. Item gif þe wif of a fre man be slayn hyr husband sal haf þe kelchyn. And hir kyn sal haf þe cro and þe galnes. Item si uxor rustici sit occisa dominus ipsius terre in qua manet habebit le kelchyn et parentes eius le cro et le galnes. ¶ Et si fēme a vileyn seit ocis · le seygnur del fe v le vilein meint auera le kelchin · ⁊ le vilein auera le turhochret a sa fēme del kelchin · ⁊ le parens [le cro] et le galnis. Item gif þe woman of a carl be slayn þe lord in quhais lande he duellis sal haf þe kelchin and hyr kyn sal haf þe cro and þe galnes. [Sidenote: Payments for blood drawn.] _De effusione sanguinis_ [ ] _Of blude drawyn_ Item sanguis de capite vnius comitis aut filii regis sunt nouem vacce. Item sanguis filii comitis aut vnius thani sunt sex vacce. Item de sanguine filii thani tres vacce. Item de sanguine nepotis thani due vacce et due partes vnius vacce. Item de sanguine vnius rustici vna vacca. ¶ Le saūc de la teste a vn cūte v · del fiz al rei · est · ix · vaches · del thayn · v del fiz al vn cūte · vi · vachis · del fiz al vn thayn · iij · vac͠c. Þe blude of þe hede of ane erl or of a kingis son is ix ky. Item þe blud of þe sone of ane erle is vi ky or of a thayn. Item þe blude of þe sone of a thayn is iij ky. Item þe blud of þe nevo of a thayn is twa ky and twapert a kow. Item þe blud of a carl a kow. De sanguine extracto subtus anhelitum est minus per terciam partem in omnibus supradictis. ¶ Le saunc de suz le alayn · est de la terce parte meyndre. Item blude drawyn vnder þe aand is thrid pert les of al þir gangand befor. Et si mulier non habeat virum ius suum erit sicut ius fratris sui si quem habeat. ⁊ ensemēt de lur fēmes est saunc est del tꝰce part mayndre · mes si fēme seit sen baron ··· dūkes ad ele tel dreitur · com sun frere. And gif a woman haf nocht a husband hyr rycht salbe as of her broder gif scho ony broder has. Item percussio sine sanguine effuso decem denarii. Item strikyn without blud drawyn x penijs. ···· ¶ Et si hūme est ocis en le ost · sun seingnʳ · auera le kelchin · ⁊ ses parens le cro · e le galnis · ⁊ le rei · viij · vaches · flatha. Put into a tabular form these payments are as follows:-- _Kelchyn or Gelchach_ King 100 cows Son of King or comes 66⅔ ” Son of comes and thane 44 ” and 21 _d._ and ⅔ _ob._ Son of thane 29 ” ” 11 _d._ ” ⅓ ” Rusticus or carl _nil_ _De effusione sanguinis or of blude drawyn._ Blood drawn from the head of a Comes or King’s son 9 cows Comes’ son or thane 6 ” Thane’s son 3 ” (? 4) Thane’s grandson 2⅔ ” Rusticus 1 cow Blood drawn _subtus anhelitum_ one third less than above it. If a woman have not a husband her right shall be as her brother, if she has one. Striking without blood drawn 10_d._ That we are right in supposing the kelchin to be analogous to the Welsh _saraad_ seems to be confirmed by the interesting additional information appended to the clauses. And if the wife of a freeman is slain her husband has the Kelchyn and her kin the Cro and galnes. Item if the woman of a carl be slain, the lord of the fee where he dwells shall have the Kelchin and the vilein shall have his wife’s _turhochret_ of the Kelchin and her kin shall have the cro and the galnes. If a man be killed in the host, his lord shall have the Kelchin and his _parentes_ the cro and the galnes and the King eight cows _flatha_. These clauses of explanation are very important when we try to understand the laws to which they are appended as a whole. [Sidenote: The thane’s wergeld the normal one of 100 cows.] Commencing with what seems to be the wergeld, the ‘cro and galnes’ of the thane, who may be taken as the typical freeman, was 100 cows. We have seen that the value of the cow was three ores of silver or, at a ratio of one to eight, 192 wheat-grains of gold. The wergeld was therefore, not only the usual round number of 100 cows, but also in gold value, like that of the Cymric codes and so many others, exactly 19,200 wheat grains or 200 gold solidi. If we try to trace the connection of this wergeld with those of other tribes, the coincidence with the normal wergeld does not help us much. It is the same as the Welsh galanas of the uchelwr, and the use in the laws of Cymric and Gaelic words might lead us to look upon the wergeld as a Celtic one. But the equality in the payment is in _gold_ and not in the number of cows. The cro of the thane was 100 cows. The galanas of the Welsh uchelwr was 120 cows. Moreover, the cows in which the Welsh galanas was paid were equated with three scores of silver, _i.e._ three Saxon ounces of 20_d._, while the cows in which the cro was paid were equated with three ores of 16_d._ And this seems to point to a Danish connection. All these things taken together seem to point to a mixture and confusion of influences rather than to a single origin. The gradations of rank and position disclosed by the amount of the cro or wergeld seem to be based upon family seniority, and to have a character of their own. [Sidenote: The gradations of rank in the family.] The King of course stands at the head of the list with a cro of 1000 cows. His son takes equal rank with the earl with a cro of 140 cows. The earl’s son is of equal rank with the thane, and they have a cro of 100 cows. Then comes the thane’s son with a cro of one third less, or 66⅔ cows, and next the thane’s grandson with a cro one third less again, of 44 cows and 21⅔ pence. All below this in _parentela_ or kin are classed with rustics or carls, with a cro of 16 cows. Looking at the position of persons at any given moment, from the point of view of the thane, he has the earl and the king above him and the earl’s son as his equal in rank. Their children and grandchildren belong still to the chieftain class, but they are juniors or cadets of the class. Even the grandchildren of the thane are _ogthierns_, or young thanes. In natural course they may presumably take their father’s rank on his death, but not until that happens. And possibly only the eldest son of the earl or of the thane succeeded to the official position of chieftain of his house. Beyond this there is not much more to be gathered concerning the gradations in social rank. Nor are we told anything about the division of the amount among the members of the kindred receiving or paying the cro as the case might be. We are told only that the cro and galnes belonged to the kin of the person slain. Turning from the cro and galnes to the _kelchin_: what are we to make of it? [Sidenote: The kelchin like the Welsh saraad for insult.] The gradations resemble those of the cro to this extent, that the kelchin of each grade was one third less than that of the one above, but the kelchin was no direct fraction of the cro. The kelchin seems, as we have said, to be something like the Welsh _saraad_ for insult or wounding, the Irish _enec-lann_ or honour-price, and the Norse _rett_ or ‘personal right;’ but it does not seem to correspond altogether with any one of them. All we know is that on the homicide of a person, whoever he might be, in addition to the cro and galnes, the kelchin had to be paid. But it was a payment which, like the Cymric saraad, according to the interesting explanation given, did not go with the wergeld proper to the kindred or relations in blood. When a wife was slain, the husband, who was not a blood relation or of the kindred of the wife, took the kelchin, while the wergeld proper--cro and galnes--went to her kindred. [Sidenote: Each grade had a precinct and a fine for breach of it. But not the carl or rustic.] Turning to the payment which had to be made for breach of the peace or protection of the lord, it was a payment due to the king if the homicide were perpetrated ‘in pace regis,’ and to a person of each grade in succession, even to the thane’s grandson, in case the homicide were committed within his precinct. Only the carl or rustic received no payment, as presumably he was living on the land of a lord, who would, therefore, claim it. The position of the carl or rustic, or in Norman French the _vilein_, is interesting. If his wife was killed the lord took the kelchin. The homicide was reckoned as an insult and loss to him. The wergeld did not go to the husband but to the kindred of the wife, as in the case of those of higher grade. So that, so far as this at least, there was recognition of kindred in the rustic’s position. His ‘cro and galnes’ was just about one sixth of that of the thane and presumably went to his kin--as his wife’s cro and galnes went to her kin. There is one other point as yet unexplained--what was the ‘turhochret’? It occurs in the clause:-- Item if the woman of a carl be slain, the lord of the fee where he dwells shall have the kelchin _and the vilein shall have his wife’s turhochret_ of the kelchin and her kyn shall have the cro and the galnes. There are so many Gaelic words in this document that there can be little doubt that the _turhochret_[208] is one of them. It seems to have been the part of the kelchin allowed by the lord to go to the husband in respect of the insult to his wife--_i.e._ _her_ share in the kelchin. Whatever it was, when the wife was slain, the husband retained it, while the lord took the rest of the kelchin, and the wife’s kin the cro and galnes of their slain kinswoman. The information given is scanty, but it is difficult to make this passage mean anything else. [Sidenote: The wife belonged to her own kindred.] One thing is made remarkably clear in this document: that the wife of the free tribesman did not among the Bretts and Scots pass upon marriage under the full _potestas_ of her husband. On her murder, while it was an insult to him and he therefore could claim the kelchin, the cro and the galnes passed to her kin. The wife, therefore, in a very real sense belonged still to her own kindred. These rules of tribal custom as regards marriage need no longer surprise us after what we have found elsewhere. They closely resemble in principle Cymric usage and are, after all, what the study of Beowulf prepared us to regard as by no means confined to the Celtic tribes. IV. RECOGNITION OF THE FOURTH AND NINTH DEGREES OF KINDRED IN SCOTLAND. In the foregoing sections no distinct reference has been made to the recognition of the fourth and ninth degrees of kindred. It would be misleading to pass from the Scottish evidence without allusion to the subject. Strongly influenced as custom in Scotland must have been by both Cymric and Gaelic as well as Norse and Danish traditions, it would be strange if no trace were left in Scotland of so marked a feature of tribal policy. [Sidenote: The nine degrees of kindred.] It will be enough, however, to refer the reader to the interesting chapter on ‘The Kin’ in the second volume of Mr. Robertson’s ‘Scotland under her early Kings,’ in which he alludes to ‘the words in which the Northern St. Margaret is supposed to have formally renounced her kindred (“al my Kun I forsake to the nithe Kne”), and to the “nine degrees of kindred” within which all connected with the Earl of Fife might claim the privileges of the Clan Mac Duff. And after what we have seen of the way in which the Norse _leysing_ rose by steps of four generations into increasing freedom as a kindred grew up around him, it may be worth while to recall attention once more to the reverse process by which the _nativus_ or _villanus_ under later law became attached to the land. [Sidenote: The fourth generation fixes the status of _nativi_.] Among the fragments of Scotch laws collected under the heading ‘Quoniam attachiamenta’[209] is the clause ‘_De brevi de nativis_’ which may be translated as follows:-- There are different kinds of _nativi_ or bondmen. For some are _nativi de avo et proavo_ which is vulgarly called _de evo et trevo_, whom he [the lord] will claim to be his _nativi_ naturally, by beginning to narrate their ancestors, if their names are known, to wit, of his _great-grandfather_, _grandfather_, and _father_, who are convicted by his saying that they all are his _nativi_ in such and such a villa of his, and in a certain place within the said villa on servile land, and that they rendered and did to him and his ancestors servile service for many days and years, and this “nativitas,” or bondage, can be proved through the parents of the convicted one, if they are alive, or _per bonam assisam_. Likewise, there is another kind of bondage, similar to this, where some stranger shall have taken some servile land from some lord doing servile service for the same land, and if he die on the same land, and his son likewise, and afterwards _his_ son shall have lived and died on the same land, then all his posterity [_i.e._ his great-grandsons] shall be at the fourth grade altogether in servile condition to his lord, and his whole posterity can be proved in the same way. There is a third kind of _nativitas_, or bondage, where some freeman, _pro dominio habendo vel manutenencia_ [_i.e._ for protection or maintenance] from some magnate, gives himself up to that lord as his _nativus_ or _bondman_ in his court by the front hair of his head (_per crines anteriores capitis sui_). Whatever may have been the date and origin of these remarkable clauses, they are valuable as showing how tribal tradition became hardened in course of time into Feudal law, and how, the transition from tribal to Feudal principles having been accomplished, what is known everywhere by the name of ‘serfdom,’ became domiciled in Scotland. CHAPTER X. _ANGLO-SAXON CUSTOM FROM THE NORMAN POINT OF VIEW._ I. ANGLO-SAXON CUSTOM AS APPLIED TO NORMANS. [Sidenote: The Kentish laws to be treated apart.] In approaching the question of Anglo-Saxon tribal custom it is needful to make a clear distinction between the laws of the Kentish kings and the other Anglo-Saxon laws. The laws of the Kentish kings are known only in the MS.--the Textus Roffensis--compiled or collected by Ernulf, Bishop of Rochester from 1115 to 1125, and are not included in the other collections containing the laws of King Alfred and Ine. The evidence for Kentish custom seems, therefore, to be independent of that of Wessex or Mercia or Northumbria. Further, in the so-called ‘Laws of Henry I.’ at the conclusion of the statement of the customs as to homicide in s. LXXVI. it is distinctly stated that the wergelds in Kent differed much from those of Wessex both as regards _villani_ and _barones_. It will therefore be necessary to examine the Kentish laws separately from the others. [Sidenote: Laws of Henry I.] On the whole, with regard to the others, it seems best to resort to the method of proceeding from the later to the earlier evidence and to begin with the so-called ‘Laws of Henry I.,’ as a Norman though unofficial view of what Anglo-Saxon custom was or had been before the Conquest. [Sidenote: When a Norman was killed.] It may be well to inquire first, what in the view of the writer took place, after the Conquest, when a Norman or stranger was killed, because this at once raises the question what should happen in the unavoidable absence of kindred. Si Francigena qui parentes non habeat in murdro perimatur, habeat precium natalis ejus qui murdrum abarnaverit: Rex de hundreto ubi invenietur xl marc̄ argenti; nisi intra vii dies reddatur malefactor justicie regis, et talis de quo possit justicia fieri.… (lxxv. 6) If a Norman (_Francigena_) be murdered who has no _parentes_, let that person have the price of his birth who made known the murder. The King to have 40 marks of silver from the hundred where he was found unless within 7 days the malefactor be delivered up to the justice of the King in such a way that justice can be had of him.… Ad patrem vero, non ad matrem, generacionis consideracio dirigatur: omnibus enim Francigenis et alienigenis debet esse rex pro cognacione et advocato, si penitus alium non habeat. (7) Consideration as to birth must be directed to the father, not to the mother, for the King ought to be in the place of maternal kindred (_cognatio_) and of advocate for the Norman or stranger if he absolutely have no other. Si ex parte patris parentes non habeat qui occiditur, et ex parte matris habeat, quantum ad eum attinet, i. tercia pars weregildi sui reddatur. (8) If he who is killed has no _parentes_ on his father’s side and he has on his mother’s side, let what appertains to her, viz. one-third of his wergeld, be paid. These clauses show that when a Norman or stranger was slain, in a certain way the king was to stand in the place of the absent kindred to see that justice was done. The maternal kindred of the slain, if such were at hand, should receive the third of the wergeld which pertained to them, and so presumably the paternal kindred, if they alone were present, should take the two thirds pertaining to them, the king taking the share of the maternal kindred. In any case the right of the _parentes_ was recognised when they were present. [Sidenote: When the slayer was a Norman.] Next with regard to the payment of the wergeld in the case of the slayer being a Norman or a stranger:-- Si quis hujusmodi faciat homicidium, parentes ejus tantum were reddant, quantum pro ea reciperent, si occideretur. (8) If any one commit homicide of this kind let his _parentes_ pay so much wergeld as they would have received if he [the slayer] had been killed. Si ex parte patris parentes habeat, et ex parte matris non habeat, et hominem occideret, reddant pertinentes ei quantum de ejus interfeccione reciperent, i. duas partes weregildi sui. (9) If he [the slayer] have _parentes_ on his father’s side and not on his mother’s and kills a man, they pay for him as much as they would have received had he been killed, _i.e._ two thirds of the wergeld. Si quis autem paterna cognacione carens male pugnet ut hominem occidat, si tunc cognacionem maternam habeat, reddat ipsa terciam partem were, terciam congildones, pro tercia fugiat. (10) If any one who has no paternal relations shall fight so wrongly as to kill a man and if he has maternal relations they shall pay one-third of the wer, the _congildones_ one-third, and for the other third let him flee. Si nec maternam cognacionem habeat, reddant congildones dimidiam weram, pro dimidia fugiat vel componat. If he has no maternal relations the _congildones_ shall pay half, and for half he shall flee or pay. Si quis occidatur ejusmodi secundum legem pristinam, si parentela careat, reddatur dimidium regi, dimidium congildonibus. If any such person is killed, then _according to ancient law_, if he have no kindred half shall be paid to the King and half to the _congildones_. [Sidenote: Recurrence to Anglo-Saxon custom.] These clauses are valuable as showing that to meet the circumstances arising upon the Norman Conquest there was a recurrence as far as possible to ancient law and Anglo-Saxon custom. [Sidenote: Protection of the kinless stranger.] This was not the first time that the difficulty of absence of kindred had occurred and been formally recognised in England. The early Danish conquests had made special provisions necessary for the protection of the kinless stranger. And it was declared that ‘if any one did wrong to an ecclesiastic or a foreigner as to money or as to life, then should the king or the eorl there in the land and the bishop of the people be unto him in the place of a kinsman and of a protector (for _moeg_ and for _mund-boran_) unless he had another.’[210] Again, as regards the position of the maternal relations and the _congildones_ of a stranger, it is clear that the writer of these so-called laws is copying and adopting what he finds in the Laws of King Alfred. In ss. 27 and 28 of the latter, in the absence of relatives the _gegildas_ of the slayer were to pay half the wergeld; and also, in the absence of relatives of the slain person, his _gegildas_ were to receive half the wergeld. In both cases an artificial group of organised comrades, ‘gegildas’ or ‘congildones,’ seems to have been recognised as in part taking the place of kindred. And the importance of the provision of some such substitute for protection by the oaths of kinsmen is evident enough when it is considered that the ordeal of hot iron or water was the recognised alternative. On the whole the clauses in these so-called laws relating to Normans and strangers adhere to the principle of the liability of kindred both paternal and maternal in cases of homicide, and this is the more remarkable because long before, especially in the Laws of Edmund, as will hereafter appear, a very strong tendency had been shown to restrict the liability in case of homicide to the slayer himself. In the meantime the attempt to apply the Anglo-Saxon custom as to wergelds to Normans after the Conquest, taken together with the continued recognition of the liability of both paternal and maternal _parentes_, is a very strong proof that the solidarity of the kindred was not altogether a thing of the past. Tribal custom which at the Norman Conquest could be applied to the conquering class cannot be regarded as dead. II. NORMAN VIEW OF WESSEX CUSTOM. We pass on now to clause LXX. of the ‘Laws of Henry I.’ with the heading ‘Consuetudo Westsexe.’ [Sidenote: Wessex wergeld of twyhynde or villanus and twelve-hynde or thane.] The amount of the wergeld according to Wessex law is thus stated:-- In Westsexa, que caput regni est et legum, twihindi, i. villani wera est iiii lib.; twelfhindi, i. thaini xxv lib. (lxx. i) In Wessex, which is the capital of the kingdom and of laws, the wer of the twyhyndeman, _i.e._ of the villanus, is four pounds; of the twelvehyndeman, _i.e._ of the thane, twenty-five pounds. The Anglo-Saxon and Norman lb. of silver was 240_d._, and thus the twelve-hyndeman’s wergeld of 25 lbs. was the same thing as the ancient Wessex wergeld of 1200 Wessex scillings of 5_d._ Four pounds was a rough equivalent of the twyhyndeman’s wergeld of 200 Wessex scillings. A little further on in the same clause is the following quotation from Ethelred II.’s compact with Olaf. Si Anglicus homo Dacum occidat, liber liberum, persolvat eum xxv lib. vel ipse malefactor reddatur, et tantundem reddat Dacus de Anglico si eum occidat. (lxx. s. 6.) If an Englishman kill a Dane--a freeman a freeman--let him pay for him 25 lbs. or the criminal himself shall be delivered up. And let the Dane do the same if he kill an Englishman. The English and Danish typical freeman of this clause with his 25 lb. wergeld is clearly recognised in these so-called laws as the twelve-hyndeman and not the twyhynde man, who, though free, is identified with the ‘villanus.’ [Sidenote: Wife still belongs to her own kindred in respect of wergeld.] In further sections of this clause regarding Wessex customs very important statements are made with regard to the position of the wife in case of homicide, showing (1) that if she committed homicide her own kindred were responsible for her crime and not her husband or his kindred; and (2) that in case of the murder of a wife the wergeld went to _her_ kindred and not to the husband or his kindred. In s. 12 of this clause is the following statement:-- Similiter, si mulier homicidium faciat, in eam vel in progeniem vel parentes ejus vindicetur, vel inde componat: non in virum suum, seu clientelam innocentem. Likewise if a woman commits homicide let it be avenged on her or on her children or _parentes_ or paid for from that side, not on her husband, or innocent connections. And in s. 13:-- Si mulier occidatur, sicut weregildum ejus est reddatur, ex parte patris, sicut observamus in aliis. (14) Si pregnans occidatur et puer in ea vivat, uterque plena wera reddatur. Si nondum vivus sit, dimidia wera solvatur parentibus ex parte patris. If a woman be killed, whatever be her wergeld, let it be paid _ex parte patris_ just as we have said in other cases. (14) If a pregnant woman be killed and her child be living let the full wergeld of both be paid. If not yet living let half a wergeld be paid [for it] to the _parentes ex parte patris_, [of the child]. The position of the wife under Wessex custom is further shown by the following:-- Si sponsa virum suum supervixerit, dotem et maritacionem suam, cartarum instrumentis vel testium exhibicionibus ei traditam, perpetualiter habeat, et morgangivam suam et terciam partem de omni collaboracione sua, preter vestes et lectum suum; et si quid ex eis in elemosinis vel communi necessitate consumpserit, nichil inde recipiat. (ss. 22-23). If the wife survive her husband let her have permanently her dower and her ‘maritagium’ given to her by written instruments or production of witnesses, and her ‘morgengift’ and a third part of all joint acquisition, besides clothes and her bed, and let her receive nothing in respect of what has been consumed in charity or common necessity. Si mulier absque liberis moriatur, parentes ejus cum marito suo partem suam dividant. If a woman die without children her _parentes_ divide her share with the husband. These statements are valuable evidence that, in regard to the position of a wife, Anglo-Saxon custom was very nearly the same as Cymric custom and that of the Bretts and Scots. And they are the more important as stating in black and white what is only to be inferred from isolated statements in earlier laws. We now pass to c. LXXVI., _De precio cujuslibet_, containing information as to the mode of procedure in the payment of wergeld. After stating that if a man be slain he is to be paid for according to his birth, the clause proceeds thus:-- [Sidenote: Sureties for wergeld 8 of paternal and 4 of maternal kindred.] Et rectum est ut homicida, postquam weregildum vadiaverit inveniat wereplegios, sicut ad eam pertinebit, i. de thaino debent dari xii wereplegii, viii de parte patris, et iiii de cognacione matris; et cum hoc factum erit, elevetur inter eos pax regis in omni weregildo, et debet halsfang primo reddi, sicut were modus erit. And it is right that the homicide after having given pledge for the wergeld should find the wer-pledges pertaining to it. From the thane: 12 were-pledges 8 _exparte patris_ and 4 _de cognatione matris_, and this done shall be raised among them the peace of the king in every wergeld. And first the _halsfang_ should be paid according to the nature of the wergeld. Following the case of the twelve-hyndeman a little further we learn that:-- [Sidenote: Twelve-hyndeman’s halsfang.] Twelf-hindus est homo plene nobilis, i. thainus cujus wera est duodecies c sol. qui faciunt libras xxv, cujus halsfang sunt cxx sol. qui faciunt hodie sol. l. Et non pertinet alii cognacioni pecunia ista, nisi illis qui sunt intra genu. The twelve-hyndeman is the man _plene nobilis_, _i.e._ the thane whose wergeld is 1200 scillings which make 25_l._ His halsfang is 120_s._ which today equals 50_s._[211] [Norman], and it belongs to no other relations than those who are _intra genu_. This halsfang had to be paid on the 21st day from the giving of the pledge, and it seems to have been a token in recognition of guilt or earnest money to show that the wergeld would be paid. [Sidenote: Manbot and fightwite and then wergeld.] On the next 21st night from the payment of the halsfang the _manbot_ had to be paid, and on the 21st night after that the _fightwite_, and on the 21st night again the first payment of the wergeld. Et sic omnibus parentibus dominisque emendacionibus iniciatis persolvantur reliquum were, intra terminum quem sapientes instituunt. Thus for all the _parentes_ and lords, amends being set agoing, the rest of the wergeld shall be paid during a term to be fixed by the wise men (_sapientes_). Turning next to the case of persons twyhynde born--_cyrlisci vel villani_--more details are given:-- After stating their wergeld to be four pounds, the clause proceeds:-- [Sidenote: Halsfang of the twyhynde class.] Halsfange ejus sunt v marc. que faciunt xii sol. et vi den.: est autem verbum Anglicum quod Latine sonat ‘apprehensio colli.’ Their halsfang is v marks which = 12_s._ 6_d._; and it is an English word which in Latin means ‘_apprehensio colli_.’ There is evidently here an error. ‘V marc’ ought to be read 5 _mancuses_. The mancus was 30_d._ or 2_s._ 6_d._ Norman money and the halsfang therefore 150_d._ or 12_s._ 6_d._ Norman money, as stated in the following clause. [Sidenote: Manbot and fightwite and then wergeld.] Si quis ad iv lib. persolvendus occidatur, et ad id res veniat, ut precio natalis ejus componendus sit, primo debent reddi xii sol. et vi den. et in wera numerari: reddantur vero patri, vel filio, vel fratri, vel qui propinquior est de patre, si predictos parentes non habeat: si omnes istos habeat, et ipsi dividant inter se. (6) If any one is killed to be paid for at 4_l._ and it comes to pass that the price of his birth has to be paid, first should be paid [the halsfang of] 12_s._ 6_d._ to be reckoned in the wergeld, and this is paid to the _father or son, or brother_, or, failing these, whoever is the _nearest of kin to the father_. If he has all these, they divide it between them. A die qua wera vadiata est in xxi diem, sine omni excusacione et dilacione, debet halsfang reddi, sicut premisimus.… On the 21st day from the giving of the pledge, without any excuse or delay the halsfang should be paid, as we have said.… Inde ad xxi diem reddatur ipsius manbota: tunc ad xxi diem fuytwhita: inde ad xxi diem reddatur ipsius were frumgildum, i. vii sol. et vi den. ad explecionem xx sol. On the 21st day after that, is to be paid the _manbot_, then on the 21st day the _fightwite_, and then on the 21st day must be paid the _frumgeld_ of the wergeld, _i.e._ 7_s._ 6_d._, to the completion of 20_s._ Thus we learn that in the case of the twy-hyndeman the halsfang of 12_s._ 6_d._ and the frumgeld of 7_s._ 6_d._ make up the first 20_s._ of the wergeld of four pounds. The clause proceeds:-- Inde componat qui weram solvit, terminum de xx sol.: inde ponant terminum suum parentes mortui de xl ovibus, que pro xx sol. computantur: sint autem oves videntes et cornute, nulla parte corporis diminute: ultimo termino reddatur equus, qui pro xx sol. numerandus est. Hoc secundum legem et nostram consuetudinem diximus: differentia tamen weregildi multa est in Cancia villanorum et baronum. After that he who pays the wergeld pays at another term 20_s._ Then the _parentes_ of the dead fix a term for 40 sheep which are reckoned as 20_s._, but they must be sheep seeing and horned and deficient in no part of the body. At the last term a horse is given reckoned at 20_s._ This we have said according to law and our custom. There is, however, great difference in the wergeld of both _villani_ and _barones_ in Kent. Thus both in the case of the twelve-hynde and the twy-hyndeman the halsfang is the first beginning of the wergeld, and whatever may be the exact meaning of the word, it is pretty evident that it was regarded as an admission of the wrong done and as a kind of earnest money that the rest of the wergeld would be paid. But between the halsfang or earnest money and the making up of the first full instalment of the wergeld were the two other payments, the _manbot_ and the _fightwite_. They have already been mentioned, but it is important to recognise what these two payments outside the wergeld mean. We learn from c. LXXX. s. 6 what the fightwite was:-- [Sidenote: Fightwite was for breach of precinct.] In cujuscumque terra fiat homicidium, qui socam et sacam suam habeat, si homicida divadietur ibi vel cravetur, fihtwytam recipiat.… Si occisus et locus unius domini sint, qui socnam suam habeat manbotam et fihtwytam. On whosesoever land the homicide may be committed, he who has soc and sac shall if the homicide there be pledged or remanded receive fightwite.… If the person killed and the place are of one lord, let him who has the soc have [both] manbot and fightwite. [Sidenote: Manbot was value to lord of person slain.] It is clear from this that the fightwite was the payment due to the lord who had the ‘soc’ of the place where the homicide occurred and the wergeld was pledged. The manbot, on the other hand, was the payment to the lord whose man the person slain was. The lord of the soc might also be the lord of the man slain, in which case both fightwite and manbot were payable to him. In c. LXIX. the manbot of the twy-hyndeman is stated to be 30_s._ (of 5_d._, _i.e._ 150_d._), and that of the twelve-hyndeman 120_s._ (600_d._) as in the Laws of Ine, s. 70. In the so-called ‘Laws of Edward the Confessor’ c. XII. is the following:-- Qui scienter fregerit eam [pacem regis] … lege Anglorum suum were, i. precium suum, et manbote de occisis erga dominos quorum homines interfecti erant. Manbote in Danelaga, de vilano et de socheman, xii oras; de liberis hominibus iii marcas. Manbote in lege Anglorum, regi et archiepiscopo, iii marc̄ de hominibus suis; episcopo comitatus, comiti comitatus, et dapifero regis, xx soƚ; baronibus ceteris, x soliđ. Emendacionem faciat parentibus, aut guerram paciatur, unde Angli proverbium habebant: Biege spere of side oðer bere, quod est dicere, lanceam eme de latere aut fer eam. He who knowingly breaks the king’s peace … by the law of the English pays his were, _i.e._ _pretium suum_, and _manbot_ of persons killed to the lords whose men have been killed. Manbote in Danelaga of villanus and socheman xii ores, of _liberi homines_ iii marks.[212] Manbot in English law to the king and archbishop iii marks for their men; to the bishop and earl of a county and _dapifer_ of the king xx_s._: other barons x_s._ Let him make amends to the _parentes_ or suffer feud. Hence the English have a proverb, ‘Buy off the spear or bear it.’ This chapter relates chiefly to the breach of the king’s peace on the king’s highways &c., but it clearly confirms the meaning of the _manbot_ as the payment to the lord for his man and as quite distinct from the wergeld to the _parentes_ of the slain. [Sidenote: Manbot of socheman and villanus alike in the Danelaga.] It may seem strange at first sight that according to this clause the manbot in the Danelaga of the villanus and the socheman should be alike, viz. 12 ores of silver, and further that the villanus and socheman should not be included as _liberi homines_, the manbot of the latter being double their manbot, viz. three marks or 24 ores. The explanation of the equal manbot of villani and sochemen may partly be found in the tendency after the Conquest to class together all subordinate tenants rendering manual or agricultural services to the landlord as villani, and to ignore the differences in origin between the various classes of tenants of this kind. Still if at this point of our inquiry the relative positions of the sochmanni of the Danish districts and the villani of ordinary English manors were the question under discussion, it would be fair in explanation of the equality in manbot to point out how very nearly the services of the two classes seem to have corresponded so far as their value to the lord was concerned.[213] The loss to the lord of the twelve-hyndeman was probably reckoned as of greater money value than that of the villanus or socheman, because of the higher grade or character of his military and judicial services as compared with the agricultural services of the villanus and socheman. However this may be, these considerations confirm the importance of the distinction between the _manbot_ which varies according to the value or loss to the lord of the person slain, and is therefore payable to him, and the wergeld payable to the _parentes_ of the person slain which varied according to the grade in social rank in which he was born or to which he may have sometimes risen. Further, this distinction between the wergeld and the manbot becomes all the clearer when we turn to the evidence given in the Laws of Henry I. regarding the custom of Wessex in respect of the homicide of slaves. [Sidenote: When a slave is killed, or kills an Englishman.] In c. LXX. the custom of Wessex is stated thus:-- Si servus servum occidat, domino reddantur xx sol. pro manbota, parentibus interfecti servi xl den. (s. 2) If a slave (_servus_) kills a slave xx_s._ [? of 5_d._] is paid to the lord for _manbot_, to the _parentes_ of the dead slave xl_d._ Si dominus occisoris nec pro eo reddit, nec servus habet unde reddat, dimittere potest eum dominus, ut sibi caveat, nisi forte cravetur dum secum est; quod si eveniat, eum repetentibus reddat vel inde componat. (s. 3) If the lord of the slayer pays nothing for him and the slave has nothing to pay with, the lord can dismiss him so that he [the lord] may protect himself from having the slave seized while with him. But if this happen he shall hand him over to the prosecutors or pay for him. Si liber servum occidat, similiter reddat parentibus xl den. et duas mufflas, et unum pullum mutilatum, domini servi xx sol. pro manbota blodwitam vel fihtwitam sicut acciderit. If a freeman kill a slave let him likewise pay to the _parentes_ xl pence and two ‘muffles’ and a capon. To the lord of the slave xx_s._ [? of 5_d._] for manbot, [also] bloodwite or fightwite as it happens. Si servus Waliscus Anglicum hominem occidat, debet ille cujus servus est reddere eum domino et parentibus, vel dare xl sol. pro vita sua. Si hoc capitale nolit dare pro eo, dimittat eum liberum, solvant postea parentes ejus weram illam, si cognacionem habeat liberam. Si non habeat, observent eum inimici. Non cogitur liber cum servo meggildare, nisi velit ei satisfaccionem facere, nec servus cum libero. If a _slave Waliscus_ kills an Englishman he whose slave he is ought to give him up to the lord and the _parentes_ or pay xl_s._ [? of 5_d._] for his life. If he does not choose to pay this for his head let him set him free; then afterwards let his _parentes_ pay his wergeld if he has free relations. If not let them regard him as an enemy. No freeman is to be compelled to join in payment with a slave unless he wishes to make satisfaction for him nor a slave with a freeman.[214] [Sidenote: Manbot of Wessex slave.] Thus while under the Danelaga the equal manbot of the villanus and of the socheman was 12 ores or 240_d._, we learn from these clauses that the manbot of the ordinary slave under Wessex custom was 20_s._ _i.e._ (if of 5_d._) 100 pence, while that of the twy-hyndeman was, as we have seen, only 150 pence. At first sight it may seem strange that the manbot or value to the lord of his villanus or socheman should be no greater, or even less, than that of his theow or slave. But a moment’s consideration will show that the value of the villanus and the socheman to the lord was mainly their week-work and services amounting to perhaps half their whole time, while that of the slave or theow was the value of his whole time and also that of a marketable chattel. It may be noticed, too, how in the statements of Wessex custom some slight recognition is made of the _kindred_ of the slave, but the amount (40 pence) is so very small that it hardly can be reckoned as any real approach to recognition of family rights or rights of kindred belonging to the relatives of the slave. In the ‘Laws of William the Conqueror’ the manbot of the slave is stated (perhaps in error) to be twice that of the freeman, and in the case of freemen a concession is made of 10_s._ of the wergeld to the _widow_ of the slain, who otherwise, not being of the same blood or kindred with her husband, would under tribal custom have received no part of the wergeld. Si quis convictus vel confessus fuerit in jure, alium occidisse, dat were suum, et insuper domino occisi, manbote, scilicet, pro homine libero x sol. pro servo xx solid. (s. vii.) If any one shall have been convicted of or have confessed the slaying of another, let him give his wergeld and over and above to the lord of the person slain, _manbote_: that is, for a freeman x_s._ [? of 5_d._ or 12_d._] for a _servus_ xx shillings. Est autem were theni in Merchenelahe xx libr.; in Westsaxenelahe xxv libr.; rustici autem c solid. in Merchenelahe, et similiter in Westsaxenelahe. (viii.) The wergeld, however, of the thane under Mercian law is xx lb. [_i.e._ 1200_s._ of 4_d._], under West Saxon law xxv lb. [_i.e._ 1200_s._ of 5_d._]; of the rustic c_s._ [? of 5_d._ or 12_d._] in Mercia and the same in Wessex. De were ergo pro occiso soluto, primo vidue x sol. dentur, et residuum liberi et consanguinei inter se dividant. (ix) Of the wergeld thus paid for the slain person, first let x shillings be given to the widow, and the rest let the children and relations divide between them. [Sidenote: Homicide of a kinsman.] Finally, it is interesting to observe that according to the so-called ‘Laws of Henry I.’ tribal custom was still partly recognised in the method of dealing with the homicide of a kinsman. In clause LXXV. is the following:-- Qui aliquem de parentibus suis occidet, dignis apud Deum penitencie fructibus emendet; et in modo penitencie sit, si sponte vel casu perpetravit; et excidat emendacio patrini sicut manbota domini: si non pertineat ei utrumque, et aliorum importunitate, quorum consanguineus est, cogatur eum reddere, sapientum hoc judicio, secundum genus, componatur. He who shall slay any one of his _parentes_, let him make amends by fruits of penitence worthy before God. And let the measure of the penance be according to whether he did it willingly or by accident. And the correction of the sponsor falls just as the manbot of the lord. If there does not pertain to him either the one or the other and by the importunity of others whose kinsman he is he shall be compelled to pay, let it be compounded for by judgment of wise men whatever that may be. The homicide of a kinsman was apparently still generally free from judicial interference or criminal law. The slayer is handed over to the Church and his punishment is spiritual penance. Even the manbot to the lord who has lost a man through his crime fails to be paid. But should there be a fear of trouble through the importunity of any of the kinsmen of the slain demanding compensation, then a compromise was to be effected by reference to the judgment of wise men. Tribal feeling is evidently not yet dead, although beginning in this matter to yield to the more modern view of individual responsibility for crime without regard to the question of kindred. There is at the same time recognition of the fact that the weakened tribal feeling is no longer always able to restrain the kinsmen from revenge in the case of wrong done within the kindred. CHAPTER XI. _DANISH VIEW OF ANGLO-SAXON CUSTOM._ I. THE ‘DE INSTITUTIS LUNDONIE’--OF CNUT (?) [Sidenote: Fresh point of view.] Having thus tried to obtain, from the so-called ‘Laws of Henry I.’ (whatever they may be), a Norman view of Anglo-Saxon custom, we recognise that on some points we may have learned more from this Norman view than could directly have been learned solely from the earlier Anglo-Saxon laws themselves. The reason of this is obvious. Special laws issued at various times by Saxon kings do not profess to cover the whole ground of existing and well understood custom. Rather should special laws be regarded as modifications of custom made necessary at different periods by new circumstances. Thus no one of the sets of laws can be expected to give a general view of custom as a whole. It is not strange, then, that we should owe some knowledge of early Anglo-Saxon custom to the Norman Conquest and the necessity after such an event to collect in a more connected and intelligible form what had formerly to some extent been matters of custom and tradition. And so it may be that our next chance of learning more may be found in the study of the documents and fragments belonging to the period of the Danish invasion of England, and especially the moment of transition from the English rule of Ethelred II. to the Danish rule of Cnut. [Sidenote: Danes and English live under their own laws. Danish law assumed to be well known.] The founding of the Danish kingdom of Cnut was an epoch in English history, and indeed in the history of Europe. It was followed _inter alia_ by the legalisation in England of Scandinavian monetary reckoning in marks and ores which had already for some time been in use side by side with the English reckoning in scillings and pounds. And this was typical of the general position of things. In full coincidence with the working of tribal feeling in other countries, into the idea of conquest the amalgamation of the two peoples into one did not enter. Danes continued to live under their laws and the English under theirs, as Franks and Gallo-Romans did under Frankish rule. Certain things were enjoined upon both, but with a difference. It often happens that in documents of this period the ‘law of the English’ is specially explained while the Danish law is referred to as already known, thus revealing a Danish point of view. In the Laws of Ethelred II. (s. 37) it is enacted that if anyone should be charged with plotting against the king, he must ‘clear himself with the threefold ordeal by the law of the English, and by the law of the Danes according as their law may be.’ And so in the Laws of Cnut penalties are stated as so many scillings by English law and by Danish law ‘as it formerly stood.’[215] So that, from the Danish point of view, it was sometimes a matter of inquiry and record what the English law had been, while knowledge of Danish law was mostly taken for granted. [Sidenote: London under Cnut a port of the ‘greater Scandinavia.’] With regard to the coinage this was only partly the case. Not that Anglo-Saxon reckoning in pounds and scillings was abolished or that Danish currency was thenceforth the only one allowed. But, Cnut having styled himself ‘King of all England and King of the Danes and Norwegians,’ London had become in one sense a Scandinavian port. The large sums paid to ‘the army’ by Ethelred for respite and peace had flooded Scandinavia with English silver money of his coinage. This was so to such an extent that while the British Museum is rich in the coins of Ethelred, still more of them are to be found in Scandinavian museums.[216] And one marked result of the increased intercourse with England was an increase also in the Scandinavian coinage, the type of which was chiefly taken from the coins of Ethelred II.[217] London had become to some extent the commercial capital indirectly of what has been happily called the ‘Greater Scandinavia.’ In the words of Mr. Keary:[218] ‘The Greater Scandinavia, with older countries, included (counting from the East to the West) a large district in the North and West of Russia extending from Kiev to Lake Ladoga. It included Sweden, Norway, Denmark and a strip of land in North Germany (Mecklenburg), Northern England, Man, most of the Western Scottish Islands, the Orkneys and Shetlands … settlements in Ireland and colonies in the Faroes and Iceland--a stretch of territories inhabited by peoples closely allied in blood, in speech, and in customs.’ Was it likely, then, that Cnut in making London the commercial capital of his kingdom should adopt the English monetary system unchanged, without regard to that in use in the North? Happily, in the document known as the ‘De Institutis Lundonie’ we have an interesting glimpse into the conditions of the port of London, and in its final clause definite reference to the legalisation of the Danish currency. [Sidenote: The commerce of London.] This document has hitherto been placed doubtfully under the reign of Ethelred II. with some others of about the same period, but there is no evidence to show that it should be so placed rather than under the reign of Cnut. It exists only in Latin and it contains no mention of Ethelred, while its final clause becomes intelligible only, I think, if regarded as enacted after the accession of Cnut. We learn from the document that Aldersgate and Cripplegate were the two gates which had guards. Billingsgate, being on the river, was treated as a port. Boats on arrival paid toll according to size, smaller ones a halfpenny, boats with sails one penny, ‘a _ceol vel hulcus_’ fourpence if it should lie there. Ships laden with wood paid ‘one timber’ from their cargo. Those coming with fish to the bridge also paid toll. Men from Rouen, with wine or whale, paid six shillings per ship and the twentieth lump of the whale. Men of Flanders, Normandy, and France declared their cargoes and paid toll. Goods overland through Holland and Belgium were also examined and paid toll. Men of the Emperor who came in their ships were to be held worthy of the same good laws as ‘our people (_sicut nos_).’ From this it would appear that a good deal of the trade from the Baltic was an overland trade and in Frankish hands. The ‘men of the Emperor’ who were treated on equal terms with ‘our people’ were probably the merchants whose successors ultimately established the Hanseatic towns and two or three centuries later the Hanseatic league. [Sidenote: Cnut’s ores of 16_d._ or 1/15 of the pound.] The final clause is as follows:-- (9) Et ut monetarii pauciores sint, quam antea fuerint: in omni summo portu iii, et in omni alio portu sit unus monetarius: And that there be fewer moneyers[219] than there formerly were, in every chief town iii and in every other town let there be one moneyer. et illi habeant suboperarios suos in suo crimine, quod purum faciant et recti ponderis, per eandem witam, quam prediximus. And let them have their sub-workers under their responsibility, so that they make pure [money] and of right weight, under the penalties aforesaid. Et ipsi qui portus custodiant, efficiant per overhirnessam meam, ut omne pondus sit marcatum ad pondus, quo pecunia mea recipitur et eorum singulum signetur ita, quod xv oræ libram faciant. Et custodiant omnes monetam, sicut vos docere praecipio [? praecepto], et omnes elegimus. And let those who have charge of the towns secure, under penalties, that every weight shall be marked at the weight by which my money is received, and that each of them is so signed that xv ores make a pound. And let all maintain the coinage in accordance with the orders we have chosen to enjoin upon you and all men. This clause has already been alluded to in connection with the ‘Laws of the Bretts and Scots.’ The ore of sixteen pence in which the payments of those laws were to be made was the ore described in this clause, for the ore of one fifteenth of the pound was the ore of sixteen pence. The wording of the clause is very distinct. There were to be _monetarii_ (mintmen) at the several mercantile centres, one at each lesser town and at the chief towns three. And every weight used by them was to be marked to the weight at which ‘my money’ was received and every one of the weights was to be marked ‘_so that fifteen ores make a pound_.’ The pound was no doubt the Frankish and English pound which since the time of Charlemagne and Offa contained 7680 wheat-grains and was divided according to English reckoning into twelve ounces of 640 wheat-grains or twenty-pence of 32 wheat-grains. The Danish ore of one fifteenth part of the pound was therefore of 512 wheat-grains or sixteen pence. And there is good reason to believe that this ore was the ore in general use in Scandinavian commerce. We have seen that the Scandinavian ore, like the Merovingian ounce, when reckoned in wheat-grains was the Roman ounce of 576 wheat-grains, but that in actual weight it had sunk below the Roman standard. The ‘ortug’ or stater had apparently in actual weight fallen back to the weight of the stater of the ancient Eastern or Merovingian standard, viz. 8·18 grammes, so that the ore or ounce of three ortugs of this weight would weigh 24·54 grammes. And this was almost exactly one fifteenth of the Anglo-Saxon pound.[220] We may therefore with some confidence regard the ore legalised by Cnut for commercial use as practically identical in weight of silver with the ore of three ortugs in use in the Baltic and generally in Scandinavian trade. [Sidenote: Cnut divides his ore into 20 light pence.] Moreover, when we turn to the actual coinage of Cnut we find that by a sweeping change he reduced the weight of the silver penny from one twentieth of the Anglo-Saxon ounce to apparently one twentieth of this ore, intending, it would seem, to make his ore pass for payments as an ore of 20 pence instead of 16.[221] When these facts are taken together, we can hardly, I think, be wrong in assigning the ‘De Institutis Lundonie’ to the time of the foundation of the Danish kingdom by Cnut and in considering its final clause as recording the legalisation of the Danish monetary system with its marks and ores for use in England and for purposes of international trade. The fact that the ‘ore of sixteen’ was in use not only in the ‘Laws of the Bretts and Scots’ but also in the Domesday survey, _e.g._ in the district between the Mersey and the Ribble, is a lasting proof of its use wherever Scandinavian conquest and commerce extended, possibly before and certainly long after it was legalised for English use by Cnut. II. FRAGMENT ‘OF “GRITH” AND OF “MUND.”’ Having gained from the ‘De Institutis Lundonie’ some sense of the greatness of the change to England consequent upon the accession of Cnut and also of the importance of England to Cnut’s Scandinavian kingdom, we may now turn to the consideration of certain documents which seem to be attempts made during this period of change to realise and record what had been Anglo-Saxon custom. [Sidenote: Mund-bryce of the king and of the Church five pounds.] The first clauses of Cnut’s Church laws refer to the maintenance of the rights of the Church as to ‘grith and frith.’[222] ‘Because God’s grith is of all griths the best, and next thereto the king’s, it is very right that God’s church-grith within walls and a Christian king’s hand-grith stand equally inviolate,’ so that anyone infringing either ‘shall forfeit land and life unless the king be merciful to him.’[223] A homicide within church walls was to be ‘botless,’ unless the king ‘granted life against full bot.’ In this case the homicide must pay his full _wer_ to Christ or the king, as the case might be, and so ‘inlaw himself to bot.’ Then the bot was to be the same as the king’s ‘mund-bryce’ of five pounds. These clauses seem to be taken from another document of this period,[224] headed ‘Of Church grith,’ which is printed by Thorpe among the Laws of Ethelred. Again, the laws decreed by Ethelred and his witan at Wantage[225] respecting ‘frith-bot’ commence with the decree that ‘grith should stand henceforth as it originally stood in the days of his [the king’s] forefathers.’ So that again ancient custom is confirmed rather than new law enacted. [Sidenote: The grith of various moots.] This decree of Wantage relates, not, like Cnut’s law, to the grith of the Church, but to the grith of various assemblies or courts. Crimes committed within the grith or peace given by the king’s own hand (that is, the king’s ‘hand-grith’ of the other documents) is again _botless_. The grith which the ealdorman and the king’s reeve give in the assembly of the ‘five-burgs’ if broken involves a bot of 1200 (scillings?), that given by a burh-assembly 600, that by a wapentake 100, that in an alehouse ‘for a dead man vi half-marks and for a living one xii ores.’ In a further clause (s. 12) it is stated that in a king’s suit the deposit or ‘wed’ was to be of vi half-marks, in an eorl’s and a bishop’s of xii ores, and in a thane’s of vi ores. Here both English and Danish currencies are used. The law is common to both peoples. The principle of the ‘grith’ or ‘frith’ is alike for both English and Danes, and it does not seem that Cnut had any intention of altering what had been law in this respect under his English predecessor. [Sidenote: Grith-bryce and mund-bryce the same thing.] In s. 3 of Cnut’s Church laws, dealing with crimes less than homicide, he seems to treat the ‘grith’ of his new law and the ‘mund-bryce’ of old law as practically the same thing, and this clause according to the text of MS. G.[226] contains an interesting allusion to Kentish as well as other English law. Heafod mynstres griðbryce is æt bot wyrþum þingū be cinges munde. ꝥ is mid · v · pundum on Engla lage ⁊ on cent lande æt þā mund bryce · v · pund þā cingce. ⁊ þreo þā arceƀ. ⁊ medemran mynstres mid · cxx · scill. ꝥæ is be cingres wite. ⁊ þonne gyt læssan þær lytel þeowdom sig ⁊ leger-stow þeah sig mid lx scill. and feald cyricean þær leger-scow ne sig mid xxx scyll. The grith-bryce of the chief minster in cases entitled to bot is according to the King’s mund, that is v pounds by English law _and in Kent for the mund-bryce v pounds to the King_, and three to the archbishop, and of a minster of the middle class cxx scillings, that is according to the King’s wite, and of one yet less where there is little service, provided there be a burying place, lx scillings and of a field church thirty scillings. Further, there is a separate document belonging to this period entitled ‘Of _Grith_ and of _Mund_’[227] which seems to have been a careful statement of what ‘formerly’ had been law among the English, the Kentish people, the South Angles, and the North Angles respectively. [Sidenote: Reference to Kentish law.] It is too long to be quoted at length. It states again that ‘God’s grith is of all griths’ of the first importance, and ‘next thereto the king’s.’ ‘Formerly among the English,’ when a man fled for his life to the king, the archbishop or the ætheling, he had nine days’ ‘grith.’ If he sought a bishop or ealdorman he had seven days’ ‘grith.’[228] Then it goes on to state that in the law of the _Kentish_ people ‘the king and the archbishop had a like and equally dear _mund-bryce_,’ while the archbishop’s property according to Kentish law was compensated for elevenfold and the king’s ninefold, though ‘the mund-byrd of Christ’s Church was the same as the king’s.’[229] [Sidenote: Grith-law of South Angles.] Next the ‘grith-law’ of the _South Angles_ is described. The king’s mund-bryce is stated again to be five pounds by the law of the English; an archbishop and an ætheling’s mund-bryce three pounds; other bishops’ and an ealdorman’s two pounds: and if any one fight in the presence of an ætheling or archbishop the bot was cl scillings, if in that of another bishop or ealdorman c scillings. [Sidenote: Law of North Angles.] Lastly, the document records that in the _North Angles’_ law ‘it stands that he who slays any one within church walls shall be liable in his life, and he who wounds shall be liable in his hand: and let him who slays any one within church doors give to the church cxx scillings, according to the North-Angles’ law. And let a freeman who harms a living person in his “mund-byrd” pay xxx scillings.’ [Sidenote: Borh-bryce.] In s. 59 of the secular laws of Cnut under the heading ‘Of Borh-bryce’ is a statement that if any one break the king’s ‘borh’ the bot is five pounds; an archbishop’s or ætheling’s ‘borh’ three pounds; a leod-bishop’s or ealdorman’s ‘borh’ two pounds. This is a re-enactment of clause 3 of King Alfred’s dooms. In the latter the words ‘borh-bryce’ and ‘mund-byrd’ appear to be interchangeable. Both mean the breach of protection or _mund_. [Sidenote: Extent of the area of the grith.] There is finally a fragment[230] which fixes the extent of the king’s ‘grith’ to be ‘three miles and three furlongs and three acre breadths and nine feet and nine hand breadths and nine barleycorns from the “burhgeat” where the king is.’ Within this area the ‘grith’ or protection of the king extends, and the use of the word ‘grith’ seems to place this fragment among those belonging to the Danish group. In this ‘grith’ or _area_ of protection, taken together with the grith of various persons in regard to the _duration_ of the protection, and the grith of the various assemblies or courts, and, finally, in the _mund_ of various persons marked by the amount of the _mund-bryce_, there is surely a foundation in ancient custom for the jurisdiction involved in the sac and soc of the later period. [Sidenote: The soc and sac of later laws.] We have seen in the clauses of the so-called Laws of Henry I. allusion to the ‘sac and soc’ of the lord on whose land a homicide has been perpetrated and under whose jurisdiction the wed or pledge has been given for the payment of wergeld. According to earlier phraseology, the lord’s grith or peace has been broken. He has a territorial jurisdiction over the giving of the wed by which it is to be restored, and he is entitled to fightwite accordingly. If his own man has been slain, whether on his own land or not, his _mund_ has been broken and the manbot of his man is payable to him. The phrase ‘soc and sac’ is probably of Scandinavian origin. It does not seem to go back earlier than the time of Cnut.[231] It is not found in his laws. But the principle at the root of the ‘grith’ and the ‘mund’ was not one newly introduced at this period. We shall find it again in the earliest laws, and we have already found it at work under Irish custom. The Irish chieftain’s ‘precinct’ or area of protection extended on his ‘green’ as far as he could throw his hammer, and the value of his protection varied, as we have seen, with his ‘honour price.’ III. THE ‘FRITH’ BETWEEN ETHELRED II. AND OLAF TRYGGVASON, A.D. 993. [Sidenote: Frith of A.D. 993.] The real Danish invasion of England, which ended in the accession of Cnut to the kingdom of all England, commenced with the arrival of Olaf (Tryggvason), afterwards King of Norway, in A.D. 991. The fatal battle of Malden had been fought and 10,000 pounds of silver paid for a temporary peace. At length the treaty was made between Ethelred and Olaf on the latter embracing Christianity. [Sidenote: Freeman’s wergeld 25 pounds of silver. Slave valued at one pound.] The article on homicide in this ‘_frith-mal_’ is the only one which need be quoted here:-- Gif Englisc man Deniscne ofslea, frigman frigne, gylde hine mid xxv pundum oþþon mon þone hand-dædan agyfe, ⁊ do se Denisca þone Engliscan eal swa gif [he] hine ofslea. Gif Englisc man Deniscne þræl ofslea gylde hine mid punde ⁊ se Denisca Engliscne eal swa gif he hine ofslea. If an Englishman slay a Dane, a freeman a freeman, let him pay for him with xxv[232] pounds, or let the slayer be delivered up. And let the Dane do the same by an Englishman if he slay him. If an Englishman slay a Danish thrall let him pay for him with a pound; and so a Dane in like manner, by an Englishman if he slay him. [Sidenote: The freeman is the twelve-hyndeman.] The points to be noted here are these. It is for the crime of a freeman slaying a freeman that the wergeld of twenty-five pounds is to be paid. And this wergeld of twenty-five pounds of silver is the wergeld of 1200 Wessex scillings. So that the freeman of this clause is the twelve-hyndeman.[233] For the purpose of this ‘frith’ between Ethelred and Olaf the twelve-hyndeman and not the twy-hyndeman is the typical freeman. And the Dane also is to be paid for by a twelve-hyndeman’s wergeld. The twy-hyndeman escapes without notice. No class is mentioned between the twelve-hynde freeman and the thrall; and the thrall whether Danish or English is paid for with a pound of silver. Finally, the compact is described in Anglo-Saxon pounds, not in Danish marks and ores. It is an English statement of the ‘frith’ between the English king and ‘the army that Anlaf (Olaf) and Justin and Guthmund, Stegita’s son, were with.’ And accordingly at the end of clause 7 is recorded the humiliating admission that ‘twenty-two thousand pounds of gold and silver were given to “the army in England for the frith.”’ CHAPTER XII. _ANGLO-SAXON CUSTOM FROM THE VIKING OR NORTHMEN’S POINT OF VIEW._ I. THE COMPACT BETWEEN KING ALFRED AND GUTHRUM, A.D. 886. [Sidenote: The earlier Danish or Viking invasions.] At the date of the compact between Ethelred II. and Olaf Tryggvason more than a century had passed since the earlier compact between Alfred and Guthrum. And during that century the successors of Alfred had gradually succeeded in recovering their hold upon the English nation. During the whole of this time, following Continental tribal usage, both English and Danes had presumably lived under their own laws and customs. But whether it be right to speak of the Northmen of the time of King Alfred as Danes or not, it is necessary to distinguish the difference between the two invasions. Cnut’s invasion was avowedly intended to establish a kingdom, or rather to bring England within the area of his great Danish kingdom. Olaf was on the point of making himself King of Norway; and the founding of kingdoms was, so to speak, in the air. It was an era of conquest and Cnut’s invasion of England was in fact the first step towards the Norman Conquest. The Vikings who invaded England in the days of Alfred, on the other hand, were independent chieftains--the last of the class of the early Frankish and Anglo-Saxon type. Their invasion was not a Danish invasion in the sense that it came from a Danish kingdom. The Vikings of this earlier period were chieftains of moving armies living upon the country they invaded. Their armies were composed of Northmen, and, again to quote the words of Mr. Keary, ‘in the history of the Scandinavian nations they were the representatives in the countries of their origin of a bygone or passing order of things’--‘the opponents of the extended sort of kingship which was the new order of the day in Denmark, Sweden, and Norway.’[234] Let us for a moment follow the course of the movements of these Viking armies which preceded the compact between Alfred and Guthrum. In 867 the ‘army’ was in the North, took possession of York, and subdued Northumbria. In 868 Mercia was invaded, and till 871 the incursions were practically confined to Northumbria and Mercia, and parts of East Anglia. In 871 the invasion of Wessex commenced, and in the same year Alfred, on the death of his brother Ethelred, became King of Wessex. In 874 the ‘army’ was again chiefly in Mercia and Northumbria and began definitely to settle in the latter. The southern half of Northumbria became the Kingdom of York under Halfdan, A.D. 876. The other part of the army under Guthrum proceeded to attack Wessex, and the winter of 877-8 was marked by the retirement of Alfred into the island of Æthelney. [Sidenote: Compact between Alfred and Guthrum.] In 878 came the victory of Æthandune, which was followed by the baptism of Guthrum and the partition of England. In 880 Guthrum and his army settled in what became the Danelaga. And in 886 the final compact was entered into between Alfred and Guthrum the text of which has been preserved. It will be convenient first to consider this compact and then the various fragments of Northumbrian and Mercian law the production or preservation of which may be traced to this period. [Sidenote: English and Danes equally dear.] The text of the compact is preserved in the tenth-century Manuscript B. Its first clause defines the boundaries between that part of England which was to remain English and the Danelaga. With this matter at the moment we are not specially concerned. Then follows the most material clause (2):-- And hi cwædon, gyf mon ofslægen wurðe, eal we letað efen dyrne, Engliscne ⁊ Denisce. ꝥ is to .viii. healf-marcum asodenes goldes. buton þam ceorle þe on gafol-lande sit ⁊ heora lysingon: þa syndon eac efen dyre. ægðer twa hund scyll:: And they ordained, if a man should be slain we estimate all equally dear, English and Danish, _i.e._ at viii half-marks of pure gold except the ceorl who sits on gafol land and their [the Danish] lysings, they also are equally dear, either at 200 scillings. And gyf man cynges þegen beteo man-slihtas. ⁊ he hine ladian durre. do he ꝥ mid xii cynges þegnas ⁊ gyf mon þone man betyhð þe bið læssa maga. ladie hine xi his gelicena ⁊ anum cyninges þegene. And if a man accuse a king’s thane of manslaying and he dare to clear himself, let him do that with 12 king’s thanes, and if any one accuse that man who is of less degree let him clear himself with 11 of his equals and with one king’s thane. Now, in the first place, it is evident that this text describes the wergeld of two classes or ranks of persons. Dane and Englishman of the first class are to be held equally dear at eight half-marks of pure gold. The other class embraces the Saxon ‘ceorl who sits on gafol land’ and the Danish lysing. These also are equally dear at 200 scillings. [Sidenote: Englishman put on a level with the Norse hauld, at the normal wergeld of 200 gold solidi or 1200 scillings.] Let us look at these two classes separately. The first class of Dane and English _men_ without other definition are to be paid for by eight half-marks of gold. The money is Danish. Eight half-marks contained thirty-two ores. And this, as we have seen, at the Norse ratio of 1:8 was the same thing as 32 marks of silver. The wergeld of the hauld of the Gulathing law we found to be most probably 30 marks of silver. The Danish _man_ of this clause thus seems to be represented in Norse law by the hauld. In other words, Guthrum from his point of view took the hauld as the typical freeman, just as we found him so taken in the Gulathing law. It will be remembered that this wergeld of the hauld was equated with 96 cows and that in its gold value reckoned in wheat-grains it amounted to 200 Merovingian gold solidi. From the English point of view it was not far otherwise. The twelve-hyndeman with a wergeld of 1200 scillings was evidently the typical freeman Alfred had in view. 1200 Mercian scillings of four pence, _i.e._ 4800 pence, at the Norse ratio of 1:8 equalled 600 gold tremisses or 200 gold solidi. 1200 Wessex scillings of five pence at a ratio of 1:10 would also equal 200 gold solidi. The equation was therefore well within the range of reasonable compromise. And behind both these wergelds--that of the hauld and of the twelve-hyndeman--there seems to be the curious traditional (conscious or unconscious) reference so often repeated to the ancient normal wergeld of 200 gold solidi and the heavy gold mina. At this normal wergeld Dane and Englishman were to be held equally dear. [Sidenote: English ceorl on gafol land put on a level with the Norse leysing.] Turning now to the other class, the wergeld is described in English scillings and the wergeld is that of the twy-hyndeman--two hundred scillings--_i.e._ one sixth of the wergeld of the other class. On the Danish side the equivalent of the twy-hyndeman was the lysing, _i.e._ the ‘leysing’ or newly made freedman of the Gulathing law, who had not yet made his freedom-ale and whose wergeld was one sixth of that of the hauld ‘according to his rett.’ Here again the correspondence is complete. The English twy-hyndeman is put by this compact on the same standing as to wergeld as the Norse leysing or newly made freedman who had not yet made his freedom-ale. But we gain another point from this remarkable clause. We are warned by it not to be drawn too easily into a rash generalisation from the use of the Saxon word _ceorl_. It is not the ‘ceorl’ _as such_ who is the twy-hyndeman and put upon the same social level as the Danish lysing. It is clearly only the ‘ceorl _who sits on gafol land_.’ It is on the last words that the distinctive emphasis must be put. If we had nothing but this clause to guide us we might conclude that all above the ‘ceorl who sits on gafol land’ were twelve-hynde. II. THE COURSE OF PROCEDURE IN PAYMENT OF WERGELD. There are two statements of the course of procedure in the payment of wergelds which may conveniently be mentioned at this point. The first occurs in the ‘Laws of King Edmund,’ who reigned A.D. 940-946. And the other is contained in a fragment belonging probably to the time following soon after the Compact between Alfred and Guthrum. [Sidenote: King Edmund makes payment of wergeld voluntary.] King Edmund, in order to abate the ‘manifold fightings’ resulting from the system of feud and wergeld, made stringent regulations under which wergelds were to be claimed, making it voluntary on the part of the kindred to join in payment of the wergeld. Gif hwa heonan-forð ænigne man ofslea ꝥ he wege sylf þa fæhðe butan he hy mid freonda fylste binnan twelf monðum forgylde be fullan were sy swa boren swa he sy. Gif hine þonne seo mægð forlæte & him foregyldan nellen þonne wille ic ꝥ eall seo mægð sy unfah. butan þam hand-dædan, gif hy him syþþan ne doð mete ne munde. Gif þonne syþþan hwilc his maga hine feormige þonne beo he scyldig ealles þæs þe he age wið þone cyning ⁊ wege þa fæhðe wið þa mægðe forþam hi hine forsocan ær. Gif þonne of þære oðre mægðe hwa wrace do on ænigum oðrum men butan on þam riht hand-dædan sy he gefah wið þone cyning ⁊ wið ealle his frynd & þolige ealles þæs þe he age. (Edmund Secular Laws, s. 1.) If any one henceforth slay any man that he himself bear the feud unless with the aid of his friends and within 12 months he compensate it with the full wer; be he born as he may be. But if his mægd forsake him and will not pay for him, then I will that all the kindred be _unfah_ [free from the feud] except the perpetrator, if afterwards they do not give him either food or mund [protection]. But if any one of his kindred feed him, then be he liable in all that he possesses to the king and bear the feud with the kindred because they had previously forsaken him. But if anyone of the other kindred take vengeance upon any other man than the real perpetrator, let him be foe to the king and to all his friends and forfeit all that he owns. Gif hwa cyrican gesece oþþe mine burh ⁊ hine man þær sece oþþe yflige þa þe ꝥ deð syn þær ylcan scyldige þe hit her beforan cwæð. (2) If any one take refuge in a church or in my burh, and one there seek him or do him evil, be those who do that liable in the same that is heretofore ordained. And ic nelle ꝥ ænig fyhtewite oþþe man-bote forgifen sy. (3) And I will not that any _fightwite_ or _manbot_ be forgiven. This relaxation of the rules as to payment of wergeld seems to leave matters very much as they were, with the one exception that for the sake of peace and to lessen the risk of ‘manifold fightings,’ a year was given to the slayer’s kindred to save his life by helping him to pay the wergeld if they chose, while if they chose to forsake him and did not harbour or help him in any way _they_ were free. The kindred of the slain in the meantime were left to pursue their feud but only upon the slayer. This of course was another instance of the partial breaking down of the ancient tribal solidarity of the kindred in favour of the principle, long before adopted in some of the Continental codes, limiting the punishment of crime to the criminal himself. Whether this innovation of King Edmund’s was adhered to the evidence of the Laws of Henry I. may lead us to doubt, but for our purpose the law making the innovation is evidence of the ancient solidarity of the kindred, the attempt to loosen which had become necessary in the tenth century. [Sidenote: How wergelds were to be paid.] A clause which follows shows that it was expected that wergelds would still be paid:-- Witan scylon fæhðe settan ærest æfter folc-rihte slaga sceal his for-specan on hand syllan ⁊ se for-speca magum ꝥ se slaga wille betan wið mægðe. þonne syþþan gebyred ꝥ man sylle þæs slagan for-specan on hand ꝥ se slaga mote mid griðe nyr ⁊ sylf wæres weddian. Ðonne he þæs beweddod hæbbe þonne finde he þærto wær-borh, þonne ꝥ gedon sy þonne rære man cyninges munde of þam dæge on xxi niht gylde man heals-fang. þæs on xxi niht manbote. þæs on xxi niht þæs weres ꝥ frum-gyld. (7) The Witan shall appease feuds. First according to folkright the slayer shall give pledge to his _forespeca_ and the forespeca to the kindred that the slayer will make bot to the kindred. Then after that it is requisite that security be given to the slayer’s forespeca that the slayer may in peace come near and himself give wed for the wer. When he has given wed for this let him find thereto a werborh. When that is done let the King’s mund be levied. Within 21 days from that day let the _halsfang_ be paid. 21 days from that the manbot. 21 days from that the frumgeld of the wer. [Sidenote: Earlier statement of how wergelds were to be paid.] The further course of procedure is best given in the earlier fragment alluded to. [Sidenote: The werborh.] The fragment[235] is headed ‘How a twelve-hyndeman shall be paid for.’ It opens with the statement, ‘A twelve-hyndeman’s wer is twelve hundred scillings. A twy-hyndeman’s wer is two hundred scillings.’ And then it proceeds:-- Gif man ofslægen weorðe gylde hine man swa he geboren sy. And riht is ꝥ se slaga siþþan he weres beweddod hæbbe finde þærto wær-borh be þam þe þærto gebyrige ꝥ is æt twelf-hyndum were gebyriað twelf men to werborge, viii fæderen-mægðe ⁊ iiii medren-mægðe. If any one be slain let him be paid for according to his birth. And it is right that the slayer after he has given wed for the wer find in addition a _werborh_ according as shall thereto belong, that is to a twelve-hynde’s wer twelve men are necessary as _werborh_, viii of the paternal kin and iv of the maternal kin. This is in accordance with the clause in Alfred and Guthrum’s compact, which, however, makes the additional provision by way of precaution that one of the twelve co-swearers must be a king’s-thane. The clause continues:-- [Sidenote: The king’s mund.] Ðonne ꝥ gedon sy þonne rære man cyninges munde, ꝥ is ꝥ hy ealle gemænum handum of ægðere mægðe on anum wæpne þam semende syllan ꝥ cyninges mund stande. When this is done, then let the king’s mund be established, that is, that they all of either kindred, with their hands in common upon one weapon, engage to the mediator that the king’s mund shall stand. The king’s mund-byrd, as we have seen, was equal to five pounds according to both English and Kentish custom. [Sidenote: The heals-fang.] Of þam dæge on xxi nihtan gylde man cxx scill. to heals-fange æt twelf-hyndum were. Heals-fang gebyreð bearnum broðrum ⁊ fæderan ne gebyreð nanum mæge ꝥ [feoh] bute þam þe sy binnan cneowe. In xxi days from that day let cxx shillings be paid as heals-fang at a twelve-hynde’s wer. Heals-fang belongs to the children, brothers and paternal uncles: that money belongs to no kinsman except to those that be within the knee. [Sidenote: The manbot and fightwite and then the wergeld.] Of þam dæge þe ꝥ heals-fang agolden sy on xxi nihtan gylde man þa man-bote þæs on xxi nihtan ꝥ fyht-wite þæs on xxi nihtan þæs weres ꝥ frumgyld ⁊ swa forð ꝥ fulgolden sy on þam fyrste þe witan geræden. Siþþan man mot mid lufe ofgan gif man [wille] fulle freondrædene habban. In xxi days from the day that the heals-fang is paid let the manbot be paid. In xxi days from this the fightwite. In xxi days from this the ‘frumgyld’ of the wer; and so forth till it be fully paid within the time that the witan have appointed. After this they may depart with love if they desire to have full friendship. Eal man sceal æt cyrliscum were be þære mæðe don þe him to-gebyreð swa we be twelf-hyndum tealdan. All men shall do with regard to the wer of a ceorl that which belongs to his condition like as we have said about a twelve-hyndeman. These steps in the procedure are very nearly the same as those quoted in the so-called ‘Laws of Henry I.’ and these clauses may probably be looked upon as more or less repeating for the benefit of both peoples what Anglo-Saxon custom may have been before the Viking invasions of England. But of this we cannot be certain. III. FRAGMENTS OF MERCIAN AND THE NORTH PEOPLE’S LAW. [Sidenote: Fragments preserved of ancient custom.] We now have to consider a group of fragments of uncertain date which seem to belong to the period of the Northmen’s settlement in Northumbria and invasions in Mercia. The settlement of the Viking invaders made it necessary to fix the relation of their wergelds to those of the conquered English, and also to gather up fragments of Mercian custom. As the Dooms of Mercian kings have not come down to us, these fragments have a special value. The importance of Mercia in King Offa’s time gives a special interest to any information on Mercian custom. And in other respects, scanty though it be, the retrospect of early Anglo-Saxon custom from the invaders’ point of view could ill be spared. [Sidenote: Under Mercian law the oath of twelve-hyndeman = that of six ceorls.] There are two valuable fragments on Mercian law. The first is as follows:-- _Be Merciscan Aðe_ _Of the Mercian Oath_ Twelf-hyndes mannes að forstent vi ceorla að forþam gif man þone twelf-hyndan man wrecan sceolde he bið full-wrecan on syx ceorlan ⁊ his wer-gyld bið six ceorla wer-gyld. A twelve-hyndeman’s oath stands for six ceorls’ oaths; because if a man should avenge a twelve-hyndeman he will be fully avenged on six ceorls and his wergild will be six ceorls’ wergilds. This fragment of Mercian law is preceded in the group of fragments ‘on oaths’ in Thorpe’s edition of the Laws by the following, which may or may not be of Mercian origin:-- [Sidenote: Mass-priest’s oath = that of the thane.] Mæsse-preostes að ⁊ woruld-þegenes is on Engla-laga geteald efen-dyre ⁊ for þam seofon ciric-hadan þe se mæsse-preost þurh Godes gif geþeah ꝥ he hæfde he bið þegen-rihtes wyrðe. A mass-priest’s oath and a secular thane’s are in English-law reckoned of equal value; and by reason of the seven church-degrees that the mass-priest through the grace of God has acquired he is worthy of thane-right. The other fragment of Mercian law is as follows:-- [Sidenote: Mercian wergelds.] Ceorles wer-gild is on Myrcna lage cc scill. Ðegnes wer-gild is syx swa micel ꝥ bið xii hund scill. Ðonne bið cynges anfeald wer-gild vi þegna wer be Myrcna lage ꝥ is xxx þusend sceatta ⁊ ꝥ bið ealles cxx punda. Swa micel is þæs wer-gildes on folces folc-rihtes be Myrcna lage. And for þam cyne-dome geborað oðer swilc to bote on cyne-gilde. Se wer gebirað magum ⁊ seo cyne-bot þam leodum. A ceorl’s wergeld is by Mercian law cc scillings. A thane’s wergeld is six times as much, _i.e._ xii hundred scillings. Then is a king’s simple wergeld vi thanes’ wer by Mercian law, _i.e._ xxx thousand sceatts, and that is altogether cxx pounds. So much is the wergeld in the people’s folkright by Mercian law. And for the ‘Cynedom’ there is due another such sum as _bot_ for _cyne-gild_. The wer belongs to the kindred and the cynebot to the people. The Mercian wergeld of both twy-hynde and twelve-hynde men is thus stated in scillings, as usual, and the king’s wergeld--six times the thane’s--would equal 7200 scillings. The Mercian scilling was 4_d._, and thus, as stated in the text, the king’s wergeld would equal exactly 120_l._ or 28,800 pence or sceatts (in round numbers 30,000 sceatts). This is useful as evidence that the sceatt of this Mercian wergeld was the silver penny of the Anglo-Saxon currency of 28·8 wheat-grains--_i.e._ of the _Sceatt series_--before Offa and Alfred, following the example of Charlemagne, superseded the ‘sceatt’ by the ‘penny’ of 32 wheat-grains. [Sidenote: Fragment of North People’s Law.] The fragments printed by Thorpe under the heading ‘North People’s Law’ and by Schmid in his ‘Anhang VII.’ seem to belong to Northumbria or more generally to the Danelaga. Schmid suggests that the ‘North people’ were the North folk of East Anglia. This, however, is perhaps more than doubtful, especially when it is considered that the Viking ‘armies’ had established themselves, not only in East Anglia and Mercia, but still more completely in Northumbria, many years before the struggle with Wessex had ended in the compact between Alfred and Guthrum. The fragment of ‘North People’s Law’[236] opens with the statement that the king’s gild is 30,000 _thrymsas_--15,000 for the wergeld and 15,000 for the people (_leodum_). In another MS. the wording follows the statement of Mercian law very closely, and agrees with the above in describing the amount in thrymsas. [Sidenote: Wergelds paid in thrymsas of threepence.] Ðæs cyninges wer-gyld sie mid Engla cynne on folc-riht þryttig þusend þrimsa ⁊ þæra xv .M. sien þæs wæres ⁊ oðra xv .M. þæs cynedomes. Se wære belympað to þam mægðe þæs cyne-cynnes ⁊ ꝥ cynebot to þam land-leod. Let the king’s wergeld be with the English race by folkright, 30,000 thrymsas, and of these let 15,000 be for the wer and the other 15,000 for the _cynedom_. The wer belongs to the kindred of the king and the cynebot to the people. Now, in the first place, what was the _thrymsa_, which occurs in these clauses for the first time? A statement a little further on in one of the two texts of the same fragment fixes the value of the thrymsa at three pence.[237] The statement of ‘North People’s Law’ proceeds as follows:[238]-- Arces ⁊ æðelinges wer-gyld is xv þusend þrymsa. (2) An archbishop’s and an ætheling’s wergeld is xv thousand thrymsas. Biscopes ⁊ ealdormannes viii þusend þrymsa. (3) A bishop’s and an ealdorman’s viii thousand thrymsas. Holdes ⁊ cyninges heah-gerefan iiii þusend þrymsa. (4) A hold’s and a king’s high-reeve’s iv thousand thrymsas. Mæsse-þegnes ⁊ woruld-þegnes ii þusend þrymsa. (5) A mass thane’s and a secular thane’s ii thousand thrymsas. Ceorles wer-gild is cc. ⁊ lxvi þrim. ꝥ bið ii hund scill be Myrcna lage. (6) A ceorl’s wergeld is cc and lxvi thrymsas, that is cc scillings by Mercian law. Put into tabular form these wergelds would be as follows in thrymsas and Wessex and Mercian scillings:-- Wessex Mercian Thrymsas shillings shillings of 5_d._ of 4_d._ King’s wergeld 15,000, cynebot 15,000 30000 = 18000 22500 Archbishop’s and Ætheling’s 15000 = 9000 11250 Bishop’s and Ealdorman’s 8000 = 4800 6000 Holdr’s and King’s high-reeve’s 4000 = 2400 3000 Mass thane’s and secular thane’s 2000 = 1200 1500 Ceorl’s 266⅔ = 160 200 The ceorl has a twyhynde wergeld in Mercian shillings and the thane a twelve-hynde wergeld in Wessex shillings. There seems to be so far some confusion. But on the whole this reckoning seems to justify the opinion generally held that the Northmen coming as conquerors into Northumbria or the Danelaga had, at the date of these fragments, doubled the wergeld of the hold or hauld as compared with that of the English thane. [Sidenote: Wergeld of hauld double that of the thane, but after Alfred’s victory both equally dear.] If, as seems reasonable, these fragments may be referred to the period following upon the Viking conquest and settlement in Northumbria and the foundation of Halfdan’s kingdom of York (A.D. 876), then the doubled wergeld of the hauld may be perhaps the high-water mark as it were of the invasion--the point of vantage at which it was natural for the conquerors to treat the conquered as a tributary race. And if it may rightly be so regarded, then it gives an added interest to the compact between King Alfred and Guthrum in 886. For then, the tide of battle having turned, the two kings at length met on equal terms and, undoing the earlier unequal settlement, now agreed to make Dane and Englishman equally dear. A still more interesting point than the doubling of the conquering Hold’s wergeld as compared with the conquered thane’s is found in the subsequent clauses of this fragment, which seem to refer back to ancient tradition as regards the position of the non-Saxon subjects of Anglo-Saxon kings.[239] [Sidenote: Chance given to the Wiliscman to rise as in the laws of Ine.] And gif Wilisc man geþeo ꝥ he hæbbe hiwisc landes ⁊ mæge cyninges gafol forð-bringan, þonne bið his wergild cxx scill. And gif he ne geþeo buton to healfne hide þonne si his wer lxx scill. (7) And if a Wiliscman thrive so that he have _hiwisc landes_ and can bring forth the king’s gafol, then his wergeld shall be cxx scillings. And if he only comes up to a half hide then shall his wer be lxxx scillings. And gif he ænig land næbbe ⁊ þeah freoh sy forgilde hine man mid lxx scill. (8) And if he have not any land and yet be free, let him be paid for with lxx scillings. The other version is practically the same:-- And Wealisc-monnes weregild gif he beo to tham gewelegod ꝥ he hyred ⁊ eht age ⁊ þam cyng gafol gyldan mæg hit bið þon ccxx scill. Ac he ne bið butan to healf hyda gerysen þonne sie his were lxxx scill. (7) And a Wealisc-man’s wergeld if he be so enriched that he has family and goods (_hyred and eht_) and can pay the King’s gafol shall be ccxx scillings [? cxx]. And if he be risen but to half a hide, then shall his own wer be lxxx scillings. Gif he land næbbe ac bið freoh gyld mon lxx scill. (8) If he have no land but is free let him be paid for with lxx scillings. Now ‘hiwisc’ and ‘hyred’ both seem to mean _family_. In a roundabout indirect way ‘familia’ and _hide_ meant apparently very much the same thing, but as the word _hide_ is used in the same clause the more direct meaning may surely in this case be the important one. It is probable that these clauses are variations or fuller expressions of the tradition described in c. 32 of King Ine’s Laws, which is as follows:-- Gif Wylisc mon hæbbe hide londes his wer bið c. xx scill., gif he þonne hæbbe healfe lxxx scill., gif he nænig hæbbe lx scillinga. If a Wylisc man have a hide of land his ‘wer’ shall be cxx _s._, but if he have half a hide lxxx _s._, if he have none lx _s._ And the additional information amounts practically to this--that the possession of a hide seems to have been held generally equivalent to the possession of a family homestead--family and goods--enabling a man to pay the king’s gafol. It is when we pass on from these clauses to the next that fresh and welcome light seems to be gained upon the connection of the growth of a family and kindred with rise in status and social rank from a ceorlisc or twy-hynde position to that of the Gesithcund or twelve-hynde position. We are now no longer dealing with the Wylisc man but with the ordinary twy-hynde ceorl. And the mention of the payments in thrymsas reminds us that we are still looking at things from the North people’s point of view. The clauses in the two versions are as follows:-- [Sidenote: How under early custom a ceorl could rise into the twelve-hynde class.] ix. And gif ceorlisc man geþeo ꝥ he hæbbe v hida landes to cynges ut-ware ⁊ hine man ofslea forgilde man hine mid twam þusend þrimsa. ix. Gif ceorl sie gewelegod to þam þ [he] age v hyda landes ⁊ mon hine ofslea gyld hine mon mid ii .M. þrimsa. x. And þeah he geþeo ꝥ he hæbbe helm ⁊ byrnan ⁊ golde fæted sweord, gif he ꝥ land nafað he bið ceorl swa þeah. x. And gif he begytað ꝥ he hæbbe byrne ⁊ helm ⁊ ofergyldenene sweord, þeah þe he land næbbe he bið siðcund. xi. And gif his sunu ⁊ his sunu-sunu ꝥ geþeoð ꝥ hi swa micel landes habban siþþan bið se ofsprinc gesiðcundes cynnes be twam þusendum. xi. And gif his sunu ⁊ þæs sun-sunu ꝥ begyten ꝥ he swa micel landes habbað sien hiora after-gengas þæs siðcunda[n] cynnes ⁊ gyld þam mon mid ii .M. þrimsa. xii. And gif hi ꝥ nabbað ne to þam geþeon ne magan gilde man cirlisce. And they may be translated thus:-- 9. And if a ceorlish man thrive so that he have v hides of land to the king’s _utware_ and any one slay him, let him be paid for with 2000 thrymsas.[240] 9. If a ceorl be enriched to that degree that he have 5 hides of land to the king’s utware and any one slay him, let him be paid for with 2000 thrymsas. 10. And though he thrive so that he have a helm and coat of mail, and a sword ornamented with gold, if he have not that land he is nevertheless a ceorl. 10. And if he acquire so that he have a coat of mail and a helmet and an overgilded sword, if he have not that land he is [? not] sithcund. 11. And if his son and his son’s son so thrive that they have so much land, afterwards the offspring shall be of gesithcund race at 2000 (thrymsas). 11. And if his son and the son’s son acquire that they have so much land, let their successors be of the sithcund kin and let them be paid for with 2000 thrymsas. 12. And if they have not that nor to that can thrive, let them be paid for as ceorlish. These passages are very important, as the most direct evidence we possess of the way in which under early Anglo-Saxon custom families became _gesithcund_ by the gradual growth of a kindred whose kinsmen, like the odal-men of the Norse laws, could reckon four generations in succession of sufficient landholding. The evidence is all the more interesting because it seems to come from the point of view of the Norse or Danish invaders making inquiry respecting English tradition and recording what had once been the custom of the conquered districts. [Sidenote: Another precious fragment, with further information.] The same remark applies equally to another of these valuable fragments--‘Of people’s ranks and law.’ It, too, seems to look back and to record what once had been the custom of the conquered people. Hit wæs hwilum on Engla lagum ꝥ leod ⁊ lagu for be geþincðum ⁊ þa wæron [þeod-] witan weorðscipes wyrðe ælc be his mæðe, eorl ⁊ ceorl, þegen ⁊ þeoden. 1. It was whilom, in the laws of the English, that people and law went by ranks, and then were the Witan of worship worthy each according to his condition, eorl and ceorl, thegen and theoden. These are the phrases of a writer looking back with regret upon ancient custom which to him is past or passing away. After this follow clauses in one of which the word _hyrede_ and the phrase ‘having so many hides to the king’s _utware_’ again occur, words that seem to suggest that this fragment, while describing ancient English custom, hails from a somewhat similar source as the ‘North People’s Law.’ And gif ceorl geþeah ꝥ he hæfde fullice fif hida agenes landes, cirican ⁊ kycenan, bell-hus ⁊ burh-geat, setl ⁊ sunder-note, on cynges healle þonne wæs he þonon-forð, þegen-rihtes weorðe. 2. And if a ceorl thrived so that he had fully five hides of his own land, church and kitchen, bell-house and burh-geat, seat and special duty in the King’s hall, then was he thenceforth of thane-right worthy. This seems to be practically identical with clause 9 of the previous fragment. Then follows:-- And gif þegen geþeah ꝥ he þenode cynge ⁊ his rad-stefne rad on his hirede, gif he þonne hæfde þegen þe him filigde þe to cinges ut-ware fif hida hæfde ⁊ on cynges sele his hlaforde þenode & þriwa mid his ærende gefore to cinge se moste syþþan mid his foraðe his hlaford aspelian æt mistlican neodan ⁊ his onspæce geræcan mid rihte swa hwær swa he sceolde. And if a thane thrived so that he served the King and on his summons (_rád-stefne_) rode with his household (_hirede_), if he then had a thane who him followed, who to the King’s _utware_ five hides had, and in the King’s hall served his lord [the thane] and thrice with his errand went to the King, he might thenceforth with his foreoath his lord represent at various needs and his plaint lawfully conduct wherever he ought. And seþe swa geþogenne forwyrht an næfde swore for sylfne æfter his rihte oþþe his þolode. 4. And he who so prosperous a vicegerent had not, swore for himself according to his right, or it forfeited. And gif þegen geþeah ꝥ he wearð to eorle þonne wæs he syþþan eorl-rihtes weorðe. 5. And if a thane thrived, so that he became an eorl, then was he thenceforth of eorl-right worthy. These passages we shall have to consider further when we sum up the evidence upon the Anglo-Saxon division of classes. [Sidenote: The ceorl must rise into direct service to the king and to having a kindred around him.] But there are two peculiarities which may be marked here as pointing to the archaic character of these precious fragments. First, the alliteration and rhythmical character of some of them, which points to an early and traditional origin, and, secondly, the direct relations of the classes mentioned to the king. The Wilisc man has to bring forth the king’s gafol. The ceorl who has five hides has them to the king’s utware and he becomes gesithcund and thane-right worthy with special duty in the king’s hall, while the thane is all the greater when he has a thane under him who has himself five hides to the king’s utware and goes with his errands to the king. These are marks of direct relationship and service of the gesithcund classes to the king, to which we shall have to recur. They seem to point to the gesithcund class with its completeness of kindred as a privileged class in a semi-official position and from which the king’s officials were chosen. It is not until this relationship by service to the king has become established that a ceorl finds an entrance into the gesithcund class, and he does not become eligible for such service till he is surrounded by an adequate kindred. In the meantime we may be thankful to the exigences of the Viking invasions for the preservation of these valuable fragments of ancient custom which might otherwise have been lost. CHAPTER XIII. _EARLY ANGLO-SAXON CUSTOM._ I. KING ALFRED’S DOOMS. [Sidenote: Alfred’s laws not earlier than the Compact with Guthrum.] In order that the examination of early Anglo-Saxon custom may be free from the intrusion of elements introduced by the Northmen, it is necessary to go back to evidence of earlier date than the laws of King Alfred. Though collected mainly from earlier sources, these laws took their present form probably after the Compact with Guthrum had been made. They do not profess to be a full statement of early West-Saxon law. King Alfred himself declares that he dared not add much of his own, ‘But those things which I met with either of the days of Ine my kinsman, or of Offa, King of the Mercians, or of Ethelbert--those which seemed to me the rightest I have here gathered together and rejected the others.’ Under these circumstances it will be more convenient to refer back to King Alfred’s laws when needful in connection with the earlier evidence than to consider them as a separate whole. There is, however, one subject upon which the evidence of King Alfred’s laws may properly be considered before passing on to the earlier laws. [Sidenote: Were the terms ceorl and gafol-gelda equivalent?] We have seen that in the Compact with Guthrum the Anglo-Saxon ‘ceorl who sits on gafol-land’ and who was made ‘equally dear’ at 200 scillings with the Danish lysing was, if the words may be taken strictly, not necessarily a typical or representative member of the ceorlisc class as a whole. Only some of the ceorlisc class may have been gafol-geldas on other people’s land. It is important, therefore, to examine whether King Alfred’s laws afford contemporary evidence that the ceorlisc and the twy-hynde classes were practically the same, and whether they were, as a rule, gafol-geldas. We have seen, from the precious fragments before quoted, that under ancient ‘English’ law a ceorl could rise out of the twy-hynde class and become entitled to a twelve-hynde wergeld of 2000 thrymsas. If such a statement had been found in West-Saxon law, the inference might at first sight be that the ceorlisc class could hardly have been mainly a class of gafol-geldas. The laws of Alfred surely ought to throw some light upon this important matter. In section 39 is the following:-- [Sidenote: The ceorl below the six-hyndeman.] Gif hwa on ciorlisces monnes flette gefeohte mid syx scill. gebete þam ceorl. Gif he wæpne gebrede ⁊ no feohte sie bi healfum þam. Gif syx-hyndum þissa hwæðer gelimpe þriefealdlice [arise be þære ciorliscan bote. xii-hyndum men twyfealdlice] be þæs syx-hyndan bote. If any one fight in a ceorlisc man’s flet with six scillings let him make bot to the ceorl. If he draw his weapon and fight not let it be half of that. If, however, either of these happen to a six-hynde man let it increase threefoldly according to the ceorlisc bot; to a twelve-hyndeman twofoldly according to the six-hynde’s bot. The ceorlisc man in this section takes the place of the twyhynde man in contrast with the six-hynde and twelve-hynde classes. The payments are the bots payable to the owners for fighting within their sacred precinct or inclosure, and the amounts following the proportions of the wergelds of the three classes are:-- Ceorlisc man’s 6 scillings Six-hyndeman 18 ” Twelve-hyndeman 36 ” In this section the ceorlisc class seems clearly to take the place of the twy-hynde class. They seem to be identical. Section 40 gives similar evidence, in connection with the _burg_ -or _burh_-bryce or breach of the fence of the sacred precinct. Cyninges burg-bryce bið cxx scill. Ærcebiscopes hund nigontig scill. Oðres biscepes & ealdormonnes lx scill. Twelf-hyndes monnes xxx scill. Syx-hyndes monnes xv scill. Ceorles edorbryce v scill.… The King’s burh-bryce shall be cxx scillings. An archbishop’s ninety scillings. Any other bishop’s and an earldorman’s lx scillings. A twelve-hyndeman’s xxx scillings. A six-hyndeman’s xv scillings. A ceorl’s edorbreach v scillings.… [Sidenote: The ceorl twy-hynde.] Here again the ceorl takes the place of the twy-hyndeman, and the burh-bryce is graduated accordingly, the twelve-hyndeman’s being six times the ceorl’s. King’s 120 scillings Archbishop’s 90 ” Ealdorman’s or bishop’s 60 ” Twelve-hynde’s 30 ” Six-hynde’s 15 ” Ceorl’s edorbreach 5 ” There may well be some delicate significance in the word _burh_-bryce being applied only to the twelve-hynde or six-hynde men, and not to the ceorl, as though the word _burh_ could not be applied to the ceorl’s homestead. His ‘flet,’ surrounded by its _edor_ or hedge, was perhaps too humble to be classed with the moated or walled enclosure of the _burh_ of the higher landed classes without a change of epithet. But there is nothing to show that the ceorl of this clause is not identical with the ordinary twy-hyndeman. Lastly, in sections 10 and 18 the three classes are again described as twelve-hynde, six-hynde, and ceorlisc; while in sections 29, 30, and 31 they are described as twelve-hynde, six-hynde, and twy-hynde. All this seems to show that for general purposes ‘twy-hynde’ and ‘ceorlisc’ were convertible terms. [Sidenote: Ceorls must be mostly gafol-geldas.] It can hardly be said that there is anything in King Alfred’s laws making a distinction between the twy-hynde class and the ceorlisc class. There seems to be nothing to suggest that the twy-hynde wergeld was confined to any particular section of the ceorlisc class. And therefore, so far as the laws of Alfred are concerned, the description of the twy-hynde class in the Compact with Guthrum as gafol-geldas equally dear with the Danish lysing would seem to apply generally to the ceorlisc class as a whole. And this being so, it would seem probable that, speaking broadly, by King Alfred’s time the chief practical division of classes had already resolved itself into that between the landed classes on the one hand and their gafol-paying tenants on the other. It is quite true that under King Alfred’s laws there is the six-hynde class between the twelve-hynde and the twy-hynde or ceorlisc class; but his laws tell us nothing about this six-hynde class except what may be inferred from the fact that its members certainly were not included in the ceorlisc class. It can hardly be likely that King Alfred could, in his compact with Guthrum, have confined the twy-hynde class to the ‘ceorl who sits on gafol-land,’ leaving out the six-hynde class altogether, if, in his laws, he meant by the six-hynde class the ceorls who did not sit on gafol-land. It might have been possible to suppose that he used the word ‘ceorl’ in his laws in a wider sense, as including both twelve-hynde and twy-hynde, had he not introduced the six-hynde class between them and restricted the meaning of the word ‘ceorlisc’ to the twy-hynde class. He used it apparently to distinguish the twy-hynde from the other classes which by inference were not ceorlisc. What the six-hynde class was and what the ceorlisc class was under West-Saxon law two centuries earlier than King Alfred’s day must be left to be discovered from the evidence of the Dooms of Ine. [Sidenote: The mund-byrd or borh-bryce of various classes.] In the meantime, the consideration of the position of the ceorlisc class having brought before us the penalties for breach of the precinct and for fighting within the precinct of the various classes, it may be well to consider also the evidence of King Alfred’s laws upon the mund-byrd or borh-bryce of what we may regard perhaps as the official classes, and in which apparently, at this date, even the twelve-hynde man had no part. The mund-byrd or borh-bryce seems to be confined to those in official or judicial position. Already in King Alfred’s laws we have lost the word ‘grith’ as we had already in Cnut’s laws lost the later phrase ‘sac and soc,’ but the tribal principle underlying the meaning of the words remains the same and becomes all the clearer as we go back in the evidence. In s. 3, the borh-bryce and mund-byrd of the king are stated to be _five pounds of_ ‘mærra pæninga,’[241] an archbishop’s three pounds, and those of the ealdorman and lesser bishops two pounds, exactly as they were reported to have been in Cnut’s time in the ‘grith-law’ of the South Angles.[242] [Sidenote: Its tribal origin.] The almost indiscriminate use of the two terms in this clause suggests again the very slight distinction between them. The man who by giving his pledge placed himself artificially, so to speak, under the mund or protection of a person in a judicial position or authority and broke his pledge became guilty of borh-bryce or mund-byrd, it hardly mattered which. The penalty apparently included both crimes in one. If we might use the Brehon phrase it was the _eneclann_, or honour price of the person whose dignity was injured, which had to be paid. But, as we have seen, these penalties were not only personal but also connected with the sanctity of what under Brehon law was called the ‘maigin’ or precinct. The Brehon tract which declares the extent of the ‘inviolable precinct’ of the ‘boaire-chief’ to reach as far as he can throw a spear or hammer from the door of his house, also states that those of higher chieftains extended by multiples of this according to their honour-price, so that the inviolable precinct of the _ri-tuath_ extended to sixty-four spear-casts from his door.[243] We have already quoted a fragment fixing the extent of the king’s ‘grith’ at ‘three miles and three furlongs and three acre breadths and nine feet and nine hand-breadths and nine barleycorns from the burhgeat where the king is.’[244] [Sidenote: The ceorl or gafol-gelda had a flet the peace of which could be broken.] Under King Alfred’s laws, as we have seen, the penalties for breaking into this precinct and committing crimes in it were payable to the person whose ‘peace’ was thus broken, and were not confined to the official classes as the mund-byrd and borh-bryce were. They went back to the tribal root-idea of the sanctity of the hearth and homestead of every tribesman. They extended from the king to the ceorl through all grades. The penalties for fighting within the precinct were practically the same in amount as those for the breaking into it. The penalty for fighting in the ceorlisc-man’s ‘flet’ was practically the same as that for breaking through his ‘edor’ into it. When all these penalties are put side by side in the form of a table two points become evident. First, how far removed the social position of the twelve-hyndeman was from that of the ealdorman. The penalty for fighting within his precinct is not much more than a third of that of the bishop and ealdorman, the inference being that his official position was much lower than the ealdorman’s. Secondly, when we compare the figures in the three columns, while the burh-bryce and fightwite of the twelve-hynde, six-hynde, and twy-hynde classes are both graduated in proportion to their wergelds and very closely resemble one another, it is curious to notice that the fightwite is based upon a duodecimal and the burh-bryce on a decimal system of reckoning, as if they had been derived from different original sources. If King Alfred had originated them he would probably have made them alike. In the following statement, collected from the several sections of King Alfred’s Laws for purposes of comparison and future reference, the amounts are stated in Wessex scillings of five pence. +----------------------+-----------------+------------+-----------------+ \| \| Borh-bryce and \| \| \| \| \| mund-byrd \| Burh-bryce \| Fightwite \| +----------------------+-----------------+------------+-----------------+ \| \| (s. 3) \| (s. 40) \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \|Of the king \|(5 lbs) 240 _s._ \| 120 _s._ \|(s. 7) (in the \| \| \| \| \|king’s doom) \| \| \| \| \| \| \|Of the archbishop \|(3 lbs) 144 _s._ \| 90 _s._ \|(s. 15) 150 _s._ \| \| \| \| \| \| \|Of other bishops and \| \| \| \| \| ealdorman \|(2 lbs) 96 _s._ \| 60 _s._ \|(s. 15) 100 _s._ \| \| \| \| \| \| \|Of do. in his ‘gemot’ \| \| \|(s. 38) 120 _s._ \| \| \| \| \| \| \|Of the twelve-hyndeman\| \| 30 _s._ \|(s. 39) 36 _s._ \| \| \| \| \| \| \|Of the six-hyndeman \| \| 15 _s._ \|(s. 39) 18 _s._ \| \| \| \| \| \| \|Of the ceorlisc man or\| \| \| \| \| twy-hyndeman \| \| 5 _s._ \|(s. 39) 6 _s._ \| +----------------------+-----------------+------------+-----------------+ II. THE DIALOGUE OF EGBERT, ARCHBISHOP OF YORK A.D. 732-766. ECCLESIASTICAL OATHS AND WERGELDS. There is a gulf of nearly two centuries in the West-Saxon evidence between the laws of Alfred and the ‘Dooms’ of Ine.[245] We are taken at a leap, not only beyond all thought of the Northmen’s invasions, but also half a century behind another great epoch of European importance. The Empire of Charlemagne formed a kind of watershed in Anglo-Saxon as in European history, and was marked, as we have seen, by a permanent change in the currency of the Western world. [Sidenote: Position of Northumbria before the time of Charlemagne.] The Courts of Offa and Egbert were intimately connected with the Imperial Court of Charlemagne, and the transition from the early Anglo-Saxon currency of sceatts to that of the heavier pence was a typical result of the influence of the Empire. It may be that the supremacy of Wessex under Egbert was indirectly another result of it. The kingdom of Egbert did not extend over Northumbria, and Northumbria had its own independent connection with the Court of Charlemagne. It had its own mode of monetary reckoning in ‘thrymsas,’ and from the Northumbrian fragments already examined we have gained some glimpses into its ancient customs. The document next to be examined refers to Northumbria, and, as it dates from the period immediately preceding the time of Charlemagne, it helps to bridge over the gulf between the Laws of Alfred and Ine. [Sidenote: Egbert, Archbishop of York, A.D. 750.] It is in the form of a Dialogue or set of questions put to Egbert, Archbishop of York, by his priests, with his answers thereto, and its date may be about A.D. 750. Egbert, Archbishop of York, was an important figure in Anglo-Saxon history. The brother of Eadbert, the Northumbrian king, the recipient on his accession to his episcopal dignity of the remarkable letter of Bede describing the religious anarchy of his diocese, the founder of the great school at York, in which his pupil Alcuin was educated and from which he migrated to the Court of Charles the Great, Egbert was an important personage, and the centre of beneficent influence in the Northumbrian church and kingdom. [Sidenote: His Roman and clerical point of view.] Moreover, this document, so far as it goes and as regards the matters mentioned in it, deals with the questions raised by it avowedly from an ecclesiastical point of view. The great ecclesiastic comes down upon his diocese from a wider world. He had been educated and ordained deacon at Rome. And just as in the monastic rules of St. Benedict Roman weights and measures were adhered to, so when this archbishop has to speak of money matters, ignoring all local currencies, he still thinks and speaks and calculates in the terms of the Roman Imperial currency, and not in Anglo-Saxon sceatts and scillings, or in the thrymsas of Northumbrian usage. The Dialogue contains several interesting clauses. [Sidenote: What to be the value of the oaths of clerics.] The first to be noticed is in answer to the question as to the value to be attached to the oaths of the bishop, priest, deacon, and monk. The reply is:-- Ordines supradicti, secundum gradus promotionis, habeant potestatem protestandi: presbiter secundum numerum cxx tributariorum; diaconus vero juxta numerum lx manentium; monachus vero secundum numerum xxx tributariorum, sed hoc in criminali causa. Cæterum si de terminis agrorum oritur altercatio, presbitero liceat juramenti sui adtestatione terram videlicet unius tributarii in jus transferre æcclesiæ. Duobus quoque diaconis id ipsum conceditur. Testificatio vero trium monachorum in id ipsum sufficiat. The said orders according to their grade of promotion shall have power of protestation. The priest to the number of cxx tributarii; the deacon up to the number of lx ‘_manentes_;’ the monk to the number ‘xxx tributarii,’ _i.e._ in a criminal cause. But if the dispute has arisen about the boundaries of lands it shall be lawful to the priest on attestation of his oath to transfer, into the right of the church, land, _i.e._ of one _tributarius_. To two deacons also the same is conceded. Let attestation of three monks suffice for the same. Now, it seems very unlikely that such a question as this about the value of oaths should be asked of the Archbishop if it had already been settled by law in Northumbria. And so we seem to see him here making a claim and laying down a principle for the first time in Northumbria the following of which resulted in his priests being put upon a par with the secular thane as regards the value of their oaths. [Sidenote: In Mercia priest’s oath of same value as that of the thane.] The principle that one man’s oath was worth more than another’s we have seen already stated in the undated fragment on ‘Mercian oaths,’ which very possibly represented ancient tradition. A twelve-hynde oath stands for six ceorls’ oaths, because if a man should avenge a twelve-hyndeman he will be fully avenged on six ceorls and his wergeld will be six ceorls’ wergelds (p. 360). And, further, the right of the priest to be put on equal footing with the thane we have seen recognised in another fragment. A mass priest’s oath and a secular thane’s are in English law reckoned of equal value, and by reason of the seven church degrees that the mass priest through grace of God has acquired, he is worthy of thane-right (p. 361). The same principle was recognised in the further fragment on the North People’s wergelds. The usual statement in Continental and Anglo-Saxon laws as regards compurgation is that a man must clear himself by his oath and the oaths of so many oath-helpers. But in the Laws of Ine, with which the Archbishop was doubtless conversant, another method was followed in some cases. A man must clear himself, not with the oaths of so many oath-helpers, but with an oath of so many _hides_. The claim of the Archbishop seems to favour the view, suggested but hardly established by various passages in the Laws of Ine, that the twelve-hyndeman’s oath was reckoned at 120 hides.[246] [Sidenote: Oaths of so many hides.] All that one can say is that the Archbishop in claiming that the Northumbrian priest’s oath should be regarded as one of ‘120 tributarii’ seems to have had in his mind what was afterwards generally conceded, _i.e._ that the priest should be put, in social position, on a par with the thane or twelve-hynde man. Moreover, the Archbishop’s use in this connection of the phrase ‘so many _tributarii_’ or ‘_manentes_,’ instead of so many ‘hides,’ is interesting. It helps us to understand that the hide as used in the Laws of Ine was probably the same fiscal or gafol paying unit as the _familia_ of Bede. Another clause in this interesting document bears more directly upon the question of homicide, and it is valuable as giving information quite independent of the Laws. It is the answer of the Archbishop to the question, ‘What if a layman shall kill a cleric or a monk, whether the _precium sanguinis_ according to the law _natalium parentum_ shall be paid to his near relations or whether his _seniores_ are to be satisfied by a larger amount--which does your Unanimity sanction?’ The reply is as follows:-- [Sidenote: The wergelds of the clergy to be paid to the church.] Quicunque vero ex laicis occiderit episcopum, presbiterum, vel diaconum, aut monachum, agat pœnitentiam secundum gradus pœnitentiæ constitutos, et reddat precium æcclesiæ suæ; pro episcopo secundum [placitum] universalis consilii, pro presbitero octingentos siclos, pro diacono sexingentos, pro monacho vero quadringentos argenteos; nisi aut dignitas natalium vel nobilitas generis majus reposcat precium. Non enim justum est, ut servitium sanctæ professionis in meliori gradu perdat quod exterior vita sub laico habitu habuisse jure parentum dinoscitur. Whoever indeed of laymen shall have killed a bishop, priest, or deacon or monk shall do penance according to the constituted scale of penitentials, and let him pay the price to his church--for a bishop according to [the decision] of a general Council: For a priest 800 sicli For a deacon 600 sicli But for a monk 400 argentei[247] unless dignity of birth or nobility of kindred demand a greater _precium_. For it is not just that service in a holy profession in a higher grade should lose what secular life in lay dress may be recognised to have by right of parentage. The wergelds here stated for the clergy are stated in _sicli_ and _argentei_. The Roman argenteus, as we have seen (after Nero’s time), was the drachma of silver, and the siclus was a didrachma or quarter of an ounce. The Archbishop, therefore, was claiming 200 ounces of silver as the wergeld of his Northumbrian priest. [Sidenote: Stated in Roman silver currency.] Whether he knew it or not, this amounted in value to 4000 sceatts (of 20 to the ounce), _i.e._ 800 Wessex and 1000 Mercian scillings. So that in claiming for his priest a wergeld of 200 ounces of silver he does not seem to have had in his mind either the Mercian or the Wessex twelve-hyndeman’s wergeld, of 1200 scillings, of 5 or 4 sceatts, but, possibly, as we shall see, a Kentish wergeld of 200 Kentish scillings of 20 sceatts. [Sidenote: Priest’s wergeld to be 200 Roman ounces of silver.] The Archbishop’s claim falling short of what was ultimately granted in Northumbria is curious as showing that Northumbrian law, at this time, before the inroads of the Norse invaders, was still unsettled, and that the Archbishop may have been influenced by Kentish rather than by West-Saxon or Mercian precedents. It was after another century, and after the Norse invasion and conquest, that the wergelds of the mass-thane and secular-thane in the ‘North People’s Law’ were stated to be alike at 2000 thrymsas, or 1200 Wessex shillings. How much earlier the equation was made in Northumbria we know not. The next clause to be noticed is that in reply to question viii., viz. ‘If any monks shall mix themselves up with sacrilege, should _you_ now prosecute, if the avengement of the crime pertains to laymen who are their relations?’ The reply is as follows:-- [Apostolus dicit,] omnes causas æcclesiæ debere apud sacerdotes dijudicari. Si qui vero æcclesiastici crimen aliquod inter laicos perpetraverint, homicidium, vel fornicationem, vel furtum agentes, hos placuit a secularibus in quos peccaverunt omnimodo occupari; nisi animo fuerit æcclesiæ pro talibus satisfacere. Laici vero qui sacrilega se contagione miscuerint velatis, non eodem modo quo lex publica fornicarios puniri percensuit, set duplicato xxx siclorum pecunia, hoc est lx argenteos volumus dare ecclesiæ adulterantes, quia graves causæ graviores et acriores querunt curas. The Apostle declares that all ecclesiastical causes should be settled by priests. But if any ecclesiastics have perpetrated any crime among laymen, homicide or fornication or theft, it has been decreed that they be followed up in every case by laymen against whom they have sinned, unless it be the intention of the Church to make satisfaction for them. But laymen who shall have joined in sacrilegious intercourse with nuns [shall be dealt with] not in the same manner as the public law decrees fornicators to be punished, but _double_--by the sum of xxx _sicli_--_i.e._ we wish adulterers to give to the Church lx _argentei_, because severe cases require severer and sharper cures. This passage once again makes it clear that in this ecclesiastical document of the Archbishop of York 30 sicli = 60 argentei or Roman drachmæ. [Sidenote: Ecclesiastical causes to be settled by priests.] And, apart from this monetary question, the clause is interesting as marking the claim that all ecclesiastical causes should be settled by the clergy themselves. In case of crime by an ecclesiastic against a layman the Church reserved the right to stop the layman’s prosecution by payment of the wergeld or other satisfaction. At the same time the Church was to claim double compensation from laymen committing crime against nuns. It is impossible to disassociate this document from the letter of Bede describing the religious anarchy of the diocese caused by the abuses of the loose monastic system in vogue, and urging the newly appointed prelate, who was not yet Archbishop, to undertake their energetic reformation. [Sidenote: The Church succumbed to the wergeld system.] But for the present purpose the real worth of these statements is the independent evidence they give of the continued strength of the wergeld system and the force of tribal custom in the Northumbrian kingdom before the Norse invasions. The sense of individualism in Christianity was opposed to the solidarity and joint responsibility of the kindred. But instead of fighting against the wergeld system the Church had actually succumbed to it, and adopted it for its own advantage, placing a money price upon the blood of its several ecclesiastical ranks, making the value of the priest four times that of the monk. The system of compurgation, again, was a part of tribal usage. The Church adopted it and graduated the worth of the oaths of its various grades according to secular usage, making the oath of the priest in evidence four times the value of that of the monk. In other words, in England, as on the Continent, the clergy, instead of combating tribal custom in these matters, took their place in the order of secular rank according to their several grades, bishops claiming the wergeld of princes, and priests that of thanes, with, however, the obviously useful reservation that if their secular rank by parentage and birth should be higher than their ecclesiastical grade, the higher wergeld should be theirs. All this we see in the course of being introduced into Northumbrian usage in answer to local inquiry and local needs, upon the authority of perhaps the very wisest of Saxon prelates. The wisdom of such accommodation as this on the part of the Church to pagan tribal usage is not the matter in question. The point of the evidence is the proof it gives of the continued strength of tribal usage in England after many generations of occupation and settlement. III. THE DOOMS OF INE, A.D. 688-725. The Dooms of King Ine occupy so important a position as the earliest direct information upon Anglo-Saxon custom apart from Kent that they demand careful separate study. We ought to be able to learn something from them of the aim and spirit of legislation in Wessex two centuries before King Alfred added them to his laws. [Sidenote: Ine’s Dooms apart from Alfred’s.] There is no reason, I think, to suspect that the text of the Dooms of Ine was altered by Alfred. The words already quoted in which he says that in his Dooms he collected together what he thought ‘rightest’ of those things which he met with of the days of Ine and Offa and Ethelbert without adding much of his own are quite consistent with his preservation of King Ine’s laws as a whole, though in some points differing from his own.[248] King Ine came to the throne in A.D. 688, and he states in his preamble that he issued his ‘Dooms’ with the counsel of Cenred his father and of the Bishops of Winchester and London (who had already had twelve or thirteen years’ experience in their sees) and also with the counsel of all his _ealdormen_ and his Witan:-- ꝥ te ryht æw ⁊ ryhte cyne-domas þurh ure folc gefæstnode ⁊ getrymede wæron, ꝥ te nænig ealdormonna ne us under-geþeodedra æfter þam wære awendende þas ure domas. So that just law and just kingly dooms might be settled and established throughout our folk; so that none of the _ealdormen_ nor of our subjects should hereafter pervert these our dooms. [Sidenote: The ealdorman a shire-man in judicial position.] We mark, then, at once that at this period the most prominent public official was the _ealdorman_. From clause 8 and clause 9 we learn that private revenge for a wrong was forbidden before justice had been demanded from a ‘“scir-man” or other judge.’ And that the ealdorman was a shire-man we learn from another clause (clause 36). Seþe þeof gefehð oþþe him mon gefongenne agifð ⁊ he hine þonne alæte oþþe þa þiefðe gedierne forgielde þone þeof [be] his were. (36) Let him who takes a thief or to whom one taken is given, and then lets him go, or conceals the theft, pay for the thief according to his wer. Gif he ealdormon sie þolie his scire buton him kyning arian wille. If he be an _ealdorman_ let him forfeit his ‘shire’ unless the King be merciful to him. Here, as in Alfred’s Laws, the ealdorman is an official with judicial jurisdiction. And we learn more about his social status as compared with that of other classes from s. 45. [Sidenote: Burg-bryce of various classes.] Burg-bryce mon sceal betan c. xx scill. kyniges ⁊ biscepes þær his rice bið. Ealdormonnes lxxx scill. Kyniges þegnes lx scill. Gesiðcundes monnes land-hæbbendes xxxv scill. ⁊ be þon ansacan. (45) Bot shall be made for the _King’s_ burg-bryce, and a bishop’s where his jurisdiction is, with cxx shillings; for an _ealdorman’s_ with lxxx shillings; for a _King’s thane’s_ with lx shillings; for that of a _gesithcund_-man having land with xxxv shillings: and _according to this let them make legal denial_. The _burg_-bryce is the same thing as the _burh_-bryce--the breaking into the _burh_. And if we compare the ‘bots’ of this clause with the _burh_-bryce of King Alfred’s s. 40 (_supra_, p. 372) we see that he was not merely copying King Ine’s clause. Nearly as they may resemble one another, there are marked differences between the two clauses. The king’s burh-bryce in King Ine’s Laws is the same as King Alfred’s. The ealdorman’s is eighty scillings instead of sixty. The king’s thane takes the ealdorman’s place with sixty, and the gesithcund-man’s burh-bryce in King Ine’s Laws is practically the same as the twelve-hyndeman’s in King Alfred’s laws. [Sidenote: The gesithcund-man’s judicial position.] The gesithcund-man we have met before in one of the fragments of early English law, but so far as relates to Wessex he appears in the Dooms of Ine for the first and last time, and we shall have to consider by-and-by how far he is the same person as the twelve-hyndeman. But for the present it is sufficient to note that he is mentioned along with the king’s thane and the ealdorman apparently in order to state the extent to which his oath was to be taken as valid in judicial evidence, or whatever is meant by the words ‘and according to this make legal denial.’ [Sidenote: Laws as to theft.] The chief obstacle to the maintenance of the peace seems to have been the frequency of thefts and homicide of all kinds. The connection between homicide and theft is the subject of several clauses in the Laws of Ine. And as they bring into notice the liability of the kindred it may be well to consider them in order. These are some of the clauses in the Laws of King Ine with reference to the slaying of a thief:-- Gif þeof sie gefongen swelte he deaðe oþþe his lif be his were man aliese. (12) If a thief be seized let him perish by death or let his life be redeemed according to his wer. Cierlisc mon gif he oft betygen wære gif he æt siþestan sie gefongen slea mon hond [of] oþþe fot. (18) A ceorlisc man, if he have often been accused, if he at last be seized, let his hand or foot be cut off. Gif feorcund mon oþþe fremde butan wege geond wudu gonge & ne hrieme ne horn blawe, for þeof he bið to profianne oþþe to sleanne oþþe to aliesanne. (20) If a far-coming man or a stranger journey through a wood out of the highway and neither shout nor blow his horn he is to be held for a thief either to be slain or redeemed. [Sidenote: The ge-geldas and kindred of the thief.] Then comes the question what happens if a man should seize a thief and slay him as a thief. The next clause goes on to state that in the case of the thief slain in the wood the slayer must declare that he slew the man for a thief, and then neither the lord nor the _ge-gildas_ of the slain could demand a wergeld. But if he should conceal the slaying and it became known after a time, the way was open for the kindred of the supposed thief to exculpate him by oath and so claim his wergeld, from the slayer. Where there is no concealment, the kindred of the thief must swear that there shall be no vengeance on him for delivering up the thief. Se [þe] þeof gefehð [he] ah x. scill. ⁊ se cyning þone þeof ⁊ þa mægas him swerian aðas unfæhða. (28) He who seizes a thief shall have ten scillings and the king the thief; and let the kindred [of the thief] swear to him oaths of ‘unfæhthe.’ If the man who had seized the thief let him go he was liable to pay ‘wite’--and if, as we have seen, an ‘ealdorman’ did so it was at the risk of losing his ‘shire.’ Theft seems to have been an increasing crime, for further on in Ine’s Laws there are repetitions of some of these clauses, with slight additions, showing that the Dooms of Ine were added to from time to time (s. 35 and s. 27). [Sidenote: The ceorlisc and the gesithcund classes.] We have seen how severe a penalty was attached to the crime against the king’s peace of letting a thief once seized escape. The following clause is still more severe upon any one harbouring a fugitive thief or other outlaw, and it introduces again the division of classes as regards wergelds into gesithcund and ceorlisc, but without mentioning the wergelds of each class. Gif mon cierliscne monnan flieman-feorme teo be his agnum were geladige he hine. Gif he ne mæge gielde hine [be] his agenum were ⁊ se gesiðmon [eac] swa be his were. (30) If a man accuse a ceorlisc-man of harbouring a fugitive [thief?] let him clear himself according to his own wer. If he cannot, let him pay for him according to his own wer, and the gesith-man in like manner according to his wer. This ‘clearing himself according to his own wer’ alludes evidently to the oath of himself and his oath-helpers and shows that the oath required to clear the gesithcund-man from the charge was a greater one than that required to clear a ceorlisc-man. This was doubtless the case throughout, but apparently it had become needful to strengthen the oath of both classes. The following clause required that in the oath of both the gesithcund and ceorlisc-man in denial of homicide there should be among the oath-helpers ‘a King’s oath of 30 hides.’ [Sidenote: The oaths to be in their hyndens of co-swearers.] Seþe bið wer-fæhðe betogen ⁊ he onsacan wille þæs sleges mid aðe þonne sceal bion on þære hyndenne an kyning [æðe] be xxx hida swa be gesiðcundum men swa be cierliscum swa hwæðer swa hit sie. Gif hine mon gilt þonne mot he gesellan on þara hyndenna gehwelcere monnan [and, _but not in H_] byrnan ⁊ sweord on ꝥ wer-gild gif he þyrfe. (54) He who is charged with _wer-fæhthe_ and he is willing to deny the slaying on oath; then shall there be in the ‘hynden’ one king’s oath of 30 hides as well for a gesithcund-man as for a ceorlisc-man whichever it may be. If he has to pay him, then may he give the man of any one of those ‘hyndens’ a coat of mail and a sword in the wergeld if he need. The last part of the clause is ambiguous, but on the whole, taking into account the Latin of the ‘Quadripartitus’ and Liebermann’s suggested translation and the difficulty of the various other suggested readings, I think it is most probable that the meaning may be, that if the man charged cannot get the required ‘king’s oath’ or that of another hynden without paying for it, he may give ‘a coat of mail and a sword’ to the ‘hynden’ if it should be needful. We may have to recur to this section, but without attempting to build anything upon this more than doubtful addition to it. Nothing important, I think, turns upon it. [Sidenote: Both classes must follow to the fyrd.] The following is important as showing that both the gesithcund and ceorlisc classes were under the military obligation to follow to the fyrd. Gif gesiðcund mon landagende forsitte fyrde geselle cxx scill. ⁊ þolie his landes, unlandagende lx scill. cierlisc xxx scill. to fierdwite. (51) If a gesithcund-man owning land neglect the fyrd, let him pay 120_s._ and forfeit his land, one not owning land 60_s._; a ceorlisc-man 30_s._ as fyrd-wite. The recurrence in so many clauses of Ine’s Laws of the division of classes into gesithcund and ceorlisc leads to the conclusion that it must have been a very prominent one. It was accepted in the Laws of Ine as a fact existing and of common knowledge, with no mark upon it of novelty or innovation. The distinction was evidently ancient and radical, and yet the word ‘gesithcund’ is not met with in any later laws. [Sidenote: Mention of twelve-, six-, and twy-hynde classes.] Throughout the 76 clauses of the Laws of Ine only one makes direct mention of the division of classes into twelve-hynde and twy-hynde, the distinction so generally made in the later laws, and in this clause, as in King Alfred’s Laws, the six-hynde class also appears:-- Aet twy-hyndum were mon sceal sellan to mon-bot xxx scill. æt vi-hyndum lxxx scill. æt twelf-hyndum c.xx. (70) With a twy-hyndeman’s wer shall be given as man-bot xxx scillings with a six-hynde’s lxxx scillings, [? lx s.], with a twelve-hynde’s cxx scillings.[249] The man-bot was, as we have seen, the payment to a lord for the loss of his man. There is an indirect mention of wergelds in s. 34, which states that any one who has been in a foray in which a man has been slain must prove himself innocent of the slaying and make bot for the foray according to the wergeld of the slain. If his wergeld be 200_s._ he must make bot with 50_s._, and the like justice was to be done with respect to the ‘dearer born.’ We may assume from this and the later evidence that already the wergeld of the twelve-hyndeman was 1200 scillings, and that of the twy-hyndeman 200 scillings, though in the Dooms of Ine this is not otherwise directly stated. The laws take it for granted that the amount of the wergelds was common knowledge, as in so many other cases. [Sidenote: The six-hynde class.] The mention of the six-hynde class in addition to the twelve-hynde and twy-hynde classes makes it a matter of importance to learn what manner of persons were included in the six-hynde class. The Laws of King Alfred, as we have seen, generally mention the six-hyndeman with the other classes, but without giving any clue to an answer to the question to what social rank he belonged. In the Laws of Ine, however, a distinct clue is given, and it is one which accords with Continental usage and suggests a reason for the disappearance of the six-hyndeman from the later laws. He is mentioned again after King Alfred’s time only in the so-called Laws of Henry I. The clauses relating to this subject are important enough to claim consideration in a separate section. [Sidenote: The gafol-gelda and the gebur.] One other important social distinction, or division of classes, appears already in the Laws of Ine, viz. that which existed between possessors of land and _gafol-geldas_ and _geburs_ who were, as we should say, _tenants_ on the land of others. We shall have to return to the consideration of this distinction and to note the fact that it is in these Laws of Ine that the _gebur_ appears as almost the equivalent of the _gafol-gelda_, while they afford incidental evidence also that the typical holding of the gafol-gelda (and thus of the gebur) was the ‘yardland’ or virgate of open-field husbandry. The mention of the gafol-gelda and the gebur occurs in s. 6. Gif hwa gefeohte on cyninges huse sie he scyldig ealles his ierfes ⁊ sie on cyninges dome hwæðer he lif age þe nage. Gif hwa on mynstre gefeohte hund twelftig scill. gebete. Gif hwa on ealdormonnes huse gefeohte oþþe on oðrer geþungenes witan lx scill. gebete he ⁊ oðer lx geselle to wite. (6) If any one fight in the _king’s house_, let him be liable in all his property and be it in the king’s dooms whether he shall or shall not have life. If any one fight in a _minster_, let him make bot with cxx scillings. If any one fight in an _ealdorman’s_ house or in any other distinguished wita’s, let him make bot with lx scillings and pay a second lx scillings as wite. Gif he þonne on gafol-geldan huse oþþe on gebures gefeohte c.xx scill. to wite geselle ⁊ þæm gebure vi scill. But if he fight in a _gafol-gelda’s_ house or in a _gebur’s_, let him pay cxx scillings as wite, and to the gebur vi scillings. And þeah hit sie on middum felda gefohten hund twelftig scill. to wite sie agifen. And though it be fought on midfield let cxx scillings be given as wite. [Sidenote: The gafol-gelda and gebur have only a six scilling fightwite.] This clause is intelligible if we follow the principle that fighting anywhere is a breach of the king’s peace. The king, therefore, in every case and wherever it happens is entitled to a wite of 120 scillings. But if it happens within the house or precinct of an ealdorman or of any other chief member of the Witan the amount is divided between the king and his official. If the fighting is in the precinct or house of a gafol-gelda or gebur the king still gets his full wite of 120 scillings, and an additional six scillings is to be given to the gebur, just as in King Alfred’s Laws the same amount is to be given to the ceorlisc man for fighting in his ‘flet.’ This clause forms a valuable groundwork of evidence as to the position of the gafol-gelda under West Saxon law, and we shall have to recur to it when we further consider the position of the ceorlisc class at the date of King Ine’s Dooms. The omission of the gesithcund class from this section, unless included as distinguished members of the Witan, can hardly be accidental, but it is not easy at first sight to divine a plausible reason for it. Let us for a moment try to recognise the position to which so far the Dooms of Ine have brought us. We seem able in those already quoted to trace a process at work combining distinctions of classes of different origins and based upon different lines of thought. We find a very marked and prominent division of classes into gesithcund and ceorlisc alongside of hardly more than incidental mention of the division of classes so prominent afterwards into twelve-hynde and twy-hynde. In King Alfred’s Laws we could trace no practical distinction between the twy-hynde and ceorlisc classes. We could not distinguish between them. All distinction at any rate evaded our notice. We have now to ask the double question what was the distinction between gesithcund and twelve-hynde, as well as what was the distinction between ceorlisc and twy-hynde. The chief question raised by King Alfred’s Laws was whether any great distinction existed between the ‘ceorl who sits on gafol land’ and other members of the ceorlisc class. The Laws of King Alfred gave us no clue on this point. It seemed as though, after all, the ceorlisc class must have been so generally gafol-geldas that practically the twy-hynde and ceorlisc class might be spoken of roughly and inclusively as ‘ceorls who sit on gafol land,’ and that this ‘sitting on gafol land’ might be, after all, the fairly distinctive mark of the ceorlisc class for whom King Alfred claimed a twy-hynde wergeld as ‘equally dear’ with the Danish lysing. [Sidenote: The gafol-gelda and gebur of Ine’s laws put in the place of the ceorlisc man of King Alfred.] And now in this clause 6 of King Ine’s Laws we find the gafol-gelda or gebur put directly into the place of the ceorlisc man of King Alfred’s Laws with the same penalty of six scillings payable to him for fighting in his house or his ‘flet.’ _King Alfred’s Laws_, s. 39. If any one fight in a ceorlisc man’s flet, with six scillings let him make bot to the ceorl. _King Ine’s Laws_, s. 6. But if he fight in a gafol-gelda’s house or in a gebur’s, let him pay … to the gebur six scillings. It might be said at first sight that here surely is a clear trace of the degradation of the ceorl into a gafol-gelda during the 200 years between the Laws of King Ine and King Alfred. For, it might be said, the ceorl of King Alfred’s Laws has the same bot for the fighting in his house as that which the gafol-gelda had under Ine’s Laws 200 years earlier. This may be so. But how do we know that the gafol-gelda of King Ine’s time was not already the typical ceorl as he seems to have been in King Alfred’s time? In that case there would be no sign of degradation of the ceorl into the gafol-gelda. Or at any rate if there had been a degradation from some original higher position and status it had already taken place before the time of King Ine. Our judgment on the position of the ceorlisc class under King Ine’s Laws must still be reserved. IV. THE POSITION OF STRANGERS IN BLOOD UNDER KING INE’S LAWS.--THE SIX-HYNDEMAN. [Sidenote: Strangers in blood.] The question of the position under West Saxon law of strangers in blood is one of much interest, and we have reserved the clauses relating to it for separate consideration. There may have been several different classes of strangers. [Sidenote: How were the earlier conquered inhabitants treated?] How far there was a considerable substratum of conquered Romano-British inhabitants is a very vexed question. That there were such in the outlying and recently conquered districts is certain. Mr. Coote’s view may not be wholly mistaken that a Romano-British population, living, as on the Continent, under their own laws and customs, existed in most districts, especially in the towns. These strangers may some of them have had land and some of them not. Certainly not all of them were regarded as theows or thralls. To what class, then, did they belong? And how were they treated? What degree of freedom was granted them, and what was their wergeld, if they had any? It is to the Laws of Ine that we must go for the answers to these questions. And we start on the inquiry seeking light also upon the position of the as yet unexplained six-hynde class so often mentioned in the Laws of King Alfred but never in the later laws. The only hint we have had as yet as to the meaning of the six-hynde class is whether gesithcund-men not having land may not have belonged to it. [Sidenote: The _wealh_ or _Wilisc-man_ with five hides was six-hynde.] The wergelds of the ordinary classes of tribesmen were doubtless too well known to require more than incidental mention in King Ine’s Dooms, but there are several clauses or fragments of clauses specially mentioning the wergelds of the _wealh_ and of the _Wilisc_-man. Wealh gif he hafað fif hyda he bið syx hynde. (24) A _wealh_ if he have five hides ‘he shall be six-hynde.’ Gif Wylisc mon hæbbe hide londes his wer bið c.xx scill. gif he þonne hæbbe healfe lxxx scill. gif he nænig hæbbe lx scillinga. (32) If a Wylisc-man have a hide of land his wer shall be cxx scillings, but if he have half a hide lxxx scillings, if he have none lx scillings. Cyninges hors-wealh seþe him mæge geærendian þæs wer-gield bið cc scill. (33) The king’s ‘horse-wealh’ who can do his errands, his wergeld shall be cc scillings. It will be noticed that the wergeld of the _Wilisc_ man with one hide of land is one fifth of the wergeld of the _wealh_ with five hides, so that wealhs and Wilisc men seem to be treated on the same lines--as if the two words meant the same thing. [Sidenote: The Gallo-Roman ‘_wala_.’] It is not easy to draw a distinction between the ‘wealh’ and the ‘Wilisc’ man. ‘Wilisc’ is certainly used as the adjective corresponding to ‘wealh,’ though sometimes (as _e.g._ in ‘Wilisc ale’) for something specially Welsh. In the Lex Salica, as we have seen, the Gallo-Roman living under Roman law, according to the Malberg gloss was a ‘_Wala_’ with a wergeld half that of the ‘ingenuus’ living under Salic law. And, without pushing this meaning so far as Mr. Coote was inclined to do, we may fairly, I think, look upon the word ‘wealh’ as generally embracing not only natives of Wales and West Wales, but also the wider class of persons of the conquered populations, whether Welsh or Britons or Romano-Britons, who were not recognised as of Anglo-Saxon blood. [Sidenote: The _Wallerwente_ of Yorkshire.] We may call in the later evidence of the Northumbrian Priest-law[250] in illustration. The use of ores and half-marks in this document and its being, so to speak, domiciled in York, seem to connect it with the period of the Northmen’s conquest of Northumbria, when York was its capital and as yet the tide of battle had not been turned--_i.e._ shortly before the date of the Compact between Alfred and Guthrum. In this Priest-law the penalty for the practice of heathen rites on the part of a king’s thane was ten half-marks, and if he wished to deny the charge it must be with ten named by himself, ten named by his kindred (_maga_), and ten _Wallerwente_, and if he failed in the denial he had to pay the ten half-marks, half of which went to the church and half to the king. And so also in the case of the ‘landagende man’ who had to pay six half-marks: he too must deny with as many of his like (_gelicena_) and as many _wente_ as the king’s thane. And so also in the case of a ‘cyrlisc’ man. It is quite clear that these _Wallerwente_ were _free_ inhabitants of the district, for their oaths were taken in evidence, which would not have been done had they been theows. The Wallerwente were, on the other hand, not recognised as ‘ceorlisc’ Saxons. They were obviously the native Celtic inhabitants of the great plain of York[251]--the _gwent_ or basin of the Derwent and the Ouse. The locality is fixed by the clause which restricts the Sabbath day’s journey on necessity to six miles out of York. [Sidenote: Under Frankish law the Gallo-Romans had half-wergelds.] Now, we have seen that under Frankish laws the Gallo-Roman population living under Roman law had _half_-wergelds. If the freeman living under Salic law had a wergeld of 200 solidi the ‘Romanus possessor’ had a wergeld of 100 solidi. And so in the same way, returning to the Laws of Ine, while the gesithcund or other landed Wessex freeman was a twelve-hyndeman, the wealh who had five hides was reckoned as six-hynde. [Sidenote: The wealh with five hides had a half-wergeld.] We have seen that the English ceorl who rose to the possession of five hides and paid gafol to the king, and with coat of mail and over-gilded sword followed to the fyrd, became gesithcund with a wergeld of 1200 scillings. It is quite in accordance with tribal feeling as shown in Continental usage that the stranger in blood, whether Welsh or Romano-British, who had risen in the same way to the possession or occupation of five hides should be six-hynde with a half-wergeld of 600 scillings. We have quoted the Northumbrian Priest-law and noted that its penalties in half-marks and ores suggest that it belongs to the period before King Alfred’s Compact with Guthrum, during which York was the capital of the Northmen’s kingdom. It is interesting to see that in the fragment of North People’s Law quoted in the previous chapter, belonging probably to the same district and to the same period, some of the clauses with reference to the Wilisc man are evidently copied from the Laws of Ine though with some additional matter and perhaps some slight errors in the figures. And if a Wilisc-man thrive so that he have a hide of land and can bring forth the King’s gafol, then is his wergeld 120 scillings. And if he thrive not except to half a hide, then let his wer be 80 scillings. And if he have not any land, let him be paid for with 70 scillings [? 60]. [Sidenote: The conquering Northmen gave the hauld a wergeld twice that of the thane.] And it is worth notice that it was in this very document that the Northmen as conquerors, while leaving the English wergeld of the thane at 2000 thrymsas or 1200 scillings, gave to their own ‘hold’ a double wergeld of 4000 thrymsas. [Sidenote: The six-hynde class died out.] We may therefore regard the six-hyndeman of King Ine and King Alfred’s Laws as probably the Wilisc man with five hides or more. There does not appear to be anything in King Alfred’s Laws to lead us away from this conclusion. Any other would leave the complete silence of King Alfred’s laws with regard to the Wilisc class unexplained, unless it could be considered that in the turmoil of the Northmen’s invasions and the stress of war the Wilisc class had already become more or less amalgamated with the Saxon population by the force of their common interests against the invaders. The silence of the later laws as to a six-hynde class may probably be explained by the same considerations. [Sidenote: The Wilisc man under Ine’s law only half as worthy as the Englishman.] Passing from the Wilisc man who was six-hynde in consequence of his landed position to the Wilisc man viewed simply as a stranger in blood, there is further evidence that as a stranger he was regarded as only half as ‘worthy’ as an Englishman. In s. 46 of Ine’s Laws it is stated that an oath-worthy person charged with theft is to deny the charge with an oath of 120 hides if the accuser be an Englishman, but with only 60 hides if the accuser be a Wilisc man. Ðonne mon monnan betyhð ꝥ he ceap forstele oþþe forstolenne gefeormie þonne sceal he be lx hyda onsacan þære þiefðe gif he að-wyrðe bið. (46) When a man charges another that he steals, or harbours stolen cattle, then shall he deny the theft with lx hides if he be oath-worthy. Gif þonne Englisc onstal ga forð onsace þonne be twy-fealdum. If, however, an English charge of theft[252] come forward, let him then deny it with twice as many. Gif hit þonne bið Wilisc onstal ne bið se að na þe mara. But if it be a Wilisc charge, the oath shall not be the increased oath. This clause does not tell us whether the Wilisc man was considered to be oath-worthy or not. Probably he would not be as against a Saxon. It only states that when the charge of theft was made by an Englishman the oath was to be one of twice as many hides as would be required to deny the charge of a Wilisc man. [Sidenote: In the ‘Ordinance of the Dun-setas’ strangers have only half-wergelds and must go to the ordeal as not oath-worthy.] Corroborative evidence as regards the half-wergelds and oath-worthiness of the wealh class may be found in an ordinance of later date, but belonging to Wessex, and it may be quoted as throwing strong light upon the position of the Wilisc or wealh class (_wealþeode_) in apparently a border district, where Saxons and wealhs met together with a boundary of a river between them. It is entitled an ‘Ordinance respecting the Dun-setas.’[253] The leading fact throughout this document is that the two peoples met avowedly as strangers. Its aim was to keep the peace and to protect the owners of cattle on each side of the stream from the raids of their neighbours on the other. They are recognised as strangers to each other and on principle treated reciprocally as such. Denial of a charge by oath and oath-helpers, unless by special agreement, is assumed to be of no use and evidently out of place between strangers in blood. Consequently the ordeal was the only answer to a charge of theft. Ne stent nan oðer lád æt tihtlan bute ordal betweox Wealan & Englan, bute man þafian wille. There stands no other purgation in an accusation save the ordeal between Wealas and English unless it be allowed. This was fully in accordance with tribal custom no less than the further fact that their wergelds were, obviously for the same reason, to be half-wergelds. Gyf Wealh Engliscne man ofsleane þearf he hine hiden-ofer buton be healfan were gyldan ne Ænglisc Wyliscne geon-ofer þe ma sy he þegen-boren sy he ceorl-boren healf wer þær æt-fealð. If a Wealh slay an Englishman he need not pay for him on this side except with half his wer, no more than the Englishman for a Wylisc on that side, be he thane-born, be he ceorl-born, one half of the wer in that case falls away. [Sidenote: These wylisc men were in Wessex.] In this document the wealh is treated according to tribal principle as a stranger in blood, both as regards recourse to the ordeal, and the half-wergeld. And the word ‘wyliscne’ is used as the appropriate adjective distinguishing the wealh from the Englishman. So that in this case ‘wealh’ and ‘wylisc’ mean the same thing. Further, this evidence, though later in date probably than King Alfred’s Laws, is practically Wessex evidence, because, though the geographical position of the Dun-setas is not accurately known, their connection with the West Saxons is the one thing which is clear.[254] Returning to the Laws of Ine, as the wergeld of the Wilisc man with five hides was a half-wergeld of 600 scillings it might be supposed that the ordinary Wilisc man’s would be a half-wergeld of 100 scillings. But it was not exactly so, for, according to s. 32 above quoted, the Wilisc man with one hide had a wergeld of 120 scillings, one with half a hide 80 scillings, one without any land 60 scillings. In an isolated clause added to s. 23 a somewhat different statement is made. The wealh gafol-gelda has the same wergeld as if he had a hide of land, and the wealh theow the same wergeld as the Wilisc man without land. [Sidenote: Various classes of wealhs and Wilisc men.] Wealh gafol-gelda cxx scill. his sunu c. Ðeowne lx. somhwelcne fiftegum. Weales hyd[255] twelfum. (23) A wealh gafol-gelda cxx scillings, his son c: a theow lx: some fifty: a wealh’s skin twelve. That the theow of this passage is the ‘_wealh-theow_’ with a wergeld of 60 scillings is clear from sections 54 and 74, the first of which relates to the ‘_Wilisc wite theow_.’ Wite-þeowne monnan Wyliscne mon sceal bedrifan be twelf hidum swa þeowne to swingum. Engliscne be feower & þrittig hida. (54) A Wilisc wite-theowman shall be followed up with twelve hides like a theow to the scourging; an English with four and thirty hides. The wite-theow was a person who had once been free but from debt or calamity had sunk into thraldom. The English ‘wite-theow’ is dealt with thus in the Laws of Ine. Gif wite-þeow Englisc-mon hine forstalie ho hine mon & ne gylde his hlaforde. Gif hine mon ofslea ne gylde hine mon his mægum gif hie hine on twelf-monðum ne aliesden. (24) If a wite theow, an Englishman, steal himself away, let him be hanged and nothing paid to his lord. If any one slay him let nothing be paid to his kindred if they have not redeemed him within twelve months. His free kindred might ignore him if they liked: there was no need for them to pay the wergeld of a kinsman who had forfeited his freedom. Section 74 relates to the _theow-wealh_, but this term would seem to apply to the case of the _wealh-wite-theow_.[256] [Sidenote: The theow-wealh.] Gif þeow-wealh Engliscne monnan ofslihð þonne sceal seþe hine ah weorpan hine to honda hlaforde ⁊ mægum oþþe lx scill. gesellan wið his feore. Gif he þonne þone ceap nelle fore gesellan þonne mot hine se hlaford gefreogan gielden siþþan his mægas þone wer gif he mæg-burg hæbbe freo. Gif he næbbe hedan his þa gefan. Ne þearf se frigea mid þam þeowan mæg-gieldan buton he him wille fæhðe of-aceapian ne se þeowa mid þy frigean. (74) If a _theow-wealh_ slay an Englishman, then he who owns him shall deliver him up to the lord and the kindred or give 60 scillings for his life. But if he will not give that sum for him, then must the lord enfranchise him. Afterwards let his kindred pay the wer if he have a free _mæg-burh_. If he have not let his foes take heed to him. The free need not pay ‘mæg-bot’ with the theow unless he be desirous to buy off from himself the feud: nor the ‘theow’ with the free. This clause is repeated in the so-called Laws of Henry I. c. lxx., but the amount named is 40 scillings instead of 60 scillings. Sixty scillings is double the manbot of the twy-hynde man in s. 70 of Ine’s Laws, and it may be the double value of the wealh-theow to his lord. V. THE TWELVE-HYNDE AND TWY-HYNDE MEN AND THEIR HYNDENS OF OATH-HELPERS. [Sidenote: The meaning of twelve-hynde and twy-hynde.] The silence of the Dooms of Ine upon some of the most important matters relating to ancient custom is no doubt disappointing, but their position as almost our only direct evidence of the customs of Wessex for the first two or three centuries after the conquest of Britain gives to every hint a value. Some of the clauses are so isolated that if we could not approach them with light from other sources we should lose the right clue to their meaning. It is only by following the course we have adopted of working backwards from the known to the unknown that we can rightly interpret some of the clauses by reading into them some things not directly mentioned by them. And yet if we try to understand such a fundamental matter as the meaning of the division of classes into _twelve-hynde_ and _twy-hynde_[257] it is to the Dooms of Ine that we must go. [Sidenote: Connected with the system of oath-helpers.] It is in these Dooms that the meaning of the words twelve-hynde and twy-hynde is most clearly connected with the system of compurgation and the oaths of the oath-helpers. It is moreover in these Dooms that at first sight the mystery is made still more mysterious by the statement of the value of the oaths in so many hides. [Sidenote: Value of oaths in hides.] The fact of this connection between the value of the oaths and hides was first brought to our notice in the Dialogue of Archbishop Egbert apparently as a matter already well known and established. And it was his claim that the oaths of his priests should be reckoned as oaths of 120 hides which confirmed what, from the Laws of Ine, was hardly more than doubtful inference that this was the value of the oath of the gesithcund or twelve-hynde class. The Archbishop’s mention of it confirmed it, but left its meaning and origin as obscure as ever. And yet the whole question of the structure of Saxon society is so mixed up with the right understanding of the twelve-hynde and twy-hynde division of classes that unless further light can be let into it a good deal of what we should like to see clearly must remain unhappily enveloped in fog. [Sidenote: Hides were family holdings. The _familia_ of Bede.] Archbishop Egbert’s substitution of the phrase so many _tributarii_ or _manentes_ for the ‘so many hides’ of the Laws of Ine obliges us to regard the _hide_ of Ine’s Dooms in this connection as equivalent to the ‘familia’ of Bede. The Saxon translator of the Latin text of Bede translated the word _familia_ sometimes by ‘hide’ and sometimes by _hiwisc_ or family. In this connection it is also worth noting that, although writing a century later than Egbert and two centuries after the date of Ine’s Laws, the translator of Bede had not cast off all traces of tribal tradition, for he consistently used the word _mægthe_ as the equivalent of Bede’s ‘provincia.’ He still thought of tribes and peoples rather than of districts and provinces. His ideas in these things ran on tribal rather than on territorial lines. So to him the hide was still the _family_ unit, and the greater kindred or tribe, as in Beowulf, was the _mægthe_. In Beowulf we saw that some of them conquered others and made them pay tribute. So they did in Bede’s time. [Sidenote: _Manentes_ and _tributarii_ of Egbert.] While, then, we are obliged to connect the value of oaths reckoned as of so many hides with hides which were family holdings, or, as Egbert calls them, _manentes_ and _tributarii_, the original meaning of the connection must be sought for in tribal conceptions. It seems to be quite clear that in saying that the twelve-hyndeman’s oath was an oath of 120 hides, and the ceorl’s presumably of 20 hides, we have not yet necessarily struck the real train of thought underlying the connection between oaths and hides. For it is absurd to think that the twelve-hyndeman could pretend to the occupation or possession of 120 hides or family holdings, or the ceorl to 20 hides. They could do no such thing. The ceorl, in later times at all events, who had the twy-hynde wergeld was ‘the ceorl who sits on gafol land’--a gafol-gelda on some one else’s land. And to the great-grandson of the ceorl who had risen to five hides, the continued possession of five hides was sufficient to qualify him for a _sithcund_ status worth a wergeld of 1200 shillings or 2000 _thrymsas_. The question, therefore, needs closer examination if we would rightly understand the meaning underlying the distinction between the twy-hynde and twelve-hynde social status. Let us then in the first place try to understand the meaning of the word _hynde_ which gives to the distinction between twy-hynde and twelve-hynde its important significance. [Sidenote: The meaning of ‘hynden.’] The word separated from its prefix apparently occurs in only two places in the Laws. It occurs for the first time in an important clause of the Laws of Ine. And once more it occurs in the Laws of Athelstan, in the ‘Judicia Civitatis Londoniæ.’ A word which occurs again in Anglo-Saxon laws after an interval of more than two centuries may and perhaps must have had a well-known original significance as a legal term though found nowhere else in Anglo-Saxon literature. [Sidenote: The set of oath-helpers.] In Ine s. 54 the word is used twice. The first part of the clause, which has already been quoted, is as follows:-- (54) He who is charged with werfæhthe [man-slaying] and is willing to deny the slaying on oath, then shall there be _in the hynden_ one King’s oath of xxx hides as well for a gesithcund man as for a ceorlisc man whichsoever it may be. In this first mention of the _hynden_ the word must mean the set of oath-helpers supporting their kinsman with their oaths, and the clause lays down the rule that in every such set of oath-helpers in the case of ‘slaying’ there must be a ‘King’s oath of thirty hides.’ But what is this King’s oath of thirty hides which is to be in the _hynden_ of oath-helpers of both the twy-hynde and twelve-hynde man in case of man-slaying? [Sidenote: The 30 hides oath of the King’s thane.] In the Compact between Alfred and Guthrum is a clause, already quoted, immediately following the statement of the wergelds of Dane and English, and the declaration that they were to be ‘equally dear,’ which seems to be almost a repetition of the clause in Ine’s Laws, but without using the word _hynden_. (3) If a King’s thane be charged with man-slaying, if he means to clear himself by oath, let him do it with twelve King’s thanes, and if a lesser man than a King’s thane be charged, let him clear himself with eleven of his like and with one _King’s thane_. We have seen that the King’s thane is mentioned in the Laws of Ine (s. 45), and that his social position was much higher than that of the ordinary _gesithcundman_. The bot for his _burg-bryce_ was sixty scillings--_i.e._ halfway between that of the ealdorman at eighty scillings and that of the gesithcundman having land at thirty-five scillings. The King’s thane’s oath seems, then, to be what is meant by the King’s oath of thirty hides in the Laws of Ine. But the King’s thane’s oath of thirty hides being the oath of a class higher than that of the gesithcundman, how is it that the oath of the latter could be a 120 hide oath?--_i.e._ worth four times as much as that of his superior, the King’s thane. At first the two statements seem to clash, but on reflection a spark of light seems to come from the collision. The King’s thane’s oath in this case is only _one oath in the hynden of twelve_ oath-helpers supporting the twelve-hynde or twy-hynde man. When a King’s thane was himself charged with man-slaying the later law declares that he must clear himself with twelve King’s thane’s oaths. The full oath of the whole hynden, himself and his co-swearers, would therefore be equivalent to an oath of 360 hides--_i.e._ worth three times the 120 hide oath of--may we not now say?--the twelve oath-helpers forming the _hynden_ of the gesithcundman. [Sidenote: The single oath of the twelve-hyndeman was of 10 hides.] The King’s thane’s official position was sufficient to justify the threefold value of his oath and that of the several oaths of his hynden. And if the 120 hide oath of the twelve-hyndeman be the full oath of himself and his hynden of oath-helpers, then his single oath would be a ten hide oath, which is much more within reason. The analogy would be complete were it not for the necessity of including in the hynden of the gesithcundman a King’s thane’s oath of thirty hides; but this may have been an afterthought. The mention of it in the law of Ine is in itself presumptive evidence that it was a new and an additional requirement beyond what Wessex custom had originally required.[258] [Sidenote: The oath of himself and oath-helpers was of 120 hides.] So far, then, it seems to be pretty clear that the 120 hide oath of the twelve-hyndeman was the twelvefold oath of himself and his hynden of oath-helpers, each of whose single oaths was, like his own, a ten hide oath. [Sidenote: The oath-helpers were kinsmen.] Adhering, then, to the meaning of _hynden_ as the set of oath-helpers, we have next to keep in mind that the oath-helpers were naturally kinsmen representing the slayer’s kindred and their responsibility for the wergeld of the person slain if their kinsman was the slayer, and by this consideration we are once more thrown back upon tribal custom. [Sidenote: The twy-hyndeman and leysing’s want of kindred.] And when in the Compact between Alfred and Guthrum we see the ‘ceorl who sits on gafol-land’ put in the same position as the Norse ‘leysing’ or newly made freeman whose kindred was imperfect, howbeit in course of being widened by each generation, we seem again to be put upon the scent that the twy-hynde condition of the Saxon ceorl may also originally have had something to do with his imperfect kindred. When further, in the remarkable fragment already quoted, we see the Saxon ceorl himself rising in the social scale, getting land ‘to the King’s utware,’ having a ‘coat of mail, helmet, and over-gilded sword’ and doing direct service to the King, until at last, his son’s son having had that land in succession, the great-grandchildren become of _sithcund_ kin with twelve-hynde wergelds, the scent seems to lie all the more strongly in the direction of the tribal rules of kindred. For it is as though we had watched the process of the growth of kindred in this case till the _sithcund_ condition was reached, and the full hynden had been produced, thus raising the twy-hynde into a twelve-hynde man. The leysing, we learned from the Norse laws, being a newly made freedman, had at first no freeborn kin from whom he could inherit or who could inherit from him. He had no one of his kin to swear for him or to fight for him till he had sons and grandsons. For three generations the descendants were leysings still. And though during that time kinsmen enough may have grown up around them to swear for them yet still their oaths may well have been reckoned of lower value than those of the hauld, each of whose oath-helpers had a full kindred behind him to support him. It took another three generations to put the leysing in this position. [Sidenote: The full oath of a man with 12 oath-helpers of full kindred twelve-hynde.] There may, then, perhaps be involved in this matter of imperfect and perfect kindred a principle of tribal custom originally underlying the terms twelve-hynde and twy-hynde. The oath of full value under tribal usage would be the oath of a man with a full kindred, _i.e._ with twelve hyndens, each of full kindred, behind him. Only with a full kindred to support him was his protection complete, because without it he could not secure a full oath of twelve sufficiently influential and powerful oath-helpers. If he could claim from his kindred such an oath, then he may well have been considered properly a twelve-hyndeman, because such an oath meant practically that he had the support and protection of twelve hyndens of kinsmen in case of need. This might at first sight seem an unnecessarily large requirement if the _oath_ were regarded only as clearing a man from the charge of man-slaying. But going back to tribal usage it seems no longer too large when the alternative is considered. The alternative was the ordeal and, on failure of the test of innocence, the feud or the payment of a wergeld of, as we have seen, normally one hundred head of cattle. In either case the slayer was powerless if alone. He was powerful only in having a full kindred behind him bound by ties of kinship and tribal usage first to swear for him instead of his being put to the ordeal, and secondly to fight for him or to assist him in finding the hundred head of cattle required to buy off the feud, according to the proverb ‘Buy off the spear or bear it.’ In either case the completeness of his kindred was the measure of the power of protection behind him. [Sidenote: The oath of the ceorl worth only one sixth of that of the twelve-hyndeman and thus only twy-hynde.] The twy-hyndeman considered as the leysing or freedman would not be in this strong position. His social status, resulting from his imperfect kindred, must be a low one. If he slew a twelve-hyndeman, from the point of view of the feud he would be helpless. The kindred of the twelve-hyndeman slain by him could not be satisfied merely by the slaughter of an inferior. Tribal custom of the Continental Saxons allowed vengeance for homicide by a thrall to be taken upon seven thralls. Under Mercian usage, as we have seen, it had been settled that the oath of the ceorl was to be taken as worth one sixth of that of the twelve-hyndeman, because the life of six ceorls was held to be equivalent in the matter of vengeance to that of one twelve-hyndeman. And thus it may be that, in the case of man-slaying, his oath and that of his oath-helpers, all of inferior value, came, under Anglo-Saxon custom, to be reckoned in comparison with that of the man of full kindred as worth only ‘two hyndens’ as against his twelve. In the other passage in which the word ‘hynden’ occurs it has not so distinctly the meaning of ‘oath-helpers.’ It is not used in relation to homicide or wergelds, but still its use and its meaning are instructive. [Sidenote: The hynden-men of the city frith-gegildas.] The use of the word in the ‘Judicia Civitatis Lundoniæ’[259] is in connection with the organisation of ‘frith-gegildas’ for the prevention and punishment of theft. These ‘frith-gegildas’ were groups or ‘hyndens’ with a common purse. And contributions were to be made for the common benefit. In the eighth clause it was enacted that the hynden-men should be collected every month, each twelve to a common meal. ‘And if it should then happen that any kin be so strong and so great within land or without land whether xii-hynde or twy-hynde that they refuse us our right and stand up in defence of a thief, that we all of us ride thereto with the reeve within whose “manung” it may be.’ These hyndens were not directly groups of kinsmen and oath-helpers, but they were artificial groups formed and bound by a pledge for mutual protection, and the use of the word ‘hynden’ in this sense is significant. There were hyndens of oath-helpers under tribal custom, and now in the city hyndens of frith-gegildas were formed for mutual defence against powerful kindreds outside their city who were in the habit of protecting thieves from justice. This was the way apparently that a substitute was found in the towns for the absent kindreds. And as time went on these artificial hyndens of _gegildas_ or _congildones_ no doubt in some measure took the place of the hyndens of kinsmen in cases of homicide as well as in cases of theft. [Sidenote: Wealth and fullness of kindred often concurrent.] Naturally in the course of time the possession of property and social status would gradually take the place of the completeness of kindred, and the two elements in status would easily be associated together in common estimation. The value of a man’s oath would depend more and more on the number of hides of land he was reckoned to possess, or for which he was responsible to the ‘King’s utware.’ If we may follow Schmid’s translation of ‘utware’ as ‘Heerbann’ and picture to ourselves the ceorl who had risen to the social position of a man with a kindred and having five hides to the King’s gafol, with his coat of mail and helmet and over-gilded sword coming up at the call of the King to the fyrd with so many followers, whether kinsmen or tenants, from the five hides under his charge and so becoming ‘gesithcund’ in regard to the King’s service, then there would be force in the further clause which declares that, although he had acquired a kindred and a coat of mail and helmet and over-gilded sword, yet _if he have not that land, he is still but a ceorl_. The power and strength and status of a person would still depend upon the combination of the two elements, and both would have to be reckoned with. A passage has already been quoted in which the possibility is admitted of a kindred becoming so powerful--_magna et fortis_--as to defy the King’s law and defend the thief.[260] There is another passage relating to breaches of the peace in Kent in which the two sources of this power of defiance are mentioned together. The dangerous person may either be _so rich_ or be of _so great a kindred_ that he could not be punished--‘adeo dives vel tantæ parentelæ ut castigari non possit.’[261] VI. THE GESITHCUND AND CEORLISC CLASSES IN THEIR CONNECTION WITH LAND. Pursuing the question of division of classes mentioned in the Dooms of Ine we turn now to the consideration of the most prominent distinction which runs through the clauses of the Dooms, viz. that of _gesithcund_ and _ceorlisc_. Roughly speaking, the two distinctions may have been gradually coming more and more to mean much the same thing. As a rule no doubt in King Ine’s time ceorlisc men were twy-hynde and gesithcund men twelve-hynde. [Sidenote: The unit of 10 hides of land.] The same class which, regarded from the point of view of the wergeld, possessed completeness of kindred and the twelve-hynde oath, when looked at from another point of view was gesithcund, _i.e._ more or less directly in the service of the King and belonging to the official and landed class. So that the value of the oath of both twelve-hynde and gesithcund men may have become easily associated with a territorial unit of ten hides of land. Now, the fact of the connection of the value of the oath with ten hides of land is pretty good proof that for practical purposes and in common usage the holding of ten hides was looked upon as in some way or other a typical unit of holding of the gesithcund or landed class. There is nothing new in this suggestion, but its lack of novelty does not detract from its value. And an examination from a tribal point of view of the isolated passages in the Dooms of Ine relating to this typical holding of ten hides may possibly throw further and useful light upon the position of the gesithcund class. While we speak of the gesithcund class as almost equivalent to the landed class it is obvious that it would be wrong to consider every gesithcundman as a landowner. Attention has already been called to the following clause: (51) If a gesithcundman owning land neglect the fyrd, let him pay 120_s._ and forfeit his land. One not owning land 60_s._, a _ceorlisc_ man 30_s._ as fyrd-wite. The gesithcundman _not_ possessing land may either be one who has forfeited his land or a cadet of the class not having yet attained to the position of landholding and yet being gesithcund by birth. Nor would it do to let modern notions of landownership intrude themselves so far into the question as to make us regard the gesithcund and landed class as a class of land-_owners_ in the modern sense. If the typical holding of ten hides be that of the gesithcundman, we may have to regard him rather as a gesith of the King put into possession of the ten hides by way of stewardship than as anything like the absolute owner of them. [Sidenote: Ten hides the unit for food rents to the chieftain or King.] The typical holding of ten hides may perhaps be usefully regarded, from a fiscal point of view, as a unit for purposes of revenue, at a time when that revenue under tribal custom consisted chiefly of food rents paid in kind for the King’s or the chieftain’s use. Clause 70 of the Dooms of Ine fixes in detail the food rent of ‘ten hides’ ‘to fostre’ or ‘on feorm.’ If the unit of ten hides were not the customary unit for these food rents on the Royal domains why should the details of the food rent of ten hides have been made the subject of an isolated clause like this? [Sidenote: Land grants of 10 hides.] Again, if we turn to the grants made by King Ine to the monasteries, they become intelligible if the system of management of the Royal domains in units and multiples of ten hides may be understood to underlie them. When Ine grants to Aldhelm, then Abbot of Malmesbury, ‘45 cassati’ in the county of Wilts, the grant is found to consist of groups of ‘manentes’ in four different places. And the groups consist of 5, 20, 10, and 10.[262] When Ine makes a grant to Abbot Bernald of land in Somersetshire it consists of three groups of 20, 20, and 20 _cassati_ or _manentes_ from three different estates.[263] And when he makes a similar grant to Glastonbury it consists of 10, 10, 20, 20 hides and one hide in five different places in Somersetshire.[264] So also when Bede mentions the donations by King Oswy to the Abbess Hilda of 12 _possessiuncula terrarum_ he adds that six were in the province of Deira and six in Bernicia and that each of them consisted of 10 _familiæ_, so that in all there were 120.[265] Now it would seem that as ealdormen were set over shires so gesithcund men may have been set over smaller units of 10 hides or multiples of 10 hides, holding them as lænland, not only for services rendered, but also with some kind of subordinate official or even judicial functions. [Sidenote: Official position of the gesithcundman.] Schmid long ago pointed out that the translator of Bede in six passages translated the Latin _comes_ by ‘gesith’ or ‘gesithcundman.’[266] This seems to imply that his position was in some sense an official one, subordinate indeed to the ealdorman’s, as we may also learn from the translator of Bede. For while he translates the ‘_villa comitis_’ of Bede as the ‘_gesith’s hus_’ he translates the ‘_villa regis_’ as the residence of the king’s ealdor (‘botl cyninges ealdor’).[267] We found in s. 45 of King Ine’s Laws above quoted that the gesithcundman’s burg-bryce was thirty-five scillings while the ealdorman’s was eighty scillings. Still, though the lowest official in the scale, it was something that he should be named with the King, the ealdorman, and the King’s thane as having a burg-bryce according to which he was to make legal denial (ansacan). The omission from this clause as to burg-bryce of classes below him seems to mark that while even the ceorlisc man--_i.e._ even the gafol-gelda or gebur--was responsible for the peace within his ‘flet’ and received a fight-wite when it was broken by fighting in it, the gesithcundman belonged to the class with some sort of extra jurisdiction beyond that which attached to every man whose homestead was by long tribal custom a sacred precinct. [Sidenote: His judicial and magisterial duties.] And there is a clause in the Laws of Ine which seems to refer to the something like judicial duties of the gesithcundman, for it shows that neglect of them causing a suit which he ought to have settled to be carried to a higher court--before the ealdorman or the King--deprived him of his right to share in the ‘wite-ræden,’ whatever they were, appertaining to the suit. Gif gesiðcund mon þingað wið cyning oþþe wið kyninges ealdormannan for his inhiwan oþþe wið his hlaford for þeowe oþþe for frige nah he þær nane witerædenne se gesið forþon he him nolde ær yfles gestieran æt ham. (50) If a gesithcundman has a suit with the King or with the King’s ealdorman for his household or with his lord for bond or for free; he (the gesith) shall not there have any ‘witeræden’ because he would not correct him before of his evil deeds at home. That he had special duties to discharge in connection with the ‘fyrd’ was shown not only by one of the qualifications of the gesithcund status being the possession of a coat of mail, helmet, and over-gilded sword, but also by the fyrd-wite of 120 scillings and the loss of his land, if he neglected the fyrd. [Sidenote: His duty to secure the King’s gafol from his land.] That he was put into his landed position under conditions to secure the management of the land for the provision of the King’s gafol is shown by the following clauses, which in regard to one important particular at least point out what was expected of him and further suggest that there was reason to fear that sometimes he might be inclined to desert his post without having performed the conditions upon which his land was held. _Be gesiðcundes monnes fære._ _If a gesithcund leaves [the land]._ Gif gesiðcund man fare þonne mot he habban his gerefan mid him ⁊ his smið ⁊ his cild-festran. (63) If a gesithcundman leaves, then may he have with him his reeve [?] and smith and his foster-nurse. Seþe hæfð xx hida se sceal tæcnan xii hida gesettes landes þonne he faran wille. (64) He who has 20 hides, he shall show 12 hides of _geset land_ if he want to leave. Seþe hæfð x hida se sceal tæcnan vi hida gesettes landes. (65) He who has 10 hides shall show 6 hides of _geset land_. Seþe hæbbe þreo hida tæcne oðres healfes. (66) If he have three hides let him show one and a half. [Sidenote: He must settle tenants on the land.] These clauses suggest very clearly that the gesithcundman had been entrusted with the ten hides or twenty hides, or sometimes a smaller number, under the special obligation to provide the food rent by settling tenants upon the land. [Sidenote: Method of settling gafol-geldas and geburs on yardlands.] Let us pass, then, to what evidence the Dooms of Ine afford as to the customary method of settling tenants on the land. The very next sections to those just quoted are as follows:-- _Be gyrde londes._ _Of a yardland._ Gif mon geþingað gyrde landes oþþe mære to ræde-gafole ⁊ geereð, gif se hlaford him wile þ land aræran to weorce ⁊ to gafole, ne þearf he him onfon gif he him nan botl ne selð. ⁊ þolie þara æcra. (67) If a man agrees for a yardland or more to gafol and ploughs it, if the lord wants to raise the land _to work and to gafol_, he need not take it upon him if he [the lord] does not give him a _botl_, and let him give up (?) the acres. Gif mon gesiðcundne monnan adrife, fordrife þy _botle, næs þære setene_. (68) If a man drive off a gesithcundman, let him be driven from the _botl_, not the _setene_. [Sidenote: The yardland was the usual holding of the _gebur_, with a pair of oxen.] Working from the known to the unknown, in a former volume we found that under the open-field system of husbandry the hide at the time of the Domesday survey and earlier was generally held to contain four virgates or yardlands, and that so far as arable land was concerned each yardland was a bundle, so to speak, of about thirty scattered strips or acres. Tracing the yardland further back, the interesting point was gained from the tenth-century document known as the ‘Rectitudines &c.,’ that ‘in some regions’ the custom in allotting a yardland to a tenant called a ‘_gebur_’ was to give him with his yardland to _land-setene_ seven acres already sown and a _pair of oxen_, and certain other things theoretically by way of loan, so that on the gebur’s death everything returned to the lord, though in practice the holding and land-setene were no doubt continued to his successor on payment of a ‘relief.’ And this system of settling gafol-geldas and geburs, or whatever such tenants might be locally called, on yardlands seems to be that alluded to in the Dooms of Ine. The clauses incidentally referring to gafol-geldas, geburs, and yardlands thus become intelligible and important in the light of the later evidence. This I endeavoured to show in a former volume.[268] [Sidenote: The hide of four yardlands agricultural.] Now, this system of settling tenants on yardlands by allotting to each a pair of oxen, so that four of them should be able to combine in forming the common plough-team of the hide, obviously belongs to a time when agriculture had become sufficiently important for the unit of occupation and so of gafol-paying and services to be generally agricultural rather than pastoral. But while the _hide_ thus seems to have been connected in the Dooms of Ine mainly with arable farming, it does not follow that it always had been so everywhere. The word ‘hide’ may have originally been applied to a holding devoted more to the grazing of cattle than the growing of corn. The remarkable document which has been called ‘The Tribal Hidage,’ to the meaning and date of which Mr. W. J. Corbett[269] has opened our eyes, shows that forty or fifty years before the date of the Dooms of Ine the whole of England then subject to the Anglo-Saxons was, as we should say, rated in hides according to its tribes or mægthes, possibly for the fiscal purposes of the Bretwaldaship. And it would seem likely that under the common designation of hides pastoral as well as agricultural units for food rents must have been included. This seems to be indicated by the fact that the hides and virgates of the pastoral districts of West Wales in the Exon Domesday book are many times greater than those of other parts of England, and vary very much in area. [Sidenote: In pastoral districts co-aration of the waste.] In the pastoral or grazing districts recently conquered from West Wales early tribal usage would be very likely to survive. And there may well have been some continuity in the methods of tribal agriculture. Judging from what we know from the Cymric Codes, there might not yet be permanent division of the fields into strips and virgates but rather co-aration of such portions of the waste each year as suited the requirements of the tribesmen. [Sidenote: The team of 8 oxen said not to be German.] The open-field system of agriculture was in its main principles and chief methods common to German and Celtic tribes. But we are told that the Germans knew nothing of co-operative ploughing and the team of eight oxen on which the agricultural hidage of England was so clearly based. For the team of eight oxen we must go to the Cymric Codes and the practice in the Isle of Man and Scotland. It was common to these Celtic regions, even to its details--the yoke of four oxen abreast and the driver walking backwards in front of the team.[270] In such a matter as the method of ploughing there may well have been continuity. We seem to see in the Laws of Ine the process going on of transition from the tribal form of the open-field system--the co-aration of the waste--to the more fixed forms of settled and permanent agriculture. [Sidenote: The allotment of stock and homestead by the lord to the gebur was the basis of the tenancy.] Thus, without pressing analogies too far, there may be a root of tribal custom discernible even in the system of settling geburs on yardlands. Something very much like it was followed on the Continent under Roman usage. But the case of the veteran to whom a pair of oxen with seed of two kinds was given as his outfit only partly resembled the case of the gebur. In the case of the gebur the outfit of oxen remained in theory the property of the lord, and returned to him on the death of the tenant. This was the essential point which created the semi-servile tenancy. With the homestead went the ‘setene’ or outfit and the corresponding obligation not only of gafol but also of week-work, and out of the peculiar relation so established may have grown up in West Wales, as in Wales itself and Ireland, very easily the doctrine that after its continuance for four generations the tenant became _adscriptus glebæ_. The allotment of stock by the Irish chieftain formed, as we have seen, in a cattle-breeding rather than an agricultural community the traditional tie between himself and his tenants, whether tribesmen or strangers. The Cymric chieftain of a kindred followed very nearly the same traditional practice when he gave to the young tribesman on his attaining the age of fourteen his _da_ (or allotment of cattle) for his maintenance, thereby establishing the relation of ‘man and kin’ between him and the chief. The same tribal principles were, moreover, applied to strangers both in Ireland and Wales. The Irish ‘fuidhir’ thus settled on the chieftain’s land became, as we have seen, after four generations _adscriptus glebæ_, and so did the _Aillt_ or _Alltud_ settled on the Cymric chieftain’s land. And the same number of generations attached the _nativus_ to the land under early Scotch law. Now, if under tribal usage this was so, it need not be surprising that in the newly conquered districts of West Wales or more generally in Wessex at the time of King Ine, when the extension of agriculture was an immediate necessity, something like the same traditional system should continue or come again naturally into use, producing something like the same kind of dependence of one class upon the other. [Sidenote: This system of settlement very general.] It is necessary to point out that this method of settling tenants on yardlands with an outfit of a pair of oxen &c. was more or less general, because doubts have been recently thrown upon it. Its prevalence as a custom does not rest entirely on the evidence of the ‘Rectitudines’ but on several incidental mentions of it in various and distant quarters. [Sidenote: Kent.] For instance, in the will of a reeve named Abba of Kent (about A.D. 833)[271] is the gift of a ‘half swulung’--_i.e._ what elsewhere would have been described as a half hide--and with that land were to go four oxen, two cows, and fifty sheep, that is two oxen and one cow and twenty-five sheep to each _gioc_ or yardland. [Sidenote: Glastonbury.] And again, the Inquisition of Glastonbury (A.D. 1189)[272] describes the holder of a yardland almost in the same terms as those used in the ‘Rectitudines’ in the description of the _gebur_. He is said to hold a yardland for 32_d._ (probably 1_d._ per acre), and every Monday he must plough a half-acre and harrow it, and he works every day in the week but on Sunday. He has from his lord one heifer (_averum_) and two oxen and one cow and seven acres of corn sown and three acres of oats (to start with)--ten acres in all sown--and six sheep and one ram. King Ine made grants of land, as we have seen, to Glastonbury, and it is interesting to find the custom of allowing two oxen, one cow, and six sheep to the yardland as described in the ‘Rectitudines’ still going on in West Wales five hundred years after Ine’s time on the estates of the Abbey. [Sidenote: Winchester.] Take again the charter MLXXIX. mentioned by Kemble (i. p. 216). This charter shows that the Bishop of Winchester (A.D. 902) had leased fifteen hides of land to a relative of the Bishop, requiring that he must settle there (_inberthan_)[273] men who would be fixed (_hamettan_) to the place. He himself had ‘hamet’ Lufe and her three bairns, and Luhan and his six bairns, and these must remain on the land whoever might hold it. There were also three _witetheows_ _bur_bærde and three more _theow_bærde belonging to the Bishop, with their descendants (_and hire team_). At this date the settling of new tenants (may we not say?) some of them as geburs and some as theows was still going on in Wessex A.D. 902. It is quite true that the holders of these yardlands are not everywhere always described as _geburs_. But we are dealing with the _thing_, not the name. The word _gebur_, however, was of much wider use than merely in one or two localities. [Sidenote: Tyddenham.] It is not only in the ‘Rectitudines’ that the gebur and his services are mentioned. On the Tyddenham Manor of King Edwy on the ‘geset-land’ there were ‘geburs’ with yardlands (gyrdagafollandes)--as mentioned in the former volume (p. 150). And other examples may be quoted. [Sidenote: Shaftesbury. Hatfield.] In the will of Wynfled[274] there is mention of lands at Shaftesbury and ‘the geburs that on those gafollands sit’ (_þara gebura di on þam gafollandes sittað_). And as incidental evidence that the geburs became in course of time _adscripti glebæ_, it is worth while to remember that early in the eleventh century the monks of Ely in connection with their Manor of Hatfield kept record of the children of the geburs on their estate who had married with others of neighbouring manors, so that they might not lose sight of them and their rights over them. And the importance with which their rights were regarded is emphasised by the fact that the record was kept upon the back of an ancient copy of the Gospels belonging presumably to the altar of St. Etheldreda.[275] Now, if such in part was the relation between the gesithcundman and the tenants of the yardlands of his ‘geset-land’ arising from the allotment or loan of stock, may not something of the same kind lie at the root of the relation between the gesithcundman himself and the King? Lord as he may have been over his ceorlisc gafol-geldas, was not the gesithcundman himself a servant of the King looking after the King’s gafol, a kind of middleman, tied to his post with the ealdorman above him in the hierarchy of Royal service, liable to lose his land if he neglected his duty? [Sidenote: How far the gebur was _adscriptus glebæ_.] It is an interesting question how far the ceorlisc class were _adscripti glebæ_ under the Laws of Ine, but when we try to find this out we discover that both classes seem to be under some kind of restraint as to ‘going away’ (_fære_). If a gesithcundman ‘fare’ we have seen under what restrictions it must be. There is another clause which deals with the case of persons who shall ‘fare’ without leave from their lords. Gif hwa fare unaliefed fram his hlaforde oþþe on oðre scire hine bestele ⁊ hine mon geahsige fare þær he ær wæs ⁊ geselle his hlaforde lx scill. (s. 39) If any one go from his lord without leave or steal himself away into another shire and he be discovered, let him go where he was before and pay to his lord 60 scillings. Judged in the light of later laws to the same or nearly similar effect, this clause must probably be regarded rather as early evidence of the relation between lord and man established generally for the maintenance of the public peace, than as bearing directly upon the question of the attachment of the smaller class of tenants to the soil.[276] And yet if the relation of the ordinary freeman to, let us say, the ealdorman of the shire was such that he might not move into another shire without leave, and until it was ascertained whether his action was _bona fide_, or perhaps with the object to escape from debt or vengeance for a wrong committed, the restriction would be likely to be still stronger when a tenant was under fixed obligations to his lord, or had, by taking a yardland and homestead, settled on his lord’s land and accepted stock under conditions of gafol and week-work regulated by general usage. The idea of freedom as a kind of masterful independence of the individual was not one inherited from tribal modes of thought, nor likely to be fostered by the circumstances of the times which followed upon the Anglo-Saxon conquest of Britain. When this fact is fully recognised, the gulf between the gesithcund and ceorlisc classes does not seem so deep, after all, as it would be if, instead of approaching the question from a tribal point of view, we were looking for allodial landowners on the one hand and expecting the ceorl to be a member of a village community of independent peasant proprietors on the other hand. [Sidenote: The king’s food rents or gafol how paid.] But we are not doing this, and, returning to the gesithcundman, perhaps we have after all taken for granted quite enough that the general environment in Wessex was agricultural rather than pastoral. Even as regards King Ine himself, there may have been a good deal of the tribal chieftain still left in his relations to his gesithcund followers and officials. We have spoken of his tribal food rents; but how did he gather them? [Sidenote: The _firma unius noctis_.] No doubt the King’s gafol may partly have been paid in money. But so far as it was paid in kind it must have been carried by his tenants to his Winchester palace, or one of his other manors, according to the system prevalent at the time, followed for centuries after in West Wales, viz. the system of the ‘night’s entertainment’ (_firma unius noctis_)--a system followed by tribal chieftains and their Royal successors in Scandinavia as well as in Britain. When the Domesday survey was made of what was once West Wales there was found still existing, especially in Dorsetshire, the survival of a very practical arrangement of Royal food rents which may have been in use in King Ine’s time and date back possibly before the West Saxon conquests. Some portions of the ‘terra Regis’ scattered about the county of Dorset are grouped in the survey so that each group might supply the _firma unius noctis_, the money equivalent of which is stated to be 104_l._, _i.e._ 2_l._ per night’s entertainment for one night each week in the year. This mode of providing the _firma unius noctis_ is illustrated by the legend which represents King Ine himself and his queen as moving from manor to manor for each night’s entertainment, their moveable palace of poles and curtains being carried before them from place to place upon sumpter mules. Now, if we might regard the gesithcundman as one of a class to whom ten hides or twenty hides had been allotted by King Ine on a system providing in this practical way _inter alia_ for the night’s entertainments, it would be natural that the food rent of the unit of ten hides should be fixed. And further, it would be natural that if the gesithcundman should wish to throw up his post and desert the land entrusted to his management he should be restricted, as we have seen, by conditions intended to secure that the provision for the King’s entertainment or gafol in lieu of it should not materially suffer. [Sidenote: The gesithcundman sometimes evicted.] We have seen that as the ealdorman was to lose his ‘shire’ if he let go a thief, so the gesithcundman was to pay a fyrdwite, and to lose his _land_ if he neglected the _fyrd_. It was possible, then, that he might have to be evicted. And a clause in the Dooms of Ine has already been quoted which seems to refer to the eviction of a gesithcundman. Be gesiðcundes monnes dræfe of londe. (68) If a gesithcundman be driven off land. Gif mon gesiðcundne monnan adrife, fordrife þy botle næs þære setene. If one drive off a gesithcundman, let him be driven forth from the homestead (_botl_), not the _setene_. If he was evicted he was to be driven from the _botl_ or homestead, not the _setene_. What can the _setene_ have been? [Sidenote: Were the stock and crops always his own?] The land granted or intrusted to the gesithcundman for the performance of corresponding duties is not likely to have been mere waste. Part of it might surely already be ‘geset land,’ let to tenants of yardlands. On the rest of it still held in demesne there would probably be some herds of cattle. In these early days the cattle and corn on the land were far more valuable than the mere land itself. If, therefore, a fixed food rent was payable to the King, may it not be inferred that sometimes the typical holding of ten hides included the stock let with it, just as, according to the ‘Rectitudines,’ the yardland did? Following strictly the analogy, the original stock on the land and in the hands of the tenants would be the ‘setene’ of the gesithcundman, theoretically, like the land itself, belonging, not to him, but to his lord? It might have been sometimes so. But at the same time there might be other cases in which the possession of cattle may have led to the tenure. The ceorl or the wealh who had risen to having five hides may have brought the cattle or setene with him. And to evict him from his own cattle and crops as well as from the _botl_ might be unjust. The text as it stands seems to mean that the gesithcundman is not to be evicted _from_ the _setene_, and the clause seems to be intended to protect his rights and to prevent his being evicted from his own stock and crops on the land. The clause is not clear, but it adds to the sense that in the case of the gesithcundman we are not dealing with a landowner who can do what he likes with his own, any more than in the case of the ceorlisc gafol-geldas we are dealing with a class of peasant proprietors. [Sidenote: Position of the two classes in Ine’s time.] Difficult as it may be to come to a clear understanding of some of these isolated passages in the Dooms of Ine, they may at least have saved us from the pitfall of a fatal anachronism. Their difficulties, forcing us to think, may in some degree have helped us to realise the point of view from which the two classes--gesithcund and ceorlisc--were regarded in early Wessex legislation. [Sidenote: The gesithcund class the landed class. The ceorlisc class the tenant class paying gafol to the landed class.] Throughout Wessex, speaking generally, they seem to have been regarded as the two prominent classes in practical agricultural life. The general facts of everyday observation marked off the gesithcundman as belonging to the ruling class, holding land direct from the King as the King’s gesith, while the ceorlisc man, speaking generally, in his relation to land was the gafol-gelda or gebur sometimes probably holding his yardland on the King’s demesne, but mostly perhaps and more and more often as the tenant of the gesithcundman. This, it would seem, had become so general that in King Alfred’s day and perhaps even in King Ine’s, ignoring the exceptional classes between the gesithcund and the other class, there was no absurdity in King Alfred’s claiming that equally dear with the Danish lysing the ‘ceorl who sits on gafol land’ should have a twy-hynde wergeld. The division into gesithcund and ceorlisc classes was doubtless a somewhat rough and wide generalisation. There were, we know, men without land who belonged to the gesithcund class, and ceorls who were not tenants of yardlands. And even among the tenants of yardlands some paid gafol only and others both gafol and week-work. But for our purpose the fact to be noted is that the generalisation was sufficiently near the truth for it to be made. [Sidenote: The ceorlisc class would include newly made freedmen.] We must not infer that these two classes included strictly the whole population. Judging from Continental evidence, Wessex must have been very exceptional indeed if there were not everywhere numerous _theows_ or thralls. From this class Anglo-Saxon wills and other documents show that there was a constant stream of freedmen or theows who by emancipation were allowed to creep up into the ceorlisc class, partly as the result of Christian impulse, and partly probably from the lack of tenants to occupy the yardlands left vacant by the desolation caused by constant wars. Thus while, broadly speaking, the gesithcund and the ceorlisc classes may have corresponded to the twelve-hynde and twy-hynde classes, they were not absolutely identical. The two lines of distinction had not the same origin and did not run absolutely parallel. But they may well have worked in the same direction. The original distinction founded upon the possession or absence of the perfect kindred and ‘hyndens of oath-helpers’ was rooted in tribal instincts and never wholly extinguished throughout Anglo-Saxon history. The gesithcund class, most perfect in their kindred and nearest in their relation to the King, influenced perhaps by traditions of Roman land management, naturally grew up into a twelve-hynde and landed class, while the ceorlisc class, recruited from outside and from below, just as naturally became their tenants. [Sidenote: The gulf between the two classes existed in King Alfred’s time.] Thus in England, as elsewhere, we may easily believe that the gulf between classes resulting from tribal instincts and confirmed by difference in wergelds was hardened and widened by the conditions of landholding in the conquered country, which tended to raise the one class more and more into manorial lords and depress the other into more or less servile tenants. The Compact between Alfred and Guthrum affords the strongest evidence that already in King Alfred’s time the process was far enough advanced for a pretty hard line to be drawn between them. VII. COMPARISON OF WESSEX AND MERCIAN WERGELDS WITH THOSE OF CONTINENTAL TRIBES. Before passing from the Wessex to the Kentish laws it may be well to mark the position to which the evidence hitherto examined has brought us with regard to the amount of the wergelds. [Sidenote: Continental wergelds of 200 and 160 gold solidi for the full freeman.] We have had again and again to come back to the question of the status of the twelve-hynde and twy-hynde classes as shown by their wergelds. By the Compact between King Alfred and Guthrum the English wergelds were brought into line with Norse and other Continental wergelds. The statement of the higher wergeld in gold made possible a comparison of the Anglo-Saxon with Continental wergelds. The result of the inquiry into the Continental wergelds of the full freeman was that they seemed to fall very distinctly into two classes--the Frankish and Norse wergeld of 200 gold solidi, on the one hand, and the Frisian, Saxon, Alamannic, Bavarian, and possibly Burgundian wergeld of 160 gold solidi on the other hand. The ratio between these two wergelds is as 5:4. Now, this is exactly the ratio between the two twelve-hynde wergelds of the Anglo-Saxon laws, _i.e._ of Wessex and of Mercia. Both were of 1200 scillings, but the Wessex scilling was of five pence and the Mercian of four pence. [Sidenote: The Wessex and Mercian wergelds ancient.] Finding twelve-hynde and twy-hynde wergelds in the Laws of Ine, we seem to be bound to regard the distinctions between the two classes as going back to a time two centuries at least before the inroads of the Northmen. The position of the Dooms of Ine as they have come down to us annexed to the Laws of King Alfred might possibly have raised a doubt as to whether the incidental mention of the wergelds might not have been inserted in the text by the scribes of King Alfred. But if the Mercian wergelds were of ancient tradition, independently of the Wessex evidence, the statement of the Wessex wergelds in the Dooms of Ine need not be doubted. At the same time, the amount of the Wessex wergeld is confirmed by the wergeld of the secular thane in the Northumbrian statement, for 2000 thrymsas are equal to 6000 pence, and thus the wergeld of the thane accords with the Wessex twelve-hyndeman’s wergeld. And as this statement seems to have been rescued from times anterior to the Northmen’s invasion, it is so far independent evidence. In the same document the ceorl’s wergeld of 200 Mercian scillings is also mentioned. The concurrence of independent traditions thus seems to trace back the difference between the Wessex and Mercian wergelds as well as the difference between the twelve-hynde and twy-hynde classes in both cases into the early Anglo-Saxon period. And if we may date them back to the time of King Ine--two centuries before the invasion of the Northmen--they may well go back earlier still. For wergelds which have already become traditional in the seventh century may not improbably have been brought by the invading tribes with them into Britain in the fifth and sixth centuries. The fact that the Mercian and Wessex wergelds differed makes it unlikely that the traditional wergelds were first adopted in Britain or acquired from the Romano-British population. That they differed exactly in the same ratio as the two classes of Continental wergelds differed is a fact which points still more strongly to a Continental origin. [Sidenote: At 1:10 Wessex wergeld of 6000 pence = 200 gold solidi, and the Mercian of 4800 pence = 160 gold solidi.] Moreover, the Wessex and Northumbrian wergeld of 1200 scillings of five pence--_i.e._ 6000 pence or sceatts at a ratio of 1:10--was equal to 600 tremisses or 200 gold solidi. The Mercian wergeld of 1200 scillings of four pence--_i.e._ 4800 pence or sceatts--at the same ratio was equal to 480 tremisses or 160 gold solidi. That the ratio of 1:10 was not an unlikely one is shown by its being the ratio under the Lex Salica between the forty scripula of silver and the gold solidus before the Merovingian reduction of the standard weight of the latter and the issue of silver tremisses.[277] It was also the ratio at which twelve Roman argentei or drachmæ of silver were apparently reckoned as equal to the Merovingian gold solidus. The correspondence at this ratio of the Wessex twelve-hynde wergeld with the Frankish wergeld of 200 gold solidi, and of the Mercian twelve-hynde wergeld with the other Continental wergelds of 160 gold solidi, is sufficiently striking to be taken into account in any speculation as to the respective origins of the West Saxon and Mercian invading tribes. But that is not the object of this essay. It is enough to have noted a fact which may or may not turn out to be of some historical significance. The value of the wergelds to this inquiry consists in the light they throw upon the solidarity of tribal society and the position in social rank of the various classes of Anglo-Saxon society. But we have yet to examine the laws of the Kentish kings, and it will be best to suspend any further judgment on these points until this remaining part of our task has been done. CHAPTER XIV. _THE LAWS OF THE KENTISH KINGS._ I. DISTINCTION FROM ANGLO-SAXON LAWS, A.D. 596-696. The laws of the Kentish kings, if they had been on all fours with the other Anglo-Saxon laws, would have taken back the general evidence for Anglo-Saxon custom another hundred years earlier than the Laws of Ine, and nearer the time of the conquest of Britain. As it is, however, they have to be treated as in part exceptional. [Sidenote: Belgic agriculture.] It is very probable that for a long period the proximity of Kent to the Continent had resulted in the approximation of its social and economic conditions to those of the opposite shore of the Channel. The south-east corner of Britain was described by Cæsar as having been colonised by Belgæ and as having been for some time under Belgic rule. The Belgic tribes were the furthest advanced of Celtic tribes and, according to Cæsar, had fostered agriculture, while his informants spoke of the interior of Britain as pastoral. Under Roman rule the prominence of agriculture was continued. Ammianus Marcellinus describes large exports of British corn to supply Roman legions on the Rhine. He speaks of the British _tributarii_ in a way which suggests that this part of Britain under Roman rule had become subject to economic arrangements similar to those of the Belgic provinces of Gaul. [Sidenote: The sulungs and yokes of Kent.] The introduction, by invitation, of the Jutes into Kent and their settlement, in the first instance at all events, under a friendly agreement of payment of _annonæ_, may have given an exceptional character to the results of ultimate conquest. The permanent prominence of agriculture is perhaps shown by the fiscal assessment in ‘sulungs’ and ‘yokes’ instead of hides and virgates. [Sidenote: Early clerical influences.] The exceptional conditions of the Kentish district were continued by its being the earliest to come into close contact with the court of the Merovingian Franks, and with ecclesiastical influences from Rome. The mission of St. Augustine resulted in the codification of Kentish custom into written laws a century earlier than the date of the earliest laws of Wessex. The peculiar character of Kentish custom may have been further maintained by the partial isolation of Kent. The kingdom of the Kentish kings, though lessened in Ethelbert’s time by the encroachment of Wessex, had maintained its independence of both the Northumbrian and Mercian supremacy or Bretwaldorship. Apart from any original difference in custom between Jutish and other tribes this isolation naturally produced divergence in some respects from the customs of the rest of Anglo-Saxon England and may perhaps partly explain why the Laws of the Kentish Kings came to be included in only one of the early collections of Anglo-Saxon laws. Further, when we approach the subject of Kentish wergelds we do so with the direct warning, already alluded to, of the writer of the so-called Laws of Henry I., that we shall find them differing greatly from those of Wessex. [Sidenote: Wergelds said to differ from those of Wessex and Mercia.] This we have said according to our law and custom, but the difference of wergeld is great in Kent, _villanorum et baronum_. Moreover, in after times Kentish custom differed from that of other parts of England in the matter of succession. The custom of Gavelkind prevailed in Kent. And among the statutes after the Norman Conquest there is an undated statement setting forth peculiar customs of Kent in matters where they differed from those of the rest of the kingdom. Some of these differences may have been of later origin, but a comparison of the laws themselves with other Anglo-Saxon laws is conclusive upon the point that important differences always existed and, what is more, were recognised as existing. Although the Kentish laws are not included with other Anglo-Saxon laws in any manuscript but that of Rochester, yet they were known to King Alfred. He mentioned them in the proem to his laws as well as the Mercian laws as among those which he had before him in framing his own. Moreover, we have seen that at the time of the Danish invasion certain differences between the Kentish and other laws were known and noted correctly in the fragment ‘Of Grith and of Mund.’ Finally, in its system of monetary reckoning the Kentish kingdom seems to have been peculiar from the first. And as our knowledge of the Kentish wergelds is essential to an understanding of the division of classes, a good deal must depend upon a previous understanding of the currency in which the amounts of the wergelds are described. Before proceeding further it is necessary, therefore, to devote a section to a careful consideration of the subject. The experience already gained will not be thrown away if it should help us to understand the meaning of the scætts and scillings of the Kentish laws. II. THE SCÆTTS AND SCILLINGS OF THE KENTISH LAWS. All the payments mentioned in the Kentish laws are stated in scætts and scillings--naturally, by far the larger number of them in the latter. What were these scætts and scillings? First, what were the scætts?[278] [Sidenote: The scætts of 28·8 wheat-grains like Merovingian tremissis.] We have already seen that before the time of Offa the silver coinage current in England consisted mainly of the silver tremisses of Merovingian standard, _i.e._ twenty to the Roman ounce, or 28·8 wheat-grains. These are known to numismatists as silver pence of the _Sceatt_ series. That these silver coins were those known by the name of sceatts we seem to have the direct and independent evidence of the following fragment ‘On Mercian Law,’ already quoted but sufficiently important to be repeated here.[279] Ceorles wergild is on Myrcna lage cc scill. The ceorl’s wergeld is in the law of the Mercians 200 scillings. Þegnes wergild is syx swa micel, þæt bið twelf hund scill. The thane’s wergeld is six times as much, _i.e._ 1200 scillings. Þonne bið cynges anfeald wergild six þegna wer be Myrcna laga þæt is xxx þusend sceatta, and þæt bið ealles cxx punda.… Then is the King’s simple wergeld six thanes’ wergeld by Mercian law, _i.e._ 30,000 sceatts, and that is in all 120 pounds.… Now, as previously observed, the sum of 30,000 sceatts must evidently be taken as a round sum. The statement that the King’s simple wergeld was 120 pounds or six times the thane’s wergeld of 1,200 Mercian scillings seems to make this clear, for 7200 Mercian scillings of four sceatts (28,800 sceatts) would amount exactly to 120 pounds.[280] [Sidenote: The sceatts minted by Kentish moneyers.] That the sceatts of this fragment of Mercian law were the same silver coins as the scætts of the Kentish laws is further confirmed by numismatic evidence. The evidence of the coins themselves and of the names of the moneyers impressed on them seems to make it probable that to a large extent till the time of Egbert, who was intimate with Charlemagne, and perhaps even till the time of his grandson Ethelbald, in the words of Mr. Keary, ‘Kent still provided all the currency of the South.’[281] It would seem, therefore, that practically during the whole period of the issue of the silver pence of the Sceatt series the greater part of them were minted by Kentish moneyers. And thus numismatic evidence applies not only to the coinage of Wessex but also to that of Mercia.[282] We can hardly be wrong, then, in thinking that this valuable fragment of Mercian law in using the word sceatt referred back to ancient custom before the sceatt had been superseded by the penny, and therefore must be good evidence that the silver coins called sceatts in Mercia were similar to those called scætts in Kent. In other words the Kentish _scætt_, notwithstanding the slight difference in spelling, was almost certainly the silver _sceatt_ of 28·8 wheat-grains, _i.e._ twenty to the Roman ounce. It is quite true that the word _sceatt_ was used in the laws in two senses, sometimes for ‘money’ or ‘property,’ and sometimes for the coin.[283] But so also was the _scætt_ of the Kentish laws.[284] And it may not always be easy to ascertain with certainty which meaning is the right one. But the Kentish and Mercian laws were not alone in using the word for the silver coin. The phrase ‘sceatts and scillings’ was elsewhere used to denote the typical smaller and larger monetary unit, or perhaps we ought to say the silver and the gold unit. In the tenth-century translation of the New Testament the word _denarius_ is translated by ‘pæning;’ for long before this the penny of 32 wheat-grains had superseded the old coinage of the ‘Sceatt series.’ But in the translation of Ulphilas the word ‘_skatt_’ is used for the silver _denarius_.[285] At the same time it is important to observe that the word _scilling_ was the Gothic word applied to the _gold solidus_ in legal documents of the sixth century during Gothic rule in Italy. According to the bilingual records in the archives of the Gothic church of St. Anastasia at Ravenna payments were made in so many ‘skilligans.’[286] So that probably silver skatts and certainly gold scillings were familiar to the Goths of Italy. [Sidenote: Sceatts and scillings.] Again, sceatts and scillings were evidently the two monetary units familiar to the mind of Cædmon or whoever was the author of the metrical translation of Genesis. In c. xiv. 23 Abraham is made to swear that he would take neither ‘sceat ne scilling’ from the King of Sodom. Moreover, in the fragment on Oaths[287] in the Anglo-Saxon Laws (Thorpe, p. 76) the same phrase is used: On lifiendes Godes naman. ne ðearf ic N. sceatt ne scylling. ne pænig ne pæniges weorð. (s. 11) In the name of the living God I owe not to N. _sceatt nor scilling_, not penny nor penny’s worth. Surely in both cases the phrase ‘sceatt ne scilling’ refers to coins or units of account of two denominations in current use, as in the Kentish laws. It is even possible perhaps to find an illustration of the reckoning in sceatts and scillings in the well-known passage in the ‘Scald’s Tale’ already quoted. se me beag forgeaf on tham siex hund wæs smætes goldes gescyred sceatta scilling-rime. He me a bracelet gave on which six hundred was of beaten gold scored of sceatts in scillings reckoned. If these words may be properly translated literally ‘Of sceatts in scillings reckoned’[288] and are taken to mean ‘600 sceatts in scillings reckoned,’ the phrase accords very closely with the method of reckoning in the Salic laws--‘so many hundred denarii, _i.e._ so many solidi.’ Returning to the sceatts and scillings of the Laws of Ethelbert, the most obvious suggestion would be that the currency in Kent was similar to that on the other side of the Channel under the Merovingian princes. The two courts were so closely connected by Ethelbert’s marriage, and probably by trade intercourse, that the most likely guess, at first sight, would be that the Kentish scætts were silver tremisses and the Kentish scillings gold solidi like those of the Lex Salica. We have seen that the Merovingian currency was mainly in _gold tremisses_, and as many of the 100 gold tremisses contained in the celebrated ‘Crondale find’ are believed by numismatists to have been coined in Kent, by English moneyers, the currency of gold tremisses in England is directly confirmed, though the silver currency seems very soon to have superseded it.[289] [Sidenote: The scilling of 20 scætts = one ounce of silver.] At the date of Ethelbert’s Laws (A.D. 596) the Merovingian currency was still mainly gold--_i.e._ gold tremisses, three of which went to the gold solidus of the Salic Laws. And if the scilling of Ethelbert, like the solidus of the Franks, had been a solidus of forty denarii we might have concluded at once that Ethelbert’s scilling, like the Merovingian solidus, was a solidus of three gold tremisses, or forty silver sceatts. But the facts apparently will not allow us to come to this conclusion. Schmid has shown--I think, conclusively--by inference from certain passages in Ethelbert’s Laws, that the Kentish scilling was of _twenty_ scætts instead of forty.[290] We therefore must deal with the Kentish scilling on its own evidence. Now, twenty sceatts of 28·8 wheat-grains, as we have seen, made the Roman ounce of 576 wheat-grains. The Kentish scilling was therefore the equivalent of an ounce of silver. And so in the Kentish laws, so far as reckoning in silver was concerned, the same method was adopted as that of the Welsh, who reckoned in _scores_ or _unciæ_ of silver, and that which became the common Frankish and Norman reckoning of twenty pence to the ounce and twelve ounces to the pound. Indeed, when we consider that under common Scandinavian custom gold and silver were weighed and reckoned in marks, _ores_, and ortugs, it would seem natural that the Kentish immigrants from the North should have been already familiar with a reckoning in _ores_ or ounces of silver. But why did they call the ounce of silver a scilling? We might as well perhaps ask why the Wessex scilling was five pence and the Mercian scilling four pence. But the word _scilling_ had, as we have seen, been used by the Goths in Italy for the gold solidus. And on the Continent the gold solidus in the sixth and seventh centuries, and indeed till the time of Charlemagne, was so far the recognised symbol of value that the wergelds of the Northern tribes, whether they remained in the north or emigrated southwards, were invariably stated in their laws in gold solidi. The most natural inference would therefore seem to be that the Kentish scilling, like that of the Salic law, must have been a gold solidus equated, however, in account with twenty silver pence or scætts. [Sidenote: The Kentish scilling probably a solidus of two gold tremisses like the Saxon solidus.] Now, at the ratio of 1:10 the ore or ounce of twenty silver scætts would equal a gold solidus of two gold tremisses instead of three.[291] And when it is considered that the main Merovingian currency on the other side of the Channel was of gold tremisses it seems natural that the ounce of silver should be equated with an even number of gold tremisses. Nor would there be anything unprecedented or unusual in a gold solidus of two tremisses instead of three. For we have seen that when Charlemagne conquered the Frisians and the Saxons, he found that the solidi in which they had traditionally paid their wergelds were not always, like the Imperial and the Salic solidi, of three gold tremisses, but that each district had its own peculiar solidus. The solidus of the southern division of Frisia was of two and a half gold tremisses. The solidus of the middle district was the ordinary gold solidus of three tremisses. The traditional solidus of the district presumably nearest to the Jutes, _i.e._ on both the Frisian and the Saxon side of the Weser, was the solidus of two tremisses. The Saxon solidus of two tremisses, representing the one-year-old bullock, was that in which according to the Lex Saxonum the Saxon wergelds had been traditionally paid. We have no distinct mention of a Jutish solidus, but as the Jutes probably came from a district not far from that of the North Frisians and Saxons there would be nothing abnormal or surprising in their reckoning in the same solidus as their neighbours, viz. in the gold solidus of two tremisses, and in the Kentish immigrants continuing the same practice. But this as yet is only conjecture. So far, then, as the facts of the prevalent coinage and currency are concerned, all that can be said is that the hypothesis that the Kentish scilling was that of two gold tremisses has a good deal of probability in its favour. But there is other and more direct evidence of the truth of the hypothesis. In the first place, as already stated, in the preface to King Alfred’s Laws he expressly mentions his knowledge of the laws, not only of Ine and of Offa, but also of Ethelbert, the inference being that in his own laws he retained, _inter alia_, some of the enactments of Ethelbert which were in his own view worth retaining.[292] [Sidenote: Confirmation by other evidence. The King’s mund-byrd of five pounds common to Wessex and Kent.] Now, King Alfred _fixed the king’s mund-byrd at five pounds_ of silver, _i.e._ 240 Wessex scillings, while he must have known that in the Kentish law the king’s mund-byrd was fifty Kentish scillings. The difference in scillings must have struck him, but he probably knew perfectly well what the Kentish scillings were. For when we compare these two mund-byrds we find that at a ratio between gold and silver of 1:12 (which, as we have seen, was the Frankish ratio of Charlemagne’s successors) fifty Kentish scillings of two gold tremisses did equal exactly five pounds. Fifty Kentish scillings or 100 Merovingian gold tremisses, at 1:12 were equal to 1200 silver tremisses or sceatts of the same weight, _i.e._ five pounds of 240 sceatts; or, in other words, 100 gold tremisses (_nova moneta_) were equal at the same ratio to five pounds of 240 of King Alfred’s pence of 32 wheat-grains. The equation was exact. And further, we have seen that in the time of Cnut the Kentish king’s mund-byrd was well known and declared to be five pounds according to Kentish law, although in that law it was stated to be 50 scillings. The passage has already been quoted from the MS. G of Cnut’s Church law, s. 3, in which, after stating that ‘the grith-bryce of the chief minster in cases entitled to “bot” is according to the king’s mund, that is five pounds by English law,’ the additional information is inserted,[293] On cent lande æt þam mund bryce v pund þam cingce. In Kent land for the mund-bryce v pounds to the King. Further in the same MS. G of Cnut’s secular law, s. 63, is the following:[294]-- Gif hwa ham socne ge wyrce ge bete ꝥ mid .v. pundan. þam cingce on engla lage ⁊ on cent æt ham socne v. þam cingce ⁊ þreo þam arce bisceope ⁊ dena lage swa hit ærsteod ⁊ gif hine mon þær afylle licge ægilde. If anyone commit hamsocn let him make bot for it with v pounds to the King by English law, and in Kent from hamsocn v to the King and three to the archbishop and by Danish law as it formerly stood, and if he there be killed let him lie unpaid for. It is not very clear what the _ham-socn_ was. In the Latin versions it is translated by ‘invasio domi.’ And it seems to be the same thing as the ‘heimsókn’ of the Norse laws.[295] It seems to be a breach of the peace within the sacred precinct of the ‘heim,’ and the penalty seems to place it on the same ground as the borh-bryce and mund-byrd of the king so as to have become in Cnut’s time one of the crimes which in Kent also involved a penalty of fifty Kentish scillings.[296] Here, then, the inference again is that fifty Kentish scillings were equal in Cnut’s time to five pounds of silver. It is quite true that these two statements of Kentish law are not found in the other manuscripts of Cnut’s laws, so that in one sense they may be regarded as interpolations, but in the MS. G they are not insertions made afterwards. In both passages the words form an integral part of the text, which throughout is written in a clear and excellent hand. It is difficult to suggest any reason for the insertion of these two statements of Kentish law other than the deliberate intention to point out that the amount of the Kentish king’s mund-byrd of fifty Kentish scillings was the same as the Wessex mund-byrd of five pounds of silver. In addition, therefore, to the fact that at a ratio of 1:12 between gold and silver the two amounts were alike, these passages seem to show that the penalty of fifty Kentish scillings had become permanently recognised in Cnut’s time as equal to the English penalty of five pounds of silver.[297] If the comparison had been made throughout in silver sceatts, the equation would not have held good so exactly, for 1000 sceatts would not have equalled exactly five pounds, _i.e._ 1200 of the same sceatts. The exact equation seems to have been between fifty Kentish gold scillings of two tremisses, and five pounds of silver at the current Frankish ratio of 1:12. So that the direct evidence of these passages from Cnut’s laws goes very far to verify the hypothesis derived from numismatic considerations that the scilling of the Kentish laws was a gold scilling of two tremisses, like that of the Continental Saxons and North-East Frisians. [Sidenote: Scætts cannot have been farthings.] It is, however, only fair to say that Schmid, while adhering to the view that the Kentish scilling was of twenty sceatts, has suggested that these sceatts may have been, not silver tremisses or pence, but _farthings_, so that the Kentish scilling of twenty farthings might be identical with the Wessex scilling of 5_d._[298] Konrad von Maurer held the same view.[299] But if this could be supposed for a moment, the Kentish scætt would then be only one quarter of the sceatt of the fragment of Mercian law, and the mund-byrd of King Ethelbert would be only a quarter of that of the Wessex King, notwithstanding the assertion in MS. G of the Laws of Cnut that the Kentish mund-byrd was five pounds of silver, like those of other English laws. With all deference, therefore, to the view of these great authorities, a careful examination of the evidence seems to lead to the conclusion that it cannot be maintained. Nor does there appear to be any reason why the Kentish scilling should be expected to be the same as the Wessex scilling, as we know that the Wessex scilling of 5_d._ differed from the Mercian scilling of 4_d._ [Sidenote: Kentish scilling therefore of two gold tremisses or twenty silver scætts or Roman ounce.] We adhere, then, to the view that the Kentish scilling was a scilling of two gold tremisses like the Saxon solidus, and that it was equated with the ore or Roman ounce of silver, _i.e._ twenty sceatts. The reader will be able to form his own judgment as to whether examination of the various clauses of the Kentish Laws and the amounts of the wergelds and other payments now to be considered will confirm this conclusion or not. I think it will be found substantially to do so. III. THE LAWS OF ETHELBERT. The Laws of Ethelbert begin with the heading: ‘These are the dooms which King Ethelbert established in the days of Augustine.’ [Sidenote: Evidence of clerical influence.] This heading probably did not form a part of the original laws, but it may serve to remind us that ecclesiastical influence must be reckoned with in their consideration and that some of their clauses may have been modifications of ancient custom rather than statements of what it originally was. The first clause is as follows:-- Godes feoh ⁊ ciricean .xii. gylde. Biscopes feoh .xi. gylde. Preostes feoh .ix. gylde. Diacones feoh .vi. gylde. Cleroces feoh .iii. gylde. Cyric-frið .ii. gylde. M[æþel] frið .ii. gylde. The property of God and of the Church 12 fold A bishop’s 11 ” A priest’s 9 ” A deacon’s 6 ” A clerk’s 3 ” Church frith 2 ” [Moot] frith 2 ” This clause is read by Thorpe and Schmid and Liebermann as enacting that thefts were to be paid for on this scale, so many multiples of the value of the goods stolen.[300] Clause 2 enacts:-- [Sidenote: Mund-byrd of the King 50 scillings.] Gif cyning his leode to him gehateð. ⁊ heom mon þær yfel gedo .ii. bote. ⁊ cyninge .l. scillinga. If the King call his _leod_ to him and any one there do them evil, the bot is twofold and 50 scillings to the King. Here are two distinct things. The bot is the payment to the person called to the King. While thus in attendance any injury is to be paid for twofold. The payment of fifty scillings to the King is the mund-byrd or payment for breach of his protection or peace. Clause 3 is as follows:-- Gif cyning æt mannes ham drincæð ⁊ þær man lyswæs hwæt gedo twi bote gebete. If the King drink at any one’s ‘ham’ and any one there does something wrong, then let him pay twofold bot. That is, the presence of the King at a subject’s house is the same thing as the subject being in the King’s protection, and the bot for any wrong done to the subject, while the King is there, is doubled. Clause 4 enacts:-- Gif frigman cyninge stele .ix. gylde forgylde. If a freeman steal from the King, let him pay ninefold. It seems at first sight hardly likely that the Archbishop should be compensated elevenfold and the King only ninefold, but as this is repeated in the statement of the Kentish law in the fragment ‘Of Grith and of Mund’ the text may be taken as correct. Clause 5 enacts:-- Gif in cyninges túne man mannan ofslea .l. scill. gebete. If a man slay another in the King’s tun, let him make bot with 50 scillings. The bot here again is evidently the mund-byrd payable to the King for breach of his protection, _i.e._ fifty Kentish scillings. Clause 6 enacts:-- Gif man frigne mannan ofsleahð cyninge .l. scill to drightin-beage. If any one slay a freeman, 50 scillings to the King as _drihtin-beag_. Here again the payment is to the King, but in this case, if the word is to be taken literally, it is not perhaps for breach of his peace, but for the _killing of his man_. He claims it as his ‘drihtin-beag’ or lord’s-ring. It is, to use the later Saxon phrase, the King’s manbot or value to him of his man killed. [Sidenote: King’s smith and outrider pay a _medume_ wergeld.] Up to this point the question of wergeld has not been mentioned at all. But in clause 7 is the following:[301]-- Gif cyninges ambiht-smið oþþe laad-rinc mannan ofslehð. meduman leodgelde forgelde. If the King’s _ambiht-smith_ [official-smith] or _laad-rinc_ [outrider] slay a man, let him pay a _medume leodgeld_. Liebermann would insert the word ‘man’ after ‘gif’ and so read this clause as stating the wergeld of the King’s smith and laadrinc-man when _slain_ to be a ‘medume wergeld’ (mittleres wergeld). But the clause is complete as it stands without the insertion of ‘man,’ and, read as it is, means that the smith and the outriders of the King, if they slay a man, are to pay a ‘medume leodgeld.’ But what does this mean? The word _medume_ was translated by Wilkins by ‘moderata.’ Thorpe read the phrase as meaning ‘a _half_ wergeld;’[302] Schmid as a ‘fit and proper’ one; and Liebermann would take it to refer to the wergeld of a person of middle rank or position. We must leave the true meaning for the present in doubt. [Sidenote: Reason why not a full wergeld. Their dangerous work.] Apart from the amount of the wergeld, if we would understand this passage we have surely first to consider for what reason these two royal officials should be singled out from all others and made liable to pay wergelds. The inference must be that in the performance of their duties they were peculiarly liable to injure others. The King’s smith in his smithy forging a weapon, and the outrider forcing a way for the King through a crowd, might very easily through carelessness or in the excitement of work cause the death of another. The necessity apparently had arisen to check their action by making them liable to pay a wergeld.[303] But the wergeld was not to be the usual one. It was to be a ‘medume leodgelde.’ For the present the exact meaning may be left open, but whether the true reading be a half-wergeld or not, the inference seems to be that a _full_ wergeld was not to be paid. Probably it had come to be recognised that a person engaged in a specially dangerous trade could not be held responsible to the same extent as in the case of an ordinary homicide.[304] These considerations are important, because the ‘medume’ wergeld will again claim notice and every hint is valuable when, as in the case of these laws, we have only hints to guide us. In Clause 8, the King’s mund-byrd is declared to be fifty scillings; and the next two clauses relate to injuries done to the King’s servants. [Sidenote: Bots for harm done to King’s servants.] Gif man wið cyninges mægden-man geligeð .l. scillinga gebete. 10. If any one lie with a King’s maiden, let him pay a bot of 50 scillings. Gif hio grindende þeowa sio .xxv. scillinga gebete. Sio þridde .xii. scillingas. 11. If she be a grinding slave, let him pay a bot of xxv scillings. The third [class] xii scillings. Cyninges fed-esl .xx. scillinga forgelde. 12. Let the King’s _fed-esl_ be paid for with xx scillings. These bots are evidently payable to the King for injuries done to him by abuse of his servants of different grades. They were not wergelds. We have now done with these bots to the King, and the laws turn to consider injuries done and bots due to the _eorl_. [Sidenote: Bots due to the eorl.] Gif on eorles tune man mannan ofslæhð .xii. scill. gebete. 13. If a man slay another in an _eorl’s_ tun, let him make bot with xii scillings. Gif wið eorles birele man geligeð .xii. scill. gebete. 14. If a man lie with an _eorl’s birele_, let him make bot with xii scillings. And then from the bots due to the eorl the laws pass to those due to the ceorl. The following clauses show that under the Kentish laws the ceorl also had a mund-byrd. [Sidenote: Bots due to the ceorl.] Ceorles mund-byrd .vi. scillingas. 15. A ceorl’s mund-byrd vi scillings. Gif wið ceorles birelan man geligeð .vi. scillingum gebete. aet þære oðere þeowan .l. scætta. aet þare þriddan .xxx. scætta. 16. If a man lie with a ceorl’s birele, let him make bot with vi scillings; if with the slave of the second class l scætts; if with one of the third class xxx scætts. Thus we get a scale of mund-byrds or penalties due for breach of the peace or protection of the King, the eorl, and the ceorl:-- [Sidenote: Mund-byrd of King, eorl, and ceorl.] King’s mund-byrd 50 scillings Eorl’s ” 12 ” Ceorl’s ” 6 ” but so far we have learned nothing about the amount of their wergelds. Clause 17 fixes the bot for inroad into a man’s ‘tun’ at six scillings for the first person entering, three for the next, and one for the rest. [Sidenote: Lending a weapon in a brawl.] Then follows an interesting set of clauses, which I think must be read together, as all referring to the case of what might happen in a brawl in which one man lends a weapon to another. Gif man mannan wæpnum bebyreþ ðær ceas weorð ⁊ man nænig yfel ne gedeþ .vi. scillingum gebete. 18. If a man furnishes weapons to another _where there is strife_, and the man does no harm, let him make bot with vi scillings. Gif weg reaf sy gedon .vi. scillingum gebete. 19. If _weg-reaf_ [street robbery] be done, let him make bot with vi scillings. Gif man þone man ofslæhð .xx. scillingum gebete. 20. If any one slay _that_ man [_i.e._ to whom he lent the weapons], let him [the lender] make bot with xx scillings. Gif man mannan ofslæhð medume leod-gild .c. scillinga gebete. 21. If a man slay another, let him [the lender] make bot with a medume leod-geld of c scillings. Gif man mannan ofslæhð æt openum græfe .xx. scillinga forgelde ⁊ in .xl. nihta ealne leod forgelde. 22. If a man slay another, let him at the open grave[305] pay xx scillings and in 40 nights pay a full[306] leod. Gif bana of lande gewiteþ þa magas healfne leod forgelden. 23. If the slayer depart from the land, let his kindred pay a half leod. These clauses taken together and followed carefully, I think, become intelligible. [Sidenote: How treated in Alfred’s and in Ine’s laws.] A man lends weapons to another who is engaged in a brawl, and the question arises how far he is to be responsible for what happens in the brawl. In the case dealt with in these clauses two things are involved--the lending of the weapons and the joining thereby in the fray. In the later laws there are provisions for both points. Under King Alfred’s laws (s. 19) the man who lends his weapon to another who kills some one therewith has to pay at least one third of the wergeld unless he can clear himself from evil intention. Under Ine’s laws (s. 34) a man who joins in a fray in which someone is killed, even if he can clear himself from the slaying, has to pay as bot (_gebete_) one fourth of the wergeld of the slain person whether twy-hynde or ‘dearer born.’ Under Alfred (29 to 31) the actual slayer has to pay the wergeld, and in addition each of the others in the fray has to pay as ‘hloð-bote’ 30 scillings for a twy-hynde man, 60 for a six-hynde, and 120 for a twelve-hynde man. These later precedents may materially help us in the understanding of the Kentish clauses. Clauses 18 and 19 make the lender of the weapon pay a bot of six scillings though no evil be done or only street robbery occur. Clause 20 provides for the case in which the man to whom he lent the weapon was slain, and in this case the bot is raised to twenty scillings. [Sidenote: The lender pays a _medume_ wergeld for person slain.] Clause 21 seems to deal with the case of some one else being slain, and makes the lender liable to pay a bot of a ‘medume leod-gild’ of 100 scillings for mixing in the fray. It would be natural that the bot should be greater if another was slain than if the man to whom he lent the weapons had been slain. And if the later precedents are to guide us, the bot of a ‘medume wergeld’ should not in amount equal the whole wergeld but only a proportion of the wergeld. If the bot of 100 scillings might be considered as equal to a _half_-wergeld we should gain a clue to what the whole wergeld might be. And this would be a tempting inference. But we are not, it seems, as yet warranted in making it. We must therefore at present content ourselves with the conclusion that the ‘medume wergeld’ cannot mean a whole wergeld, otherwise the lender of the weapon would pay as _bot_ as much as the wergeld would be if he had killed the man himself. Clause 22 makes 20 scillings payable at the open grave and the whole leod in forty nights. It refers apparently to the actual slayer’s liability to pay the whole wergeld (_ealne leod_); and finally clause 23 states that if the slayer depart from the land his kindred shall pay _half_ the wergeld of the slain person. We are not told to whom the bot of the ‘medume wergeld’ of 100 scillings was to be paid, nor whether it was to be a part of the wergeld or additional to the ‘ealne leod’ paid by the actual slayer. The later laws, as we have seen, afford precedents for both alternatives. [Sidenote: Kindred liable for half the wergeld and slayer for the other half.] Another point of interest arises from the last clause. In the absence of the slayer his kindred had to pay only a half wergeld (_healfne leod_). Does this justify the inference that in all cases of wergelds the liability of the kindred was confined to one half? It will be remembered that in the so-called ‘Canones Wallici’ (_supra_, p. 109), if the slayer had fled, the _parentes_ of the slayer had fifteen days allowed for their payment of one half or flight from the country. And only when they had paid their share could the slayer return and make himself safe by paying the other half--the ‘medium quod restat.’ It seems not unlikely that in the Kentish case also ecclesiastical influence had limited the liability of the kindred to the half-wergeld. Clauses 25 and 26 are important, and we shall have to recur to them. [Sidenote: The three grades of læts.] Gif man ceorlæs hlaf-ætan ofslæhð .vi. scillingum gebete. 25. If any one slay a ceorl’s hlafæta, let him make _bot_ with vi scillings. Gif læt ofslæhð þone selestan .lxxx. scill forgelde. Gif þane oðerne ofslæhð .lx. scillingum forgelde. þane þriddan .xl. scillingum forgelden. 26. If [any one] slay a _læt_ of the best class, let him pay lxxx scillings; of one of the second, let him pay lx scillings; of the third, let him pay xl scillings. To these three grades of læts we shall have to return when we sum up the evidence on the division of classes. [Sidenote: Edor-breach.] Next follow three clauses upon edor-breach. The first relates to the breach by a freeman of the enclosure or precinct presumably of a freeman, the penalty being the same as the ceorl’s _mund_. The second imposes a threefold bot upon theft from within the precinct. And the third refers to a freeman’s trespass over the edor or fence. Gif friman edor-brecðe gedeð vi scillingum gebete. 27. If a freeman commit edor-breach, let him make bot with vi scillings. Gif man inne feoh genimeð se man iii gelde gebete. 28. If any one take property [? cattle] from within, let him pay a threefold bot. Gif fri-man edor gegangeð iv scillingum gebete. 29. If a freeman trespass over a fence, let him make bot with iv scillings. After these clauses about _edor-breach_ is the following: Gif man mannan ofslea agene scætte. ⁊ unfacne feo gehwilce gelde. 30. If a man slay another, let him pay with his own money (scætte) and with any sound _feo_ [cattle]. Gif friman wið fries mannes wif geligeð his wer-gelde abicge ⁊ oðer wif his agenum scætte begete. ⁊ þæm oðrum æt þam gebrenge. 31. If a freeman lie with a freeman’s wife, let him pay his wergeld, and another wife obtain with his own scætte and bring her to the other. [Sidenote: Bots for injuries. For eye, hand, or foot 50 scillings.] Then follow chapters relating chiefly to injuries done and wounds inflicted, and the bots payable to the person injured for the same. It is not needful to mention more of these than the most important one, viz. that for the destruction of an eye, hand, or foot. The bots for all these in most other laws were alike. In Ethelbert’s Laws the bot for each of the three is fifty scillings, which happens to be the same as the mund-byrd of the King. After the clauses for injuries there are several relating to women. [Sidenote: Injuries to women.] Gif fri wif locbore les wæs hwæt gedeþ xxx scll gebete. 73. If a lock-bearing free wife does wrong, xxx scillings bot. Mægþbot sy swa friges mannes. 74. The maiden-bot is like a freeman’s. Mund þare betstan widuwan eorlcundre l scillinga gebete. Ðare oþre xx scll, ðare þriddan xii scll. þare feorðan vi scll. 75. The mund of the best eorlcund widow is a bot of l scillings. Of the second rank xx scillings, of the third xii scillings, of the fourth vi scillings. Gif man widuwan unagne genimeþ, ii gelde seo mund sy. 76. If a man carry off a widow not in his mund, her mund shall be twofold. The clause relating to the mund of the four grades of apparently eorlcund (?) widows does not help us much to an understanding of what the grades of Kentish society may have been. But it emphasises a remarkable trait of these laws of Ethelbert. Every class is divided in these laws into grades. The clergy are divided into grades from bishops to clerks. The female servants of the King’s household are divided into three classes, and so are the servants of the ceorl’s household. The læts are divided into three classes. And now the widows, whether all eorlcund or not, are divided into four classes for the purpose of their mund. The significance of these divisions will be apparent hereafter. In the meantime the mund is probably the amount to be paid by a second husband to the parents or kindred of the widow. Passing from the mund of the widow, the following clauses throw some light upon the position of the wife under Kentish custom. [Sidenote: Position of a wife under Kentish custom.] Gif mon mægþ gebigeð, ceapi geceapod sy gif hit unfacne is. Gif it þonne facne is ef þær æt ham gebringe ⁊ him man his scæt agefe. 77. If any one buy a maid, let the purchase stand if without guile. But if there be guile, let him bring her home again and let them give him his money back. Gif hio cwic bearn gebyreþ, healfne scæt age gif ceorl ær swylteþ. 78. If she bears a living child, let her have half the property if the husband die first. Gif mid bearnum bugan wille healfne scæt age. 79. If she wills to go away with her children, let her have half the property. Gif ceorl agan wile swa an bearn. 80. If the husband wills to have [them], [let her have] as one child. Gif hio bearn ne gebyreþ fæderingmagas fioh agan ⁊ morgengyfe. 81. If she bear no child, let [her] paternal kindred have the property and morgengift. It is obvious from these clauses that under Kentish custom the position of the wife was very much the same as under Cymric and continental German custom. The marriage was a fair contract between the two kindreds. The next clause enjoins a payment of fifty shillings to the ‘owner’ of a maiden if she be carried off by force. [Sidenote: The Kentish esne.] Lastly there are the following clauses relating to the position of the esne under Kentish custom. The esne is considered to be a ‘servus’ working for hire rather than a theow. Gif man mid esnes cwynan geligeþ be cwicum ceorle ii gebete. 85. If a man lies with an esne’s wife, the husband alive, double bot. Gif esne oþerne ofslea unsynnigne, ealne weorðe forgelde. 86. If one esne kills another innocently, let the full worth be paid for. Gif esnes eage ⁊ foot of weorðeþ aslagen ealne weorðe hine forgelde. 87. If an esne’s eye and foot are struck out or off, let the full worth be paid for it. Gif man mannes esne gebindeþ vi scll gebete. 88. If a man bind a man’s esne, vi scillings bot. There is nothing in these clauses, I think, to show that the bot was payable to any one but the owner of the esne. What the ‘full worth’ of the esne was we are not told. IV. THE LAWS OF HLOTHÆRE AND EADRIC, A.D. 685-6. Between the date of the Laws of Ethelbert and those of other Kentish kings which have been preserved nearly a century had intervened. So that these later laws of Kent are nearly contemporary with King Ine’s Dooms of Wessex. [Sidenote: Eorlcund and ceorlisc classes.] As in Ethelbert’s laws, the main division of classes of freemen seems still to have been that between eorlcund and ceorlisc. But we get further valuable information. The Laws of Hlothære and Eadric open with clauses which seem to fix the wergeld of the eorl at three times that of the ordinary freeman. [Sidenote: The owner’s liability for an esne’s homicides.] They deal with the liability of an owner of an _esne_[307] for his servant’s homicides. [Sidenote: If an esne slay an eorl.] Gif mannes esne eorlcundne mannan ofslæhð. þane þe sio þreom hundum scill gylde se agend þone banan agefe ⁊ do þær þrio manwyrð to. 1. If any one’s esne slay an _eorlcund_ man, one that is paid for with three hundred scillings, let the owner give up the slayer, and add _three manwyrths_ thereto. Gif se bana oðbyrste feorðe manwyrð he to-gedo ⁊ hine gecænne mid godum æwdum ꝥ he þane banan begeten ne mihte. 2. If the slayer escape, let him add a fourth _manwyrth_ and let him prove with good compurgators that he could not catch the slayer. The next two clauses are as follows:-- [Sidenote: If he slay a freeman.] Gif mannes esne frigne mannan ofslæhð þane þe sie hund scillinga gelde se agend þone banan agefe ⁊ oþer manwyrð þær to. 3. If anyone’s esne slay a freeman, one that is paid for with 100 scillings, let the owner give up the slayer and a second manwyrth thereto. Gif bana oðbyrste, twam manwyrðum hine man forgelde ⁊ hine gecænne mid godum æwdum ꝥ he þane banan begeten ne mihte. 4. If the slayer escape, let [the owner] pay for him with two manwyrths and let him prove with good compurgators that he could not catch the slayer. This reading of these clauses is not that of Thorpe or of Schmid, but that approved by the best authorities.[308] [Sidenote: Were the wergelds 300 and 100, or are they half-wergelds?] Following this reading as philologically the most correct one, the inference at first sight might be that under Kentish law the wergeld of the eorlcundman was 300 Kentish scillings and that of the freeman 100 scillings. But there may be reason to doubt the correctness of such an inference. [Sidenote: The clauses limit and lessen the owner’s liability.] For the present we may leave the question of the amount of the wergelds to consider the meaning of the clauses in their main intention. And this seems to be clear. Henceforth the owner of an esne was not to be accountable for the wergeld of the person slain or any part of it further than that if an eorlcundman payable for with 300 scillings be slain he must hand over the esne and _three_ times his manworth in addition; and in the case of the freeman payable for with 100 scillings he must hand over the esne and add _one_ manworth in addition. That is to say, the esne was in both cases to be handed over and a manworth for each hundred scillings of the amount at which the person slain is paid for. Now, I think, we must conclude that these clauses were intended to make an innovation upon ancient custom rather than to confirm it. And therefore it may be well to compare with them the parallel evidence of the laws of other tribes, as to the responsibility of an owner for his slave’s homicides. [Sidenote: Under tribal custom at first complete.] Under the Welsh Laws (ii. p. 105) the liability of the owner of a slave for his homicides was apparently complete. If a bondman commit homicide of whatever kind, it is right for the lord of the bondman to pay for the deed of his bondman as for a murderer, for he is a murderer. And this probably must be taken as the general rule of tribal custom in its early stages. In the laws of the Saxons and of the Anglii and Werini the ancient German tribal custom was still preserved. The owner of an animal or a slave was liable for any injury done by either, very much as if it had been done by himself (‘Lex Sax.’ xii. Ang. and Wer. 16 and 52). [Sidenote: Then made a half-wergeld only, and the slave to be handed over for the other half.] But it would seem that Roman and Christian feeling very early suggested that this was hard upon the innocent owner. Hence in some of the laws the compromise was made that the owner should pay only a _half_-wergeld and hand over the offending animal or slave instead of the other half. That this innovation was not altogether acceptable to tribal feeling is shown by clauses in the ‘Pactus III.’ of the Alamannic laws. The whole wergeld was to be paid by the owner if his horse, ox, or pig killed a man (s. 18). But an exception was made in the case of the dog. If a man’s dog killed any one, a _half_-wergeld (medium werigeldum) was to be paid, and if the whole wergeld was demanded, all the doors but one of the house of the person making the demand were to be closed and the dog was to be hung up nine feet from the only one left open for ingress or egress, and there it must remain till it fell from putrefaction. If it was removed or any other door was used, the wergeld was to be returned (s. 17). Grimm (‘D. R.’ p. 665) has pointed out that in the _Ostgotalaga_ (Drap. 13, 2) a similar archaic practice is described when a _slave_ had killed a man. The _owner_ of the slave under this law ought to pay the whole wergeld, and if he did not do so the _slave_ was to be hung up at _his_ (the owner’s) house door till the body putrefied and fell. Thus the same archaic method of punishing the delinquent was retained in both cases. But the significant point is that so long as the whole wergeld was due from the owner it was at the owner’s door that the body of the slayer was to be hung up, while when the _half_-wergeld only was to be paid, the dog was to be hung up at the door of the person who improperly demanded the whole wergeld. Thus, as in so many other cases, the twelfth-century laws of the North preserved the earlier custom of the payment of the whole wergeld, while the Alamanni, after migration into contact with Roman and Christian civilisation, in their laws of the seventh century modified the custom, at the same time retaining the archaic method of forcing compliance with the modification. It must be remembered that every change which relieved the innocent owner from liability, wholly or in part, robbed the kindred of the person slain of the whole or the part of the wergeld. The compromise of payment of the half-wergeld and the handing over of the offending animal or slave was not confined to the Alamannic laws. In the Ripuarian Law xlvi. the animal which had killed a man was to be handed over and received ‘in medietatem wirigildi’ and the owner was to pay the other half. [Sidenote: So in Codex I. of Lex Salica, but afterwards owner released from the half-wergeld.] In the Lex Salica the same rule was at first applied to the case of homicide by a slave or læt. A half-wergeld was to be paid and the slave or læt handed over for the other half.[309] This was the rule according to the Codex I. But in the later Codices, VII. to X., and in the ‘Lex Emendata,’ the lord, if innocent, was allowed to get off altogether from the half-wergeld and had only to give up the slave or the læt. This further innovation seems to have been connected with the Edict of Chilperic (_circ._ A.D. 574) and thus probably represented the result of ecclesiastical influence at very nearly the date of the earliest Kentish laws. [Sidenote: In the Canons of sixth century the slave was to be given up and another besides.] We have only to recur to the Canons of the Celtic Church of Brittany and South Wales of the sixth and seventh centuries, considered in the earlier part of this volume, to recognise the hand of the Church in these innovations upon earlier tribal custom. They extended to Celtic as well as to German districts. In Canon 5 of the so-called ‘Canones Wallici’ the rule was laid down that ‘if any master should permit his slave to carry arms, and the slave killed a freeman, the owner must hand over the slave and another besides’ (_supra_, p. 108). The half-wergeld here is omitted altogether, and, as in the case of the Kentish freeman, two slaves are to be given up instead of one. [Sidenote: In the Burgundian Law slave to be given up and the owner to be free.] These Canons were nearly contemporary with the later Kentish laws, and the same stage of innovation seems to have been reached in both. A still further and final stage had been reached in the Burgundian Law already quoted (_supra_, p. 124) in which in the case of homicide by a slave, unknown to his master, the slave was to be delivered up to death and the master was to be free from liability. The _parentes_ of the slain person were to get nothing, not even the slave, ‘because, as we enact that the guilty shall be extirpated, so we cannot allow the innocent to suffer wrong.’ The whole process of change had taken place in the Burgundian district by the sixth century. But it would seem that in Kent the middle stage only had been reached at the date of the laws of Hlothære and Eadric. Evidence that the further stage had at last been reached in Anglo-Saxon law is perhaps to be found in the nearly contemporary law of Ine (s. 74) which enacts that if a _theow-wealh_ slay an Englishman, the owner shall deliver him up to the lord and the kindred or give sixty scillings for his life. Here no further manworths are required. But possibly the peculiar position of the _theow-wealh_ may have something to do with it, so that we ought not perhaps to assume as certain that the clause represented a still further general innovation upon tribal custom beyond that described in the Kentish clauses. [Sidenote: Kentish clauses meant to modify the previous rule: which may have been the half-wergeld of 300 and 100 scillings.] Returning to the Kentish clauses and assuming that their direct intention was to modify previous custom, we are now in a position fairly to judge what the _previous_ rule may have been. Reasoning from the analogy of other laws, it seems most likely to have been to make the owner pay a half-wergeld of the person slain and hand over the esne for the other half--the stage of custom reached in the Ripuarian Laws and Salic Laws of Codex I. And if this were in fact the former custom previous to the enactment in these clauses, then without departing from the correct literal reading of the text it may be that the words in the parenthesis in each clause may refer, not to the eorlcundman’s or the freeman’s wergild--the word ‘_leod_-geldi’ is not used--but to the amount hitherto payable in the particular case of a man slain by an esne. The 300 and 100 scillings may be the _half_-wergeld hitherto payable, instead of which thenceforth the owner of the esne is to pay three manworths or one manworth in addition to handing over the esne. If previous to the innovation the eorlcundman had been paid for in such a case with three hundred shillings and the freeman with one hundred, the words in their strictly correct literal meaning might perhaps rightly be read thus:-- If any one’s esne slay an eorlcundman, one who _is_ [now] paid for at three hundred scillings, let the owner [in future] give up the slayer and add _three_ manworths [of the esne] thereto. If anyone’s esne slay a freeman, one who _is_ [now] paid for at _one_ hundred scillings, let the owner [in future] give up the slayer and add one manworth [of the esne] thereto. This reading of the clauses, putting emphasis upon what is _now_ the gild (þane ꝥ sie)--the _three_ and the _one_ hundred scillings--in contrast with what the owner has in future to do, _i.e._ pay _three_ manworths and _one_ manworth instead of the _three_ hundred and _one_ hundred scillings in addition to the handing over of the esne--seems to me more than any other rendering to account for the insertion of the parenthesis stating the amounts payable for the eorlcundman and freeman. If the word _leod-gylde_ had been used it might have been different. But I am informed on the best authority that the words _gylde_ and _gelde_ in the two clauses are not substantives but used in an adjectival sense, and in this case they would apply to a half-wergeld payable as correctly as to a whole one. [Sidenote: Was 100 scillings the half-wergeld and so the medume wergeld of King Ethelbert’s laws?] At the same time the mention of 100 scillings, if the payment be a _half_-wergeld, may help to an understanding of the _medume_ leodgeld of 100 scillings mentioned in Ethelbert’s Laws. It suggests that the _medume_ wergeld was a modified or middle one which, like the _medium_ werigeldum and _medium_ precium of the mediæval Latin of the Alamannic and other laws, had come to mean a _half_ one. Perhaps, after all, if we recognise clerical influence in the framing and modification of the Kentish laws, the translation of the Latin ‘_medium werigeldum_’ by the Anglo-Saxon ‘_medume leodgeld_’ is not very unnatural. Before we leave the laws of Hlothære and Eadric there are one or two further clauses worth notice. [Sidenote: System of oath-helpers.] Clause 5 reminds us that, though scarcely mentioned in these laws, the system of compurgation was in force. A freeman charged with a crime has to clear himself by the oaths of a number of ‘free æwda-men.’ Clause 6 makes mention of the protection of a woman by her kindred:-- [Sidenote: Position of the wife.] Gif ceorl acwyle be libbendum wife ⁊ bearne riht is ꝥ hit ꝥ bearn medder folgige ⁊ him mon an his fædering-magum wilsumne berigean geselle his feoh to healdenne oþþæt he .x. wintra sie. 6. If a husband (ceorl) die wife and child yet living, it is right that the child follow the mother: and let that sufficient guardian be given to him [the child] from among his paternal kinsmen to keep his property [cattle?] till he be ten winters old. These clauses, unimportant perhaps in themselves, are useful as showing that behind the silence of the laws tribal custom still lingered on, however seldom and slightly it might be brought into evidence as fresh circumstances might suggest new clauses. [Sidenote: Mund-byrds unchanged.] There are also some clauses which are useful as showing the continuance of the mund-byrds of king and ceorl of King Ethelbert’s Laws, unchanged in amount, a century later. By s. 11, if a man uses abusive words to another in any one’s ‘flet,’ ‘let him pay one scilling to him who owns the “flet” and six scillings to him to whom he said the words and twelve scillings to the King.’ So also in s. 12, one scilling is to be paid to the owner of the ‘flet,’ six scillings to the person wronged, and twelve scillings to the king. The six scillings to the person insulted or wronged is the _mund_ of the freeman or ceorl. Lastly, in s. 13 in case of a slaying in a drinking bout:-- Gif man wæpn abregde þær mæn drincen ⁊ þær man nan yfel ne deð scilling þan þe ꝥ flet age ⁊ cyninge xii scill. If a man draw a weapon where men are drinking and no harm be done, then a scilling to him who owns the flet and xii scillings to the King. Gif ꝥ flet geblodgad wyrðe forgylde þem mæn his mund-byrd ⁊ cyninge l. scill. If the flet be stained with blood, let him pay to the man [who owns the flet] his mund-byrd and 50 scillings to the King. [Sidenote: Mund-byrd of the King still 50 scillings and of the ceorl 6.] Thus we have again the mund-byrds of King Ethelbert’s Laws:-- Of the King 50 scillings. Of the ceorl 6 scillings. The crime of killing another in a drinking bout is a breach of the _mund_ of the owner of the ‘flet’ as well as a breach of the peace of the King. V. THE LAWS OF KING WIHTRÆD, A.D. 690-696. One more chance remains for further information regarding Kentish wergelds, viz. in the ‘Laws of King Wihtræd,’ who became King of the Kentish men about A.D. 690 and, according to Bede, died A.D. 725. A century had passed since the Laws of Ethelbert were enacted, in the time of St. Augustine. Brihtwald was now Archbishop of Canterbury, and at an assembly of Church and people ‘the great men decreed, with the suffrage of all, these dooms, and added them to the lawful customs of the Kentish men.’ These laws are mainly ecclesiastical both in their origin and subject. [Sidenote: Mund-byrd of King and Church both 50 scillings, and so no change in the Kentish currency.] In the first two clauses the Church was declared to be ‘free from gafols,’ and the mund-byrd of the Church was declared to be the same as the King’s, viz. fifty scillings--as in Ethelbert’s Laws. There is therefore no marked change in the Kentish currency, though by this time it must have been almost entirely silver so far as any Kentish coinage was concerned. Clause 5 introduces us for the first time in the Kentish laws to the distinction between the _gesithcund_ and _ceorlisc_ classes. Gif þæs geweorðe gesiðcundne mannan ofer þis gemot ꝥ he unriht hæmed genime ofer cingæs bebod ⁊ biscopes ⁊ boca dom se ꝥ gebete his dryhtne .c. scill. an eald reht. Gif hit ceorlisc man sie gebete .l. scill.… When it happens to a gesithcundman after this gemot that he enters into unlawful marriage against the command of the King and the bishop and the book’s doom, let him make bot for it to his lord with 100 scillings according to ancient law. If he be a _ceorlisc_ man, let him make bot with 50 scillings.… It would not do to conclude from this single allusion to gesithcund and ceorlisc men that the Kentish division of classes--eorlisc and ceorlisc--had given way before the Wessex division of classes--gesithcund and ceorlisc. There had been no interval between this and the last set of Kentish laws long enough to have made likely any radical change in social conditions, and as the ‘ancient law’ alluded to was probably ecclesiastical and not especially Kentish, either in its origin or its terms, it would not be wise to build anything upon the use of the word ‘gesithcund’ beyond recognising the natural tendency of neighbouring peoples under the same ecclesiastical influence to approximate in phraseology especially in regard to matters of general ecclesiastical interest. Clauses which follow regulating the penalties for work on Sundays, or neglect of baptism, or a ceorl’s making offerings to devils without his wife’s knowledge, or a man’s giving flesh meat to his family on fast days, do not interest us in this inquiry further than as revealing lingering traces of paganism and the ecclesiastical character of these laws of Wihtræd. There are, however, a few clauses which incidentally come within the lines of our inquiry. [Sidenote: The position of the freedman under Kentish custom.] Clause 8 is especially interesting as showing that when freedom was given by a lord to his man and he became folkfree, still, even though he left the district, his _inheritance_, his _wergeld_, and the _mund_ of his family remained with the freedom-giver. Gif man his mæn an wiofode freols gefe se sie folc-fry. freolsgefa age his erfe ænde wer-geld ⁊ munde þare hina sie ofer mearce þær he wille. If any one give freedom to his man at the altar, let him be folkfree; let the freedom-giver keep the heritage and wergeld and the _mund_ of his family, be he over the march wherever he will. [Sidenote: His wergeld goes to his lord.] Here tribal custom asserts itself. The freedman, though freed at the _altar_, is to be _folkfree_, and yet, although folkfree and able to go wherever he will, he cannot _inherit_, because he is nobody’s heir. He had no free parents from whom to inherit. His lord inherited what his unfree man might leave behind him. The freedman’s wergeld if he were slain still went to his lord, for he had no free kindred to claim it. His family remained in the lord’s _mund_ unless they also had been set free. These points were doubtless all incident to the position of a newly made freedman under Kentish custom, and this enactment was probably needful only to make it clear that freedom given _at the altar_, whatever churchmen might think, was not to modify the customary rules incident to freedom-giving. The evidence of the clause is, however, valuable because for one moment it accidentally lifts the veil and shows that Kentish tribal custom was in these matters much the same as we have found tribal custom elsewhere, and it is particularly valuable as direct evidence that there was a class of freedmen under Kentish custom as everywhere else. There are also the following clauses on oaths. [Sidenote: Clauses on oaths of different persons.] Biscopes word ⁊ cyninges sie unlægne buton æðe. 16. A bishop’s and a King’s word is unimpeachable without an oath. Mynstres aldor hine cænne in preostes canne. 17. A ‘Minster’s ealdor’ clears himself in the same way as a priest. Preost hine clænsie sylfæs soðe in his halgum hrægle ætforan wiofode þus cweðende ‘Ueritatem dico in Xp̄o, non mentior.’ Swylce diacon hine clænsie. 18. A priest clears himself by his own declaration in his holy garments before the altar, saying ‘I speak the truth in Christ, I do not lie.’ And so also does the deacon. Cliroc feowra sum hine clænsie his heafod-gemacene ⁊ ane his hand on wiofode oðre ætstanden að abycgan. 19. A cleric shall clear himself as one of four of his like; with one hand on the altar, the others standing by and accompanying the oath. Gest hine clænsie sylfes aðe on wiofode swylce cyninges þeng. 20. A stranger (gest) shall clear himself by his own oath at the altar, and in the same manner as a ‘King’s thane.’ Ceorlisc man hine feowra sum his heafod-gemacene on weofode ⁊ þissa ealra að sie unlegnæ.… 21. A ceorlisc man shall clear himself with four of his like at the altar, and the oath of all these shall be unimpeachable.… [Sidenote: Under clerical influence the single oath of the stranger to be taken as good.] These statements regarding oaths, like other laws of Wihtræd, betray their ecclesiastical origin, and following directly after the imposition of penalties for what may be called ecclesiastical sins, very difficult of proof, seem to have been inserted with special reference to them. They are interesting, however, as reminding us again that the system of oath-helpers was not absent from Kentish custom. Section 20 of this clause is also interesting, which places the _stranger_ (gest)--may we not say the ‘King’s guest’?--in the same position as the ‘King’s thane’ as to the validity of his single oath. Both seem to be specially under the King’s protection: in the case of the King’s thane, on account of his official or military position; in the case of the stranger, probably because of the absence of his kindred. The King being in the place of kin to the stranger, his single oath is accepted. These laws end with clauses referring to theft more or less closely resembling those so prominent in King Ine’s Dooms. [Sidenote: Clauses as to theft like those in Ine’s laws.] They state that a thief slain as a thief was to be without wergeld. If a freeman were caught in the act of thieving, the King might either kill him, or sell him over sea, or release him on payment of his wergeld. He who should seize and hold him was to be entitled to the half-wergeld, or if he were put to death to seventy scillings. A man coming from far or a foreigner, when off the public way, who should neither call aloud nor blow a horn, was to be taken to be a thief, and put to death or redeemed by a wergeld. The last clause resembles Ine s. 20 so closely as to suggest a common origin. (Wihtræd, 28) Gif feorran cumen man oþþe fræmde buton wege gange ⁊ he þonne nawðer ne hryme ne he horn blawe for ðeof he bid to profianne oþþe to sleanne oþþe to alysenne. (Ine, 20) Gif feor cuman man oððe fremde buton wege geond wudu gonge ⁊ ne hryme ne horn blawe for ðeof he bid to profianne oððe to sleanne oððe to alysanne. The close resemblance between these clauses confirms the suggestion that the expression ‘gesithcund’ in the Kentish laws of Wihtræd may have been borrowed from Wessex. Nowhere else than in these contemporary laws of Ine and Wihtræd does the term gesithcund appear, except in the fragments of Mercian law, which may thus belong to the same period. VI. THE DIVISION OF CLASSES UNDER KENTISH CUSTOM. We have now examined the Kentish laws especially regarding the amount of the wergelds and mund-byrds. Although we may not have arrived at absolute certainty, yet some light may have been thrown upon the important matter of the division of classes. [Sidenote: Mund-byrds of King, eorl, and ceorl.] So far as the amounts of the wergeld are concerned, the contrast was between the eorl and the freeman, the wergeld of the eorl being three times that of the freeman. But as regards the mund-byrd the contrast was between eorl and ceorl. The mund-byrds were:-- King 50 Kentish scillings Eorl 12 ” Ceorl 6 ” There must evidently be either identity of meaning or much overlapping in the terms freeman and ceorl. Otherwise the ceorl would be without a wergeld and the freeman without a mund-byrd. And yet, on the other hand, there was probably some reason why the particular words used were chosen in the several clauses, and to a certain extent it may not be far to seek. [Sidenote: The ceorl was a man with a household and flet and so had a mund-byrd.] So far as the word _ceorl_ had a special sense, it meant the married man,[310] the husband with a homestead and household, like the North-country husbandman with his husbandland. In this special sense every ceorl may have been a freeman, but every freeman may not have been a ceorl. Hence in the clauses as regards mund-byrd the contrast is between the eorl and the ceorl. Both were men with homesteads and households. Unless they had persons under their ‘mund’ they could not have had corresponding mund-byrds. The freeman who did not happen to be a man with a homestead and household could have no mund-byrd, because he had no precinct within which his peace could be broken, and no household under his protection. But he could have a wergeld. So, again, in the clauses quoted relating to injuries done to servants in the Laws of Ethelbert:-- 14. If a man lie with an eorl’s birele, let him make bot with xii scillings. 16. If a man lie with a ceorl’s birele, let him make bot with vi scillings. If with a theow of the second class, l sceatts; if with one of the third class xxx sceatts. 25. If any one slay a ceorl’s hlafæta, let him pay bot with vi scillings. The ceorl in this contrast is again a husbandman with a homestead and household and with bireles and theows and hlafætas under his roof or in his ‘ham.’ Wherever in the Kentish laws the word ‘ceorl’ is used in any other sense, I think the meaning is confined to that of the married man--the husband, as in the phrase ‘husband and wife.’ So regarded, the division for purposes of mund-byrd into eorlisc and ceorlisc classes was natural, and so also, for purposes of wergeld, was the distinction between eorl and freeman. As regards the wergeld, we may consider the terms ceorl and freeman as practically interchangeable, inasmuch as every ceorl was certainly a freeman, and the unmarried freeman was probably a cadet or member of the household of some eorlisc or ceorlisc man. Continental society included everywhere, as we have seen, such classes as the Roman liti and liberti composed of strangers and freedmen who had not so far risen in the social scale as to have fully recognised rights of inheritance and whose wergeld never was of the same amount as that of the full freeman. It is in connection with such classes that the tribal distinction of blood came in. If for the full freeman we were to substitute the word _tribesman_, with all the background of hyndens of kinsmen to fight and to swear for him involved in the term, then from the same point of view we must expect to find in Kent, as everywhere else, strangers in blood below the tribesmen, like the aillts and alltuds and taeogs of the Cymric Codes, the fuidhirs of the Brehon Laws, if not the liberti and liti of the Gallo-Romans, or, perhaps still more nearly to the point, the leysing classes of the Norse Laws. [Sidenote: The Kentish freedman and læt resembled the Norse leysing.] We have already found incidental mention of the Kentish freedman. He cannot after enfranchisement have been classed as an esne or a theow. There would seem to be no other class mentioned to which he could belong, unless it might be that of the læts of Ethelbert’s Laws. It is worth while, therefore, to recur to the single clause in Ethelbert’s Laws already quoted respecting the læts and to examine it more closely. Within the compass of its few words there may perhaps be found evidence connecting the status of the Kentish læt with what we have learned of the status and conditions of the Norse leysing. 26. If a man slay a læt of the best class, let him pay 80 scillings; if one of the second class, let him pay 60 scillings; of the third, let him pay 40 scillings. The clause does not mention to whom the payments are to be made, whether to the læt himself or, as in the case of the freedman, to his late owner or lord. But the payments are not called leodgelds as are the wergelds of freemen. [Sidenote: Three classes in both cases.] Looking to the payments themselves they are graduated for three classes of læts. There were also, under Norse custom, three classes of leysings gradually growing by successive steps towards a higher grade of freedom as kindreds grew up around them and became more and more nearly perfect till at last the ninth generation from the first freedman became fully free. Why may not the three grades of Kentish læts have been doing the same? Let us compare the amounts of the payments for the slaying of the three classes of Kentish læts with those for the three classes of Norse leysings. We have seen over and over again that the Kentish scilling regarded as twenty sceatts was an ore or a Roman ounce of silver. Therefore the Kentish payments, stated in ounces of silver, were as follows:-- Best class of læt 80 ounces of silver Second class 60 ” ” Third class 40 ” ” The Norse ore was also in wheat-grains a Roman ounce of silver. The wergelds of the three classes of leysings in the Norse laws were as under:-- Frialsgiafi or newly made freedman 40 ores of silver Leysing after making ‘freedom ale’ 60 ” ” Leysinjia-son or highest rank of } leysing whose great-grandfather } 80 ” ” was a leysing[311] } [Sidenote: And the wergelds similar.] So that the wergelds of the three classes of Kentish læts corresponded exactly in amount with those of the three classes of Norse leysings, when reckoned both in silver. We may further compare these payments for the Kentish læts with those for the freedman of the nearly contemporary Bavarian laws. They are stated in gold solidi of three tremisses, and the Kentish solidus was of only two tremisses. We have seen that the Bavarian freedman was paid for with forty solidi, _i.e._ sixty Kentish scillings. The payment thus corresponded with that for the Kentish læt of the second class. [Sidenote: The grades the result of growth of kindred.] These correspondences are unexpected and very significant, but the significance is made still more important by the clause in the Laws of Wihtræd describing the position of the newly made freedman under Kentish custom. The description of his position might almost be taken as a description of the ‘frialgiafi’ or newly made leysing of the Norse laws. Under Kentish law the freedman was to be folkfree, but ‘the freedom-giver was to keep the heritage and wergeld and mund of his family, be he over the march wherever he will.’ This was, as we have seen, almost exactly the position of the Norse leysing before he had made his freedom ale. He had as yet no kindred to swear and to fight for him. He was still under the mund and protection of his lord. His descendants could only obtain the protection of a kindred and become wholly free from the _thyrmsl_ of the lord, when in the course of generations a kindred had grown up gradually around them. So too, as we have seen, under the Bavarian laws the freedman’s wergeld went to his lord.[312] Under the Frisian law the wergeld of the _litus_ went to his lord.[313] Under Ripuarian law even the ‘homo denarialis’--the freedman who became a Frank with a full wergeld--was recognised as having at first no kindred. If he had no children, his property went to the fisc. And it was not till the third generation that his descendants had full rights of inheritance.[314] We have already found abundant evidence of the continued force of tribal custom and tribal instincts in regard to the importance of kindred while considering the meaning and function of the hyndens in connection with the twelve-hynde and twy-hynde classes of the Anglo-Saxon laws. These remarkable correspondences between the position held by the læts in Kent and that of the leysings and freedmen and liti of the Continental laws, without our making too much of them, may fairly be taken as additional evidence of the tenacity of tribal custom in these matters.[315] VII. THE AMOUNT OF THE KENTISH WERGELDS. [Sidenote: Probable Kentish wergelds eorl 600, freeman 200, Kentish scillings.] Once more we return to the amount of the wergelds of the Kentish eorl and freeman. We have seen reason to believe that the payments of 300 and 100 scillings of the laws of Hlothære and Eadric were half-wergelds, and that the full wergelds were 600 and 200 scillings. If they may be so considered they are at once put on line with the Frankish wergelds. The threefold wergeld of the eorl becomes evidently due to his noble birth or official position. And, if the Kentish and Frankish solidi had been alike, the similarity of the wergelds would have been complete. [Sidenote: As in the Frankish laws.] The wergelds of the Frankish group of laws were found to be as follows:-- Lex Salica, Graphio or ingenuus in truste Regis 600 solidi } Frank or Barbarian living under Salic law 200 ” } Lex Ripuariorum, Comes &c. in truste Regis 600 ” } Ingenuus 200 ” } Lex Angliorum et Werinorum, Adalingus 600 ” } Liber 200 ” } Lex Chamavorum, Homo Francus 600 ” } Ingenuus 200 ” } In all these cases the wergeld of the Royal official or person in high rank is threefold that of the _liber_ or _ingenuus_.[316] [Sidenote: Confirmed by comparison with the King’s mundbyrd.] Confining attention now to the position of the Kentish freeman, further confirmation of the view that his wergeld was 200 Kentish scillings may be derived from a comparison of the King’s mundbyrd with his wergeld, and the corresponding Continental payments _pro fredo_ with the wergelds of the _liber_ and _ingenuus_ of the Continental laws. The Kentish mundbyrd of 50 Kentish scillings was one fourth of the Kentish freeman’s wergeld if 200 Kentish scillings. The Mercian mundbyrd of five pounds of silver was one fourth of the Mercian wergeld of 1200 scillings of four pence, or twenty pounds. The Wessex mundbyrd of five pounds would be one fourth of the Wessex wergeld proper if the latter might be looked upon as the same as the Mercian with the mundbyrd added.[317] The Alamannic and Bavarian payments _pro fredo_ of 40 solidi were one fourth of the Alamannic and Bavarian wergeld of 160 solidi. And Brunner[318] and others consider that, although the payment _pro fredo_ was sometimes an extra payment, the 200 solidi of the Frankish wergeld equalled 160 solidi with one fourth added _pro fredo_. Now, if instead of holding the Kentish freeman’s wergeld to be 200 Kentish scillings we were to take it to be the _medume_ wergeld of 100 scillings, we should destroy the correspondence of the King’s mundbyrd with the wergeld, and make the mundbyrd half the wergeld instead of a quarter: unlike what it was in the other laws. This hardly seems a likely supposition. [Sidenote: And also with payment for eye, hand, and foot.] We get still further evidence if we compare the payments for the eye, hand, and foot in the Kentish and Continental laws. We have seen that the Kentish payment was 50 scillings, _i.e._ the same as the King’s mundbyrd and one fourth of the wergeld of 200 scillings. In the Alamannic and Bavarian laws and in those of the Chamavi the payment for these, like the payment _pro fredo_, was one quarter of the freeman’s wergeld. In the Frankish laws it was one half. But the reason of this is, not that either the Frankish payment _pro fredo_ or the wergeld is less than in other laws, but that the payment for the eye, hand, and foot is greater. The Frankish payment for the eye, hand, or foot was 100 solidi of three tremisses, _i.e._ half as much again as the Kentish freeman’s wergeld would be if only 100 Kentish scillings of two tremisses; which again seems unlikely. At first sight the Wessex payments for the eye, hand, and foot present an anomaly. The Wessex twelve-hynde wergeld of 1200 Wessex scillings of five pence at a ratio of 1:10 corresponds, as we have seen, with the Frankish freeman’s wergeld of 200 solidi. The payment for the eye, hand, and foot in King Alfred’s Laws is 66⅔ Wessex scillings, _i.e._ only one eighteenth of the twelve-hynde wergeld. But the explanation no doubt is that in the Laws of King Alfred the payments for injuries are stated for the _twyhynde_-man’s grade, those for the eye, hand, and foot being one third of the twyhyndeman’s wergeld of 200 Wessex scillings. [Sidenote: Kentish freeman’s wergeld most likely 200 Kentish scillings, or 4000 sceatts.] On the whole, therefore, these considerations seem to strengthen the supposition that the Kentish freeman’s wergeld was 200 Kentish scillings. That the Kentish wergeld should differ from that of Mercia and Wessex need not surprise us, seeing that we started with the warning that we should find it so as regards both the _barones_ and _villani_. To the writer of the so-called Laws of Henry I. the eorl was no doubt the _baro_ and the freeman or ceorl the _villanus_ of Norman phraseology. And we need not wonder at his confusion if he had nothing but the laws to guide him. It is necessary, however, to look at the question of the wergelds from a broader point of view than his could be. It must not be forgotten that the Continental wergelds of the Merovingian period were all stated in gold solidi. The first emigrants into Britain must have known this perfectly well. Kentish moneyers coined gold tremisses, and when they afterwards coined silver it was in silver tremisses of the same weight, which earned the name in England of ‘sceatts.’ Any exact comparison of English and Continental wergelds must obviously be dependent upon the ratio between gold and silver. [Sidenote: Archbishop Egbert’s priest’s wergeld also 4000 sceatts--_i.e._ 200 ounces of silver or _Mina Italica_ of gold.] The Kentish scilling of two gold tremisses at 1:10 was reckoned in the Laws of Ethelbert as equal to 20 sceatts--_i.e._ to the Roman ounce--and the wergeld, if of 200 scillings, was thus, as we have seen, a wergeld in silver of 200 ounces or 4000 sceatts. We have seen also that Archbishop Egbert claimed for his priests a wergeld of 200 ounces of silver, which thus would accord exactly with the Kentish wergeld of 200 scillings. It might almost seem that he may have consulted his colleague the Archbishop of Canterbury and fixed his clerical demand in accordance with the Kentish wergeld rather than with that of Wessex or Mercia. Nor was there anything unnatural or abnormal in the Kentish wergeld of 200 ounces of silver, inasmuch as 200 Roman ounces of silver at a ratio of 1:10 would equal the _Mina Italica_ of twenty Roman ounces or of two ancient Roman pounds of gold. We may therefore with confidence, but without claiming certainty, fairly state the Kentish wergelds in Kentish scillings and sceatts, thus:-- [Sidenote: Kentish wergelds.] Kentish scillings Sceatts Eorl 600 (possibly 300?) = 12,000 Freeman 200 (possibly 100?) = 4,000 Læt (1) 80 = 1,600 ” (2) 60 = 1,200 ” (3) 40 = 800 And when put together in this way the proportion between the wergeld of the freeman and that of the læts becomes important. In the Norse laws the leysing’s wergeld was one sixth that of the hauld or odalman. In the Bavarian and Saxon laws the wergeld of the _litus_ was one fourth that of the freeman. Anything like these proportions in Kent would make a wergeld as low as 100 scillings for the freeman very improbable. [Sidenote: The sceatts could not have been farthings.] Lastly, perhaps it may be fair to the reader to recur once more to the question of the Kentish scilling. If any doubt should remain as to whether we are right in regarding the sceatt as the silver coin of that name, twenty of which went to the Roman ounce until it was superseded by the penny of Offa and Alfred, surely that doubt must now be dispelled. For if, according to the view of Schmid and others, the sceatt were to be taken as a farthing or _quarter_ of a sceatt, the correspondence of Kentish with Continental wergelds and payments _pro fredo_ would be altogether destroyed. The eorl’s triple wergeld at a ratio of 1:10 would be only one sixth (and if 300 scillings only one twelfth) of that of the Frankish noble or official, while the Kentish freeman’s wergeld would be reduced to one sixth (or if 100 scillings to only one twelfth) of that of the Continental _liber_ or _ingenuus_. One perhaps must not say that such a result would be impossible. But would it be a likely one? We should have to suppose that the Jutish chieftain, perfectly familiar with the Continental wergeld of the freeman as 200 or 160 gold solidi, equated by long tradition with the round number of 100 head of cattle, upon settlement in Kent reduced the wergeld of the freeman to one sixth or one twelfth of what it was in the country he came from. From what we know of the tenacity of tribal custom everywhere, especially as regards the amount of the wergelds, it is difficult to conceive of his doing so. VIII. RESULT OF THE KENTISH EVIDENCE. We are now in a position to take a broader view of the wergelds, Continental, Kentish, Wessex, and Mercian. [Sidenote: The Kentish, Wessex, and Mercian wergelds thus brought into line with the normal Continental wergeld of 200 and 160 gold solidi or 100 head of cattle.] To the incidental mention of the fact that the Kentish freeman’s wergeld, if 200 Kentish scillings, equalled the gold _Mina Italica_ may be added the further incident that it was equal to 100 ‘sweetest cows’ of the Alamannic laws. Whether accidental coincidences or not, these facts bring us back to the point with which this inquiry started, viz. the widespread normal wergeld of 100 head of cattle and its very general traditional equation with a gold mina. The main facts elicited as to the amount of the wergelds in the course of this inquiry are these. At the date of the Kentish Laws and generally during the seventh century we find three wergelds in use in England for the freeman:-- The Wessex wergeld of 6000 sceatts at 1:10 = 600 gold tremisses ” Mercian ” 4800 ” { at 1:10 = 480 ” ” { at 1:12 = 400 ” ” ” Kentish ” 4000 ” at 1:10 = 400 ” ” And on the Continent we find the two wergelds:-- Frankish 200 solidi = 600 gold tremisses The other 160 ” = 480 ” ” Now, in the fairly contemporary laws of the Ripuarian Franks, and of the Burgundians, the traditional values of animals we have found to be stated as follows:-- Ox 2 solidi = 6 gold tremisses Cow 1 solidus = 3 ” ” And in the nearly contemporary Alamannic laws the traditional values were:-- Best ox = 5 gold tremisses Medium ox and sweetest cow = 4 ” ” [Sidenote: The differences covered by ratio between gold and silver 1:10 and 1:12.] Within the range of these variations in the ratio between gold and silver, and in the local value of animals, there seems to be ample room and reason for the variations in the money values of the wergelds. (1) 100 oxen of 6 tremisses (_i.e._ 600 tremisses) equal the Frankish wergeld of 200 gold solidi, and at 1:10 the Wessex wergeld of 6000 sceatts. (2) A long hundred of 120 cows of 4 tremisses (_i.e._ 480 tremisses) would equal the wergeld of 160 gold solidi, and at 1:10 the Mercian wergeld of 4800 sceatts. (3) 100 cows at 4 tremisses (_i.e._ 400 tremisses) make the Kentish wergeld of (if we are right) 200 Kentish scillings of 2 tremisses, and at 1:10, 4000 sceatts. If we change the ratio to 1:12, then a Kentish wergeld of 100 cows of 4 tremisses would in silver equal the Mercian wergeld of 4800 sceatts. In other words, the difference between the Kentish and Mercian wergeld may be explained, either as one between 100 and 120 cows, or, the number of cows remaining at 100, between the ratios of 1:10 and 1:12. There is thus in these fairly contemporary values of Western Europe, in the seventh century, or within the Merovingian period, so obviously room for the variations in the wergelds that, whether as to origin the differences may be of historical interest or not, at any rate for our present purpose we are fairly warned by the general coincidence in the wergelds not to make too much of the differences. [Sidenote: Kentish freeman and the twelve-hyndeman = Continental _freeman_.] The Kentish laws, therefore, lead us with some confidence to recognise the practical identity of the wergeld of the Kentish freeman with that, not of the Wessex ceorl, but of the twelve-hyndeman. We have been led cautiously step by step to this result, and, whether the problem raised by it be capable of solution or not, it is important that it should be fairly stated and considered. Even if the Kentish freeman’s wergeld was only 100 Kentish scillings, it would more nearly correspond with the six-hyndeman’s wergeld than with that of the Wessex ceorl. On the other hand, the wergelds of the Kentish læts are very fairly on a level with that of the Wessex ceorl. Taking an average between the second and third class of læts the correspondence would be exact.[319] [Sidenote: Kentish læt and the twy-hyndeman = the Continental _freedman_.] If, therefore, the wergeld of the Kentish freeman may be regarded as practically equivalent to that of the Continental _liber_ or _ingenuus_ on the one hand, and to that of the twelve-hyndeman of the Anglo-Saxon laws on the other hand, and if that of the Kentish læt was like that of the Norse leysing and of the twy-hyndeman, then once more it becomes natural and right, and in accordance with ancient custom, that in the Compact between Alfred and Guthrum the twelve-hyndeman should be made ‘equally dear’ with the Norse hauld, and so with the _liber_ or _ingenuus_ of the Continental laws, while the twy-hyndeman should be held ‘equally dear’ with the Danish leysing. CHAPTER XV. _GENERAL CONCLUSIONS._ [Sidenote: Bearing of the results upon the division of classes and the character of holdings.] Before concluding this Essay it may be well in a final chapter to consider its results in their bearing upon the conditions of early Anglo-Saxon society, and especially with regard to the division of classes and the character of the holdings. The object has been to approach these difficult questions from the point of view of tribal custom. [Sidenote: The amount of wergelds the main clue.] The main clue to an understanding of the division of classes has been the amount of the wergelds. [Sidenote: The general correspondence in wergelds throughout Western Europe.] The trouble taken to arrive at a correct knowledge of the currencies in which the wergelds were paid, tedious as it may have seemed to the reader, will not have been thrown away if it has led to the recognition of the fact that there was a very general correspondence in the amount of the wergelds tenaciously adhered to by the tribes of Western Europe, whether remaining in their old homes or settled in newly conquered countries. The amount of the wergelds was not seemingly a matter of race. Cymric and German customs were singularly similar. If the Irish eric fine formed an exception, Irish tribal custom nevertheless had many things in common with Cymric and German custom in other respects. [Sidenote: The solidarity of the kindred connected with family holdings.] It was from a study of the wergelds and the rights and liability of relatives in their receipt and payment that some idea was gained of the solidarity of the kindred under tribal custom. And this solidarity of the kindred was found to be closely connected with the family character of tribal land-holdings, of which the Cymric gwely was a typical example. Where direct evidence of this family element was wanting the liability of the kindred for the wergeld remained as an indication that it once had existed. [Sidenote: The normal wergeld of 200 gold solidi or 100 head of cattle.] In reviewing the evidence of these matters and attempting to bring the results to a focus, we begin with the fact that with comparatively few exceptions the normal wergeld of the full or typical freeman was everywhere so large--200 gold solidi, the heavy mina of gold, traditionally representing 100 head of cattle. This wergeld was too large by far for the individual slayer to pay, and possible only as a payment from one group of kindred to another. [Sidenote: The Anglo-Saxon wergelds brought with them into Britain.] We have seen reason to infer from the Kentish, Wessex, and Mercian wergelds that the Anglo-Saxon tribes shared in these traditions, and, so to speak, brought their wergelds with them into Britain. And we have found that Anglo-Saxon custom as regards the wergelds was substantially similar to that of the Continental tribes. [Sidenote: No feud or wergeld within the kindred.] From Beowulf we learned that, as there could be no feud within the kindred, a homicide within the kindred could not be avenged or compounded for. There was no galanas or wergeld in such a case under either Cymric or German custom, and evidence was found in the so-called Laws of Henry I. that it had been so also under Anglo-Saxon custom. Up to the time of the Norman Conquest the punishment of parricide was practically left by the laws to the spiritual jurisdiction of the Church (_supra_, p. 335). [Sidenote: Wergelds paid and received by paternal and maternal relations.] The principle which required both paternal and maternal relations to join in the payment and receipt of wergelds, and nearly always in the proportion of two thirds and one third, was also common to Cymric and German tribes. This principle depended upon a view of marriage likewise common to both. A blood relationship was established as regards children of a marriage, while husband and wife for many purposes remained in their own kindreds. There being no blood relationship between husband and wife, the husband’s kindred alone were liable for his crimes and the wife’s alone for her crimes, and neither the husband nor the wife received any portion of the other’s wergeld or was liable for his or her homicides. Such was the custom under the Cymric codes and the laws of the Bretts and Scots, and Anglo-Saxon custom as described in the so-called Laws of Henry I. was similar. [Sidenote: The half wergeld of strangers in blood.] The tribal feeling which allowed tribesmen and strangers to live side by side under their own laws, and made the Salic and Ripuarian Franks award a full wergeld to tribesmen of allied German tribes, while it gave only a half wergeld to the Gallo-Roman possessor who was not of their blood, was, it would seem, brought with the invading tribes into Britain. Danish and English tribesmen were allowed to live side by side under their own laws and acknowledged as ‘equally dear,’ with a similar wergeld, while, at all events in the cases which come under notice, complete strangers in blood were awarded only a half wergeld as in the Continental laws. We have not attempted to settle the question how far there was a Romano-British population left in the towns, but we have found incidental traces and hints that in Northumbria, Wessex, and Mercia there were ‘wilisc’ men--Welsh or British--who had only a half wergeld, being treated as strangers both in this respect and also as regards the substitution of the ordeal for the oaths of kindred (p. 403). [Sidenote: The ordeal the alternative to the oaths of kinsmen.] The principle that a man who could not bring to his protection the oath of his kinsmen must be brought to the ordeal was one of widely extended tribal custom. And it was emphasised by the adoption of the ordeal as a Christian ceremony solemnly performed in the churches under both Frankish and Anglo-Saxon law. [Sidenote: The man of no kindred becomes a dependent on some one else’s land.] There can be little doubt that in the solidarity of the kindred under tribal custom we have to do with the strongest instinct which everywhere moulded tribal society. So far as it had its way and was not confronted by more potent forces it must have almost necessarily ruled such matters as the division of classes, the occupation of land, and the modes of settlement. When we inquire into the grades of society under tribal custom they seem everywhere to have their roots in the principles of blood relationship. A man who has no kindred to protect him needs and seeks the protection of a chieftain or lord. By the force of tribal gravitation he sinks into the dependent condition of living upon another’s land. Whether he be a freedman who has risen from the rank of the theow or thrall, or a free tribesman of low position, or one of a conquered race, or a stranger immigrant, and whether he be cottier or the holder of the typical yardland, until in the course of generations a kindred has grown up around him, he remains in the dependent condition. He is indeed a freeman as compared with the theow or thrall, but when Alfred and Guthrum make their compact and agree that Dane and English shall be reckoned as equally dear at the normal wergeld of the full freeman it is not of the dependent class they are thinking. They give to this class and to the Danish leysing or newly made freedman a twy-hynde instead of a twelve-hynde wergeld. [Sidenote: The twy-hynde class was the dependent class of gafolgeldas, with a lower wergeld.] It might at first sight be supposed that this twy-hynde condition of the dependent class in England, so far as it may have included Anglo-Saxons, must have been the result of degradation in social status between the first settlements and the time of King Alfred, but we have sought in vain for evidence of an earlier higher position in the Laws of King Ine. And, on the whole, even when regarded solely from a tribal point of view, it does not seem unlikely that strangers in blood and freedmen and dependent followers of the conquering chieftains should find themselves after conquest and settlement in the economic condition of tenants and gafolgeldas on the lands of protecting lords. Nor would it be strange that, when in a new country and under other influences this uniform dependent economic condition had once become a general fact, the whole class, in spite of variety of origins, should find itself marked by a twy-hynde wergeld. [Sidenote: The twy-hynde class were equated.] It does not follow, however, that because in the compact between Alfred and Guthrum the twy-hynde class were reckoned as equally dear with the Norse leysing that the Anglo-Saxon ‘ceorl who sits on gafol-land’ was generally in as low a social position as the Norse newly made freedman. It is enough that according to the evidence, he was a dependent tenant, let us say, under the lordship of a twelve-hynde man or if settled upon royal demesne of some gesith or official of the king. [Sidenote: With the Norse leysing.] Still it may be well to look once again at the position of the Norse leysing, because, after all, it is with the leysing that the Anglo-Saxon twy-hynde gafolgelda was equated in a compact made after King Alfred’s victory, and so when the two chieftains seemed to be treating on equal terms. Surely King Alfred was not intending to degrade the Anglo-Saxon dependent class. Presumably he was making a good bargain for them. [Sidenote: The low condition of the leysing.] The early Norse laws were settled long after the date of this compact, upon the conversion of South Norway, and, as in other cases, they were framed with the express purpose of making room in the legal system for the Christian Church and so in some sense with its sanction. And yet so deep was the gulf between classes even then that a certain portion of the churchyard was set apart for leysings, and in no case were they to be buried in the portion reserved for classes above them. And if after giving his freedom-ale and so attaining the first step in freedom and independence the leysing should die leaving destitute children whose support ought not to be thrown back upon his lord, we have seen that the way out of the difficulty was to dig a grave in the churchyard into which the leysing’s children were to be placed and left to starve to death, the last survivor being the only one which the lord thenceforth had to maintain.[320] This was the position of the leysing at the bottom of the ladder of freedom. [Sidenote: But he rose by steps as a kindred grew around him.] But we found the leysing of the Norse laws rising by steps into greater freedom and better social position. And the process throughout was founded upon the gradual growth of kindred. It was the lack of kindred to swear for them and defend them which placed them low in the social scale, and it was the gradual growth of kindred generation after generation which marked the steps of their rise into better social position with higher wergelds. [Sidenote: In England it was so once, but the rungs of the ladder drop out.] When we turn to the Anglo-Saxon laws we seem to detect similar tribal principles originally at work but with differences which may very probably be referred to the circumstances attendant upon conquest and settlement in Britain. The law of tribal gravitation here as elsewhere, aided, no doubt, by other potent forces, had been at work placing the man with an imperfect kindred in a dependent position at the bottom of the social ladder. And it is important to note that at first the middle rungs of the ladder by which a man could climb out of the dependent position seem to have been present here as in Norway. The evidence is scanty, but sufficiently important. From the Kentish laws the presence of stepping-stones into greater freedom may be inferred in the case of the three classes of _læts_ with their rising wergelds. And in a precious fragment of ancient custom happily rescued from oblivion we found evidence that, originally at all events, there had been a way out of the ceorl’s twy-hynde condition at the fourth generation of landholding connected with payment of gafol to the king’s utware and direct service to the king. But we recognised that the collector of the fragment looked longingly back to ancient custom, speaking of it in the past tense, as if it was no longer in force.[321] It would obviously not be wise to trust solely to the negative evidence of the silence of the laws, but in this case the silence seems to confirm the evidence of the fragment. For the pathetic tone of the fragment finds an echo in the fact that all traces of the middle rungs in the ladder seem to have vanished from the later laws. There is no mention in Ine’s laws or in Alfred’s of there being or having been several grades of freedmen or læts. Even the half wergeld of the six-hynde stranger who has risen to the possession of five hides silently disappears after King Alfred’s time. From whatever cause, so far as the evidence goes, the twy-hynde class seems to have become a homogeneous class in which, in spite of different origins, distinctions were merged in a common economic condition. Differences of origin were perhaps forgotten as the result of comradeship in the long struggle against the Danish foe. [Sidenote: And this kept open the gulf between twy-hynde and twelve-hynde classes.] We thus seem to be driven to recognise the width and to some extent the bridgelessness, already in King Alfred’s time if not in King Ine’s, of the gulf between the position of the twelve-hynde landed class and that of the twy-hynde dependent class of gafolgeldas and geburs who were tenants on their land. It seems probable that, though technically and really free in the sense of not being thralls, the twy-hynde class, broadly speaking, may have found themselves very early, if not from the first, placed in an economic condition of service and servitude, including work as well as gafol, which by the ultimate disappearance of the middle rungs of the ladder might very easily slide into what is loosely called the ‘serfdom’ of later times. In the meantime we realise that the abjectness of this semi-servile condition may be very easily exaggerated by modern associations with the terms ‘service’ and ‘serfdom.’ It is when we turn from the twy-hynde class to the position of the class above them, of gesithcund and twelve-hynde men, that we learn that a part at least of the risk of misunderstanding may lie in the difference between the tribal notion of service and freedom and the more modern one. [Sidenote: Position and services of the twelve-hynde class.] What, then, has tribal custom to teach us as to the position and services of the twelve-hynde class? [Sidenote: On a level with the Norse odalman.] Reverting once more to the compact between Alfred and Guthrum, Dane and English are to be equally dear at eight half-marks of gold. The Englishman, without any limiting adjective, is the twelve-hynde man. And he is put on a level with the Danish typical free landholder, the hauld or odalman of the Norse laws, whose wergeld under Norse law was that of the typical freeman everywhere--equivalent to the normal wergeld of 200 gold solidi, the mina of gold, the traditional wergeld of 100 head of cattle. It was six times that of the Norse leysing, just as the twelve-hyndeman’s wergeld in England was six times that of the ‘ceorl who sits on gafol land.’ The English twelve-hynde man is therefore put on a level with the Norse odaller or typical landholder. And so, as we have seen, the ceorl who rose by the middle rungs of the ladder into the twelve-hynde position had _inter alia_ to become a landholder of 5 hides, and his family became gesithcund only after the landholding had continued to the fourth generation. His great-grandchildren then became gesithcund with a twelve-hynde wergeld. [Sidenote: Twelve-hynde men were landholders.] The twelve-hyndemen were therefore landholders, surrounded, in principle at least if not always in practice, by a kindred. But what kind of a landholding was it? [Sidenote: Position of the first settlers.] Approaching the question strictly from a tribal point of view, the solidarity of the kindred involved in the payment and receipt of wergelds would certainly suggest that those who had a right to receive and the obligation to pay held a position in their kindred quite different from that of the modern individual owner of land. The analogy of Welsh and Irish and Salic and Norse and Scanian tribal custom would lead us to infer that the Anglo-Saxon settlers in England must have brought with them traditions of tribal or family ownership more or less of the type of the Cymric gwely, though doubtless modified by emigration and settlement in a new country. [Sidenote: Separation from their kindreds threw them on the protection of the king.] After all that has been said, traditions and perhaps actual examples of the individual ownership of the ‘Romanus possessor,’ and, still more likely, actual experience of the Roman type of landed estates, may have survived in Britain from the period of the Roman occupation, and the Anglo-Saxon settlers may easily have been influenced in the matter of landholding by what as conquerors they came to supplant. But they can hardly have wholly cast off their own tribal traditions and instincts. The continued payment and receipt of wergelds show that they did not. Even, to take an extreme case, if they came to Britain as single settlers having left their kinsmen behind them, still kindreds would gradually grow up around their descendants in the new country. And tribal custom left to itself would give to them landed rights, quite different from those of the individual owner. But the interval, apart from other outside influences, may well have subjected tribal custom to a strain. From the point of view of this interval it may not be unreasonable to revert to the clauses of King Alfred’s laws on ‘kinless men’ and the Norman precedent, that the king was to take the place of the missing maternal kindred and of advocate for a Norman if he had no other.[322] Unless, therefore, the twelve-hynde settler was surrounded by a full kindred in the new country, he must, according to his own tribal custom, have found himself much more of an individual than he was used to be, and therefore more dependent upon the protection of his chieftain or king. We must not, on the one hand, conceive of the twelve-hynde settler as having all at once adopted the independent position of the Roman ‘possessor,’ though circumstances may have sometimes severed him as completely from his ‘parentilla’ as the ceremony of the Salic law. Nor can we, on the other hand, conceive of him always as a tribesman surrounded by his kindred. He may evidently, on the one hand, be released from many of the trammels involved in membership of a kindred, but, on the other hand, he is thrown more than ever under conditions of service to the king. [Sidenote: Service under tribal custom not degrading. But the ties of kindred involved restraint on individual action.] Let us for a moment revert to the tribal conception of these trammels and services. They did not always involve degradation of social condition. They often, as we have seen, were the mark of the attainment of a higher position. [Sidenote: The Norse odalman a sharer in the odal, with duties to his kindred.] The kindred of the aillts or strangers who settled upon a chieftain’s land under Cymric custom was acknowledged in the fourth generation of continued occupation, but at the moment a kindred was acknowledged its members became _adscripti glebæ_. When the Irish fuidhir did the same his descendants of the fourth generation found themselves not only bound to the land, but also bound together by something like the rules of the Cymric gwely, so that one of them could not sell or charge his share without the consent of the others. We found the same thing in Norway, where the rules for payment of the wergelds by relations were more elaborate than anywhere else, and where the growth of kindred seems so completely to have ruled the rise from one social grade to another, till at last a man whose great-grandfather’s great-grandfather was a freeborn landholder became an odaller. If at first sight we were to picture the odalman to ourselves as an individual freeholder of Roman or modern type we should soon find out our mistake when we learned that if he wanted to sell his odal he must first _consult his odal-sharers_. When examined closely the fact became evident that it was the _group of kindred_ that by long settlement on the land had become odal, and that the shares of individuals in the odal were subject--with, of course, many differences--to some such tribal customs as those of the Cymric gwely. The odalman was thus not a single isolated landowner. He was surrounded by kindred odal like himself, reciprocally bound to fight for one another and swear for one another, and to share in the payment or receipt of one another’s wergeld. The odalman was protected by his kindred, but his freedom of individual action was restricted by it. [Sidenote: The Salic alod a family holding.] So also under Salic law the joint inheritors of the alod on _terra Salica_, with right of redivision between great-grandchildren _per capita_, were in the same way trammelled, and when by a solemn public form they released themselves from their obligations to their kindred they relinquished also all rights of inheritance and protection (p. 134). Are we to consider these Continental analogies to be without relevance to Anglo-Saxon landholding? Dr. Konrad von Maurer, in those masterly papers contributed in 1855 to the ‘Kritische Ueberschau’ which are still so valuable, rightly lays stress upon the power of the _kindred_ as the great rival of the power of the _state_ in the development of Anglo-Saxon polity. We find but little direct allusion to the kindred in the laws, it is true. But incidentally and as it were by accident we have learned from passages mentioned in their proper place that so late as the time of Athelstan there were kindreds both twelve-hynde and twy-hynde powerful enough to defy the King’s peace.[323] This is in itself a significant reminder that more or less of tribal custom remained in force behind the screen of the laws from which most of our evidence has been taken. And yet we seem to be almost forced to the conclusion that if we try to realise the position of the twelve-hynde settler we must regard him, at all events for the first few generations, as in a very different position from that of the Norse odalman in the old country. Even though as head of his family he may have brought descendants and dependents with him, he could not in the new country be at once surrounded by kinsmen and odal-sharers who with himself had hereditary rights in the land. [Sidenote: Anglo-Saxon twelve-hynde settler pays gafol and service direct to the king.] We thus come round again to the point that so far as he may have been separated from his kindred the first Anglo-Saxon settler must have found himself thrown upon the protection of his chief and into a position of individual service. He becomes, as we have seen according to the scanty evidence of the Laws of Ine, a king’s gesith, with military and judicial and administrative duties to discharge, put into a post of service which he cannot relinquish at pleasure. Service to the king has to some extent taken the place of the restraints of kindred, and so in a sense, like the twy-hynde man, he has become a gafolgelda, but paying his gafol and services direct to the king, and _adscriptus glebæ_, but tied to an estate and an official position instead of to a yardland. This view of the position of the gesithcund and twelve-hynde class rests very much upon the incidental evidence of the Dooms of Ine, but the truth of it is confirmed by the independent evidence of the precious fragment already referred to. For its interesting evidence shows that, in addition to his holding of five hides of land, it was precisely into this position of gafol-paying and service _direct to the king_ that the ceorl of ancient custom had to climb in order to earn the gesithcund status and the twelve-hynde wergeld. Thus we arrive at a definite and practical mark distinguishing ultimately, and perhaps more or less from the first, the twelve-hynde and twy-hynde classes. The twelve-hynde or landed class paid gafol and did service direct to the king. The twy-hynde or dependent class paid gafol and did service to the landed class, who from this point of view were middlemen between the twy-hynde gafolgelda and the king. [Sidenote: The holding direct from the king easily becomes a manor.] We seem, therefore, thus early to arrive at something analogous to Professor Maitland’s technical definition of the Manor as the fiscal unit from which gafol is paid direct to the king, while its lord is the receiver of the payments and services of its tenants. The single landholder who is not under a manorial lord in the Domesday survey is said to hold ‘as for a manor’--though he may have no tenants. [Sidenote: Tribal character of the manor as a judicial unit.] It may be worth while in this connection to allude to another general feature of the manorial estate on both sides of the Channel which if not directly of tribal origin must at least have worked in close sympathy with tribal custom. The gesithcund man officially charged with the control of a district or estate easily became in a manorial sense lord of the dependent tenants upon it. And the judicial and magisterial adjunct to the lordship became a prevalent feature of the typical manor. We have seen that the ‘sac and soc’ of later times may have grown from the root of the tribal principle involved in the sacredness of the precinct or area of protection of the chieftain and, in degree, of every grade of tribesman who possessed a homestead. How large a place this principle occupied is shown by the prominence of the _fredus_ in Frankish law and of the _mundbyrd_ in the early Anglo-Saxon laws. The manor was a complex product of many factors, and tribal custom was certainly one of them. [Sidenote: Was it a family holding?] Once again, what kind of a holding was that of the twelve-hyndeman? Was it a family holding, and what were the rules of succession? [Sidenote: Place names in favour of its being sometimes a family holding.] Unfortunately, we do not know how far the immigrants came in kindreds and families or as followers and ‘gesiths’ of military chieftains. But, in any case, if we may take the evidence of place-names the great number of patronymic names of places would lead to the supposition that the holdings were family holdings. The _ham_ may at first have been the estate of a gesithcund man held direct of the king with gafolgeldas and geburs under him holding yardlands and doing work on his demesne. But when it becomes an _ingham_ the patronymic termination points to the lordship of the manor having been held, as time went on, jointly, in somewhat the same way as the Cymric chieftainship in the gwely. His sons and grandsons and great-grandsons may really have had their rights of maintenance all along, and ultimately, if they were allowed to do so, they may have sometimes divided the inheritance instead of continuing to hold it jointly. Tribal instincts working alone would probably follow some such line as this. But it is easy to see that the nearer the holding of the twelve-hyndeman approached to a benefice or office the stronger would be the tendency towards single succession instead of divisions among heirs. During the century or two after the first settlement there was time, no doubt, for the growth of kindreds, and the thane in the king’s service would soon become the head of a family group; but, on the other hand, many influences were at work undermining the solidarity of the kindred and strengthening the manorial element. Tribal instincts die hard. But probably there never was full opportunity for the growth upon English soil of anything like the solidarity in landholding of the Norse kindreds of odal sharers tracing back their family possession for four or five generations. [Sidenote: Folk-land may have devolved under tribal custom.] There is but little evidence on the rights or rules of succession to be found in the laws. And the silence is suggestive of the continuance of custom. Even the diplomatic evidence of wills and charters is so much restricted to boc-land that it perhaps throws a shadow rather than direct light upon the ordinary devolution of land which had not become the subject of the Romanised rules of ownership, conveyance and testamentary disposition. But if Professor Vinogradoff is right in his view that folk-land was that land which was still held under ancient custom, then for anything we know, in spite of documentary silence, folk-land may still have been held more or less as family rather than individual property even in later times. If the suggested analogy between the _terra Salica_ of the Salic laws and the _folk-land_ of Anglo-Saxon documents could be proved, the family character of the holdings in both cases would receive confirmation. At the same time the frequent concurrence of relatives in Anglo-Saxon dispositions of land and the common form of deprecation of future interference on their part would at least be consistent with the supposition. [Sidenote: But feudal principles would tend towards single succession outwardly.] That as time went on the growing force of feudal principles would demand single succession to landed estates whenever they could be regarded as benefices is what might be expected. And it is worth noting that under later feudal custom, by a kind of compromise, what was really a family holding was often artificially moulded for practical purposes into a single holding with apparent single succession. [Sidenote: A single holding may cover internal family divisions.] In the Domesday survey are many instances in which thanes or soldiers here and there hold manors or fractions of manors ‘pariter’ or ‘in paragio.’ And when the feudal tenancy ‘in parage’ is examined in its fully developed form on the Continent, it is found to present many resemblances to what under Cymric custom the family holding of a tribal chief of kindred might be if the chief alone were regarded as the landed person doing homage to the superior lord for all his kindred and if, in the next stage, when the gwely was internally divided between brothers, one of them only did homage for the rest. There were indeed in tribal custom as to the chieftainship and the constitution of the gwely traits which easily allowed themselves to be developed on feudal lines. For the present purpose, however, the point seems to be that within what looks from the outside like a single individual landholding there may have been internal family divisions which are not apparent. Passing now from what may be regarded as the holdings of the twelve-hynde class, more or less tending to resemble manorial estates, to the yardlands of the twy-hynde class, room may perhaps be found even in their case for the exceptional continuance of the family element in spite of the apparent single succession. [Sidenote: Kentish family holdings.] The Kentish holdings in sulungs and yokes instead of in hides and yardlands seem to go back to the earliest Kentish records. The fact that, in spite of the difference in date between the evidence of the earliest charters and that of the Domesday survey and the surveys in the Battle Abbey records and the ‘Black Book of St. Augustine,’ the holdings seem to have been throughout in sulungs and yokes points to continuity. And when these sulungs and yokes in the surveys are found to be very often held by ‘the _heredes_ of so and so,’ or ‘so and so and his _pares_,’ it seems fair to suggest that in these Kentish holdings there may have been a survival of family ownership. Whether it were so or not, this later Kentish evidence shows at least that the continuance of family holdings was not necessarily inconsistent with external uniformity in the sulungs and yokes of the open-field system in Kent. And if so, why may not the same thing be true in exceptional cases of the hides and yardlands of Wessex and Mercia? Contrary principles have a strange way in practice of finding a _modus vivendi_ till one of them at last overrides the other. [Sidenote: Gavelkind holdings were family holdings.] It will be remembered that one of the complaints of the existence of kindreds powerful enough to defy the king’s peace in King Athelstan’s time came from Kent. And if these facts may be taken as evidence that the solidarity of kindreds had been better preserved in Kent than elsewhere some tribal light might perhaps be thrown upon the survival of the custom of gavelkind in Kent. It is not a matter upon which we must dwell, but evidently the gavelkind tenure must have been something different from the prevalent tenures of other districts. The difference cannot have been the equal division of the sulungs and yokes between sons as contrasted with the single succession to the yardlands of other districts, because the sulungs and yokes were apparently not interfered with by the gavelkind division among heirs. And when the right of the youngest son under the custom of gavelkind to succeed to the parental hearth is compared with the similar right of the youngest son in the case of the Cymric gwely the inference becomes very strong that the gavelkind holdings were family holdings and the gavelkind divisions internal divisions within the family, like those of the Cymric gwely, not necessarily interfering with the permanence of the sulungs and yokes of the open-field system of which the family holdings were composed or in which the family had rights. The surveys of Kentish manors in the records of Battle Abbey and the ‘Black Book of St. Augustine’ present instances sometimes of sulungs and yokes held by the _heredes_ of a deceased person and sometimes of others which maintain their unity for purposes of payments and services although in the possession of several holders. The sulung in these cases seems to have continued to be the unit liable for the fixed ploughing and other services irrespective of the question who were its occupants.[324] Once more perhaps some light may be gained from Cymric tribal custom. [Sidenote: Analogy of the Cymric trefgordd.] We have learned from the Cymric evidence that a district might be divided for purposes of revenue and food rents into sub-districts, irrespective of who might be the occupants. And we have seen also how the Cymric trefgordd or unit of pastoral occupation, with its one plough and one churn and one herd of cattle under a single herdsman, could remain a permanent taxable unit paying the tunc pound in lieu of food rents, whoever might at the time be its occupants and have cattle in the herd. Within the lines of tribal custom itself the members of a Cymric gwely might be spread over a district and their cattle distributed among many trefgordds, while from the chieftain’s point of view the local units of taxation were uniform and regular. [Sidenote: But the yardlands were mostly holdings with single succession on payment of a relief to the lord.] But this must not blind our eyes to the fact that the yardlands on Anglo-Saxon estates were, so far as we can see, for the most part really individual holdings with actual single succession. However hard tribal custom may have fought for the family element, the manorial element in the end seems to have prevailed on most manors so as to secure, for the purposes of the lordship and the convenience of manorial management, single succession to the yardlands. The fact that as early as King Ine’s time we see new individual holdings of geburs being made by the allotment of yardlands and homesteads to individual tenants in return for gafol and work, when taken in connection with the ‘Rectitudines’ brings us back to the likeness of these holdings to the holdings of the _villani_ of later times. We see in the allotment of stock to the gebur, of which we trace scattered evidence, the fact on which the principle of the later villenage was based. Only when both homestead and yardland came from the lord was there to be work as well as gafol under King Ine’s laws. The stock of the holding according to the ‘Rectitudines’ belonged in theory to the lord and upon the tenant’s death returned to the lord. The continuance to another tenant on the payment of a relief involved the admission that the holding and its outfit were a loan from the lord. [Sidenote: The manorial element must not be lost sight of.] The fact that in exceptional cases family holdings were able to maintain their own under manorial management must not be allowed to lead us to underrate the power of the manorial element. There were in tribal custom itself as described by Tacitus elements of what we have elsewhere spoken of as the embryo manor, but this must not blind our eyes to the fact that something more was required to produce the general uniformity of holdings and single succession upon manorial estates than tribal custom working alone. If from a tribal point of view we try to understand the growth of manorial serfdom and see how on the Continent it was seemingly the result of the combination of two leading factors, tribal custom and Roman methods of land management, it becomes hardly possible to ignore the presence of something like the same combination of two interacting factors on British or English ground. With the manorial side of serfdom in its connection with the widely prevalent open field system we have already attempted to deal in a former volume. That there may have been some continuity and continuance of estates managed on the Roman system can hardly be denied. However far the policy of extermination of the old inhabitants was carried, it never extended over the whole area. And the whole of Britain was not conquered in the same century. Even if the continuity of estates in Britain should be considered to have been entirely broken by the Anglo-Saxon invasions (which is hardly conceivable), it must be admitted that continuity and likeness between England and the Continent as to land management was very soon restored on monastic and other ecclesiastical estates, and perhaps also upon what was Royal domain. Nor can it be doubted that herein was a force greatly strengthening the manorial element. [Sidenote: Tribal custom only would not meet the whole case.] If we limit our view to the tribal side only of the problem, we recognise that in Scandinavia and in the Cymric districts of our own island and in Ireland tribal principles working alone tended powerfully, without help from the Roman side, to produce a class of tenants becoming _adscripti glebæ_ after four generations of occupation, but it did not produce either in Norway or in Wales or Ireland or in Celtic Scotland that general and typical form of occupation in uniform yardlands or ‘huben’ so prevalent in England and Germany on manorial estates with ostensibly single succession and services in so many points resembling those of the Roman colonate. Whether the manor was the indirect or direct successor of the Roman Villa--_i.e._ whether the continuity was broken or not--the _manorial_ use of the open-field system of agriculture seems to be required to produce the uniformity of holdings in yardlands and the single succession which marked what is roughly called the serfdom of the manorial estate. [Sidenote: The open-field system not of manorial origin.] It is hardly necessary to repeat that the open-field system itself was not of manorial origin. It was essentially an economic result and differed very greatly in its forms. Its main object seems to have been fairness and equality of occupation. Under tribal custom, in Wales, it arose out of coaration of portions of the waste or pasture by the common plough-team to which the tribesmen or the taeogs, as the case might be, contributed oxen. The strips were day-works of the plough taken in rotation by the contributors according to the place of their oxen in the plough-team for the season, and they returned into common pasture when the crop had been removed. The tribesman in the pastoral stage was the owner of oxen but not of the strips ploughed by them. They were merged again in the common pasture of the district in which he had rights of grazing for his cattle. And the cattle, and not the corn crops, were the main thing upon which the system turned. Whatever method of distribution may have been followed, as arable farming increased and the strips became more and more permanently arable, mostly on the two-field or the three-field system, the area of unploughed land was more and more restricted and the pasture over the stubbles and fallows obviously became more and more essential. The cattle, on the one hand, required the pasture on the stubbles and fallows, and the land, before being ploughed again, required the manure arising from the pasturing of the flocks and herds upon it. Where open-field husbandry still subsists in Western Europe, whether on this or the other side of the Channel, the owner of the strips has still no right of grazing upon his own strips till upon the appointed day when the common right begins of all the holders to graze their cattle in a common herd or flock over the whole area. This right is known in France as the ‘vaine pâture,’ and it is still the most important and indestructible element in the open-field husbandry. In the great open fields around Chartres a man may plant his strips with vines if he likes, but to this day, if he does so, he must let the sheep of the commune graze over them after a certain date, in exercise of the immemorial right of the _vaine pâture_. [Sidenote: But uniform holdings and single succession are marks of manorial lordship.] In all this no manorial element need be present, and when the manorial element is absent there is not necessarily any uniformity or single succession in the holdings. But when manorial management comes upon the top of this widely extended and all but universal system of agriculture, whether in Roman times or later, the bundle of scattered strips which under tribal custom could be ploughed by a pair of oxen whether alone or in joint ploughing is very naturally taken as the typical holding. And thus when we find in the Laws of Ine and later records gafolgeldas and geburs settled upon yardlands and doing service by week-work on the lord’s demesne the natural inference must be that it is the result of manorial land management and that there has come into existence already something like a manor with something like a community in serfdom upon it, using the prevalent open-field system as the shell in which it will henceforth live so far as its agriculture is concerned. And so it seems natural to attribute to the manorial management and the manorial requirement of fixed services and dues the uniformity of the holdings and the single succession by which the uniformity was preserved. The power which seeks and makes uniformity seems to come from above. Agricultural communities of free tribesmen who had become individual freeholders (if such could be conceived of as prevalent in King Ine’s and King Alfred’s time) would probably have used the open-field system in a quite different way. And we see no trace of it in the evidence. [Sidenote: Later evidence of free holdings may not be to the point.] When, however, we have said this we have no disposition to ignore or make light of the later evidence upon which great stress has quite rightly been laid by Professor Maitland in his remarkable work on ‘The Domesday Survey and beyond,’ showing that there were in some districts villages, in which the manorial element was apparently absent in the time of Edward the Confessor, though appearing as manors after the Conquest. He has suggested that in these villages not only the manor in name but also the manor as a thing was apparently non-existent. There was in these cases apparently, in King Edward’s time, no demesne land upon which the services of a tenantry in villenage could be rendered, and the tenants were often sokemen who had individually put themselves under the protection of this lord or that, instead of there being one lordship over the group, as in a manor. [Sidenote: The Danish wars left many estates vacant, which may have been reconstructed on feudal rather than manorial lines.] These lordless villages on the eve of the Conquest as shown by the entries T. R. E. in the Domesday survey and especially in the ‘Inquisitio Eliensis,’ merit more careful study than has yet been given to them, and so far as they can be shown to prove the existence of free villages of _liberi homines_ or _socmanni_, after the Conquest merged sometimes in the class of _villani_, I am ready to welcome the evidence. But unless they can be traced back to earlier times, their occurrence mostly in the Danish districts interspersed with other villages which were manors and had demesne land, together with the singular fact that the holders in these villages were commended to several lords, suggests that their peculiar position may date from the time of the Danish invasions, and be the result of the devastations as to the effects of which the ‘Liber Eliensis’ contains so much evidence. Many a manor may have lost both lord and tenants, and have been filled up again by the great lords of the district with new tenants--soldiers and servants who had served in the wars, it may be. Thus these cases, in which many features of the ordinary manor were apparently missing in the time of Edward the Confessor, may be of recent date and so, while important when viewed in relation to the Domesday survey and the changes made by the Conquest, not specially instructive as regards earlier Anglo-Saxon conditions. [Sidenote: The fact regarding the Danelaga still very little known.] Unfortunately, as we have seen, the laws of the Danish period, while recording existing and modified Anglo-Saxon customs on various points, leave us in the dark as to Danish custom, whether of old standing in the Danelaga or newly imported in King Cnut’s time. It was, no doubt, known to the invaders, and it was enough for them to say ‘as the law stands,’ though we do not know what it was. The whole question of the Danelaga was purposely omitted from the scope of my former volume, and now, after twenty years, still remains a subject requiring careful examination by future inquirers. But this cannot be done completely until the minute work which Professor Maitland and Mr. Round and Mr. Corbett are gradually doing upon the Domesday survey itself in its local details has been further pursued, and it lies, with so many other branches of a difficult subject, beyond the limits of the inquiry made in this volume. [Sidenote: New feudal tenures may have had a tribal root. St. Oswald’s tenants for three successive lives.] Reference may, however, be incidentally made to the numerous cases in which, in order to describe the nature of the tenure of socmanni and others under what were perhaps new conditions, the fact was recorded in varying phrases whether this person or that could or could not leave or sell his land. Of some it is stated ‘possunt recedere,’ of others ‘non possunt recedere’--of some ‘possunt vendere,’ of others ‘non possunt vendere.’ Though these tenures may have been comparatively modern and may belong to a period of advanced feudal conditions, still it may be possible that some trait of tribal custom may lurk at the root of the distinction. From the manorial point of view, it was necessary to record of the socmanni whether they had only limited rights in the land subject to the performance of services and ‘consuetudines’ (which, by the way, seem to have been very much like those of the villani) or whether they were permanent freeholders who could sell their holdings and leave the land when they liked.[325] The position of the tenants in this respect was probably dependent upon the tenure under which they held, _i.e._ upon whether they were tenants with only life interests, or for successive lives, or, as we should say, tenants in fee. After the devastations of war many new tenants must have been put upon desolated manors, and Professor Maitland has very rightly laid stress in another connection on the traditional habit of granting leases for three lives only, so that a holding might ultimately return to the lord. He has pointed out that when Bishop Oswald (A.D. 962-992), exercising manorial rights over the great domain of the Church of Worcester made these leases to thanes on certain services for three successive lives (_i.e._ for the lives of father, son, and grandson) he did it expressly for the purpose of securing to his successor full power to renew them or not.[326] And from a tribal point of view it may be a pertinent question whether the restriction to the three generations had not some indirect connection with the tribal custom or instinct, so often alluded to, which gave to the fourth generation of uninterrupted occupation fixity of tenure and status. [Sidenote: Tribal custom known to Danes and Normans.] Recurring to the scattered cases of thanes holding ‘in paragio’ and by no means confined to the Danish districts,[327] it was necessary to state in the Domesday records, as in the case of the socmanni, whether they had or had not power to leave or to sell, and it may be useful that we should be reminded by these cases, in which feudal custom had possibly arisen out of tribal custom, that tribal custom was not unknown to the Danish and Norman conquerors of England. The Danish immigrants came from a district in which tribal custom was still fresh and vigorous. The Normans too, as is shown by the so-called Laws of Henry I., found Anglo-Saxon custom by no means altogether alien to their own instincts. Before concluding this essay perhaps a further observation should be made. We have learned in the course of this inquiry that it does not do to take too insular a view of Anglo-Saxon conditions. The similarity of wergelds, and indeed of tribal custom generally, has throughout become very apparent. But perhaps it is hardly more striking than the similarity in the _modifications_ of tribal custom found in the laws on both sides of the Channel. In their migrations and conquests the conquering tribes found themselves everywhere breathing a moral atmosphere in which it was difficult for the old tribal instincts to live. In such matters as the responsibility of a master for his slave’s homicides and of relatives for their kinsman’s crimes we have watched as it were modifications of tribal custom in the course of being made, here and there, on almost identical lines. May it not have been so also in regard to the important matter of the division of classes? [Sidenote: Romanising and Christian influences apart from the manor.] If we have recognised rightly the tribal principles originally at the root of the distinction between the twelve-hynde and twy-hynde classes there is no reason why we should not recognise also that besides the potent force of manorial management there may have been other influences at work widening the gulf between the two classes, and, so to speak, reducing to a level the members of each class by breaking away the rungs of the ladder between them. It must not be overlooked that in the earliest Continental laws most nearly contemporary with those of Kent--Alamannic, Bavarian, Burgundian, and Wisigothic--the divisions of society have a very artificial look, as though largely based upon wealth rather than the tribal principles of kindred. Now, German writers are not agreed upon the point whether these artificial divisions found in these earliest of the laws ought to be regarded as belonging to ancient German custom or whether they may not rather be traced to Roman influences.[328] [Sidenote: The earliest laws most influenced by Roman traditions.] We have already seen how necessary it is in connection with these early laws to discriminate between ancient custom and the new influences which were working in them in the direction of individualism and the disintegration of the kindred. The earliest laws are, as we have seen, just those in which tribal custom had fared the worst. [Sidenote: Non-tribal division of classes.] In the Alamannic Pactus of the sixth century (Fragment ii. 36) the grades for wergelds were as under:-- (1) ‘baro de minoflidis,’ (2) ‘medianus Alamannus,’ (3) ‘primus’ _or_ ‘meliorissimus Alamannus.’ And these were subdivisions of the _ingenuus_ class, for there were below them the _lidus_ and the _servus_. In another clause (iii. s. 25) a similar division is applied to animals. The penalties are given for killing ordinary, ‘mediana,’ and ‘meliorissima jumenta.’ In the Burgundian law the division of society into three grades--_optimates_, _mediocres_, and _inferiores_--is found in the _Lex Romana_ and is applied to Romans and Burgundians alike. These divisions seem to supplant those of kindred, and to have no tribal principle at their root.[329] In the Wisigothic laws the disintegration of tribal society is so far advanced that the wergelds of the _ingenuus_ class are regulated, not by kindred or social position, but, as we have seen, according to the age of the individual. It is difficult not to connect the substitution of artificial grades for those dependent on kindred with the Roman tendency to divide society into ‘patrician’ and ‘plebs,’ and the ‘plebs’ according to position and wealth into _honestiores_ and _humiliores_. Already in Cæsar’s time we see how difficult it was from a Roman point of view to understand the relation under tribal custom of the dependent tribesmen to their chieftain. Cæsar does not seem to have recognised the link of blood-relationship between them. To his view the chieftains were _equites_ and the tribesmen almost their _servi_. It was difficult otherwise to bring the two classes within some recognised category of Roman law. So it was no doubt, in degree, at the later period in the case of the conquering German tribes, when the Romanising forces were mainly in clerical hands. The influence of the Church also told in favour of the artificial and anti-tribal division of the people into great men and small men. Its tenets of individual responsibility favoured individualism. [Sidenote: The anti-tribal influences of the Church in Southern Europe.] Canon XVI. of the Council of Orleans (A.D. 549) shows that the ecclesiastical mind in Gaul was familiar with the division into classes ‘majorum et mediocrium personarum.’ [Sidenote: Evidence of Merovingian formulæ as regards wergelds.] A canon of an earlier Council (A.D. 511) shows how by taking refuge in a church a homicide received protection till composition was arranged, and how thus the question of wergelds was brought within clerical recognition. Once brought within its power the Church was not likely to let it slip from its grasp. And the collections of Formulæ of the Merovingian period show how the clergy joined with the other authorities in arranging the payment of wergelds and the prevention of private vengeance. From these formulæ it would seem that the payment and perhaps the amount of the wergeld had become to some extent a matter of mediation and arrangement through the intervention of ‘boni homines’ who were sometimes ‘sacerdotes.’[330] And when the award was given and the payment made, it was natural that a formal charter of acknowledgment in stay of vengeance on the part of the relations of the slain should be insisted upon. Each set of formulæ contains a form for this purpose. The matter of wergelds had become a subject of Franco-Roman conveyancing. [Sidenote: Clerical influences in England in favour of individualism, evident in the modification of custom found in the Anglo-Saxon laws.] Romanising and clerical influences thus working together in connection with wergelds would naturally tend to exclude from consideration the question of kindred, and to make the payment of the wergeld a matter for the homicide alone. Long before the time of King Ine these Romanising influences must have been at work in England, as elsewhere, introducing new considerations of justice and the position of classes founded on Roman law and Christian feeling, and not upon tribal custom. We have recognised some such action as this in the nearly contemporary Canons and in the Kentish laws, as well as in the later Anglo-Saxon laws, and indeed again and again throughout this inquiry, so that while we have had to notice again and again the extent to which the Church succumbed to tribal custom when it suited its purpose to do so, it must not be forgotten how much of the modification of custom found in the laws was due to the influence of the Romanised Church. It is not, therefore, enough to recognise only Romanised forms of land management under clerical influence. We must recognise also something of the same persistent antagonism of the Church to tribal custom which on the Continent had already in the sixth and seventh centuries sometimes succeeded in extruding considerations of kindred from the matter of wergelds, and to a great extent also from the question of the division of classes. [Sidenote: Last words.] With this further recognition of outside influences, this contribution towards the understanding of a difficult question must come to an end. All that can be claimed on its behalf is that a few further steps in advance may have been made good. It may seem to have resulted rather in the restatement of some of the problems than in their solution. But this is what might be expected from the attempt to approach a subject which has many sides especially with light from the tribal side only. Following the true method of working from the known to the unknown, it is not until such a problem has been approached separately from its different sides that a final solution can be reached; and this involves the fellow work of many historical students. In the meantime, without ignoring or seeking to minimise the force of other important influences, it may, I think, safely be said that we have found the influence of tribal custom upon Anglo-Saxon polity and economic conditions as apparent, all things considered, as there could be reason to expect. It was a factor in economic development which, among others and in due proportion, has to be reckoned with, and its study has the special value that it helps to bring the student of the Anglo-Saxon laws to regard them from the point of view of the Anglo-Saxon settlers themselves. FOOTNOTES [1] _Origin of Currency and Weight Standards_, Camb. U. Press, 1892. [2] For convenience I adhere throughout to reckoning in _wheat-grains_. Professor Ridgeway informs me that three barleycorns were equated with four wheat-grains, and that a passage in Theophrastus shows that in the fourth century B.C. 12 barleycorns = obol and 12 obols = the stater. The Greek diobol = therefore 24 barleycorns, _i.e._ 32 wheat-grains, and the stater = 144 barleycorns, _i.e._ 192 wheat-grains. The reader will understand that as Romans, Celts, Anglo-Saxons, and Normans reckoned in wheat-grains, there will be great convenience in adhering throughout to wheat-grains in this inquiry. And further the theoretic building up of weights in wheat-grains was preserved traditionally more easily than the actual standards of weight. [3] The range of the variation in the actual weight of the stater as a coin (without necessarily implying variation in the theoretic weight in wheat-grains) is given by metrologists as follows: Grammes Babylonian 8·18 Crœsus 8·18 Darius 8·36 to 8·41 Attic 8·64 to 8·73 Philip of Macedon and Alexander the Great 8·73 The Greek cities on the Black Sea 9·06 [4] _Kinship &c. in Arabia_, p. 53. [5] _Ordinances of Manu_, xi. pp. 128-131. [6] Sections 8 and 11. [7] Herod. v. c. 77 and vi. c. 79. [8] The latest results of metrological research are most conveniently stated by Hultsch in his _Die Gewichte des Alterthums nach ihrem Zusammenhange dargestellt_, Leipzig, 1898. And Mr. F. G. Hill, of the British Museum, has recently issued an excellent hand-book of the Greek and Roman coins containing information on these points. [9] The relation of the ancient Gallic gold currency to the subject of wergelds is interesting and important, but cannot be enlarged upon here. [10] For the authorities for the following short statement see _infra_, Chap. VII. s. 1. [11] Besides these silver _tremisses_ some silver _scripula_ were issued, but it is with the sceatts mainly that we have to do. In connection with the next section, however, the fact that the scripulum was current as a coin is worth notice. [12] _Metrologicorum Scriptorum Reliquiae_ (Lipsiae, 1866). [13] Hultsch, _Die Gewichte des Alterthums_, pp. 53 and 203. [14] _Metr. Script._ ii. 131-139. [15] Hultsch, _Metr. Script._ i. pp. 66 and 87. [16] Athelstan, vi. 6, s. 2 and vi. 3; and see Schmid’s Glossary under _Geldrechnung_. [17] There can hardly have been at Tours at this moment any other Liutgarda than the queen under Alcuin’s spiritual charge. [18] For this incident see _Alcuini Epist._ xxv. [19] _Metr. Script._ ii. 31, 99, 114, &c. [20] For the references to the Codes and Extents, and authorities for the statements in this summary, the reader must be referred to the former volume. But for additional statements full references will be given. Where not otherwise stated, the figures refer to the two volumes of _Ancient Laws of Wales_. [21] Prof. Rhys informs me that _da_ in Carnarvonshire local dialect still means ‘cattle,’ while in other parts of Wales it has the wider meaning of ‘goods.’ The allotment of cattle involved grazing rights, and often separate homesteads. Accordingly in the Denbigh Extent we find that so and so ‘habet domum’ or ‘non habet domum.’ This dependence for maintenance of the boy upon the higher chieftain is indirectly confirmed by the Extents, which mention among the chieftain’s rights the ‘fosterage of youths’ &c. See _Tribal System in Wales_, p. 169. That the chieftain who gives the _da_ was the ‘chief of kindred’ and not a mere territorial lord is shown by the fact that when a stranger family have lived in the land till they have formed a kindred by intermarriage with Cymraes, all the members of the family become ‘man and kin’ to the chief of kindred of the new kindred. _Tribal System in Wales_, p. 132. [22] i. pp. 167-169. [23] p. 543. [24] p. 549, s. 19. [25] i. 96 and 545. [26] If the sister was married to an alltud and her son killed a person, ⅔ of the galanas fell on the mother’s kindred (i. p. 209), but there was no liability beyond the gwely or second cousins (ii. p. 657). [27] ‘The galanas of every female shall always be to the kindred,’ i. p. 241. [28] ‘Three cases wherein a wife is to answer without her husband. The first is for homicide,’ i. p. 463. But for accessories to murder she and her husband pay her camlwrw and derwy, i. p. 105; and she can claim _spearpenny_, i. pp. 103, 705; ii. p. 65. [29] i. pp. 231-3, 409, 517, 747; ii. p. 695. On separation husband and wife divided the cattle and most other things equally. [30] ii. pp. 281-2, 740. [31] i. p. 765; ii. p. 269. [32] ii. p. 693. [33] ii. p. 531. [34] i. p. 415. [35] i. pp. 259, 447. [36] _Tribal System in Wales_, App. p. 59, &c. [37] The principal tref as contrasted with summer bothy on the mountains. [38] ii. p. 563. [39] i. p. 795. [40] Fol. 280. [41] i. pp. 283, 499. [42] i. pp. 111, 459, 745; ii. p. 257. [43] i. pp. 201, 535. [44] ii. p. 493. [45] i. p. 141. [46] i. p. 229. [47] For the following statements see _Venedotian Code_, i. p. 223, &c.; and _Dimetian Code_, i. p. 407, &c. [48] Sisters paid for their possible children, and if these children were of age they paid instead of their mothers. After the age at which they could not have children, the sisters did not pay (i. p. 99). That the daughter after twelve was independent of her father with _da_ of her own, see i. p. 205. [49] i. p. 229. [50] i. pp. 77, 103. [51] ii. p. 693. [52] i. p. 747. [53] i. p. 231. [54] i. p. 271. [55] i. p. 565. [56] _English Village Community_, c. ix. [57] For details and references to the Codes I must refer the reader to Chap. V. of _The Tribal System in Wales_. [58] See _infra_, p. 319. [59] In the quotation of passages from _Beowulf_ I have mostly followed Professor Earle’s translations. [60] See _Structure of Greek Tribal Society_, by H. E. Seebohm, chap. ii. [61] _Nefan_ cannot mean son or grandson, for Hygelac was his father and his grandfather was Hrethel. [62] The references in this chapter are to the four volumes of _The Ancient Laws of Ireland_. I regret very much not to have had the advantage of vol. v. edited by Dr. Atkinson and not yet published, but I am greatly indebted to him for his kind help and advice on many difficult points. [63] iv. p. 259. This passage is abridged. [64] iii. p. 69. [65] _Ibid._ and iv. 245-248. [66] _Cours de Littérature Celtique_, tome vii. _Etude sur le Droit Celtique_, tome i. p. 186. [67] The view here taken, that the four fines in the geilfine division are classes or grades of relationship, makes more intelligible the rules laid down in the Book of Aicill (iii. 331-335), especially the one which determines that ‘if one person comes up into the “geilfine” so as to make it excessive, a man must go out of it into the “deirbhfine,” and a man is to pass from one division into the other up as far as the indfine, and a man is to pass from that into the community.’ Obviously, as a fresh _generation_ comes into the nearest hearth, a generation at the top naturally moves out of the group. The great-grandfather becomes a great-great-grandfather, and so on. [68] i. p. 263, and iv. p. 245. [69] iv. p. 245. [70] iii. p. 99. [71] p. 101. [72] ii. p. 195. [73] iv. p. 283. [74] Dr. Atkinson has kindly given me a reference to MS. H. 3-18, 237 and 485, the former of which ends its paragraph on ‘sencleithe’ thus:--‘If he serve from that onward, till the fifth man come and during the time (_his_ time?), then he is a sencleithe and he cannot go from the heirs [comarba] for ever after.’ [75] See _Senchus Mor_, i. p. 76 and iii. p. 43. [76] i. pp. 65-77. [77] _Round Towers of Ireland_, p. 219. [78] Fol. 181, b.b. This will be inserted in Dr. Atkinson’s vol. v. of the Brehon Laws. [79] In one MS. ‘six score ounces.’ [80] Petrie, _Round Towers of Ireland_, p. 214. [81] _Tripartite Life of St. Patrick_, ii. p. 372. [82] _Ibid._ i. p. 212. [83] Altilia, _i.e._ fattened heifers, Skeat, _sub voce_ ‘heifer.’ [84] The samaisc heifer of the Brehon Laws being ½ oz., and the dairt heifer ⅙ oz., the fattened heifer would naturally take the middle place between them as ¼ oz. [85] Wasserschleben refers these canons to the fifth century Synod under St. Patrick. [86] ‘_Si colirio indiguerit_’ seems to be equivalent to the Irish ‘that requires a tent.’ But Dr. Atkinson informs me that the Irish word literally means ‘a plug of lint.’ [87] Compare this clause with the ‘Book of the Angel,’ _Tripartite Life_, ii. p. 355. ‘Item si non receperit prædictum præsulem in hospitium eundem et reclusserit suam habitationem contra illum, septem ancillas (cumala) sive septem annos pœnitentiæ similiter reddere cogatur.’ [88] See _Senchus Mor_, i. p. 43: ‘Equal dire-fine for a king and a bishop, _i.e._ equal honour-price to the “rig tuath” and the bishop, _i.e._ of the church of a “rig tuath.”’ [89] P. 141. [90] i. p. 127. [91] _Pœnitentiale Vinnicii_, s. 23; Wasserschleben, p. 113. [92] _Tripartite Life_, p. 378 _n._ [93] _Questions Historiques_, pp. 105-117. [94] Pertz, Bluhme’s preface, p. 498. [95] Bindung’s _Das Burgundisch-Romanische Königreich von 443 bis 532 n. Chr._ chap. i. [96] Lib. vii. Tit. iii. s. 3. [97] Lib. vi. Tit. v. [98] Hessels and Kern, Codex x. Tit. lxi. [99] Brunner (_Sippe und Wergeld_, p. 31) prefers the reading of the other codices, ‘on either side,’ but the principle is the same; the fisc gets whatever share lapses, whether it be ¼ or ½. [100] Hessels and Kern, Tit. ci., p. 412. Pertz, _Legg._ 11, 5. [101] This translation of the final clause does not materially vary in meaning from that of Brunner, _Sippe und Wergeld_, p. 34. [102] Brunner, _Sippe und Wergeld_, p. 34. [103] _Sippe und Wergeld_, p. 34. [104] _Sippe und Wergeld_, p. 36. ‘Es dünkt mir sehr wahrscheinlich, dass auch in der Lex Salica unter den ‘tres proximiores’ Verwandte von drei verschiedenen Parentelen gemeint sind.’ Later examples of division of wergelds in other districts quoted by Brunner show that the division of the kindred into three similar grades or groups was prevalent also in Frisian and Saxon districts. [105] Codices 3, 7, 8, 9 have ‘de quod non.’ [106] Tit. xxix. [107] See his essay on this subject in his _Problèmes d’Histoire_, pp. 361 &c. [108] Brunner, in his _Sippe und Wergeld_, shows this clearly, pp. 1-3. [109] Blumenstock, i. 266. [110] Tit. lvi. [111] Tit. vi. [112] The clause _De reipus_ is very important in regard to some of these points. But the subject is too difficult a one to be discussed here. [113] Guérard, on the other hand, says: ‘C’est l’alleu d’un Salien défunt que la loi divise en deux parts: dans l’une est la terre salique, et dans l’autre la terre non salique; mais ces deux terres sont également partie de la succession du défunt.’ _Polyptique d’Irminon_, i. p. 487. But he does not seem to have noted the use of ‘land’ unqualified in the saving clause of the first 4 codices. [114] _Erbenfolge_, &c., pp. 12-14. [115] _Deutsches Wirtschaftsleben_, i. p. 39. [116] _Polypt. d’Irminon_, i. p. 495. [117] _English Historical Review_, January 1893. [118] Hessels and Kern, Tit. 78; Pertz, _Leg._ ii. p. 10. [119] See note in Hessels and Kern, and Amira in his _Erbenfolge_, p. 16 (München, 1874). [120] See _supra_, pp. 26, 27. [121] This is repeated, ii. p. 391. ‘The argluyd takes him as a son, and if he die receives his _da_ unless he leaves a son.’ Up to 14 his father was his ‘argluyd.’ [122] Sohm, in his preface to the _Lex_ in Pertz (dated 1882), p. 188, concludes that this clause and clause 36 must be referred to the sixth century. There is a Formula in Marculf’s collection in which instructions are given to a newly appointed official, _inter alia_, to judge Franks, Romans, Burgundians, and those of other nations ‘secundum lege et consuetudine eorum’ (Marc. _Form._, Lib. i. 8.) [123] In the Burgundian Law the wergeld is 150 solidi; in the Alamannic Law, 160 solidi; in the Bavarian law, 160 solidi. That this was also the wergeld of the Frisian and Saxon see _infra_. [124] See Merkel’s preface to the laws in Pertz, p. 14. [125] In the Burgundian laws the division is into ‘optimatus’ with a wergeld of 300 sol., ‘mediocris’ with 200 sol., and ‘minores ’ with 150 sol. [126] Introduction, p. iv. [127] Martini, _Metrologia_, _sub_ ‘Roma.’ See also _Traité de Numismatique du Moyen Age_, par A. Engel, vol. i. p. 222. [128] Pertz, p. 119. [129] Pertz, p. 149. [130] _Hludowici et Hlotharii Capitularia_, Pertz, p. 251. [131] _De Mirac. S. Martini_, l. i. c. 31. Mention of the _aureus_ occurs twenty-four times in the index to his works. Mention of _trientes_ occurs twelve times, and of _argentei_ five times. [132] In some codices placed at the end of Lib. xii., Tit. ii. See edition of Walter (1824), p. 669. [133] ‘Ex Isidori Etymologiarum Libris, c. De ponderibus.’ Hultsch, ii. 113. [134] Twelve argentei (12 × 72 w.g.) = 864 w.g., or at 1:10 the Merovingian solidus of 86·4 w.g. [135] Pertz, p. 18. [136] Pertz, p. 31. [137] Pertz, p. 39. [138] In this Capitulare three grades of payments are stated, a pound, a half-pound, and five solidi. Five solidi in this scale should be ¼ lb., and in wheat-grains the scale would be 6912, 3456, and 1728. 1728 wheat-grains is 5 solidi of 12 denarii of 28·8. [139] Capitulare Mantuanum, s. 9, ‘De moneta: ut nullus post Kalendas Augustas istos dinarios quos modo habere visi sumus dare audeat aut recipere: si quis hoc fecerit, vannum nostrum conponat.’ [140] _Beiträge zur Geschichte des Geld- und Münzwesens in Deutschland._ [141] Forty argentei or drachmæ to the solidus would have meant a ratio of about 1:30. [142] _Polyptique d’Irminon_, Introduction, i. 151. See also No. 82 of St. Gall Charters (Wastmann, i. p. 78), in which is an annual payment of ‘i bovem v solidos valentem’ sub anno A.D. 778. [143] Pertz, p. 85. [144] Pertz, p. 114. [145] Pertz, p. 116. [146] Pertz, p. 72. Refusing to receive the new denarii must have meant as 12 to the solidus, for the new denarii themselves were heavier than the old ones, 32 wheat-grains instead of 28·8. [147] Pertz, p. 494. _Karoli II. Edictum Pistense_, A.D. 864: Ut in omni regno nostro non amplius vendatur libra auri purissime cocti, nisi duodecim libris argenti de novis et meris denariis. Illud vero aurum quod coctum quidem fuerit, sed non tantum ut ex deauratura fieri possit eo libra una de auro vendatur _decem_ libris argenti de novis et meris denariis. [148] _Traité de Numismatique du Moyen Age_, par Arthur Engel (Paris, 1891), vol. i. pp. 329-332. [149] Sohm, in his preface to the Ripuarian law in Pertz, against his own former opinion, concludes that clause xxxvi. did go back to the sixth century, and was originally a part of the Lex (p. 188). [150] See Richthofen’s preface to the Frisian Laws in Pertz, p. 631. [151] They appear in the ‘_Additio Sapientium_,’ Tit. ii., clauses lxiii. and lxxviii. [152] ‘Inter Wisaram et Laubachi, duo denarii novi solidus est.’ [153] ‘Inter Laubachi et inter Flehi, tres denarii novæ monetæ solidum faciunt.’ [154] ‘Inter Flehi et Sincfalam solidus est duo denarii et dimidius ad novam monetam.’ That the word _denarius_ was applied to gold as well as silver coins, see mention of the ‘gold penninck’ of Gondebald in _Chronijck van Vrieslandt_, _sub_ A.D. 739. [155] ‘Inter Laubachi et Wisaram weregildus nobilis 106 solidi et duo denarii, liberi 53 solidi et denarium, liti 26 solidi et dimidius et dimidius tremissis.’ [156] ‘Si nobilis [_or_ liber _or_ litus] nobilem occiderit, 80 solidos componat; de qua muleta duæ partes ad hæredem occisi, tertia ad propinquos ejus proximos pertineat … liberum solidos 53 et unum denarium solvat … litum 27 solidos uno denario minus componat domino suo, et propinquis occisi solidos 9 excepta tertia parte unius denarii.’ [157] ‘Inter Fli et Sincfalam weregeldus nobilis 100 solidi, liberi 50, liti 25 (solidi denarii 3 novæ monetæ).’ [158] ii. lxxxiv. [159] Tit. vi. [160] Engel’s _Traité de Numismatique du Moyen Age_, i. 233 and 329. [161] Martini’s _Manuale de Metrologia_, _sub_ ‘Emden.’ And compare Ridgeway, p. 871. He shows that in Italy and Sicily 10 sheep = 1 cow. [162] It is true that in the clauses trebling the amounts for wounds it is not directly stated that the _wergelds_ were also trebled; but the use of the words in Tit. I., ‘_in simplo_,’ suggests that it may have been so; whilst the facts that the triple payment for the loss, _e.g._ of the eye, which in the title _De Dolg_ was a half wergeld, would otherwise exceed the full wergeld, and that, in the one case in which in the ‘De Dolg’ the whole wergeld was payable, the amount in the Additio is the _treble_ wergeld, make it almost certain that it was so, otherwise the injury would be paid for at three times the value of a man’s life. [163] 4608 × 3 = 13824, _i.e._ 160 solidi of 86·4 wheat-grains. The wergeld of the Island of Gotland was also 3 gold marks or 160 solidi of Merovingian standard. See also on the whole question Dr. Brunner’s article ‘Nobiles und Gemeinfreie der Karolingischen Volksrechte’ in _Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung_ &c., vol. xix. [164] It would exactly equal 200 of the local solidi of two tremisses at a ratio of 1:8, or 160 solidi of 80 wheat-grains instead of 86·4. [165] Pertz, p. 83. [166] Pertz, p. 84. [167] Pertz, p. 34. [168] Pertz, p. 84. [169] Pertz, p. 118. [170] See Du Cange _sub voce_ ‘Pecunia,’ and the cases there mentioned in which the word = _pecudes_, _grex_, &c. [171] See _Études sur la Lex dicta Francorum Chamavorum et sur ‘Les Francs du Pays d’Amor,’_ par Henri Froidevaux. Paris, 1891, chap. ii. [172] It has already been stated that the wergeld of the Island of Gotland was three gold marks or 160 Merovingian solidi. But owing to the late date of the Gotland laws it cannot be regarded as certain that the amount was the same at the date of the Ripuarian laws. [173] The depreciation in weight cannot have been the result of ignorance of the Roman standard. We learn from the excellent table given by Montelius in his _Remains from the Iron Age of Scandinavia_ that the gold solidi of the Eastern Empire found their way into the Islands of Gotland, Oland, and Bornholm in considerable numbers, between A.D. 395 and 518. He shows that, while no silver coins of the Republic or before Nero have been found in Scandinavia, coins belonging to the silver currency of Rome after Nero found their way northwards in considerable numbers. Of Roman coins A.D. 98-192 only four gold coins are known to have been found and 2304 silver coins. Then the gold currency begins, and of dates between A.D. 235-395, sixty-four gold coins have been found and only one solitary silver coin. Lastly came the gold currency of the solidus of Constantine and his successors A.D. 395-518, and of this period 286 gold coins and one silver coin are recorded as having been found in Scandinavia. It is clear, then, that the Roman standard as well as the Roman system of division of the lb. was known in the North. For a long period no doubt the chief trade of the Baltic was with the Byzantine Empire and the East. [174] _Die Entstehungszeit der älteren Gulathingslög_ von Dr. Konrad Maurer, p. 5. [175] The Reksthane is an official, and quite a different person from the Bónde. [176] The Árborinn man seems to be the same as the Aettborinn man, _i.e._ ‘a man born in a kindred.’ [177] Elsewhere called the Odal-born-man. [178] The hauld seems to have been the same as the odal-born man. [179] See also the Frostathing Law IV. 31, in which in a similar case the person is outlawed. [180] The Nefgildi-men include the slayer’s mother’s father, daughter’s son, mother’s brother, sister’s son, father’s sister’s son, mother’s sister’s sons, son’s daughter’s son, daughter’s daughter’s son, brother’s daughter’s son, sister’s daughter’s son. [181] 4608 × 30 = 138240, and this divided by 8 = 17280 w.g. of gold, _i.e._ 200 gold solidi of 86·4 w.g. [182] The following is from the _Venedotian Code_, i. p. 179. ‘The ecclesiastical law says that no son is to have the patrimony but the eldest born to the father by the married wife: the law of Howell, however, adjudges it to the youngest son as well as to the oldest (_i.e._ all the sons), and decides that sin of the father or his illegal act is not to be brought against a son as to his patrimony.’ Bastards were not excluded till the Statute of Rothllan. [183] ‘Geschlecht und Verwandtschaft im alt-norwegischen Rechte,’ in the _Zeitschrift für Social- und Wirthschaftsgeschichte_, vol. vii. (Weimar). To this essay I am much indebted. [184] Some authorities infer from this that the _parents_ alone were put in the grave. K. von Maurer thinks _only the children_, and apologises for it as ‘nur eine aus grauer Vorzeit überlieferte Antiquität.’ [185] Skåne, being only divided from the island of Zealand by the Sound, during the Viking period belonged to Denmark. It afterwards became a Swedish province, being finally ceded by Denmark in 1658. [186] The various views upon the relation of the two versions to each other are very usefully discussed in the introduction to M. Beauchet’s _Loi de Vestrogothie_ (Paris, 1894), pp. 67-75. The Latin version was published in 1846 at Copenhagen as Vol. I. of the _Samling af Danske Love_ and both Latin and Danish versions in Dr. Schlyter’s _Corpus Juris Sueo-Gotorum antiqui_, Lund. 1859. [187] See Du Cange, _s. v._ ‘Moventes’ = _pecudes_. [188] ‘Filius-familias’ in another MS. [189] As to the _fælagh_ or partnership between husband and wife, see the Gulathing Law, 53. The word _fælagh_ seems to be equivalent to the ‘_definitio_’ of the Latin text, the _definitio_ of the property being made at the time of the marriage. The word seems to be allied to the English word ‘fellowship.’ See Skeat, _sub_ ‘fellow,’ who refers it to Icelandic ‘felag,’ literally ‘a laying together of property.’ [190] See _Untersuchungen zur Erbenfolge &c._, Julius Ficker, ii. p. 143: ‘Gulathingsbuch und Frostathingsbuch kennen keinen Eintritt der Sohnessöhne in das volle Recht des Parens.’ [191] Beauchet, p. 60. [192] Addition F. 1. [193] _Skanska Stadsrätten_, s. 43. [194] See I. s. 92 of the Danish version. The word Manbötær = _mulcta homicidii_, Schlyter, Gloss. _sub voce_. [195] See _Ancient Laws of Scotland_, preface, p. 42. [196] _Ibid._ i. 8. [197] These extracts are abridged and put into modern English. [198] Compare the colpindach with the Irish ‘colpach heifer.’ In the _Crith Gabhlach_, p. 300, the Irish text has the word _colpdaig_ translated ‘colpach heifer.’ Probably the xxix should be ixˣˣ, _i.e._ 180. See _Ancient Laws of Scotland_, p. 270 (red paging), as to the next clause. [199] ‘Oc-thigernd’ = ‘Jung herr,’ Windisch, p. 757. [200] _Scotland under her early Kings_, i. p. 258 _n._, and ii. p. 307. [201] _Ancient Laws of Scotland_, i. p. 233. [202] _History of English Law_, Pollock and Maitland, i. pp. 145 and 202. There is an elaborate comparison of this Scotch treatise with Glanville’s in the _Ancient Laws of Scotland_ commencing at p. 136 (red), which is very helpful. [203] _Book of Deer_, preface, p. lxxxi. Toshach (toisech). The two officers in a townland were the _mormaer_ and the _toisech_. _Ced_ in Irish = hundred. Tosh-_ced_-erach possibly may have meant ‘head of the hundred.’ [204] See _infra_, c. xi. [205] Robertson’s _Historical Essays_, p. 47. [206] See preface to the _Ancient Laws of Scotland_. [207] Gulathing law, s. 152. [208] See Windisch, _Wörterbuch_, sub voce ‘_ter-fochrice_,’ also ‘_fo-chraic_.’ [209] Vol. i. p. 655. [210] This passage is from the last clause in the so-called treaty between Edward and Guthrum, ‘when the English and Danes fully took to peace and to friendship, and the Witan also who were afterwards, oft and unseldom that same renewed and increased with good.’ Thorpe, p. 71; and see Schmid’s _Einleitung_, p. xlii. [211] 120_s._ of 5_d._ = 50_s._ of 12_d._ [212] Three marks are double 12 ores. [213] See the instances of services of sochemen given by Mr. Round in his invaluable chapter on the Domesday book in his _Feudal England_, pp. 30-34, from the ‘Ely placitum’ of 1072-1075: ‘Qui _quotiens abbas preceperit_ in anno arabunt suam terram’ &c. And again _quotienscunque ipse præceperit_ in anno arabunt’ &c. These are services of the sochemanni of Suffolk and Norfolk ‘qui non possunt recedere.’ [214] Cf. Ine, 74. The xl_s._ to be paid for the ‘Waliscus’ slave who had committed homicide may be double value by way of penalty. [215] Laws of Cnut, s. 63 and s. 66. [216] Mr. Keary’s Introduction to the Catalogue of the Coins in the British Museum, Anglo-Saxon series, vol. ii. p. lxxxi. [217] Engel, vol. ii. p. 849 et seq. [218] Introduction, vol. ii. p. lvii. [219] The word is used in the sense of mint-master or money coiner. See Du Cange, _sub voce_ ‘Monetarius.’ [220] The Anglo-Saxon pound of 240 pence or 364 grammes divided by fifteen = 24·2 grammes. [221] The normal weight of the English penny of 32 wheat-grains was 1·51 grammes. The coins of Cnut’s predecessors sometimes fully reached this standard, though oftener somewhat below it. The exact weight of 1/20 of the Danish ore would be 1·21 grammes, and Cnut’s silver pence seem to aim at this weight. Out of 574 silver pence of Cnut described in the Catalogue of the British Museum 400 weigh between ·972 and 1·23 grammes. Only 1½ per cent. are of greater weight. Ethelred’s silver pence were not by any means generally of full standard of 32 wheat-grains or 1·51 grammes, but still, out of 339 in the British Museum 25 per cent. are fairly up to this standard and 90 per cent. are above the weight of the new silver pence of Cnut--1/20 of his ore. Cnut also reduced the _size_ of the pence. See the B. M. Catalogue plates. [222] ‘Grith’ seems to be a Danish word of nearly the same meaning as ‘frith.’ See Schmid’s Glossary, _sub voce_. [223] This is in accordance with Ine, 6. [224] Laws of Ethelred, ix. (Thorpe, p. 145). [225] Thorpe, p. 124. [226] MS. G. British Museum, Cott. Nero A. 1. fol. 5. [227] Thorpe, p. 141, Schmid, _Anhang iv._ [228] Compare Æthelstan, iv. 4. [229] This, from the Kentish Laws, was correctly quoted. [230] Schmid, _Anhang xii._ [231] Pollock and Maitland, i. p. 20. But see Laws of King Edmund, s. 4, ‘On Blood-shedding.’ ‘Also I make known that I will not have to “_socn_” in my “hirede” that man who sheds man’s blood before he has undertaken ecclesiastical “bot” and made “bot” to the kindred,’ &c. See also in s. 6 the use of the words ‘_mund-brice_ and _Ham-socn_.’ [232] Another reading has xxx. See Schmid, p. 206. The Latin version has xxv, and the quotation in the Laws of Henry I also has xxv. [233] 25 × 240 = 6000 pence = 1200 Wessex scillings of 5_d._ [234] Catalogue of English Coins, Anglo-Saxon series. Introduction, p. xxxi, to vol. ii. [235] Thorpe (p. 75) appends this clause to the so-called Laws of Edward and Guthrum. But Schmid considers it as a fragment and places it in his _Anhang vii._ [236] Schmid, _Anhang vii._ 2; Thorpe, p. 79. [237] A ceorl’s wergeld is cclxvi thrymsas, _i.e._ cc scillings by Mercian law. 266⅔ × 3 = 800 pence or 200 Mercian scyllings of 4 pence. [238] From the text of MS. D. [239] The fragment itself is a combination of two or more. But the statement of wergelds in _thrymsas_ seems to unite them. Schmid also points out that the _eorl_ had not yet superseded the ealdorman. See _Einleitung_, p. lxv. [240] 2000 thrymsas of 3_d._ equalled 1200 Wessex scillings of 5_d._, so that the ceorl with five hides to the king’s utware became a twelve-hynde man. There is no allusion to the six-hynde status as a halfway step towards the gesithcund status. And the use of the word ‘gesithcund’ seems to throw back the original date of these clauses to that of Ine’s law, the word not being used in later laws. See Schmid’s _Glossary_, sub voce ‘Gesith.’ [241] _I.e._ of pure silver. Compare the same phrase ‘de novis et meris denariis’ in the _Edictum Pistense_, A.D. 864, quoted _supra_, p. 191, n. [242] See _supra_, p. 344. [243] _Ancient Laws of Ireland_, vol. iv. p. 227. [244] See _supra_, p. 345. [245] Ine came to the throne in A.D. 688, and Alfred’s treaty with Guthrum was in A.D. 880. [246] See Schmid’s Glossary _sub voce_ ‘Eideshülfe.’ There is only one mention of oaths of so many hides in the later Anglo-Saxon laws, viz. in Alfred, s. 11, in which it is stated that a woman must clear herself from a charge of previous unchastity with 60 hides. [247] The monk’s oath was one fourth of the priest’s in value: so 400 _argentei_ = one fourth of 800 _sicli_. [248] See Schmid’s introduction, where he states his reasons for placing Ine’s Dooms before Alfred’s in his edition of the Laws. [249] This is repeated in Henry I. lxix. [250] Schmid, _Anhang ii._ [251] Schmid, Glossary, _sub voc._ ‘Die Britischen Einwohner von Cumberland.’ But the mention of York is conclusive. [252] See Schmid’s note on this passage, and see also Liebermann’s translation. [253] Thorpe, p. 150; Schmid, _Anhang i._ [254] The only mark of the geographical position of the district is that in the final clause: ‘Formerly the Went-sætas belonged to the Dun-sætas, but more properly they belong to the West Saxons; there they shall give tribute and hostages.’ [255] Translated in the Latin version by ‘corium,’ the meaning probably being that 12 scillings would buy off a scourging. [256] In the Laws of Henry I. (lxx. s. 5) the ‘theow-wealh’ is translated ‘servus Waliscus,’ and is worth double the ordinary slave, unless the amount be a double penalty. [257] The usual explanation of these terms is that they are derived from the number of shillings in the wergeld. Mr. Earle in his valuable _Handbook to the Land Charters_ &c. (p. 1) considers ‘hynde’ to be an old form of ‘ten’ and to refer to the number of soldiers of whom the twelve-hynde and six-hynde men were captains. ‘The former was a captain of 120 and the latter of 60.’ Neither of these explanations seems to me to be satisfactory. [258] This view that the single oath of the twelve-hyndeman was reckoned as a 10 hide oath is confirmed by the translation in the Latin of the _Quadripartitus_ of Ine’s Laws, s. 46. The Anglo-Saxon ‘þonne sceal he be lx hyda onsacan,’ is translated by ‘tunc debet per lx hidas _i.e._ _per vi homines_ abnegare.’ And in s. 19 ‘potest jurare pro lx hidis _i.e._ _pro hominibus vi_.’ Schmid remarks on these passages: ‘Hiernach würde also jeder Eideshelfer 10 Hiden vertreten.’ [259] Schmid, p. 157; Thorpe, p. 97. [260] _Judicia Civitatis Lundoniæ_, c. 8, s. 2; _Ath. L._ vi. [261] _Decretum Episcoporum et aliorum sapientum de Kancia de pace observanda._ _Ath. L._ iii. [262] Birch, No. 102, A.D. 701. [263] _Ib._ 113, A.D. 705. [264] _Ib._ 142, A.D. 725. [265] _Hist. Eccl._ lib. iii. c. 24. [266] _Glossary_, sub voce ‘Gesith,’ and see Bede, iii. 14 and 22, iv. 4 and 10, and v. 4 and 5. [267] Bede, ii. c. ix. [268] _English Village Community_, chap. v. [269] See _Transactions of the Royal Historical Society_, New Series, vol. xiv. [270] _English Village Community_, p. 117 _et seq._ [271] Birch, 412. [272] Roxburgh Club, p. 138. [273] Compare _ærdian_, to inhabit; and so _bur_bærde and _theow_bærde, as below. [274] About A.D. 995. Cod. Dip. 1290. [275] _Cod. Dip._ mcccliv. See also _Liber Eliensis_, p. 120. [276] Alfred, s. 37. [277] See _supra_, pp. 180-185. [278] The difference in spelling will be noticed. The Kentish spelling is mostly _scætt_. Elsewhere the spelling is _sceatt_. [279] Schmid, _Anhang vii._ p. 398. [280] It cannot be right, I think, to reason the other way with Schmid, that as there were 30,000 sceatts in the King’s wergeld of 120 pounds, there must have been 250 sceatts in the pound and 4·166 sceatts in the Mercian scilling instead of four. [281] Catalogue &c., Introduction, p. xviii. [282] ‘We must remember further that many of the coins of the Kings of Mercia were probably likewise struck in Kent, and that when we find, as we do, the same moneyers’ names occurring on the coins of a King of Mercia … and on the coins of Ecgbeorht, the probability is that these moneyers were Kentishmen who struck first for one master of their country and then for the other’ (_Ib._ p. xvii). [283] See Schmid’s _Glossary_, sub voce. [284] See Laws of Ethelbert, ss. 77, 78 and 79, and 83. [285] In translating Luke xx. 24 and Mark xii. 15, ‘Show me a penny,’ the word used to translate ‘denarius’ is _skatt_. Again, Luke vii. 41, the two debtors, one owing 500 and the other 50 denarii, are translated by Ulphilas as owing ‘skatte finfhunda’ and ‘skatte finftiguns.’ Again in John xii. 5, ‘Why was not the ointment sold for 300 denarii?’ ‘ccc skatti’ are the words used, and so also in the parallel passage Mark xi. 5, ‘thrijahunda skatti.’ In all these cases it seems to be clear that the _skatt_ is the _coin_. And that it was a silver coin seems to be shown by the use by Ulphilas of the word _skatt_ in reference to the ‘thirty pieces of silver’ in Matt. xxvii. 6-9. [286] The word occurs seven times in the five Gothic records from Naples and Arezzo generally appended to editions of ‘Ulfilas.’ In the edition of Massmann (Stuttgart, 1857) see vol. ii. p. 810. In that of Heyne and Wrede (Paderborn, 1896) see p. 227 &c. [287] Schmid, _Anhang x._ p. 404; Thorpe, p. 76. [288] This may be doubtful: _Sceatta scilling-rim_, ‘gold to the worth of 600 scillings,’ Grein, ii. p. 408; _sceatta_, gen. plural of ‘sceatt,’ _nummus, pecunia_. Grein, ii. p. 405. [289] British Museum Catalogue, Anglo-Saxon series, vol. i. xiii. [290] See Schmid’s _Glossary_, sub ‘Geldrechnung,’ p. 594. The inference seems to be too strong to be disregarded. Comparing s. 54 with ss. 70-72, the great toe is valued at 10 scillings, _i.e._ half the value of the thumb in s. 54, viz. 20 scillings. And it is stated in s. 54 that the thumb nail is worth 3 scillings, and in s. 72 that the toe nail is to be paid for at 30 scætts, which would be half 3 scillings of 20 sceatts. The other toes are said in s. 71 to be respectively worth half the fingers. The finger nail in s. 71 at 1 scilling compares with the other toe nails at 10 scætts in s. 72--again one half. Presuming that the scale of one half is maintained throughout, 30 scætts is half 3 scillings and 10 scætts half one scilling. The scilling, therefore, must be 20 scætts. This conclusion is strengthened by the graduated scale of payments in ss. 33-36, viz. 50 scætts (_i.e._ 1½ scilling) 3, 4, 10, 20 scillings. See also s. 16, where the scale is 30, 50 (? 60) sceatts and 6 scillings (120 scætts). In ss. 58-60 a bruise is 1 scilling, covered 30 scætts, uncovered 20 scætts. It seems to be impossible to make these figures comport with the Mercian scilling of 4 scætts or the Wessex of 5 scætts or the Salic solidus of 40 scætts. The conclusion must be that the Kentish scilling was of 20 scætts. [291] 576 divided by 10 = 57·6, _i.e._ two tremisses of 28·8 wheat grains. [292] Alfred’s words were: ‘But those things which I met with, either of the days of Ine my kinsman, or of Offa King of the Mercians, or of Æthelbryht, who first among the English race received baptism, those which seemed to me the rightest, those I have here gathered together and omitted the others.’ [293] British Museum Cott. Nero A. 1. fol. 5, and _supra_, p. 346. [294] British Museum, _ibid._ fol. 33 b. [295] See Gulathing, 178. [296] Compare Cnut’s secular laws, s. 59, on _Borh-bryce_. In both passages the additional words ‘and three to the archbishop’ do not seem to be taken from Kentish law. It is obvious from the fragment ‘Of Grith and of Mund’ that it was well known that in Kentish law ‘the mund-bryce of the King and the archbishop were the same.’ [297] See also _Anhang iv._ Schmid, p. 385. [298] See Schmid, _Glossary_, sub ‘Geldrechnung,’ p. 594. [299] Konrad von Maurer’s ‘Ueber Angelsächsische Rechtsverhältnisse,’ in the _Kritische Ueberschau_, vol. iii. p. 48. [300] Compare the ‘octogild’ and ‘novigild’ of the Alamannic and other laws. The literal meaning of ‘xii gylde’ seems to be payable with ‘twelve times the gylde.’ [301] The division of the words in the MS. is as follows: ‘Gif cyninges ambiht smið oþþe laadrinc mannan of slehð medumanleod gelde forgelde.’ [302] So also Grimm in his _Deutsche Rechts Alterthümer_, p. 653, ‘dimidio, nicht moderato, wie Wilk. übersetzt.’ Compare ‘medeme mynster,’ _supra_, p. 346, and ‘medeme thegn,’ Cnut, ii. 71, s. 2. [303] Possibly the King’s servants were otherwise exempt for injuries done in carrying out their work. [304] Cf. _Book of Aicill_, p. 267, where injury inflicted in _quick driving or at work_ has only a half fine; ‘the excitement of the work or of quick driving takes the other half fine off them.’ See also the elaborate rules with regard to accidents of the smith in his smithy, p. 187 &c. The general rule stated is ‘that the person who plies the sledge on the anvil is exempt from penalties for injuries arising from the work he is engaged on;’ and again ‘if either the sledge or anvil break, he is exempt for injuries to idlers, and he pays one third compensation to fellow labourers, &c.’ Clerical influence may perhaps be recognised in both the Brehon and Kentish clauses. [305] That the soul-scot in later times was paid at the open grave see Ethelred, v. 12, vi. 20, ix. 13; C. E. 13. [306] Compare s. 86 and 87, where _ealne weorðe_ means a ‘whole worth’ of an esne, and contrast the ‘medume leodgild’ of 100 scillings payable as bot by the lender with the ‘ealne leod’ payable by the slayer. [307] That the _esne_ was very near in position to the ‘theow’ see Alf. 43, where Church holidays are to be given to ‘all freemen but _not to theow-men and esne work-men_’--‘butan þeowum mannum & esne-wyrhtum.’ [308] Liebermann considers that the 300 and 100 scillings are the wergeld of the eorlcundman and the freeman. His translation reads: ‘welcher steht im 300-Scillwergelde’ and ‘welcher im 100-Scillwergelde steht.’ Whether these payments are the wergelds is the point at issue. Schmid, in his note to this passage, favours the view that 300 scillings was the _half_-wergeld of the eorl and 100 scillings the half-wergeld of the freeman. [309] xxxv. 5. ‘Si servus alienus aut laetus hominem ingenuum occiderit, ipse homicida pro medietatem compositionis illius hominis occisi parentibus tradatur, et dominus servi aliam medietatem compositionis se noverit soluiturum.’ [310] ‘Ceorlian,’ to marry a husband; ‘wifian,’ to marry a wife. Bosworth, _sub voce_. [311] _Supra_, p. 259. [312] _Supra_, p. 176. [313] _Supra_, p. 199. [314] _Supra_, p. 169. [315] In the Bavarian and Saxon laws the _litus_ was paid for at one fourth the wergeld of the _liber_. The inference from this might strengthen the view that the Kentish wergeld of the ceorl could hardly be as low as 100 scillings. [316] I adhere to this view after careful consideration of the elaborate argument in the _Die Gemeinfreien der Karolingischen Volksrechte_, von Philipp Heck (Halle, 1900), in reply to the criticism by H. Brunner in the _Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte_, xix Band, 1899. [317] 1200 scillings of 4_d._ with one fourth added = 1200 scillings of 5_d._ [318] _Deutsche Rechtsgeschichte_, i. 225-6. [319] 60 + 40 Kentish scillings = 1200 + 800 scætts. The average 1000 sceatts = 200 Wessex scillings of 5 scætts. [320] _Supra_, p. 265. [321] _Supra_, p. 367. [322] _Supra_, p. 322; and Laws of Alfred, s. 27 and 38. [323] _Supra_, pp. 415-416. [324] This is not the place to enter into the details of the Kentish holdings, but reference may be made by way of example to the 5½ ‘sulings’ of ‘Christelet’ in the _Black Book of St. Augustine_. The suling is still the unit for services and payments. The ‘_Suling de Fayreport_’ contains 300 acres (and was probably originally a suling and a half), but it is divided into 11 holdings, 8 of 25 acres each and 3 of 33⅓ acres each. Six of the eleven holdings are still occupied by persons bearing the name of ‘de Fayreport’ or the ‘heredes’ of such persons, and probably the others may belong to relatives. The ‘_Suling de Ores_’ is, on the other hand, divided into about 40 quite irregular holdings, varying from less than an acre to 44 acres. Several are still occupied by ‘heredes’ of persons of the family ‘de Ores.’ (Cottonian MSS. Faustina, A. 1, British Museum, fol. 567 _et seq._) The manor ‘de Ores’ is in the list of those afterwards disgavelled: see Elton’s _Tenures of Kent_, p. 400. [325] See Mr. Round’s interesting chapter, ‘Sokemen and their Services.’ (_Feudal England_, pp. 28-34.) [326] _Domesday Book and beyond_, p. 306 _et seq._ [327] _Ibid._ pp. 204-209. [328] Compare Brunner’s chapter 32, ‘Adel und Freie,’ in his _Deutsche Rechtsgeschichte_, p. 247 _et seq._, with _Das Römische Recht in den Germanischen Volksstaaten_, von Prof. Dr. Alfred von Halban (Breslau, 1899), pp. 132, 207, 262, 280, and 294. And see Dahn’s chapter ‘Der Adel,’ p. 88 _et seq._, in his _Die Könige der Germanen_, Band vi. (Leipzig, 1885). [329] Compare the tendency to triple divisions in the Kentish Laws: _supra_, p. 465. [330] Marculfe, ii. 18 and 16. _Formulæ Lindenbrogianæ_, 16. And see F. de Coulanges’ useful chapter on ‘Organisation judiciaire chez les Francs’ in _Quelques problèmes d’histoire_ (1885). INDEX. _Aillts and Alltuds_ (strangers in blood) under Cymric law, 50, 51; kindreds of, recognised at fourth generation, 52 _Alamannic Laws_, 172-178; wergelds, 172-175; value of animals, 178 _Alcuin_ uses Roman currency, 19, 184 _Alfred, K._, his laws, 370-377, 392, 396; compact with Guthrum, 352-355, 500 _Alod of land_, a family holding, 508; Lex Salica ‘de alodis,’ 151; Ripuarian law, 170; Lex Angliorum et Werinorum, 226 _Ancilla_ as currency, see ‘Cumhal’ _Anglii and Werini_, Laws of, 224-228; Wergelds of _liber_ 200 _sol._, 225; triple wergeld of the _Adaling_, 225 _Anglo-Saxon Custom_, 321 _et seq._; from Norman point of view, 321-336; from Danish point of view, 337-350; from Viking or Northmen’s point of view, 351-368; from early custom (Alfred’s Laws), 370-377; Archbishop Egbert’s Dialogue, 377-385; King Ine’s Dooms, 386-439; Kentish Laws, 441-495; Twelve-hynde and twy-hynde classes, 406-416; Gesithcund and Ceorlisc classes, 417-436; Six-hynde stranger class, 371, 392, 396; position of wife, 326 _Anglo-Saxon Wergelds_, position of paternal and maternal parentes in payment of, 322, 323, 328, 358; of thane or twelve-hynde man, 325; of ‘freeman,’ Dane and English, 326, 349, 353-55; of ‘cyrlisci vel villani,’ 328; of ‘villanus et socheman’ in Danelaga, 331-332; of ‘ceorl on gafol-land’ and Danish ‘lysing,’ 353, 355; how paid, 329, 357-59 _Animals_, value of as currency: Ripuarian, 171; Saxon, 215, 217, 221; Alamannic, 178; Cymric cow 3 oz., 48, 49; Irish _bo_ 1 oz., 97; Frisian dog, 202 _Argenteus_ (silver drachma) of Roman currency. See ‘Currency’ _Bavarian Laws_, 175-177; wergelds, 174 _Beowulf_, evidence of, as to feuds, 56-72; as ‘sister’s son’ becomes chieftain, 68; as to marriage, 71, 72 _Borhbryce_, fine for breach of pledge or protection, like mundbryce, 347; of various classes, 377 _Bullock_ as currency in Saxon Laws, 217 _Burgundian Laws_, 121-125, 527; original wergeld of 160 sol., 167; Roman and Christian influence on, 527 _Burh-bryce_ (_Burg-bryce_) (breach of fence of precinct), of various classes, 372, 377, 387 _Cæsar_, evidence of, as to Gallic wergelds, 115-120; and on Gallic landholding, 116; as to division of classes, 528 _Canones Hibernenses_, 101 _Canones Wallici_, 105-109 _Ceorl_ = man--husband, 482; so man with household and flet or precinct, 371, 394, 482--‘who sits on gafol-land’ twy-hynde, 353-355, 361; ceorlisc class mostly gafolgeldas, and twy-hynde, 373; once could rise to be twelve-hynde, 366, 503; accused of theft, 388; harbouring a fugitive, 390; his mundbyrd in Kent, see ‘Mundbyrd’ _Chamavi_, laws of, 229-231; wergeld of _ingenuus_ 200 sol., 229; triple wergeld of ‘Homo Francus,’ 229 _Charlemagne_, conquest of Italy, 181; becomes emperor, 19, 181; and issues _nova moneta_ in silver solidi of 12_d._ and at 1:4 with gold, 182-194; conquers Frisians and Saxons, 182, 195 _Cnut._ His greater Scandinavia, 339; his ore of 1/15th lb. or 16_d._, 341; his smaller silver pence, 343 _Compurgation_, under Frisian law, 203-205; under Anglo-Saxon law, see ‘Hyndens’ and see ‘Werborh’ _Congildones_ = gegildas, sureties in lieu of kinsmen, 323, 389, 415 _Cows_, as currency, 1. In Cymric law, 49; Irish, 97; Alamannic, 178; value of, see ‘Animals’; Norse, 247-250; Bretts and Scots, 307 _Cumhal_ in Irish currency, 97-98 = female slave and ‘ancilla’ of the _Canones Hibernenses and Wallici_, 101, 109 _Currency_, in oxen: ox-unit of Professor Ridgeway, 2; in cows, Cymric, 1, 49; Irish, 97; Norse, 247-250; Bretts and Scots, 307; in cumhals, ancillæ or female slaves, 97-98, 101, 109; in gold torques, &c., 17; Anglo-Saxon in silver _sceatts_ of 28·8 w.g. or 20 to the Roman ounce, 12, 443-455; in silver _pence_ of 32 w.g. or 20 to the Frankish and Norman ounce, 12; gold and silver _mancus_ of 30_d._, 18, 329; Mercian _scilling_ of 4_d._, 12, 363; Wessex _scilling_ of 5_d._, 12, 325; Kentish _scilling_ of 20_d._, or two gold tremisses, 443-455; Northumbrian _thrymsa_ of 3_d._, 362-368; Danish in marks and half-marks, 16, 353-354; Cnut’s in ores of 16_d._, 306, 341, 343 (see ‘Ore’); Imperial in gold solidi and tremisses of 32 w.g., 5, 6; in silver sicli (didrachmæ) and argentei (drachmæ), 184, 382; Merovingian in gold solidi and tremisses of 28·8 w.g., 9; afterwards in silver tremisses, 10, 180, 443-445; Charlemagne’s _nova moneta_ in silver solidi of 12_d._ of 32 w.g., 10, 11, 186, _et seq._; of Norse laws in gold and silver marks, ores and ortugs at ratio 1:8, 233-238 _Cymric_ tribal custom as to galanas, 30; fiscal unit for food-rents, the tref and treffgordd, 33-42; strangers, how treated, 50-54; as to marriage, 32; galanas of several classes paid in cows, 46-55. See ‘Gwely,’ ‘Galanas’ _Danelaga_, 331-332, 338, 522 _Ealdorman_ in judicial position, 387; his burgbryce, 387; his fightwite, 394; his residence, 420 _Egbert_, Archbishop, Dialogue of, 377 _et seq._; uses Roman currency, 20, 379; wergeld of his monks, 382, 491; value of their oaths, 379 _Eye, hand, and foot_, payments for, 175, 222, 225, 252, 300, 465, 489 _Fightwite_, fine for fighting within a person’s precinct or jurisdiction, 328-332, 359, 393; in a ceorl’s flet, 371, 394, 482 _Firma unius noctis_, mode of paying food-rents to chieftain, 41, 431 _Frankish Tribal Custom._ Wergeld of Lex Salica of 200 sol., 131-146; division of classes, 147; triple wergeld of officials, 148; half wergeld of strangers, 149; the Alod or family holding of _terra Salica_, 150; the ‘_de alodis_,’ 151, 170, 226; edict of Chilperic, 159; Ripuarian Law, 163-171; wergeld of 200 sol., 163; division of classes, 165 _Fredus_, payment for breach of king’s peace, equivalent to A.S. mundbryce or grithbryce, 488, 489 _Freedman_ (libertus) under Frankish Law, 168-170, 199; under Bavarian Law, 175; under Kentish Law, 478, 484. And see ‘Læt’ and ‘Leysing’ _Frisian Laws_, 194-212; wergeld of 160 sol., 167, 195, 201, 210; ordeal under, 203-5 _Frith_, between Ethelred II. and Olaf, 349; between Alfred and Guthrum, 352-355 _Frostathing Law_ (Ancient Norse), 238-276. See ‘Norse Tribal Custom’ _Gafolgeldas_, tenants on others’ land paying gafol to their lord, with twy-hynde wergelds, 353-355; fighting in gafolgelda or gebur’s house, 394. See ‘Twy-hynde’ _Galanas_ (Cymric death fine or wergeld), 30; liability of kindred for, 30-32; method of payment, 42-46; amount of, 46-49; of non-tribesmen goes to the lord, 54 _Gebur_, tenant of a yardland doing work and paying gafol to lord for house and oxen, 422-429; fighting in house of gafolgelda or gebur, 394 _Gegildas_ (see ‘Congildones’) sureties in lieu of kinsmen, 323, 389; hyndens of frith-gegildas in the city, 415 _Gesithcund class_, in direct service to the king and twelve-hynde, 366; in landed position with five hides to king’s utware, 369; forfeit land if they neglect the fyrd, 391; in their connection with land, 417 _et seq._; sometimes evicted, 433 _Grith_, Danish for _frith_ or peace, 344-348; grithbryce of English and mundbryce of Kentish law the same, 346; extent in area, 348; in duration of time, 346; of different moots, 345 _Gulathing Law_, oldest Norse law, 238-276. See ‘Norse Tribal Custom’ _Gwely_ (Cymric family holding of four generations), 21-30; of non-tribesmen, 52 _Halsfang_, first part of wergeld paid to those ‘within the knee,’ 328, 329, 359 _Hide_ in agriculture of four yardlands, 423; Mr. Corbett on tribal hidage, 424; in pastoral stage, 424; = _familia_ of Bede, also = _hiwisc_, 407; also = ‘manentes et tributarii’ of Archbishop Egbert, 381, 408; oaths reckoned in hides, 381, 408; the 10-hide oath of the twelve-hyndeman, 411; oath of himself and hynden of oath-helpers, 120; hides, 411 _Hiwisc_ (family) of land = hide, 364, 381 _Homicide._ Within the family unavenged, 30, 63, 66, 164, 176, 241, 336; by a slave, 108, 202, 333, 472, 474; of a slave, 202, 333; between kindreds caused blood-feud, see ‘Beowulf,’ or wergeld in lieu of it. See ‘Wergeld’ _Hyndens_ of oath-helpers, 409; of twelve-hynde and twy-hynde class, 409-411; of city frith-gegildas, 415 _Ine, K._ Laws of, 386-439; as to theft, 387-389; burgbryce, 387; ealdorman, 387-894; gesithcund class, 388, 391; six-hynde class, 392, 396; gafolgeldas and geburs, 393; ceorlisc class, 391, 396; wealh and wylisc class, 397-405; twelve-hynde and twy-hynde classes, 400-417; gesithcund and ceorlisc classes, 417-436; comparison of Wessex and Mercian with continental wergelds, 436 _Irish Tribal Custom_, 73-120; the Eric-fine consisting of (1) the _coirp-dire_, or body-price, of seven cumhals, 74; in Irish and Breton canons, 101 _et seq._; (2) the _eneclann_, or honour-price, varies with rank, 75, 80-83, 92; the hearths or kindreds liable, 76-80; gradations in rank, 83-86; grades of tenants, 86 _et seq._; currency, 97 _Kentish Laws_, currency in scætts and scillings, 443-455; scilling of 20 scætts or two gold tremisses, 450-455; laws of Ethelbert, 455-466; of Hlothære and Eadric, 467-476; of Wihtræd, 477-481; division of classes, 481-487; Kentish wergelds, 487-492; compared with Continental and Anglo-Saxon wergelds 492-495; Kentish sulungs and yokes, 514-515; gavelkind holdings, 515; Kentish læts, 463, 484-486, 502 _Kindred_, solidarity of, 30, 45, 157, 276; grades of, 22, 30, 76, 318; disintegration of, 111, 124, 129, 162, 164; emancipation from restraints of, 134, 158, 507; power of, in East Anglia and Kent, 415, 416; liability of, for wergeld, under Cymric custom, 42, 45; Irish, 77-80; Breton, 109; Burgundian and Wisigothic, 121-130; Salic Franks, 144, 164; Frisian, 212; Saxon, 216; Norse, 246-257; Scanian, 290, and see ‘Anglo-Saxon wergelds;’ groups of, holding land, Cymric gwely, 21-30; Alod of _terra salica_, 150-162, 183; Ripuarian _hereditas aviatica_, 171; Norse odal-sharers, 271-275; Scanian family holdings, 276-288; Anglo-Saxon family holdings, 511-516 _King’s thane_, oath of, 353, 368, 390 _Læt_, in Kentish Law of three grades, 463, 484-486, 502. See ‘Leysing’ and ‘Freedman’ _Leases for three successive lives_, tribal reason for, 524; St. Oswald’s tenants, 525 _Leysing_ in Norse law, newly made freedman, his rett, 240; his wergeld, 259; his want of kindred and his rise by steps of three generations into freedom, 260-267 _Leysing’s son_, great grandson of leysing in higher social position, 259, 268 _Litus_, Ripuarian, 168; Frisian, 199, 201-207; Saxon, 214, 215, 219, 224; of Chamavi, 229 _Lombardic tribal custom_ compared with Scanian as to family holdings, 292-296 _London_, ‘De Institutis Lundonie,’ 337-344; Port of the Greater Scandinavia in Cnut’s time, 339; ‘Judicia Civitatis Lundoniæ,’ 415 _Lysing_ (leysing of Norse law), with same wergeld as A. S. ‘Ceorl on gafol land,’ 353-355, 501. See ‘Leysing’ _Manbot_, payment for value of a man to his lord, 328-332, 359; of freeman and of slave compared, 334-335; of various classes, 392 _Mancus_, weight of 30 dwts., 18, 329 _Mark_, Norse gold and silver weight of eight ores or ounces, 234-237; used in Frisia, 207; half-marks of gold in compact between Alfred and Guthrum, 353; 27 marks of Charlemagne= 30 of old Norse and Merovingian, 256 _Marriage_, how regarded, 498; under Cymric custom, 32; in Beowulf, 69-72; in Lex Salica, 146; under Alamannic law, 177; under Lex Saxonum, 216; under Scanian law, 276-281; under Lombardic law, 294; under Laws of Bretts and Scots, 318; under Kentish custom, 465-466 _Mercian_ law, fragments of, 360-369; Mercian oaths, 360; wergelds, 361; rise of ceorl into thane, 366 _Merovingian_ kings, currency of, mostly in gold tremisses, see ‘Currency’ _Mina_, gold value of normal wergeld, 4; ancient Eastern of 100 staters, 2, 7; of 200 gold solidi, 6; _Italica_ of 20 Roman ounces, 14, 491; _Attica_ of 16 Roman ounces, 16, 233 _Mundbryce_ or _mundbyrd_ of king, 346, 377, 451; of various classes, 377; in Kent, 346, 452, 460, 476, 481, 488 _Norse tribal custom_, 238-276; personal rett, 240; wergelds how reckoned and paid, 242-258; wergeld of the hauld odalman or typical freeman, 96; cows = 200 sol., 259; gradations in rank, 260-270; the leysing or freedman, 261-267; odal-sharers of odal land, 271-276, 284, 504, 508 _North peoples_ law, fragments of, 360-369; wergelds in thrymsas (of 3_d._), 363; wergeld of ‘hold’ double that of Saxon thane, 363 _Nova Moneta_ of Charlemagne, 11, 179-193, and see ‘Currency’ _Ordeal_ in absence of oaths of kinsmen, 166, 403, 413, 499; under Frisian law, 203-205 _Ore_ or ounce of 20_d._; Merovingian = Roman ounce of 20 silver tremisses of 28·8 w.g. (1/12 lb. of 6912 w.g.), 10; and so also Kentish scilling, 443-455; Charlemagne’s and later Anglo-Saxon and Norman ore of 20 pence of 32 w.g. (1/12 lb. of 7680 w.g.), 11-13 _Ore_, Cnut’s of 16_d._ (1/15 Anglo-Saxon lb.), 306, 341; divided by him into 20 smaller pence, 343; used in Laws of Bretts and Scots, 306 _Ore_, Norse, of three _ortugs_ = 1/12 of Roman lb. 6912 w.g., 234-237 _Ortug_, of Scandinavia, ⅓ ounce = Greek stater, 233. See ‘Ore’ _Ox_ as currency, 1, 2; value of, see ‘Animals’ _Parage_, tenancy in, 513, 525 _Pound_, Roman of 6912 w.g., 8, 11, 18; Charlemagne’s of 7680 w.g., 11, 18; Anglo-Saxon and Norman of 7680 w.g., 12; Northern lb. of two marks, 234 _Ratio between gold and silver_: Norse of 1:8, 238; Merovingian 1:10, 185; Imperial, 1:12, 11; Charlemagne’s (attempted), 1:4, 11, 189; restored Frankish, 1:12, 11, 191; Cymric, 1:12, 49; Irish, 98; Bretts and Scots, 1:8, 307 _Romanus possessor_, half wergeld of, 149, 167; his _res propria_, 158, 162 _Saxon Laws_ (Lex Saxonum), 213-228; wergeld of liber 160 sol., 214; wergeld stated in silver, 214; gold solidus of 2 tremisses or bullock, 217 _Scæt._ See ‘Currency’ _Scanian tribal custom._ The _lex Scania antiqua_, family holdings, 276-288; Scanian wergeld, 291; Scanian and Lombardic custom compared, 292-296 _Scilling._ See ‘Currency’ _Scotland_, tribal custom in ancient laws of, 297-302; the _Regiam Majestatem_, 302-307; _Leges inter Brettos et Scotos_, 307-318; wergeld of thane 100 cows, 314; rules of kindred, 318, 320 _Siclus_, silver didrachma or ¼ oz. of Roman currency, see ‘Currency’ _Six-hynde class_, 371, 392, 397 _Soc and sac_, 330, 348 _Sochemen_ in Danelaga, 331-332, 522; their services, 332 _note_ _Solidus_ (gold) of Constantine of three tremisses, 7, 9; of Merovingian kings, 10; of Frisian custom (2 and 2½ tremisses), 197; of Saxon (2 tremisses), 217; (silver) of Charlemagne ‘nova moneta,’ see ‘Currency’ _Strangers in blood_, how treated under Cymric custom, 50-54; under Irish custom, 90; their rights increase with growth of kindred, 51, 90; their half wergeld, 401-403; galanas and wergeld of, without kindred, goes to the lord, 54, 478; ordeal instead of oaths, 166, 403 _Thane_ = twelve-hyndeman, 325; might rise to be an eorl, 368. See ‘King’s Thane’ _Thrymsa_, Northumbrian unit of currency = 3_d._, 362-366 _Twelve-hynde and Twy-hynde_, 406-416; _hyndens_ of oath-helpers, 409; full kindred twelve hyndens of oath-helpers, 409-411; twy-hynde class, originally the kinless class, as freedmen, 412, 500; steps to higher grade, 365-369, 502 _Werborh_ (wereplegium), 328, 358, and see ‘Hyndens’ _Wergeld_, death-fine in substitution for blood feud between kindreds, see ‘Beowulf,’ and 150; liability of kindred for, see ‘Kindred;’ normal of 100 head of cattle or gold mina, 3; of 200 gold solidi, 6, 49, 163, 171, 225, 229, 231, 233, 314; of 160 gold solidi, 1, 167, 172, 214, 232; Wessex and Mercian and Kentish wergelds compared with Continental wergelds, 436-439; of various tribes, see names of tribes; of clergy, 170, 177, 382 _Wife_, see ‘Marriage’ _Wilisc_, _Wealisc_, _Wealh_, non-Anglo-Saxon people, 364-5; with five hides to King’s utware, six hynde, 397; Gallo-Roman _Wala_, 398; _Wallerwente_ of Yorkshire, 399; with half wergelds, 401-403; _wealh_ gafolgelda, 404; Servus Waliscus 333; Wilisc witetheow, 404; theow-wealh, 405 _Wisigothic Laws_, 126-130; Roman influence on, 527 _Yardlands_ of gafolgeldas and geburs, 393, 422 _et seq._; single succession to, 517-521 PRINTED BY SPOTTISWOODE AND CO. 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NdjEslCRqAvx3ZBn	22.1: Adaptive Immune Defenses - Overview	22.1: Adaptive Immune Defenses - Overview - - Last updated - Save as PDF - Ying Liu - City College of San Francisco Learning Objectives - List the defining characteristics of adaptive immunity - Explain the difference between a primary and a secondary immune response - Distinguish between humoral and cellular immunity Adaptive immunity is defined by two important characteristics: specificity and memory . Specificity refers to the adaptive immune system’s ability to target specific pathogens, and memory refers to its ability to quickly respond to pathogens to which it has previously been exposed. For example, when an individual recovers from chickenpox, the body develops a memory of the infection that will specifically protect it from the causative agent, the varicella-zoster virus, if it is exposed to the virus again later. Specificity and memory are achieved by essentially programming certain cells involved in the immune response to respond rapidly to subsequent exposures of the pathogen. This programming occurs as a result of the first exposure to a pathogen or vaccine, which triggers a primary response . Subsequent exposures result in a secondary response that is faster and stronger as a result of the body’s memory of the first exposure (Figure $\PageIndex{1}$). This secondary response, however, is specific to the pathogen in question. For example, exposure to one virus (e.g., varicella-zoster virus) will not provide protection against other viral diseases (e.g., measles, mumps, or polio). Adaptive specific immunity involves the actions of two distinct cell types: B lymphocytes (B cells) and T lymphocytes (T cells) . Although B cells and T cells arise from a common hematopoietic stem cell differentiation pathway, their sites of maturation and their roles in adaptive immunity are very different. B cells mature in the bone marrow and are responsible for the production of glycoproteins called antibodies , or immunoglobulins . Antibodies are involved in the body’s defense against pathogens and toxins in the extracellular environment. Mechanisms of adaptive specific immunity that involve B cells and antibody production are referred to as humoral immunity . The maturation of T cells occurs in the thymus . T cells function as the central orchestrator of both innate and adaptive immune responses. They are also responsible for destruction of cells infected with intracellular pathogens. The targeting and destruction of intracellular pathogens by T cells is called cell-mediated immunity , or cellular immunity . Query $\PageIndex{1}$ Query $\PageIndex{1}$ Key Concepts and Summary - Adaptive immunity is an acquired defense against foreign pathogens that is characterized by specificity and memory. The first exposure to an antigen stimulates a primary response , and subsequent exposures stimulate a faster and strong secondary response. - Adaptive immunity is a dual system involving humoral immunity (antibodies produced by B cells) and cellular immunity (T cells directed against intracellular pathogens).	601	common-pile/libretexts_filtered	https://bio.libretexts.org/Courses/North_Central_State_College/BIOL_1550%3A_Microbiology_(2025)/22%3A_Adaptive_Immunity_I/22.01%3A_Adaptive_Immune_Defenses_-_Overview	libretexts	libretexts-0000.json.gz:10576	https://bio.libretexts.org/Courses/North_Central_State_College/BIOL_1550%3A_Microbiology_(2025)/22%3A_Adaptive_Immunity_I/22.01%3A_Adaptive_Immune_Defenses_-_Overview
zW6UjTxChe8_-Fpa	United States Government	15 Federalism: Basic Structure of Government Part of the discussion at the Constitutional Convention focused on basic governmental structures. The Declaration of Independence rejected the experience of unitary (highly centralized) government under a king. The Articles of Confederation promoted a confederation of the states (decentralized power with a weak central government–committee style). As previously discussed, this was not as successful as the delegates hoped. Would a third option deliver positive results? A federal system (strong central government balanced with strong independent states) could be the answer. The real key to the American federal system is a balance of horizontal and vertical separation of power. The federal design divides powers between multiple vertical layers or levels of government—national, state, county, parish, local, special district–allowing for multiple access points for citizens. The governments at each level check and balance one another. As an institutional design, federalism both safeguards state interests and creates a strong union led by a capable central government. At each level of the US federal structure, power is further divided horizontally by branches–legislative, executive, judicial. American federalism seeks to balance decentralization and centralization forces. We see decentralization when we cross state lines and encounter different taxation levels, welfare eligibility requirements, and voting regulations. Centralization is apparent with the federal government’s unique authority to print money or to offer money grants and mandates to shape state actions. State border crossings may greet us with colorful billboards, but behind them lies a complex federal design that has structured relationships between states and the national government since the late 1700s. Federalism: Questions to Consider - What are the central differences between unitary, confederation, and federal governmental structures? - Is national government power too centralized in the US federal structure? Terms to Remember centralization–power is concentrated at one horizontal level of government; for example, states are not permitted to make treaties with foreign governments or coin their own money confederation–decentralized governmental power; group of separate entities share power decentralization–power is divided or shared between vertical levels of government federal–balance of power between centralized national authority and decentralized state and local authority unitary–highly centralized governmental authority; centralized power with national government	464	common-pile/pressbooks_filtered	https://library.achievingthedream.org/austinccusgovernment/chapter/introduction-3/	pressbooks	pressbooks-0000.json.gz:73299	https://library.achievingthedream.org/austinccusgovernment/chapter/introduction-3/
5Yh94O3ow2WkJfaO	22.3: Units and Conversion Factors	22.3: Units and Conversion Factors \| Units of Length \| \|\|\| \|---\|---\|---\|---\| \| meter (m) \| = 39.37 inches (in.) = 1.094 yards (yd) \| angstrom (Å) \| = 10 –8 cm (exact, definition) = 10 –10 m (exact, definition) \| \| centimeter (cm) \| = 0.01 m (exact, definition) \| yard (yd) \| = 0.9144 m \| \| millimeter (mm) \| = 0.001 m (exact, definition) \| inch (in.) \| = 2.54 cm (exact, definition) \| \| kilometer (km) \| = 1000 m (exact, definition) \| mile (US) \| = 1.60934 km \| \| Units of Volume \| \|\|\| \|---\|---\|---\|---\| \| liter (L) \| = 0.001 m 3 (exact, definition) = 1000 cm 3 (exact, definition) = 1.057 (US) quarts \| liquid quart (US) \| = 32 (US) liquid ounces (exact, definition) = 0.25 (US) gallon (exact, definition) = 0.9463 L \| \| milliliter (mL) \| = 0.001 L (exact, definition) = 1 cm 3 (exact, definition) \| dry quart \| = 1.1012 L \| \| microliter (μL) \| = 10 –6 L (exact, definition) = 10 –3 cm 3 (exact, definition) \| cubic foot (US) \| = 28.316 L \| \| Units of Mass \| \|\|\| \|---\|---\|---\|---\| \| gram (g) \| = 0.001 kg (exact, definition) \| ounce (oz) (avoirdupois) \| = 28.35 g \| \| milligram (mg) \| = 0.001 g (exact, definition) \| pound (lb) (avoirdupois) \| = 0.4535924 kg \| \| kilogram (kg) \| = 1000 g (exact, definition) = 2.205 lb \| ton (short) \| =2000 lb (exact, definition) = 907.185 kg \| \| ton (metric) \| =1000 kg (exact, definition) = 2204.62 lb \| ton (long) \| = 2240 lb (exact, definition) = 1.016 metric ton \| \| Units of Energy \| \| \|---\|---\| \| 4.184 joule (J) \| = 1 thermochemical calorie (cal) \| \| 1 thermochemical calorie (cal) \| = 4.184 × 10 7 erg \| \| erg \| = 10 –7 J (exact, definition) \| \| electron-volt (eV) \| = 1.60218 × 10 −19 J = 23.061 kcal mol −1 \| \| liter∙atmosphere \| = 24.217 cal = 101.325 J (exact, definition) \| \| nutritional calorie (Cal) \| = 1000 cal (exact, definition) = 4184 J \| \| British thermal unit (BTU) \| = 1054.804 J 1 \| \| Units of Pressure \| \| \|---\|---\| \| torr \| = 1 mm Hg (exact, definition) \| \| pascal (Pa) \| = N m –2 (exact, definition) = kg m –1 s –2 (exact, definition) \| \| atmosphere (atm) \| = 760 mm Hg (exact, definition) = 760 torr (exact, definition) = 101,325 N m –2 (exact, definition) = 101,325 Pa (exact, definition) \| \| bar \| = 10 5 Pa (exact, definition) = 10 5 kg m –1 s –2 (exact, definition) \| Footnotes - 1 BTU is the amount of energy needed to heat one pound of water by one degree Fahrenheit. Therefore, the exact relationship of BTU to joules and other energy units depends on the temperature at which BTU is measured. 59 °F (15 °C) is the most widely used reference temperature for BTU definition in the United States. At this temperature, the conversion factor is the one provided in this table.	694	common-pile/libretexts_filtered	https://chem.libretexts.org/Bookshelves/General_Chemistry/Chemistry_-_Atoms_First_2e_(OpenStax)/22%3A_Appendices/22.03%3A_Units_and_Conversion_Factors	libretexts	libretexts-0000.json.gz:3801	https://chem.libretexts.org/Bookshelves/General_Chemistry/Chemistry_-_Atoms_First_2e_(OpenStax)/22%3A_Appendices/22.03%3A_Units_and_Conversion_Factors
s9wwH2mwbZlTYs5H	Introductory Chemistry	77 Alkenes and Alkynes LumenLearning Naming Alkenes and Alkynes Alkenes and alkynes are named similarly to alkanes, based on the longest chain that contains the double or triple bond. LEARNING OBJECTIVES Translate between the structure and the name of an alkene or alkyne compound KEY TAKEAWAYS Key Points - Alkenes and alkynes are named by identifying the longest chain that contains the double or triple bond. - The chain is numbered to minimize the numbers assigned to the double or triple bond. - The suffix of the compound is “-ene” for an alkene or “-yne” for an alkyne. Key Terms - Alkenes: An unsaturated hydrocarbon containing at least one carbon–carbon double bond. - alkyne: An unsaturated hydrocarbon containing at least one carbon—carbon triple bond between two carbon atoms. - stereoisomer: One of a set of the isomers of a compound that exhibits stereoisomerism. Alkenes are hydrocarbons that contain one or more double bonds, while alkynes contain one or more triple bonds. The naming conventions for these compounds are similar to those for alkanes. Identifying and Numbering the Longest Chain Alkene and alkyne compounds are named by identifying the longest carbon chain that contains both carbons of the double or triple bond. This longest chain is named by the alkane series convention: “eth-” for two carbons; “prop-” for three carbons; “but-” for four carbons; etc. The carbon backbone is numbered from the end that yields the lowest positioning for the double or triple bond. Adding Substituents Substituents are added to the name as prefixes to the longest chain. Rotation is restricted around the double bond, so prefixes can be added to differentiate stereoisomers. Cis or trans is used to indicate whether higher priority substituents are located on the same or opposite sides of the bond. If the compound is cyclic, this information is noted by adding the “cyclo-” prefix. Changing the Suffix Next, the position of the double or triple bond is indicated using the position of the carbon in the bond with the lower backbone number, and the suffix for the compound is changed to “-ene” for an alkene and “-yne” for an alkyne. For cycloalkenes, the carbons in the double bond are numbered as positions 1 and 2. For multiple double or triple bonds, “di-,” “tri-,” or “tetra-” can be added prior to the “-ene” or “-yne.” In these cases, an extra “a” is appended to the end of the name of the alkyl chain, like in the case of butadiene. For compounds containing both double and triple bonds, the “-ene” suffix precedes the “-yne,” and the compound is numbered to minimize the bond positions. Naming alkenes: This video shows you how to name alkene molecules using IUPAC conventions. Properties of Alkenes Due to the presence of a double bond in their carbon skeletons, alkenes are more reactive than their related alkanes. LEARNING OBJECTIVES Recognize the properties of alkenes relative to alkanes KEY TAKEAWAYS Key Points - Alkenes are generally more reactive than their related alkanes due to the relative instability of the pi bond. - The melting and boiling points of alkenes are dictated by the regularity with which they can pack and the surface area of interaction. - Rotation is restricted around the double bond in alkenes, resulting in diastereoisomers with different substitution patterns around the double bond. Key Terms - diastereoisomer: A stereoisomer having multiple chiral centers; one cannot normally be superimposed on the mirror image of another. Alkene Structures Alkenes contain a double bond that is composed of one sigma and one pi bond between two carbon atoms. The sigma bond has similar properties to those found in alkanes, while the pi bond is more reactive. The carbon atoms in the double bond are sp2 hybridized, forming a planar structure. Rotation around the double bond is disfavored, so alkenes form fairly stable isomers depending on the positioning of substituents on the same (cis) or opposite (trans) sides of the double bond. These isomers are called diastereoisomers. Physical Properties of Alkenes The melting and boiling points of alkenes are determined by the regularity of the packing, or the closeness, of these molecules. Alkene isomers that can achieve more regular packing have higher melting and boiling points than molecules with the same molecular formula but weaker dispersion forces. Alkenes are non-polar, and they are both immiscible in water and less dense than water. They are generally soluble in organic solvents. In addition, they do not conduct electricity. Reactivity of Alkenes Alkenes are more reactive than their related alkanes due to the relative instability of the double bond. They are more likely to participate in a variety of reactions, including combustion, addition, hydrogenation, and halogenation reactions. Alkenes can also be reacted, typically in the presence of a catalyst, to form polymers. Applications Large amounts of ethylene are produced from natural gas via thermal cracking. It is an important raw material for the synthesis of a number of plastics. Reactions of Alkenes and Alkynes Alkenes and alkynes are more reactive than alkanes due to their pi bonds. LEARNING OBJECTIVES Give examples of the various reactions that alkenes and alkynes undergo KEY TAKEAWAYS Key Points - Addition reactions involving alkenes and alkynes include hydrogenation, halogenation, and hydrohalogenation. - Alkenes and alkynes are useful reagents in polymer synthesis—an important industrial application. - Hydrogenation reactions typically employ a metallic catalyst consisting of platinum, nickel, palladium, or rhodium. Key Terms - Markovnikov’s rule: States that, with the addition of a protic acid HX to an alkene, the acid hydrogen ([latex]\text{H}[/latex]) becomes attached to the carbon with fewer alkyl substituents, and the halide (X) group becomes attached to the carbon with more alkyl substituents. - polymer: A long or larger molecule consisting of a chain or network of many repeating units; formed by chemically bonding together many identical or similar small molecules called monomers. Reactions of Alkenes and Alkynes Alkenes and alkynes are generally more reactive than alkanes due to the electron density available in their pi bonds. In particular, these molecules can participate in a variety of addition reactions and can be used in polymer formation. Addition Reactions Unsaturated hydrocarbons can participate in a number of different addition reactions across their double or triple bonds. These addition reactions include catalytic hydrogenation (addition of H2), halogenation (reaction with X2, where X is a halogen ), and hydrohalogenation (reaction with H-X, where X is a halogen), among others. Cycloaddition Alkenes undergo diverse cycloaddition reactions. Most notable is the Diels–Alder reaction with 1,3-dienes to give cyclohexenes. This general reaction has been extensively developed, and electrophilic alkenes and alkynes are especially effective dienophiles. Cycloaddition processes involving alkynes are often catalyzed by metals. Oxidation Oxidation of alkynes by strong oxidizing agents such as potassium permanganate or ozone will yield a pair of carboxylic acids. The general reaction can be pictured as: [latex]\text{RC} \equiv \text{CR'} \xrightarrow{\text{KMnO}_4} \text{RCO}_2\text{H} + \text{R'CO}_2\text{H}[/latex] By contrast, alkenes can be oxidized at low temperatures to form glycols. At higher temperatures, the glycol will further oxidize to yield a ketone and a carboxylic acid: [latex]\text{(H}_3 \text{C)}_2 \text{C} = \text{CHCH}_3 \xrightarrow[\text{heat}]{\text{KMnO}_4} \text{H}_3\text{CCOCH}_3 + \text{H}_3\text{CCO}_2\text{H}[/latex] Here, we have 3-methyl-2-butene oxidizing to form acetone and acetic acid. Hydrogenation In the presence of a catalyst—typically platinum, palladium, nickel, or rhodium—hydrogen can be added across a triple or a double bond to take an alkyne to an alkene or an alkene to an alkane. In practice, it is difficult to isolate the alkene product of this reaction, though a poisoned catalyst—a catalyst with fewer available reactive sites—can be used to do so. As the hydrogen is immobilized on the surface of the catalyst, the triple or double bonds are hydrogenated in a syn fashion; that is to say, the hydrogen atoms add to the same side of the molecule. Halogenation Alkenes and alkynes can also be halogenated with the halogen adding across the double or triple bond, in a similar fashion to hydrogenation. The halogenation of an alkene results in a dihalogenated alkane product, while the halogenation of an alkyne can produce a tetrahalogenated alkane. Hydrohalogenation Alkenes and alkynes can react with hydrogen halides like [latex]\text{HCl}[/latex] and [latex]\text{HBr}[/latex]. Hydrohalogenation gives the corresponding vinyl halides or alkyl dihalides, depending on the number of HX equivalents added. The addition of water to alkynes is a related reaction, except the initial enol intermediate converts to the ketone or aldehyde. If the alkene is asymmetric, the reaction will follow Markovnikov’s rule—the halide will be added to the carbon with more alkyl substituents. Hydration Water can be added across triple bonds in alkynes to yield aldehydes and ketones for terminal and internal alkynes, respectively. Hydration of alkenes via oxymercuration produces alcohols. This reaction takes place during the treatment of alkenes with a strong acid as the catalyst. LICENSES AND ATTRIBUTIONS CC LICENSED CONTENT, SHARED PREVIOUSLY - Curation and Revision. Provided by: Boundless.com. License: CC BY-SA: Attribution-ShareAlike CC LICENSED CONTENT, SPECIFIC ATTRIBUTION - Alkynes. Provided by: Wikipedia. Located at: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Alkynes. License: CC BY-SA: Attribution-ShareAlike - Alkenes. Provided by: Wikipedia. Located at: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Alkenes. License: CC BY-SA: Attribution-ShareAlike - stereoisomer. Provided by: Wiktionary. Located at: http://en.wiktionary.org/wiki/stereoisomer. License: CC BY-SA: Attribution-ShareAlike - alkyne. Provided by: Wiktionary. Located at: http://en.wiktionary.org/wiki/alkyne. License: CC BY-SA: Attribution-ShareAlike - Alkene. Provided by: Wikipedia. Located at: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Alkene. License: Public Domain: No Known Copyright - Naming alkenes. License: Public Domain: No Known Copyright. License Terms: Standard YouTube license - Alkenes. Provided by: Wikipedia. Located at: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Alkenes. License: CC BY-SA: Attribution-ShareAlike - diastereoisomer. Provided by: Wiktionary. Located at: http://en.wiktionary.org/wiki/diastereoisomer. License: CC BY-SA: Attribution-ShareAlike - Alkene. Provided by: Wikipedia. Located at: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Alkene. License: Public Domain: No Known Copyright - Naming alkenes. License: Public Domain: No Known Copyright. License Terms: Standard YouTube license - Alkene. Provided by: Wikipedia. Located at: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Alkene. License: Public Domain: No Known Copyright - Russian Cracking. Provided by: Wikipedia. Located at: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:Russian_Cracking.jpg. License: Public Domain: No Known Copyright - Alkynes. Provided by: Wikipedia. Located at: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Alkynes. License: CC BY-SA: Attribution-ShareAlike - Unsaturated hydrocarbons. Provided by: Wikipedia. Located at: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Unsaturated_hydrocarbons. License: CC BY-SA: Attribution-ShareAlike - Markovnikov’s rule. Provided by: Wikipedia. Located at: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Markovnikov’s%20rule. License: CC BY-SA: Attribution-ShareAlike - polymer. Provided by: Wiktionary. Located at: http://en.wiktionary.org/wiki/polymer. License: CC BY-SA: Attribution-ShareAlike - Alkene. Provided by: Wikipedia. Located at: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Alkene. License: Public Domain: No Known Copyright - Naming alkenes. License: Public Domain: No Known Copyright. License Terms: Standard YouTube license - Alkene. Provided by: Wikipedia. Located at: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Alkene. License: Public Domain: No Known Copyright - Russian Cracking. Provided by: Wikipedia. Located at: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:Russian_Cracking.jpg. License: Public Domain: No Known Copyright - Alkene. Provided by: Wikipedia. Located at: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Alkene. License: Public Domain: No Known Copyright - MarkovnikovRulePropeneHBr. Provided by: Wikipedia. Located at: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:MarkovnikovRulePropeneHBr.svg. License: CC BY-SA: Attribution-ShareAlike This chapter is an adaptation of the chapter “Alkenes and Alkynes” in Boundless Chemistry by LumenLearning and is licensed under a CC BY-SA 4.0 license. An unsaturated hydrocarbon containing at least one carbon–carbon double bond. molecule consisting of carbon and hydrogen containing at least one carbon-carbon triple bond One of a set of the isomers of a compound that exhibits stereoisomerism. A stereoisomer having multiple chiral centers; one cannot normally be superimposed on the mirror image of another. States that, with the addition of a protic acid HX to an alkene, the acid hydrogen (H) becomes attached to the carbon with fewer alkyl substituents, and the halide (X) group becomes attached to the carbon with more alkyl substituents. A long or larger molecule consisting of a chain or network of many repeating units; formed by chemically bonding together many identical or similar small molecules called monomers.	2,484	common-pile/pressbooks_filtered	https://uen.pressbooks.pub/introductorychemistry/chapter/alkenes-and-alkynes/	pressbooks	pressbooks-0000.json.gz:66250	https://uen.pressbooks.pub/introductorychemistry/chapter/alkenes-and-alkynes/
dTlHN8NwWhJDa1R2	Navigating Digital Media Literacy	Obstacles to Diverse Communities in Journalism Tell students that in both Canada and the United States journalists have typically been White and able-bodied, and that research suggests this is still true: a recent study showed that in the Greater Toronto Area only one in five reporters on news broadcasts is a member of a racialized group, compared to roughly half the population of the area, and visible minorities made up only one in six newsroom decision-makers.[1] As well, women, persons with disabilities and 2SLBTQINA+ people have spoken repeatedly about barriers to participation in journalism in Canada. Journalists from under-represented groups also say that they often are not assigned stories about their communities on the grounds that they cannot be objective on the subject (a standard that is never applied to White reporters.) Ask students how this lack of diversity might affect the construction of news stories (they will mostly be based on the assumptions and biases of people who are White, able-bodied and heterosexual) and how news stories re-present reality (audiences receive a limited and possibly distorted picture of the world). Point out that thanks to the internet and other digital technologies, it’s now possible for anyone to be a journalist by recording and broadcasting what they witness (as well as their opinions). - Yeboah, N. O. (2019). The Frame of Invisibility: A study of Toronto television news and visible racialized minority group representation [MA thesis, Concordia University]. https://spectrum.library.concordia.ca/id/eprint/985372/1/Yeboah_MA_S2019.pdf ↵	312	common-pile/pressbooks_filtered	https://pressbooks.pub/navigatingdml/chapter/1310/	pressbooks	pressbooks-0000.json.gz:82547	https://pressbooks.pub/navigatingdml/chapter/1310/
37R4B5_QPFig7toR	Nursing Skills - 2e	4.6 Checklist for Hand Hygiene With Alcohol-Based Hand Sanitizer Use the checklist below to review the steps for completion of “Hand Hygiene With Alcohol-Based Hand Sanitizer.” Steps Disclaimer: Always review and follow agency policy regarding this specific skill. - Gather supplies (antiseptic hand rub). - Remove jewelry according to agency policy; push your sleeves above your wrists. - Apply enough product into the palm of one hand and enough to cover your hands thoroughly, per product directions. - Rub your hands together, covering all surfaces of your hands and fingers with antiseptic until the alcohol is dry (a minimum of 20-30 seconds): - Rub hands palm to palm - Back of right and left hand (fingers interlaced) - Palm to palm with fingers interlaced - Rotational rubbing of left and right thumbs - Rub your fingertips against the palm of your opposite hand - Rub your wrists - Repeat hand sanitizing sequence a minimum of two times. - Repeat hand sanitizing sequence until the product is dry.	217	common-pile/pressbooks_filtered	https://wtcs.pressbooks.pub/nursingskills/chapter/4-6-checklist-for-hand-hygiene-with-alcohol-based-hand-sanitizer/	pressbooks	pressbooks-0000.json.gz:84028	https://wtcs.pressbooks.pub/nursingskills/chapter/4-6-checklist-for-hand-hygiene-with-alcohol-based-hand-sanitizer/
okQxN278QMV6eItY	9.10: Bonding in Metals	9.10: Bonding in Metals - Explain the fundamental difference between the bonding in metallic solids compared to that in other types of solids and within molecules. Name some physical properties of metals that reflect this difference. - Sketch out a diagram illustrating how a simple molecular-orbital approach to bonding in metals of Groups 1 and 2 always leaves some upper MO's empty. - Describe, at the simplest level, the origin of electron "bands" in metals. - Describe how the electrical and thermal conductivity of metals can be explained according to band theory. - Explain why the electrical conductivity of a metal decreases with temperature, whereas that of a semiconductor increases. Most of the known chemical elements are metals, and many of these combine with each other to form a large number of intermetallic compounds . The special properties of metals— their bright, lustrous appearance, their high electrical and thermal conductivities, and their malleability— suggest that these substances are bound together in a very special way. Properties of metals The fact that the metallic elements are found on the left side of the periodic table offers an important clue to the nature of how they bond together to form solids. - These elements all possess low electronegativities and readily form positive ions M n + . Because they show no tendency to form negative ions, the kind of bonding present in ionic solids can immediately be ruled out. - The metallic elements have empty or nearly-empty outer p -orbitals, so there are never enough outer-shell electrons to place an octet around an atom. These points lead us to the simplest picture of metals, which regards them as a lattice of positive ions immersed in a “sea of electrons” which can freely migrate throughout the solid. In effect the electropositive nature of the metallic atoms allows their valence electrons to exist as a mobile fluid which can be displaced by an applied electric field, hence giving rise to their high electrical conductivities . Because each ion is surrounded by the electron fluid in all directions, the bonding has no directional properties; this accounts for the high malleability and ductility of metals. This view is an oversimplification that fails to explain metals in a quantitative way, nor can it account for the differences in the properties of individual metals. A more detailed treatment, known as the bond theory of metals, applies the idea of resonance hybrids to metallic lattices. In the case of an alkali metal, for example, this would involve a large number of hybrid structures in which a given Na atom shares its electron with its various neighbors. Molecular orbitals in metals will look. These are all constructed by combining the individual atomicMO’s that are so closely spaced in energy that they form what is known as a band of allowed energies. In metallic lithium only the lower half of this band is occupied.Origin of Metallic Properties Metallic solids possess special properties that set them apart from other classes of solids and make them easy to identify and familiar to everyone. All of these properties derive from the liberation of the valence electrons from the control of individual atoms, allowing them to behave as a highly mobile fluid that fills the entire crystal lattice. What were previously valence-shell orbitals of individual atoms become split into huge numbers of closely-spaced levels known as bands that extend throughout the crystal. Melting Point and Strength The strength of a metal derives from the electrostatic attraction between the lattice of positive ions and the fluid of valence electrons in which they are immersed. The larger the nuclear charge (atomic number) of the atomic kernel and the smaller its size, the greater this attraction. As with many other periodic properties, these work in opposite ways, as is seen by comparing the melting points of some of the Group 1-3 metals (right). Other factors, particularly the lattice geometry are also important, so exceptions such as is seen in Mg are not surprising. In general, the transition metals with their valence-level d electrons are stronger and have higher melting points: Fe, 1539°C; Re 3180, Os 2727; W 3380°C. Malleability and ductility These terms refer respectively to how readily a solid can be shaped by pressure (forging, hammering, rolling into a sheet) and by being drawn out into a wire. Metallic solids are known and valued for these qualities, which derive from the non-directional nature of the attractions between the kernel atoms and the electron fluid. The bonding within ionic or covalent solids may be stronger, but it is also directional, making these solids subject to fracture (brittle) when struck with a hammer, for example. A metal, by contrast, is more likely to be simply deformed or dented. Electrical conductivity: why are metals good conductors? In order for a substance to conduct electricity, it must contain charged particles ( charge carriers ) that are sufficiently mobile to move in response to an applied electric field. In the case of ionic solutions and melts, the ions themselves serve this function. (Ionic solids contain the same charge carriers, but because they are fixed in place, these solids are insulators.) In metals the charge carriers are the electrons, and because they move freely through the lattice, metals are highly conductive. The very low mass and inertia of the electrons allows them to conduct high-frequency alternating currents, something that electrolytic solutions are incapable of. In terms of the band structure, application of an external field simply raises some of the electrons to previously unoccupied levels which possess greater momentum. The conductivity of an electrolytic solution decreases as the temperature falls due to the decrease in "viscosity" which inhibits ionic mobility. The mobility of the electron fluid in metals is practically unaffected by temperature, but metals do suffer a slight conductivity decrease (opposite to ionic solutions) as the temperature rises; this happens because the more vigorous thermal motions of the kernel ions disrupts the uniform lattice structure that is required for free motion of the electrons within the crystal. Silver is the most conductive metal, followed by copper, gold, and aluminum. Metals conduct electricity readily because of the essentially infinite supply of higher-energy empty MOs that electrons can populate as they acquire higher kinetic energies. This diagram illustrates the overlapping band structure (explained farther on) in beryllium. The MO levels are so closely spaced that even thermal energies can provide excitation and cause heat to rapidly spread through the solid. Electrical conductivities of the metallic elements vary over a wide range. Notice that those of silver and copper (the highest of any metal) are in classes by themselves. Gold and aluminum follow close behind. Thermal conductivity: why do metals conduct heat? Everyone knows that touching a metallic surface at room temperature produces a colder sensation than touching a piece of wood or plastic at the same temperature. The very high thermal conductivity of metals allows them to draw heat out of our bodies very efficiently if they are below body temperature. In the same way, a metallic surface that is above body temperature will feel much warmer than one made of some other material. The high thermal conductivity of metals is attributed to vibrational excitations of the fluid-like electrons; this excitation spreads through the crystal far more rapidly than it does in non-metallic solids which depend on vibrational motions of atoms which are much heavier and possess greater inertia. Appearance: Why are metals shiny? We usually recognize a metal by its “metallic luster”, which refers to its ability of reflect light. When light falls on a metal, its rapidly changing electromagnetic field induces similar motions in the more loosely-bound electrons near the surface (this could not happen if the electrons were confined to the atomic valence shells.) A vibrating charge is itself an emitter of electromagnetic radiation, so the effect is to cause the metal to re-emit, or reflect , the incident light, producing the shiny appearance. What color is a metal? With the two exceptions of copper and gold, the closely-spaced levels in the bands allow metals to absorb all wavelengths equally well, so most metals are basically black, but this is ordinarily evident only when the metallic particles are so small that the band structure is not established. The distinctive color of gold is a consequence of Einstein's theory of special relativity acting on the extremely high momentum of the inner-shell electrons, increasing their mass and causing the orbitals to contract. The outer (5d) electrons are less affected, and this gives rise to increased blue-light absorption, resulting in enhanced reflection of yellow and red light. Thermionic Effect The electrons within the electron fluid have a distribution of velocities very much like that of molecules in a gas. When a metal is heated sufficiently, a fraction of these electrons will acquire sufficient kinetic energy to escape the metal altogether; some of the electrons are essentially “boiled out” of the metal. This thermionic effect , which was first observed by Thomas Edison, was utilized in vacuum tubes which served as the basis of electronics from its beginning around 1910 until semiconductors became dominant in the 1960’s. Band Structure of Metals Most metals are made of atoms that have an outer configuration of s 2 , which we would expect to completely fill the band of MO’s we have described. With the band completely filled and no empty levels above, we would not expect elements such as beryllium to be metallic. What happens is that the empty p orbitals also split into a band. Although the energy of the 2 p orbital of an isolated Be atom is about 160 kJ greater than that of the 2 s orbital, the bottom part of the 2 p band overlaps the upper part of the 2 s band, yielding a continuous conduction band that has plenty of unoccupied orbitals. It is only when these bands become filled with 2 p electrons that the elements lose their metallic character. This diagram illustrates the band structure in a 3 rd -row metal such as Na or Mg, and how it arises from MO splitting in very small units M 2 - M 6 . The conduction bands for the "infinite" molecule M N are shaded. In most metals there will be bands derived from the outermost s -, p -, and d atomic levels, leading to a system of bands, some of which will overlap as described above. Where overlap does not occur, the almost continuous energy levels of the bands are separated by a forbidden zone, or band gap . Only the outermost atomic orbitals form bands; the inner orbitals remain localized on the individual atoms and are not involved in bonding. In its mathematical development, the band model relies strongly on the way that the free electrons within the metal interact with the ordered regularity of the crystal lattice. The alternative view shown here emphasizes this aspect by showing the inner orbitals as localized to the atomic cores, while the valence electrons are delocalized and belong to the metal as a whole, which in a sense constitutes a huge molecule in its own right.	2,414	common-pile/libretexts_filtered	https://chem.libretexts.org/Bookshelves/General_Chemistry/Chem1_(Lower)/09%3A_Chemical_Bonding_and_Molecular_Structure/9.10%3A_Bonding_in_Metals	libretexts	libretexts-0000.json.gz:414	https://chem.libretexts.org/Bookshelves/General_Chemistry/Chem1_(Lower)/09%3A_Chemical_Bonding_and_Molecular_Structure/9.10%3A_Bonding_in_Metals
XxPi0tGtmQr3o2am	American Government (2e - Second Edition)	Chapter 4: Civil Liberties Securing Basic Freedoms LEARNING OUTCOMES By the end of this section, you will be able to: - Identify the liberties and rights guaranteed by the first four amendments to the Constitution - Explain why in practice these rights and liberties are limited - Explain why interpreting some amendments has been controversial The First Amendment protects the right to freedom of religious conscience and practice and the right to free expression, particularly of political and social beliefs. The Second Amendment—perhaps the most controversial today—protects the right to defend yourself in your home or other property, as well as the collective right to protect the community as part of the militia. The Third Amendment prohibits the government from commandeering people’s homes to house soldiers, particularly in peacetime. Finally, the Fourth Amendment prevents the government from searching our persons or property or taking evidence without a warrant issued by a judge, with certain exceptions. THE FIRST AMENDMENT The First Amendment is perhaps the most famous provision of the Bill of Rights; it is arguably also the most extensive, because it guarantees both religious freedoms and the right to express your views in public. Specifically, the First Amendment says: “Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press; or the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the Government for a redress of grievances.” Given the broad scope of this amendment, it is helpful to break it into its two major parts. The first portion deals with religious freedom. However, it actually protects two related sorts of freedom: first, it protects people from having a set of religious beliefs imposed on them by the government, and second, it protects people from having their own religious beliefs restricted by government authorities. Watch this video to learn more about freedom of speech. The Establishment Clause The first of these two freedoms is known as the establishment clause. Congress is prohibited from creating or promoting a state-sponsored religion (this now includes the states too). When the United States was founded, most countries around the world had an established church or religion, an officially sponsored set of religious beliefs and values. In Europe, bitter wars were fought between and within states, often because the established church of one territory was in conflict with that of another; wars and civil strife were common, particularly between states with Protestant and Catholic churches that had differing interpretations of Christianity. Even today, the legacy of these wars remains, most notably in Ireland, which has been divided between a mostly Catholic south and a largely Protestant north for nearly a century. Many settlers in the United States found themselves on this continent as refugees from such wars; others came to find a place where they could follow their own religion with like-minded people in relative peace. So as a practical matter, even if the early United States had wanted to establish a single national religion, the diversity of religious beliefs would already have prevented it. Nonetheless the differences were small; most people were of European origin and professed some form of Christianity (although in private some of the founders, most notably Thomas Jefferson, Thomas Paine, and Benjamin Franklin, held what today would be seen as Unitarian and/or deistic views). So for much of U.S. history, the establishment clause was not particularly important—the vast majority of citizens were Protestant Christians of some form, and since the federal government was relatively uninvolved in the day-to-day lives of the people, there was little opportunity for conflict. That said, there were some citizenship and office-holding restrictions on Jews within some of the states. Worry about state sponsorship of religion in the United States began to reemerge in the latter part of the nineteenth century. An influx of immigrants from Ireland and eastern and southern Europe brought large numbers of Catholics, and states—fearing the new immigrants and their children would not assimilate—passed laws forbidding government aid to religious schools. New religious organizations, such as The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (the Mormon Church), Seventh-day Adventists, Jehovah’s Witnesses, and many others, also emerged, blending aspects of Protestant beliefs with other ideas and teachings at odds with the more traditional Protestant churches of the era. At the same time, public schooling was beginning to take root on a wide scale. Since most states had traditional Protestant majorities and most state officials were Protestants themselves, the public school curriculum incorporated many Protestant features; at times, these features would come into conflict with the beliefs of children from other Christian sects or from other religious traditions. The establishment clause today tends to be interpreted a bit more broadly than in the past; it not only forbids the creation of a “Church of the United States” or “Church of Ohio” it also forbids the government from favoring one set of religious beliefs over others or favoring religion (of any variety) over non-religion. Thus, the government cannot promote, say, Islamic beliefs over Sikh beliefs or belief in God over atheism or agnosticism. The key question that faces the courts is whether the establishment clause should be understood as imposing, in Thomas Jefferson’s words, “a wall of separation between church and state.” In a 1971 case known as Lemon v. Kurtzman, the Supreme Court established the Lemon test for deciding whether a law or other government action that might promote a particular religious practice should be allowed to stand.[1] The Lemon test has three criteria that must be satisfied for such a law or action to be found constitutional and remain in effect: 1. The action or law must not lead to excessive government entanglement with religion; in other words, policing the boundary between government and religion should be relatively straightforward and not require extensive effort by the government. 2. The action or law cannot either inhibit or advance religious practice; it should be neutral in its effects on religion. 3. The action or law must have some secular purpose; there must be some non-religious justification for the law. For example, imagine your state decides to fund a school voucher program that allows children to attend private and parochial schools at public expense; the vouchers can be used to pay for school books and transportation to and from school. Would this voucher program be constitutional? Let’s start with the secular-purpose prong of the test. Educating children is a clear, non-religious purpose, so the law has a secular purpose. The law would neither inhibit nor advance religious practice, so that prong would be satisfied. The remaining question—and usually the one on which court decisions turn—is whether the law leads to excessive government entanglement with religious practice. Given that transportation and school books generally have no religious purpose, there is little risk that paying for them would lead the state to much entanglement with religion. The decision would become more difficult if the funding were unrestricted in use or helped to pay for facilities or teacher salaries; if that were the case, it might indeed be used for a religious purpose, and it would be harder for the government to ensure that it wasn’t without audits or other investigations that could lead to too much government entanglement with religion. The use of education as an example is not an accident; in fact, many of the court’s cases dealing with the establishment clause have involved education, particularly public education, because school-age children are considered a special and vulnerable population. Perhaps no subject affected by the First Amendment has been more controversial than the issue of prayer in public schools. Discussion about school prayer has been particularly fraught because in many ways it appears to bring the two religious liberty clauses into conflict with each other. The free exercise clause, discussed below, guarantees the right of individuals to practice their religion without government interference—and while the rights of children are not as extensive in all areas as those of adults, the courts have consistently ruled that the free exercise clause’s guarantee of religious freedom applies to children as well. At the same time, however, government actions that require or encourage particular religious practices might infringe upon children’s rights to follow their own religious beliefs and thus, in effect, be unconstitutional establishments of religion. For example, a teacher, an athletic coach, or even a student reciting a prayer in front of a class or leading students in prayer as part of the organized school activities constitutes an illegal establishment of religion.[2] Yet a school cannot prohibit voluntary, non-disruptive prayer by its students, because that would impair the free exercise of religion. So although the blanket statement that “prayer in schools is illegal” or unconstitutional is incorrect, the establishment clause does limit official endorsement of religion, including prayers organized or otherwise facilitated by school authorities, even as part of off-campus or extracurricular activities.[3] But some laws that may appear to establish certain religious practices are allowed. For example, the courts have permitted religiously inspired blue laws that limit working hours or even shutter businesses on Sunday, the Christian day of rest, because by allowing people to practice their (Christian) faith, such rules may help ensure the “health, safety, recreation, and general well-being” of citizens. They have allowed restrictions on the sale of alcohol and sometimes other goods on Sunday for similar reasons. The meaning of the establishment clause has been controversial at times because, as a matter of course, government officials acknowledge that we live in a society with vigorous religious practice where most people believe in God—even if we disagree on what God is. Disputes often arise over how much the government can acknowledge this widespread religious belief. The courts have generally allowed for a certain tolerance of what is described as ceremonial deism, an acknowledgement of God or a creator that generally lacks any substantive religious content. For example, the national motto “In God We Trust,” which appears on our coins and paper money, is seen as more an acknowledgment that most citizens believe in God than any serious effort by government officials to promote religious belief and practice. This reasoning has also been used to permit the inclusion of the phrase “under God” in the Pledge of Allegiance—a change that came about during the early years of the Cold War as a means of contrasting the United States with the “godless” Soviet Union. In addition, the courts have allowed some religiously motivated actions by government agencies, such as clergy delivering prayers to open city council meetings and legislative sessions, on the presumption that—unlike school children—adult participants can distinguish between the government’s allowing someone to speak and endorsing that person’s speech. Yet, while some displays of religious codes (e.g., Ten Commandments) are permitted in the context of showing the evolution of law over the centuries, in other cases, these displays have been removed after state supreme court rulings. In Oklahoma, the courts ordered the removal of a Ten Commandments sculpture at the state capitol when other groups, including Satanists and the Church of the Flying Spaghetti Monster, attempted to get their own sculptures allowed there. The Free Exercise Clause The free exercise clause, on the other hand, limits the ability of the government to control or restrict religious practices. This portion of the First Amendment regulates not the government’s promotion of religion, but rather government suppression of religious beliefs and practices. Much of the controversy surrounding the free exercise clause reflects the way laws or rules that apply to everyone might apply to people with particular religious beliefs. For example, can a Jewish police officer whose religious belief, if followed strictly, requires her to observe Shabbat be compelled to work on a Friday night or during the day on Saturday? Or must the government accommodate this religious practice, even if it means the general law or rule in question is not applied equally to everyone? In the 1930s and 1940s, cases involving Jehovah’s Witnesses demonstrated the difficulty of striking the right balance. In addition to following their church’s teaching that they should not participate in military combat, members refuse to participate in displays of patriotism, including saluting the flag and reciting the Pledge of Allegiance, and they regularly engage in door-to-door evangelism to recruit converts. These activities have led to frequent conflict with local authorities. Jehovah’s Witness children were punished in public schools for failing to salute the flag or recite the Pledge of Allegiance, and members attempting to evangelize were arrested for violating laws against door-to-door solicitation of customers. In early legal challenges brought by Jehovah’s Witnesses, the Supreme Court was reluctant to overturn state and local laws that burdened their religious beliefs.[4] However, in later cases, the court was willing to uphold the rights of Jehovah’s Witnesses to proselytize and refuse to salute the flag or recite the Pledge.[5] The rights of conscientious objectors—individuals who claim the right to refuse to perform military service on the grounds of freedom of thought, conscience, or religion—have also been controversial, although many conscientious objectors have contributed service as non-combatant medics during wartime. To avoid serving in the Vietnam War, many people claimed to have a conscientious objection to military service on the basis that they believed this particular war was unwise or unjust. However, the Supreme Court ruled in Gillette v. United States that to claim to be a conscientious objector, a person must be opposed to serving in any war, not just some wars.[6] Establishing a general framework for deciding whether a religious belief can trump general laws and policies has been a challenge for the Supreme Court. In the 1960s and 1970s, the court decided two cases in which it laid out a general test for deciding similar cases in the future. In both Sherbert v. Verner, a case dealing with unemployment compensation, and Wisconsin v. Yoder, which dealt with the right of Amish parents to homeschool their children, the court said that for a law to be allowed to limit or burden a religious practice, the government must meet two criteria.[7] It must demonstrate both that it had a “compelling governmental interest” in limiting that practice and that the restriction was “narrowly tailored.” In other words, it must show there was a very good reason for the law in question and that the law was the only feasible way of achieving that goal. This standard became known as the Sherbert test. Since the burden of proof in these cases was on the government, the Supreme Court made it very difficult for the federal and state governments to enforce laws against individuals that would infringe upon their religious beliefs. In 1990, the Supreme Court made a controversial decision substantially narrowing the Sherbert test in Employment Division v. Smith, more popularly known as “the peyote case.”[8] This case involved two men who were members of the Native American Church, a religious organization that uses the hallucinogenic peyote plant as part of its sacraments. After being arrested for possession of peyote, the two men were fired from their jobs as counselors at a private drug rehabilitation clinic. When they applied for unemployment benefits, the state refused to pay on the basis that they had been dismissed for work-related reasons. The men appealed the denial of benefits and were initially successful, since the state courts applied the Sherbert test and found that the denial of unemployment benefits burdened their religious beliefs. However, the Supreme Court ruled in a 6–3 decision that the “compelling governmental interest” standard should not apply; instead, so long as the law was not designed to target a person’s religious beliefs in particular, it was not up to the courts to decide that those beliefs were more important than the law in question. On the surface, a case involving the Native American Church seems unlikely to arouse much controversy. But because it replaced the Sherbert test with one that allowed more government regulation of religious practices, followers of other religious traditions grew concerned that state and local laws, even ones neutral on their face, might be used to curtail their religious practices. In 1993, in response to this decision, Congress passed a law known as the Religious Freedom Restoration Act (RFRA), which was followed in 2000 by the Religious Land Use and Institutionalized Persons Act after part of the RFRA was struck down by the Supreme Court. In addition, since 1990, twenty-one states have passed state RFRAs that include the Sherbert test in state law, and state court decisions in eleven states have enshrined the Sherbert test’s compelling governmental interest interpretation of the free exercise clause into state law.[9] However, the RFRA itself has not been without its critics. While it has been relatively uncontroversial as applied to the rights of individuals, debate has emerged about whether businesses and other groups can be said to have religious liberty. In explicitly religious organizations, such as a fundamentalist congregation (fundamentalists adhere very strictly to biblical absolutes) or the Roman Catholic Church, it is fairly obvious members have a meaningful, shared religious belief. But the application of the RFRA has become more problematic in businesses and non-profit organizations whose owners or organizers may share a religious belief while the organization has some secular, non-religious purpose. Such a conflict emerged in the 2014 Supreme Court case known as Burwell v. Hobby Lobby.[10] The Hobby Lobby chain of stores sells arts and crafts merchandise at hundreds of stores; its founder, David Green, is a devout fundamentalist Christian whose beliefs include opposition to abortion and contraception. Consistent with these beliefs, he used his business to object to a provision of the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act (ACA or Obamacare) requiring employer-backed insurance plans to include no-charge access to the morning-after pill, a form of emergency contraception, arguing that this requirement infringed on his conscience. Based in part on the federal RFRA, the Supreme Court agreed 5–4 with Green and Hobby Lobby’s position and said that Hobby Lobby and other closely held businesses did not have to provide employees free access to emergency contraception or other birth control if doing so would violate the religious beliefs of the business’ owners, because there were other less restrictive ways the government could ensure access to these services for Hobby Lobby’s employees (e.g., paying for them directly). In 2015, state RFRAs became controversial when individuals and businesses that provided wedding services (e.g., catering and photography) were compelled to provide these for same-sex weddings in states where the practice had been newly legalized. Proponents of state RFRA laws argued that people and businesses ought not be compelled to endorse practices their religious beliefs held to be immoral or indecent and feared clergy might be compelled to officiate same-sex marriages against their religion’s teachings. Opponents of RFRA laws argued that individuals and businesses should be required, per Obergefell v. Hodges, to serve same-sex marriages on an equal basis as a matter of ensuring the civil rights of gays and lesbians, just as they would be obliged to cater or photograph an interracial marriage.[11] Despite ongoing controversy, however, the courts have consistently found some public interests sufficiently compelling to override the free exercise clause. For example, since the late nineteenth century, the courts have consistently held that people’s religious beliefs do not exempt them from the general laws against polygamy. Other potential acts in the name of religion that are also out of the question are drug use and human sacrifice. Freedom of Expression Although the remainder of the First Amendment protects four distinct rights—free speech, press, assembly, and petition—we generally think of these rights today as encompassing a right to freedom of expression, particularly since the world’s technological evolution has blurred the lines between oral and written communication (i.e., speech and press) in the centuries since the First Amendment was written and adopted. Controversies over freedom of expression were rare until the 1900s, even though government censorship was quite common. For example, during the Civil War, the Union post office refused to deliver newspapers that opposed the war or sympathized with the Confederacy, while allowing pro-war newspapers to be mailed. The emergence of photography and movies, in particular, led to new public concerns about morality, causing both state and federal politicians to censor lewd and otherwise improper content. At the same time, writers became more ambitious in their subject matter by including explicit references to sex and using obscene language, leading to government censorship of books and magazines. Censorship reached its height during World War I. The United States was swept up in two waves of hysteria. Anti-German feeling was provoked by the actions of Germany and its allies leading up to the war, including the sinking of the RMS Lusitania and the Zimmerman Telegram, an effort by the Germans to conclude an alliance with Mexico against the United States. This concern was compounded in 1917 by the Bolshevik revolution against the more moderate interim government of Russia; the leaders of the Bolsheviks, most notably Vladimir Lenin, Leon Trotsky, and Joseph Stalin, withdrew from the war against Germany and called for communist revolutionaries to overthrow the capitalist, democratic governments in western Europe and North America. Americans who vocally supported the communist cause or opposed the war often found themselves in jail. In Schenck v. United States, the Supreme Court ruled that people encouraging young men to dodge the draft could be imprisoned for doing so, arguing that recommending that people disobey the law was tantamount to “falsely shouting fire in a theatre and causing a panic” and thus presented a “clear and present danger” to public order.[12] Similarly, communists and other revolutionary anarchists and socialists during the Red Scare after the war were prosecuted under various state and federal laws for supporting the forceful or violent overthrow of government. This general approach to political speech remained in place for the next fifty years. In the 1960s, however, the Supreme Court’s rulings on free expression became more liberal, in response to the Vietnam War and the growing antiwar movement. In a 1969 case involving the Ku Klux Klan, Brandenburg v. Ohio, the Supreme Court found that only speech or writing that constituted a direct call or plan to imminent lawless action, an illegal act in the immediate future, could be suppressed; the mere advocacy of a hypothetical revolution was not enough.[13] The Supreme Court also found that various forms of symbolic speech—wearing clothing like an armband that carried a political symbol or raising a fist in the air, for example—were subject to the same protections as written and spoken communication. MILESTONE Burning the U.S. Flag Perhaps no act of symbolic speech has been as controversial in U.S. history as the burning of the flag. Citizens tend to revere the flag as a unifying symbol of the country in much the same way most people in Britain would treat the reigning queen (or king). States and the federal government have long had laws protecting the flag from being desecrated—defaced, damaged, or otherwise treated with disrespect. Perhaps in part because of these laws, people who have wanted to drive home a point in opposition to U.S. government policies have found desecrating the flag a useful way to gain public and press attention to their cause. One such person was Gregory Lee Johnson, a member of various pro-communist and antiwar groups. In 1984, as part of a protest near the Republican National Convention in Dallas, Texas, Johnson set fire to a U.S. flag that another protestor had torn from a flagpole. He was arrested, charged with “desecration of a venerated object” (among other offenses), and eventually convicted of that offense. However, in 1989, the Supreme Court decided in Texas v. Johnson that burning the flag was a form of symbolic speech protected by the First Amendment and found the law, as applied to flag desecration, to be unconstitutional.[14] This court decision was strongly criticized, and Congress responded by passing a federal law, the Flag Protection Act, intended to overrule it; the act, too, was struck down as unconstitutional in 1990.[15] Since then, Congress has attempted on several occasions to propose constitutional amendments allowing the states and federal government to re-criminalize flag desecration—to no avail. Should we amend the Constitution to allow Congress or the states to pass laws protecting the U.S. flag from desecration? Should we protect other symbols as well? Why or why not? Freedom of the press is an important component of the right to free expression as well. In Near v. Minnesota, an early case regarding press freedoms, the Supreme Court ruled that the government generally could not engage in prior restraint; that is, states and the federal government could not in advance prohibit someone from publishing something without a very compelling reason.[16] This standard was reinforced in 1971 in the Pentagon Papers case, in which the Supreme Court found that the government could not prohibit the New York Times and Washington Post newspapers from publishing the Pentagon Papers.[17] These papers included materials from a secret history of the Vietnam War that had been compiled by the military. More specifically, the papers were compiled at the request of Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara and provided a study of U.S. political and military involvement in Vietnam from 1945 to 1967. Daniel Ellsberg famously released passages of the Papers to the press to show that the United States had secretly enlarged the scope of the war by bombing Cambodia and Laos among other deeds while lying to the American public about doing so. Although people who leak secret information to the media can still be prosecuted and punished, this does not generally extend to reporters and news outlets that pass that information on to the public. The Edward Snowden case is another good case in point. Snowden himself, rather than those involved in promoting the information that he shared, is the object of criminal prosecution. Furthermore, the courts have recognized that government officials and other public figures might try to silence press criticism and avoid unfavorable news coverage by threatening a lawsuit for defamation of character. In the 1964 New York Times v. Sullivan case, the Supreme Court decided that public figures needed to demonstrate not only that a negative press statement about them was untrue but also that the statement was published or made with either malicious intent or “reckless disregard” for the truth.[18] This ruling made it much harder for politicians to silence potential critics or to bankrupt their political opponents through the courts. The right to freedom of expression is not absolute; several key restrictions limit our ability to speak or publish opinions under certain circumstances. We have seen that the Constitution protects most forms of offensive and unpopular expression, particularly political speech; however, incitement of a criminal act, “fighting words,” and genuine threats are not protected. And the Supreme Court has allowed laws that ban threatening symbolic speech, such as burning a cross on the lawn of an African American family’s home.[19] Finally, as we’ve just seen, defamation of character—whether in written form (libel) or spoken form (slander)—is not protected by the First Amendment, so people who are subject to false accusations can sue to recover damages, although criminal prosecutions of libel and slander are uncommon. Another key exception to the right to freedom of expression is obscenity, acts or statements that are extremely offensive under current societal standards. Defining obscenity has been something of a challenge for the courts; Supreme Court Justice Potter Stewart famously said of obscenity, having watched pornography in the Supreme Court building, “I know it when I see it.” Into the early twentieth century, written work was frequently banned as being obscene, including works by noted authors such as James Joyce and Henry Miller, although today it is rare for the courts to uphold obscenity charges for written material alone. In 1973, the Supreme Court established the Miller test for deciding whether something is obscene: “(a) whether the average person, applying contemporary community standards, would find that the work, taken as a whole, appeals to the prurient interest, (b) whether the work depicts or describes, in a patently offensive way, sexual conduct specifically defined by the applicable state law; and (c) whether the work, taken as a whole, lacks serious literary, artistic, political, or scientific value.”[20] However, the application of this standard has at times been problematic. In particular, the concept of “contemporary community standards” raises the possibility that obscenity varies from place to place; many people in New York or San Francisco might not bat an eye at something people in Memphis or Salt Lake City would consider offensive. The one form of obscenity that has been banned almost without challenge is child pornography, although even in this area the courts have found exceptions. The courts have allowed censorship of less-than-obscene content when it is broadcast over the airwaves, particularly when it is available for anyone to receive. In general, these restrictions on indecency—a quality of acts or statements that offend societal norms or may be harmful to minors—apply only to radio and television programming broadcast when children might be in the audience, although most cable and satellite channels follow similar standards for commercial reasons. An infamous case of televised indecency occurred during the halftime show of the 2004 Super Bowl, during a performance by singer Janet Jackson in which a part of her clothing was removed by fellow performer Justin Timberlake, revealing her right breast. The network responsible for the broadcast, CBS, was ultimately presented with a fine of $550,000 by the Federal Communications Commission, the government agency that regulates television broadcasting. However, CBS was not ultimately required to pay. On the other hand, in 1997, the NBC network showed a broadcast of Schindler’s List, a film depicting events during the Holocaust in Nazi Germany, without any editing, so it included graphic nudity and depictions of violence. NBC was not fined or otherwise punished, suggesting there is no uniform standard for indecency. Similarly, in the 1990s Congress compelled television broadcasters to implement a television ratings system, enforced by a “V-Chip” in televisions and cable boxes, so parents could better control the television programming their children might watch. However, similar efforts to regulate indecent content on the Internet to protect children from pornography have largely been struck down as unconstitutional. This outcome suggests that technology has created new avenues for obscene material to be disseminated. The Children’s Internet Protection Act, however, requires K–12 schools and public libraries receiving Internet access using special E-rate discounts to filter or block access to obscene material and other material deemed harmful to minors, with certain exceptions. The courts have also allowed laws that forbid or compel certain forms of expression by businesses, such as laws that require the disclosure of nutritional information on food and beverage containers and warning labels on tobacco products. The federal government requires the prices advertised for airline tickets to include all taxes and fees. Many states regulate advertising by lawyers. And, in general, false or misleading statements made in connection with a commercial transaction can be illegal if they constitute fraud. Furthermore, the courts have ruled that, although public school officials are government actors, the First Amendment freedom of expression rights of children attending public schools are somewhat limited. In particular, in Tinker v. Des Moines (1969) and Hazelwood v. Kuhlmeier (1988), the Supreme Court has upheld restrictions on speech that creates “substantial interference with school discipline or the rights of others”[21] or is “reasonably related to legitimate pedagogical concerns.”[22] For example, the content of school-sponsored activities like school newspapers and speeches delivered by students can be controlled, either for the purposes of instructing students in proper adult behavior or to deter conflict between students. Free expression includes the right to assemble peaceably and the right to petition government officials. This right even extends to members of groups whose views most people find abhorrent, such as American Nazis and the vehemently anti-gay Westboro Baptist Church, whose members have become known for their protests at the funerals of U.S. soldiers who have died fighting in the war on terror.[23] Free expression—although a broad right—is subject to certain constraints to balance it against the interests of public order. In particular, the nature, place, and timing of protests—but not their substantive content—are subject to reasonable limits. The courts have ruled that while people may peaceably assemble in a place that is a public forum, not all public property is a public forum. For example, the inside of a government office building or a college classroom—particularly while someone is teaching—is not generally considered a public forum. Rallies and protests on land that has other dedicated uses, such as roads and highways, can be limited to groups that have secured a permit in advance, and those organizing large gatherings may be required to give sufficient notice so government authorities can ensure there is enough security available. However, any such regulation must be viewpoint-neutral; the government may not treat one group differently than another because of its opinions or beliefs. For example, the government can’t permit a rally by a group that favors a government policy but forbid opponents from staging a similar rally. Finally, there have been controversial situations in which government agencies have established free-speech zones for protesters during political conventions, presidential visits, and international meetings in areas that are arguably selected to minimize their public audience or to ensure that the subjects of the protests do not have to encounter the protesters. THE SECOND AMENDMENT There has been increased conflict over the Second Amendment in recent years due to school shootings and gun violence. As a result, gun rights have become a highly charged political issue. The text of the Second Amendment is among the shortest of those included in the Constitution: “A well regulated Militia, being necessary to the security of a free State, the right of the people to keep and bear Arms, shall not be infringed.” But the relative simplicity of its text has not kept it from controversy; arguably, the Second Amendment has become controversial in large part because of its text. Is this amendment merely a protection of the right of the states to organize and arm a “well regulated militia” for civil defense, or is it a protection of a “right of the people” as a whole to individually bear arms? Before the Civil War, this would have been a nearly meaningless distinction. In most states at that time, white males of military age were considered part of the militia, liable to be called for service to put down rebellions or invasions, and the right “to keep and bear Arms” was considered a common-law right inherited from English law that predated the federal and state constitutions. The Constitution was not seen as a limitation on state power, and since the states expected all able-bodied free men to keep arms as a matter of course, what gun control there was mostly revolved around ensuring slaves (and their abolitionist allies) didn’t have guns. With the beginning of selective incorporation after the Civil War, debates over the Second Amendment were reinvigorated. In the meantime, as part of their black codes designed to reintroduce most of the trappings of slavery, several southern states adopted laws that restricted the carrying and ownership of weapons by former slaves. Despite acknowledging a common-law individual right to keep and bear arms, in 1876 the Supreme Court declined, in United States v. Cruickshank, to intervene to ensure the states would respect it.[24] In the following decades, states gradually began to introduce laws to regulate gun ownership. Federal gun control laws began to be introduced in the 1930s in response to organized crime, with stricter laws that regulated most commerce and trade in guns coming into force in the wake of the street protests of the 1960s. In the early 1980s, following an assassination attempt on President Ronald Reagan, laws requiring background checks for prospective gun buyers were passed. During this period, the Supreme Court’s decisions regarding the meaning of the Second Amendment were ambiguous at best. In United States v. Miller, the Supreme Court upheld the 1934 National Firearms Act’s prohibition of sawed-off shotguns, largely on the basis that possession of such a gun was not related to the goal of promoting a “well regulated militia.”[25] This finding was generally interpreted as meaning that the Second Amendment protected the right of the states to organize a militia, rather than an individual right, and thus lower courts generally found most firearm regulations—including some city and state laws that virtually outlawed the private ownership of firearms—to be constitutional. However, in 2008, in a narrow 5–4 decision on District of Columbia v. Heller, the Supreme Court found that at least some gun control laws did violate the Second Amendment and that this amendment does protect an individual’s right to keep and bear arms, at least in some circumstances—in particular, “for traditionally lawful purposes, such as self-defense within the home.”[26] Because the District of Columbia is not a state, this decision immediately applied the right only to the federal government and territorial governments. Two years later, in McDonald v. Chicago, the Supreme Court overturned the Cruickshank decision (5–4) and again found that the right to bear arms was a fundamental right incorporated against the states, meaning that state regulation of firearms might, in some circumstances, be unconstitutional. In 2015, however, the Supreme Court allowed several of San Francisco’s strict gun control laws to remain in place, suggesting that—as in the case of rights protected by the First Amendment—the courts will not treat gun rights as absolute.[27] Elsewhere in the political system, the gun issue remains similarly unsettled. However, in the wake of especially traumatic shootings at a Las Vegas outdoor concert and at a school in Parkland, Florida, there has been increased activism around gun control and community safety, especially among the young.[28] THE THIRD AMENDMENT The Third Amendment says in full: “No Soldier shall, in time of peace be quartered in any house, without the consent of the Owner, nor in time of war, but in a manner to be prescribed by law.” Most people consider this provision of the Constitution obsolete and unimportant. However, it is worthwhile to note its relevance in the context of the time: citizens remembered having their cities and towns occupied by British soldiers and mercenaries during the Revolutionary War, and they viewed the British laws that required the colonists to house soldiers particularly offensive, to the point that it had been among the grievances listed in the Declaration of Independence. Today it seems unlikely the federal government would need to house military forces in civilian lodgings against the will of property owners or tenants; however, perhaps in the same way we consider the Second and Fourth amendments, we can think of the Third Amendment as reflecting a broader idea that our homes lie within a “zone of privacy” that government officials should not violate unless absolutely necessary. THE FOURTH AMENDMENT Watch this video to learn more about search and seizure as it relates to the Fourth Amendment. The Fourth Amendment sits at the boundary between general individual freedoms and the rights of those suspected of crimes. We saw earlier that perhaps it reflects James Madison’s broader concern about establishing an expectation of privacy from government intrusion at home. Another way to think of the Fourth Amendment is that it protects us from overzealous efforts by law enforcement to root out crime by ensuring that police have good reason before they intrude on people’s lives with criminal investigations. The text of the Fourth Amendment is as follows: “The right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be violated, and no Warrants shall issue, but upon probable cause, supported by Oath or affirmation, and particularly describing the place to be searched, and the persons or things to be seized.” The amendment places limits on both searches and seizures: Searches are efforts to locate documents and contraband. Seizures are the taking of these items by the government for use as evidence in a criminal prosecution (or, in the case of a person, the detention or taking of the person into custody). In either case, the amendment indicates that government officials are required to apply for and receive a search warrant prior to a search or seizure; this warrant is a legal document, signed by a judge, allowing police to search and/or seize persons or property. Since the 1960s, however, the Supreme Court has issued a series of rulings limiting the warrant requirement in situations where a person can be said to lack a “reasonable expectation of privacy” outside the home. Police can also search and/or seize people or property without a warrant if the owner or renter consents to the search, if there is a reasonable expectation that evidence may be destroyed or tampered with before a warrant can be issued (i.e., exigent circumstances), or if the items in question are in plain view of government officials. Furthermore, the courts have found that police do not generally need a warrant to search the passenger compartment of a car, or to search people entering the United States from another country.[29] When a warrant is needed, law enforcement officers do not need enough evidence to secure a conviction, but they must demonstrate to a judge that there is probable cause to believe a crime has been committed or evidence will be found. Probable cause is the legal standard for determining whether a search or seizure is constitutional or a crime has been committed; it is a lower threshold than the standard of proof at a criminal trial. Critics have argued that this requirement is not very meaningful because law enforcement officers are almost always able to get a search warrant when they request one; on the other hand, since we wouldn’t expect the police to waste their time or a judge’s time trying to get search warrants that are unlikely to be granted, perhaps the high rate at which they get them should not be so surprising. What happens if the police conduct an illegal search or seizure without a warrant and find evidence of a crime? In the 1961 Supreme Court case Mapp v. Ohio, the court decided that evidence obtained without a warrant that didn’t fall under one of the exceptions mentioned above could not be used as evidence in a state criminal trial, giving rise to the broad application of what is known as the exclusionary rule, which was first established in 1914 on a federal level in Weeks v. United States.[30] The exclusionary rule doesn’t just apply to evidence found or to items or people seized without a warrant (or falling under an exception noted above); it also applies to any evidence developed or discovered as a result of the illegal search or seizure. For example, if police search your home without a warrant, find bank statements showing large cash deposits on a regular basis, and discover you are engaged in some other crime in which they were previously unaware (e.g., blackmail, drugs, or prostitution), not only can they not use the bank statements as evidence of criminal activity—they also can’t prosecute you for the crimes they discovered during the illegal search. This extension of the exclusionary rule is sometimes called the “fruit of the poisonous tree,” because just as the metaphorical tree (i.e., the original search or seizure) is poisoned, so is anything that grows out of it.[31] However, like the requirement for a search warrant, the exclusionary rule does have exceptions. The courts have allowed evidence to be used that was obtained without the necessary legal procedures in circumstances where police executed warrants they believed were correctly granted but in fact were not (“good faith” exception), and when the evidence would have been found anyway had they followed the law (“inevitable discovery”). The requirement of probable cause also applies to arrest warrants. A person cannot generally be detained by police or taken into custody without a warrant, although most states allow police to arrest someone suspected of a felony crime without a warrant so long as probable cause exists, and police can arrest people for minor crimes or misdemeanors they have witnessed themselves. CHAPTER REVIEW See the Chapter 4.2 Review for a summary of this section, the key vocabulary, and some review questions to check your knowledge. - Lemon v. Kurtzman, 403 U.S. 602 (1971). ↵ - Engel v. Vitale, 370 U.S. 421 (1962). ↵ - See, in particular, Santa Fe Independent School District v. Doe, 530 U.S. 290 (2000), which found that the school district’s including a student-led prayer at high school football games was illegal. ↵ - Minersville School District v. Gobitis, 310 U.S. 586 (1940). ↵ - West Virginia State Board of Education v. Barnette, 319 U.S. 624 (1943); Watchtower Society v. Village of Stratton, 536 U.S. 150 (2002). ↵ - Gillette v. United States, 401 U.S. 437 (1971). ↵ - Sherbert v. Verner, 374 U.S. 398 (1963); Wisconsin v. Yoder, 406 U.S. 205 (1972). ↵ - Employment Division, Department of Human Resources of Oregon v. Smith, 494 U.S. 872 (1990). ↵ - Juliet Eilperin, "31 states have heightened religious freedom protections," Washington Post, 1 March 2014. http://www.washingtonpost.com/blogs/the-fix/wp/2014/03/01/where-in-the-u-s-are-there-heightened-protections-for-religious-freedom/. Three more states passed state RFRAs in the past year. ↵ - Burwell v. Hobby Lobby Stores, Inc., 573 U.S. __ (2014). ↵ - Obergefell v. Hodges, 576 U.S. ___ (2015). ↵ - Schenck v. United States, 249 U.S. 47 (1919). ↵ - Brandenburg v. Ohio, 395 U.S. 444 (1969). ↵ - Texas v. Johnson, 491 U.S. 397 (1989). ↵ - United States v. Eichman, 496 U.S. 310 (1990). ↵ - Near v. Minnesota, 283 U.S. 697 (1931). ↵ - New York Times Co. v. United States, 403 U.S. 713 (1971). ↵ - New York Times v. Sullivan, 376 U.S. 254 (1964). ↵ - See, for example, Virginia v. Black, 538 U.S. 343 (2003). ↵ - Miller v. California, 413 U.S. 15 (1973). ↵ - Tinker v. Des Moines Independent Community School District, 393 U.S. 503 (1969). ↵ - Hazelwood School District et al. v. Kuhlmeier et al., 484 U.S. 260 (1988). ↵ - National Socialist Party of America v. Village of Skokie, 432 U.S. 43 (1977); Snyder v. Phelps, 562 U.S. 443 (2011). ↵ - United States v. Cruickshank, 92 U.S. 542 (1876). ↵ - United States v. Miller, 307 U.S. 174 (1939). ↵ - District of Columbia et al. v. Heller, 554 US 570 (2008), p. 3. ↵ - Richard Gonzales, "Supreme Court Rejects NRA Challenge to San Francisco Gun Rules," National Public Radio, 8 June 2015. http://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2015/06/08/412917394/supreme-court-rejects-nra-challenge-to-s-f-gun-rules (March 4, 2016). ↵ - Serge F. Kovaleski and Richard A. Oppel, Jr. 28 September 2018. "A Man Stashed Gus in His Las Vegas Hotel Room. 3 Years Later, a Killer Did the Same." New York Times. https://www.nytimes.com/2018/09/28/us/las-vegas-shooting-mgm-lawsuits.html. Michelle Cottle. 28 February 2018. "How Parkland Students Changed the Gun Debate." The Atlantic. https://www.theatlantic.com/politics/archive/2018/02/parkland-students-power/554399/. ↵ - See, for example, Arizona v. Gant, 556 U.S. 332 (2009). ↵ - Mapp v. Ohio, 367 U.S. 643 (1961); Weeks v. United States, 232 U.S. 383 (1914). ↵ - Silverthorne Lumber Co. v. United States, 251 U.S. 385 (1920). ↵ the provision of the First Amendment that prohibits the government from endorsing a state-sponsored religion; interpreted as preventing government from favoring some religious beliefs over others or religion over non-religion a law originally created to uphold a religious or moral standard, such as a prohibition against selling alcohol on Sundays the provision of the First Amendment that prohibits the government from regulating religious beliefs and practices a person who claims the right to refuse to perform military service on the grounds of freedom of thought, conscience, or religion a standard for deciding whether a law violates the free exercise clause; a law will be struck down unless there is a "compelling governmental interest" at stake and it accomplishes its goal by the "least restrictive means" possible a form of expression that does not use writing or speech but nonetheless communicates an idea (e.g., wearing an article of clothing to show solidarity with a group) a government action that stops someone from doing something before they are able to do it (e.g., forbidding someone to publish a book he or she plans to release) acts or statements that are extremely offensive by contemporary standards a right of the people rooted in legal tradition and past court rulings, rather than the Constitution a legal document, signed by a judge, allowing police to search and/or seize persons or property legal standard for determining whether a search or seizure is constitutional or a crime has been committed; a lower threshold than the standard of proof needed at a criminal trial a requirement, from Supreme Court case Mapp v. Ohio, that evidence obtained as a result of an illegal search or seizure cannot be used to try someone for a crime	10,618	common-pile/pressbooks_filtered	https://pressbooks.online.ucf.edu/americangovernment2e/chapter/securing-basic-freedoms/	pressbooks	pressbooks-0000.json.gz:38318	https://pressbooks.online.ucf.edu/americangovernment2e/chapter/securing-basic-freedoms/
chXnXsMDwpfm3lKq	Babel Fish Bouillabaisse II	Libraries and Learning How Libraries Became Public II April 30, 2017 Here’s another interesting thing about the origins of American public libraries. We have women to thank for most of them. Oh, sure, Andrew Carnegie had something to do with it. Unlike his fellow mega-rich philanthropists who built libraries, he didn’t want to build palaces. He wanted to produce relatively humble public libraries on an industrial scale, promoting the establishment of libraries in neighborhoods and small town throughout the country using a common set of standards, processes, and even architectural plans. He thought access to libraries could improve those among the working classes who wanted to improve themselves. They could be better workers, and some of them might even rise above their circumstances and become rich. His 1889 essay “The Gospel of Wealth” argued that competition encouraged “survival of the fittest” and the “betterment of the race.” Once the best of the best acquired wealth, they should use it to better the world, because they – having proven their superiority – were best positioned to make the wisest decisions about what was good for society. Luckily, he liked libraries. We’re even luckier that libraries became a cause for women. Carnegie provided partial funding for about half of American public libraries between 1887 and 1917. Women were the driving force between many of those, and for most of the other half, too. Encouraging literacy and wholesome uses of free time was something respectable middle-class women were allowed to do without stepping on masculine toes. Soon, the libraries they founded weren’t just providing reading materials; they were bringing aspects of social reform movements into libraries, providing English lessons for immigrants, hygiene lessons for children (who often were taught how to wash their hands before they could touch the books), folk dancing lessons, and public lectures. A library in Minnesota bought a sewing machine that sewing circles could use; branches in New York opened rooftop gardens where children who otherwise only had streets to play in could enjoy fresh air. (I’m obliged to Abigail Van Slyck’s Free to All: Carnegie Libraries & American Culture, 1890-1920 and Wayne Wiegand’s Part of Our Lives: A People’s History of the American Public Library for teaching me library history). Women not only founded libraries, they became librarians. Melvil Dewey (a serial entrepreneur and anti-Semite who liked women so much he became embroiled in a sexual harassment scandal) thought they had a capacity for detailed and routine work that suited them for the profession – and even better, they could be paid far less than men for the same work. He invited women to join the first class in the first library school at Columbia, which he had to move to Albany because Columbia didn’t want to change its men-only admissions policy (and because they were exasperated with Dewey’s habit of doing whatever he wanted). Women’s supposed skill at detailed and often tedious work positioned women to become computer programmers, too. During both world wars, women were “human computers,” calculating ballistics trajectories and doing the complex calculations for the building of the atomic bomb. African American women did the math that put men on the moon, as the book and film Hidden Figures documents. And when the ENIAC general purpose computer came along, women programmed it. It only became Brogramming when software became more profitable and prestigious than designing hardware. In the mid-1980s, 40 percent of computer science majors were women; now it’s less than 20 percent. In the early years of this century, the free-wheeling hacker ethos of the early internet melded with a world view in which high-stakes capitalism, freed of government interference or outdated business models, would allow a new meritocracy of entrepreneurs to radically change society. Entrepreneurs would disrupt tired industries and create new ones thanks to their hard work and intelligence. When they had more money than they could spend, they would fix education, start their own space programs, and seek ways to extend lives. It’s a twenty-first century version of Andrew Carnegie’s Gospel of Wealth, but unlike Carnegie’s philanthropy, the idea of public funding for public goods doesn’t seem to come into it much. The five wealthiest companies today (Apple, Google, Microsoft, Amazon, and Facebook) are all in the tech sector, and they are incredibly dominant in our daily lives. By entrusting so much of our information infrastructure, our shopping, and our social lives to profit-driven companies we’ve lost something important. The huge profits of these companies are built on surveillance capitalism and/or capturing a lion’s share of the attention economy. This is the start of Choose Privacy Week. Most Americans are unhappy about their loss of privacy, but they aren’t sure what to do about it. Librarians might be able to help. They know something about privacy, and they care about the public good. The economic aggression and hubris that characterizes tech culture is far from the quiet, humble commitment public libraries have made to the public good for more than a century. Google claims “to organize the world’s information and make it universally accessible and useful” and Facebook says it wants “to give people the power to share and make the world more open and connected.” In reality they are both advertising companies, and they want to know everything they can about all of us because that’s how they make their enormous wealth. If the tech industries shared the values of librarianship, we’d have a more just world – and maybe working for the public good wouldn’t seem like such an archaic concept.	1,199	common-pile/pressbooks_filtered	https://mlpp.pressbooks.pub/babelfish/chapter/how-libraries-became-public-ii/	pressbooks	pressbooks-0000.json.gz:89381	https://mlpp.pressbooks.pub/babelfish/chapter/how-libraries-became-public-ii/
9cFYY5BxBP80N4vH	Zinc oxide; history, manufacture and properties as a pigment. by Dalton B. Faloon ...	PREFACE A FEW years ago, while in the plants of The New Jersey Zinc Company, I searched exhaustively for information on the subject of zine oxide. I had the opportunity of reading all the books on zine and zine oxide that were in the New York Public Library— however, they were few in number and meagre in enlightenment. Search was made through libraries in Philadelphia, Chicago, and other large cities. It became plainly evident that even though a chapter or a few pages of a book did describe the pigment, a complete comprehensive work dealing with zine oxide had never been written. My voluminous notes, both from plant experiences and personal researches, were collected, classified and arranged for the writing of a treatise on zinc oxide. I have endeavored to tell logically the complete story of this widely used pigment, making my treatise technological rather than technical. Complex and highly technical details have been omitted and the data and facts have been aranged in an understandable manner. Illustrations have been freely used to save the readers’ time and to more clearly depict the plant, machinery or procedure be ng described. The book has been designed and arranged to help the man who uses zine oxide in the paint, rubber, oilcloth, ceramics, printing ink, linoleum, etc., industries, and I believe will prove a help in many ways. ‘This being the first book ever written solely on the subject of zine oxide I am fully cognizant of the fact that there are undoubtedly many matters in it which may require alteration for future editions, and probably many sections that shall necessitate enlargement. The following works, among others, have been consulted and my general indebtedness to these authors must here be thankfully recorded: Hofman, ‘‘ Metallurgy of Zinc and Cadium”’; Smith, ‘‘The Zinc Industry”’; Lones, ‘‘Zine and Its Alloys.” I acknowledge gratefully the assistance and suggestions given by my friends in the manufacturing departments of the various industries. ical Constituents of the Different Grades of Zinc Oxide.... GOVERNMENT SPECIFICATIONS AND Testinc Metruops. The Standard Procedure used in Testing Dry and Paste Forms of Lead Free and Leaded Grades of Zine Oxide............ INTRODUCTION _ The zine industry in the United States has been surrounded by an atmosphere of mystery. Information and facts relative to common principles and practices have been closely guarded, the manufacturing plants have been as safely barricaded with fences and walls as though they were rare golden treasures, and the few people who have known the industry in all its branches, ‘vere prompted to keep their information from channels of circulation. During the past few years the industry has grown by leaps and bounds and the use of zinc, and especially zinc oxide, has become very common. ‘The advent of the motor car and the dependence of the rubber industry upon zinc oxide developed a gigantic market for this pigment. The educational work of the progressive American paint manufacturers has brought the painters and the average home owners to recognize the superi- ority of a paint composed of both white lead and zinc oxide. Later developments are indicating that new pigments designed to replace white lead may prove worthy of consideration, but they can not be used in a practical way without being combined with zinc oyide. Thus zinc oxide has attained a position of both permanence and prominence. manufacture, and, therefore, do not fully understand the nature of the pigment. They have recognized certain qualities and properties and by the continuous use of zinc oxide they have become familiar with its applications, but there has never been any attempt to give them the interesting story of zinc oxide before it reaches their plants. Each user of zine oxide has had his particular method of testing the material to be certain that he can use it with safety and to be certain that he is maintaining a commercial standard in the quality of his products. This lack of standard specifications and standard methods of testing both physically and chemically naturally resulted in general confusion and misunderstanding among the various users and producers, and has given a very unsatisfactory basis for a gigantic industry. The present work is a step toward arranging general information concerning this industry, in such a manner that all who are interested may know the complete story of zinc oxide. Care has been taken to point out where and why, in the manufacture of zinc oxide, the particular qualities are determined. Specifications for each grade of zinc oxide have been suggested. Standard methods of physical and chemical tests are arranged. ‘These methods have proven to be the best for standard procedure and may be adopted with confidence. This book was not written as the final work on zinc oxide or the zine oxide industry. It is hoped that its publication may pave the way to having more information made available to all who may seek knowledge concerning zinc oxide. : THE HISTORY OF ZINC The history of zinc begins at very early tmies. Zine has been found in such places as to indicate that it was used by the early Greeks, Romans and Arabians. There is conclusive evidence that in very early days zinc-bearing ores were used and condensed furnace fumes were used to produce zinc alloys and to make compounds for medical purposes. ‘“‘ False silver,” (pseudargyros, in Greek) was the first ‘description given of zinc, by Strabos in the passage describing Andriera in Mysia. Thus it is asserted that the ancients were acquainted with zinc in its . metallic state. This fact seems to be substantiated by recorded recoveries and discoveries of antiquities, said to be metallic zinc. It is possible that the passage of Strabos is too vague to give guidance for historical study, but it is interesting to note that near Balia, not far from the site of Andriera, there occur zinc deposits of blende, zinc sulphide and iron pyrites and galena. 2 ZINC OXIDE Dordsch, Transylvania. The analysis of the idol showed Zinc, 87.52 per cent; Lead, 11.41 per cent; Iron, 1.07 per cent. In 1772 a small metallic bar was found at Campagne in the ruins of the old Roman town. M. Grignon, who examined the bar, concluded that it was zinc and stated that the form of the crystallization of the metal indicated that the bar had been “‘ worked ” to some extent. He also stated that in the vicinity of the Roman town there was an iron mine containing a large amount of Zine. The Ancients, it has been held, were not acquainted with zinc. However, in the ruins of Pompeii, destroyed A.D. 79, there was found the front of a fountain, the upper section of which was covered with zinc. A really valuable record is made by M. Salzmann relative to the discovery of two bracelets in the ruins of Camirus, destroyed 500 3B.c., in the Isle of Rhodes. He says: “The silver trinkets are sometimes solid, sometimes ~ plated; certain bracelets for example, were made of a hollow silver ring filled, not with tin, as I believed at first, but really with zine.”’ The Greeks were not acquainted with the production of brass, as were the Romans, as early as 200 B.c. Brass was prepared about the time of Augustus, 20 B.c. to A.D. 14 by mixing zinc bearing wall accretions, zinc oxide ore and small pieces of copper—these materials being slowly fused in a crucible. In this operation the zinc oxide was reduced to metallic zinc and then the temperature raised to assure fusion of the metals. Brass made in this manner was used for coins, ornaments, ete. of the metal was very little understood. The medieval history of zinc is bound up with the history of alchemy of that period. However, inferences drawn from the works of alchemists of that period are very unsatisfactory. The production of brass—the yellow, gold colored alloy of zinc and copper—was well known to the alchemists and the knowledge gave rise to the belief that by the use of zinc, and zinc-bearing materials, it might be possible to transmute copper into gold. This belief induced them to secrete the results of their researches and if they wrote at all on the subject of zinc they often tried to confuse rather than enlighten their readers. In Europe the word zinck first appears in the works said to have been written in the fifteenth century by Basilius Valentinius. In the third book of the Strasburg edition (1645) of the ‘‘ Last Testament of Basil Valentine’ occurs mention of ores, metals, minerals, zincks, etc. But there is nothing to show that he actually meant metallic zinc. Actually the first writer to give the name zinck to the metallic form of the metal was Paracelsus (1490-1541). Many passages in his works (i.e., ‘“ Hermetic and Alchemic Writings ’’) show that he was acquainted with the metallic nature of zinc, that he knew it was fusible but not malleable, and his writings indicate that he was rather well informed regarding all the physical qualities of zine. Zine continued to be a rare metal in Europe for many years after the time of Paracelsus. In India, however, metallic zine was extracted long before the time of Paracelsus, and the Hindus were acquainted with a method of extracting the metal by a process of dis- tillation downwards into a vessel containing water. Knowledge of the production of zinc was also known earlier in Asia than in Europe. Kazwiui, called the Pliny of the Orient, who died A.p. 630 stated that the Chinese knew how to render the metal malleable and that they used it for small coins and mirrors. During the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries large quantities of slab zinc, or commercially called spelter, were imported from the East. Various names were given to this metal, such as. Indian tin, calaaem, tutaneg and spiauter. ‘The account books of the varlous companies trading in India, Sumatra and China give a great deal of information about this trade but the actual dates of its inception are not known. It was before the year 1611 for in the beginning of the seventeenth century, namely 1620, a Portuguese ship carrying spelter from the East Indies was seized by the Dutch. ‘This metal was sold in Paris and other places under the name of speautre or spialter. ‘The name was latinized to speltrum, from which comes spelter, the commercial designation for slab zinc. In a letter dated Sept. 14, 1611, Libavius clearly shows that at that time the calaaem (spelter) of Malabar was known to him and he says that it seemed to be the same as zinc. About the year 1740 Dr. Isaac Lawson brought the knowledge of smelting zinc from China and under his guidance John and William Champion set up a smelting works at a brass plant near Bristol, in England. The process was for producing spelter by distillation, per descensum. The process was kept secret until toward the end of the century when Johann Richberg visited England, learned the art of making zinc, and returned to Upper Silesia. In 1799 he started a plant in operation near Myslowitz. Now Upper Silesia is one of the most important zinc centers of Germany. In 1806 zine smelting was begun at Liége, Belgium, and there the foundation was laid for the Vielle Montagne Co. success in 1837. In the United States the first zinc was produced in 1835 by John Hitz in the Arsenal in Washington. It is said that the United States Government, in the desire to establish definite standards of weights and measures, imported workmen from Belgium, built a small spelter furnace at Washington to make the zinc necessary to form the brass needed for standard units of weight and measure. ‘The ore used was zincite from the northern portion of New Jersey. The pit from which the ore was taken was known for years as the ‘‘ Weights and Measures Opening” and remained intact until about the year 1900 when continued mining operations caused its disappearance. The first American attempt at commercial production of zinc was begun at Newark, N. J., in 1850, a Belgium zinc furnace being used. ‘The ore used was Franklinite (zinc-iron-manganese ore) and the attempt was very unsuccessful as the iron content of the ore corroded the retorts. In 1856 another zinc plant was built at Friedensville, Pennsylvania, but similar troubles presented themselves due to the ore. In 1860 J. Wharton erected a zine plant at South Bethlehem, Pennsylvania, and it proved to be a success. ‘Thus it was in the Lehigh Valley of Pennsylvania, which now holds the world’s largest zinc plant at Palmerton, that the zinc industry emerged from experimental to the commercial plane. From this point new zinc plants seemed to take life—and in 1862 a successful plant was operating at La Salle, Illinois. Then followed several zine works at St. Louis, Missouri and at Mineral Point, Wisconsin; later at Weir City and Pittsburgh, Kansas. At the present time the leading smelteries are found in Oklahoma, Illinois, Pennsylvania, Kansas, Arkansas and West Virginia. \| The commercial production of zine oxide as a pigment was started in France in the latter part of the eighteenth century by LeClair and Sorel. LeClair was a paint grinder and master painter. He was using white lead as the main pigment and he noticed that there was a great deal of sickness among his workmen due to lead poisoning. In order to overcome this he made some elaborate and exhaustive tests with zinc oxide as his pigment. He found that this pigment not only overcame the illness of his employees but gave him a whiter and more desirable paint. Investigations of LeClair’s claims by the French Government led it to specify Zinc Oxide for all government work. Later — white lead was prohibited above certain percentages and zinc oxide specified in its place. The zine oxide used by LeClair was made by burning spelter (slab zinc) with an excess amount of air. The plant he erected and used was still in operation up to the breaking out of the World War. ‘The process used is known as the French Process, or the indirect process, since in its operation spelter must be produced from the ore and then “ burned ” in a special furnace to produce the zine oxide. The manufacture of zinc oxide in America is closely connected with some of the early endeavors to solve the problems of successfully using the complex refrac- Northern New Jersey. The deposit of mineral ore in Northern New Jersey was discovered the latter part of the eighteenth century by a party of Swedish miners who were traveling overland from Baltimore to New York. The earliest record that we have of. this deposit of ore, however, is 1824 when some of the minerals occurring there were described by Messrs. Van Uxem and Keating. The first mining that was done from this deposit was at the time when the United States Government made its standard weights and measures, as mentioned previously. Real mining operations did not begin, however, until about 1850. The deposit is of complex ore containing mixtures of franklinite, zincite, and willemite—a hopeless combination for producing either spelter or iron. The fact that zine oxide could be made from this ore is said to have been discovered about 1854 by a workman by the name of Burrows, who was employed by the Passaic Chemical Company at Newark, N. J. There was a zinc plant adjoining the plant of the Passaic Chemical Co. and Burrows, while on night duty, discovered a badly leaking fire flue in one of the furnaces he was attending. He mended this hole by throwing an old piece of fire grate over the exposure, and shoveled over it some of the zinc company’s mixture of ore and coal, which he found handy. He was surprised a short time later to see a cloud of zine oxide arising from the burning patch. He later related his experience to Messrs. Wetherill and Jones, who were connected with the zine company. His discovery led to developments along this line and to the many patents taken out by Wetherill between 1855 and 1868. Mr. Jones perfected a method of collecting the zinc oxide by means of fabric bags. The processes developed by these two men have been used ever since for the manufacture of American, or direct, process zinc oxide. Minerals that bear zinc are very widely distributed geographically—so widely, indeed, that they are found in almost all the metal bearing districts of the world. The minerals which form the basis of ores are comparatively few in number. ‘The ores of zinc are found more particularly associated with the ores of lead, copper and silver, often forming large and extensive deposits of great complexity, which present serious problems to the metallurgist, for the practical solution of which a large number of processes have been devised. ‘The ores of zinc may be classified as sulphides (blende, wurtzite), as oxides (zincite, franklinite), as silicates (willemite, calamine), as carbonates (smithsonite, hydrozincite), and as sulphates (goslarite). In addition to these classifications may be mentioned cadmia, the throat accretions of blast furnaces treating _zinc-bearing iron ores. While zinc occurs as a constituent of a very large number of the ores of other metals, minerals containing the metal in sufficiently large quantity and occurring in sufficient abundance to be really ores of zinc, are very few. The metallurgy of zinc requires the employment of ores analyzing relatively high in zinc content. It is, therefore, frequently necessary to submit zinc- bearing ores to some preliminary process for the concentration and separation of the zinc mineral from other minerals and gangue, or worthless material, before a product sufficiently high in zine content can be obtained ready for use by a zinc smelter. The ore mined is frequently very low in zinc content, often averaging not more than 3 per cent, but this percentage is increased by concentration to 40 per cent zinc or often more. The principal zinc ores are as follows: Blende and Wurtzite, average about 67 per cent zine and 33 percent sulphur. The mineral ore blende— called in manufacturing classifications, sphalerite, Jack, rosin Jack, blackjack—forms isometric crystals and the mineral ore Wurtzite forms hexagonal crystals. Blende, the sulphide formation of the mineral, is rather common; wurtzite is rather rare, although it has been found to some extent in some Missouri and foreign ores. ‘The most common deposits of blende contain little iron and has a reddish brown color, the more iron contained in blende the darker the color. If the blende contains as much as 10 per cent or more of iron, as Fes, the color is dark brown to black and this high iron bearing blende often goes under the name of black blende or marmatite. In addition to iron, sulphides of copper, cadmium, arsenic, mercury, silver, and gold minerals and oxides of tin are also found with blende. ‘The gangue, or waste material, associated with blende is mostly of limestone formation, but sometimes it is silicious. Blende ores, being the most common, are usually low grade. The following chart shows the average analyses: eee eo oo These ores, having a relatively high sulphur content, must first be treated to free the mineral of sulphur. The sulphur is removed by roasting the ore either in a kiln consisting of longitudinal shelves through which the ore is raked from shelf to shelf, or a kiln consisting of circular shelves through which the roasting ore is raked downward, shelf to shelf. at the top of the kiln and goes off as SOs, is conducted through a series of coke and felt cleaners and used to manufacture sulphuric acid. The analyses of several blende ores before and after roasting are as follows: (Raw Ore) SiO.\| Zn \| Fe \| Pb \|Sul. \|CaO\| Mn \| Mg \| Cd HG: Separators. san 4 1.5/57.3\| 2.3] 1.5181. 8) 273) 103i ous Missouri tu 3 acc: .ca nutes 6.4\|55.9]} 3.7} 0.9/29.8] 0.8} .14\| .17}.032 Wis. separator........ 2.3/58.3) 2.2] 0.71381. 5) 2.5) v2) 274) 008 Mexican concent......\| .1.7/59.0\| 2.2) 0.6/31.5] 2.0) .08] .65}.083 Wellington... 04.555. 3.4/47.9)10.5\| 1.6/30.2] 0.9] .63] .21).023 CanoniGitycee is cee 4.8/44.6) 8.6] 7.0/29.8] 0.7) .56\| .50}.023 BrokenGHill ysis ee 2.0/46.8) 9.7\| 6.4/80.2} 0.3/1.40) .24).011 H, G.separatore, ss .9166.6) 3.0] 1.0] 2.2} 2.8) .05)1.41].015 Missouri sehen ore 5.4/66.8} 2.4] 1.2] 3.1] 1.0] .04\| .28].036 Wis. separator........ 1.6/63.2) 2.9] 0.9} 4.9} 3.8] .14] .93).009 Mexican concent...... 2.9/41.7/10.8\| 3.6) 7.0] 1.6) . .30 Wellingtons ese 4.0/55.0)11.4) 1.6] 2.4] 1.2) .70) .24).021 Canon City? Ges vin pos 5.0/50.9/11.5} 3.0] 1.9] 1.3] .42]-.35).023 BrokensHill ene 4,2/52.1/10.1] 6.5) 2.0] 0.8] .68] .138).013 Zincite, Franklinite and Willemite are three zinc ores found intermixed in one deposit at Franklin, New Jersey. Zincite is primarily a natural formation of zine oxide. It is the richest zinc ore known, containing about 80 per cent zinc. It is of deep red to orange yellow hexagonal mineral, the color being due to about 5 per cent manganese. Franklinite is a black ore composed of the combined oxides of iron, manganese and zinc. It forms rounded octahedral crystals, and is sufficiently magnetic to permit magnetic separation, from zincite and willemite. The Franklinite concentrate contains about 39 per cent to 46 per cent of iron; 10 per cent to 19 per cent of manganese and about 22 per cent of zinc, with about 4 per cent of silica. Willemite is a yellowish green mineral composed of zinc, silica and oxygen in the form of orthosilicate of cent to 3 per cent. These three minerals are found in Northern New Jersey in cambian limestone. ‘Two mines, one at Franklin and one at Sterling Hill are worked. The ore is milled, and then subjected to magnetic separation to segregate the franklinite and is later subjected to wet concentration by both jigs and tables to recover zincite and willemite. The franklinite is used to produce zinc _ oxide, and the clinker of the process is later used in blast furnaces to produce a manganese-pig iron, known as spiegeleisen. ‘The zincite and the willemite are used to produce spelter. Calamine, Smithsonite, Hydrozincite.—Calamine is a white mineral ore having a bluish green shade. It forms ortho-rhombic crystals and has a glassy luster. It will analyze about 57 per cent zinc. Smithsonite is also a white mineral, but may appear in greenish or grayish casts. It forms curved and imperfect rhombohedral crystals. It will contain about 52 per cent zinc. Hydrozincite is white to yellowish in color and forms earthy incrustations. It usually contains about 47 per cent zinc. These three minerals usually occur together in oxide formations and are known as the carbonate ores. ‘The first, calamine, is relatively common; the second, smithsonite, is rather rare in the United States but common in Europe; the third, hydrozincite, is also well known. Goslarite and Cadmia.—Goslarite is found in the form of white vitreous ortho-rhombic crystals. It contains about 23 per cent zinc. It is a secondary mineral resulting from the alteration of blende, but is rather important as an ore. Cadmia is contaminated zinc oxide that forms as throat accretions in iron blast furnaces in the treatment of zinc-bearing iron ores. It usually contains about 85 per cent to 95 per cent zinc in the form of zinc oxide. Zinc Ores of the World Zine minerals are widely distributed geographically as is shown by the accompanying map, on which the principal zine ore-producing districts are indicated. In the United Kingdom the best known zine deposits are those of Flintshire, Cardinganshire, Durham, Cumberland, Derbyshire, Isle of Man, Dumfriesshire and Lanarkshire. The mineral mines are worked for both lead and zinc, and the zinc ore produced is mostly blende. In Canada there are many deposits of zinc-bearing ores but the output is not large. Most of the zinc ores coming from Canada are from British Columbia, mainly from the Kootenay district. The ores are very complex and hard to use. Australia has well known and relatively important deposits of zinc ore at Broken Hill, New South Wales. These are the most important deposits of the British Empire. The ore is a complex association of galena and blende. ‘The ore produced mainly goes to Continental Europe. In pre-war times these deposits produced enough ore to satisfy one-fifth of the world’s trade needs of zinc. \| seven miles and contain 24 per cent to 42 per cent zinc. India has large and prospective deposits of silverlead-zine ores of the sulphide class in Upper Burma. These deposits are situated at Baldwin in the North Shan States, some sixty miles from the Chinese Province of Yunnan. ‘They also contain an appreciable amount of silver. South Africa has a lead and zine deposit at the Rhodesian Broken Hill District. A discovery of zincbearing ore in Northwestern Raodesia is said to look promising. Southern Carinthia, Styria and Tyrol. Belgium has been a small producer of zine ore since 1856, but it was formerly a very important producer. The remaining important zinc mines are at Blyberg, and near Verriers and Liége; also the Viélle Montagne mines at Monset. southwest from Vratza. France first produced zine ore about 1870, but the output has fallen off very much. The largest mines are now at Malines. In the Pyrenees zinc ore occurs many places. Sientien Mines in Ariege produce carbonate ores of zinc and lead. Deposits also occur in Hantes and Basses Pyrenees. Also at Var, where silicate, zinc blende and zine carbonate occur. The French colonies of Algeria and Tunis also produce zinc. In Algeria, in the Department of Constantine, zincbearing ores are found, and in several places along the Atlas Mountains zinc ores are also mined. Germany is the chief producer of zinc ore in Europe. The most important deposits are situated in Upper Silesia, while ore in smaller quantities is obtained in Rhineland, Westphalia, Nassau, the Harz, etc. The well-known deposits of Upper Silesia occur in the southeastern corner of the Province, on the border of Austria and Russia. They are principally calamine and blende ores. and Tuscany. Norway has small amounts of zinc ores at Hadeland, Modum and Ranen. There is also a large deposit of lean, low zinc content ore near Christiana. Russia has zine ores in Russian Poland district near Silesia—producing calamine. This is probably an extension of the Silesian deposit of ore. Spain has ore deposits in the provinces of Murcia and Santander. They are not relatively important. Changlin, in the Hunan Province. Japan.—The most important deposit is at the Kamioka Mines, Province of Hilda. Zine mines of lesser importance occur in the Provinces of Tsushima, Etchu, Echizen, Bizou and Mimasaka. Zinc Ores in the United States Zine ores are to be found in many regions of the United States. The deposits, however, may be classified as belonging to defined areas of Eastern, Central and Western Zones. The Eastern Zinc District The Franklin, New Jersey, deposit is the principal zine ore area of the Eastern District. This deposit is mined at Sterling Hill and at Franklin, N. J. About eighty different minerals have been found in the Franklin Mine, the principal ores of which are: Franklinite, willemite and zincite. With these minerals are to be found gangue or useless materials of calcite, rhodenite, garnet, pyroxene and hornblende. ‘This ore body at Franklin, N.J., is considered to be the unique mineral deposit in the world. Over seventyfive specimens of different minerals have been found in this deposit, which is a vertically inclined, hook shaped long deposit of solid ore. The ore body is so situated that efficient mining methods can be practiced with facility. By having systematized stopes and pillars all of the ore will be mined in the course of years, and used with conservatism. The only other zinc-producing region in the Hastenn District is the Virginia-Tennessee area. ‘The zinc ore deposits occur in a limestone formation extending from Southwestern Virginia into Eastern Tennessee. In Virginia the Bertha and Austinville mines have been the chief producers, the ores mined being principally weathered ores, with calamine, smithsonite and cerrusite as the metal-bearing minerals. The ores are concentrated so as to analyze about 40 per cent zinc. ‘The gangue minerals are calcite, barite and dolomite. Tennessee zinc ores are more abundant. Both oxide and sulphide ores are obtained, some being lead-bearing ores and others being practically lead free. ‘The better known of the Tennessee ores is from the Mascot mines and contain about 10 per cent blende, no iron and no lead. By wet concentration these ores can be brought up to about 60 per cent zinc. The lead free Tennessee zinc ores are generally high in cadmium content but are refined by a method which employs bone black, and the ores thus produced are used for the manufacture of lead free zinc oxide. The Central Zinc Producing District covers a very large area embracing the Upper Mississippi Valley, the Ozark region, and the smaller areas in Northern Arkansas, Kentucky and Illinois. duced in Southwestern Wisconsin, Eastern Iowa and Northwestern Illinois. Wisconsin is the principal producer of the Upper Mississippi Valley. The ores are found in the galena, dolomite and the upper part of the Plattesville limestone, both of the Ordovician Age; blende, in some places, is inter-mixed with marcasite and must go through a roasting process for magnetic separation in order to remove this mineral from it. The raw ores will analyze about 12 per cent blende, and after concentration will contain about 60 per cent zinc. Blende is the principal ore produced by this section. The ores of Eastern Iowa and Northwestern Illinois are very similar to those of Wisconsin. The Ozark zinc-producing region lies mainly in Missouri, with its center around Joplin, but also includes portions of Arkansas and Oklahoma. The ores are found in Southwestern and Central Missouri, Northwestern Arkansas and Northeastern Oklahoma. The ore is found in limestone and chert formations, combined with dolomite, calcite and blende, also containing blende, galena and marcasite. ‘The ore bodies form runs and sheet ground. ‘The runs are irregular tabular ore bodies, 10 to 50 feet wide and rather shallow. The sheet ground has a similar formation but it is greatly broadened out and is from 15 to 16 feet thick. In this area an ore body carrying 6 per cent zinc is considered valuable. After concentration ore will analyze about 55 per cent to 60 per cent zinc. The zinc ores found in Central Missouri, Arkansas, Kentucky and Southern Illinois are not as important as the MissouriKansas-Oklahoma district that centers around Joplin. The states of Colorado, New Mexico, Montana, Idaho, Utah, Arizona, Nevada and California are the leading zine producers of this region. The Colorado zinc ore deposits occur mainly in a belt extending from the Rico district in San Juan region northeasterly to the central district of Boulder County. In the Leadville region zine carbonate and silicate are found below carbonate lead formations in the carboniferous limestone. ‘This ore will analyze about 30 per cent to 35 per cent zinc and 3 per cent to 6 per cent lead. The New Mexico zinc ores come mainly from the north and western part of the state. In the Magdalena range, near the town of Kelly; blende occurs. The blende is dark and contains considerable amounts of iron. It will analyze about 19 per cent zinc and 4 per cent to 6 per cent lead and is concentrated to an ore of 45 per cent zinc. A large part of this ore is used for the manufacture of zinc oxide. Montana produces zine principally around Butte. The Montana ores come mainly from mines formerly operated as silver producers but abandoned because of the low price of silver. The Black Rock Mine is the leading producer. The ore will analyze about 16 per cent zinc. It has a low lead content, and can be concentrated to about 52 per cent zinc. Zine also occurs as sphalerite (the sulphide) associated with pyrite, rhodenite and rhodochrosite. Galena is found very sparingly. tration and the zinc is recovered by electrolysis. Utah has been a producer of blende for many years and recently produced oxide ores. There are ore bodies in the Park City region which carry silver to the amount of 10 to 25 ounces a ton in concentrates, and 40 per cent to 45 per cent zinc. Ores are also found in the Tintic district. Arizona has its principal zinc producers in Mohave County. The ore is dark blende, carrying considerable amounts of iron, also carrying galena. ‘The Tennessee mine concentrates will analyze about 40 per cent zinc. Nevada produces zinc ores in the Yellow Pine district of Clark County. The minerals of this district are zinc carbonate and silicate. The ores analyze about 32 per cent zinc, 10 per cent lead and 5 ounces of silver a ton. They are concentrated to about 40 per cent zine and 12 per cent lead and are shipped to zine oxide plants. California has blende with sulphide copper ore in Shasta County. The crude ore contains 30 per cent to 35 per cent zinc. In Inyo County oxide ores with galena occur as replacement of limestone. Zinc oxide is a white, snowy, metallic pigment, in all appearances resembling household white flour. It is formed by vaporizing zinc, either directly from the ore or “ indirectly ” from spelter (slab zinc) and allowing this vapor to come in contact with an oxidizing atmosphere. ‘The vaporous zinc really “ burns” in air and as a result it produces an intense flame and the “ white smoke ’”’ of zinc oxide forms. In commercial plants, the zinc oxide laden air is drawn through cooling pipes and the pigment is later caught in the meshes of muslin bags. The manufacture of zinc oxide directly from the ore is known as the American Process, and the manufacture of zinc oxide from spelter is known as the French Process. Both processes shall be described later. Zinc is volatile or will become vaporous at a temperature of 1000° C., the boiling-point of zine being 920° C. The chart of Doeltz indicates that volatilization is rapid at 1300° C. and practically complete at temperatures of 1370° C. and 1400° C. The dissociation temperature into Zn and O has been calculated by Stahl to be 3817° C. The working temperature of furnaces is usually about 1100° C., as the reduction temperature varies with the character of the ores and the zine oxide to be produced, as well as the reducing carbon—some ores being easier to reduce than others. ‘Zine oxide is insoluble in water, will not change its color when exposed to temperatures ordinarily met in commercial uses of this pigment, and is unaffected by light, cold or darkness—or wind, rain, and gases found in rather concentrated quantities about industrial centers. mesh screen. compounding it is considered second to carbon black in fineness. It has such a fine particle size that the highest powered microscope must be used in order to see any of the outline of the individual pieces. The relative proportion of a particle of zinc oxide can be shown by representing it as a small square in the center of a magnified space between the wires of a 300-mesh screen. Upon looking through the microscope at different pigments the comparative size of the particles can easily be seen, and it will become evident that zinc oxide varies considerably from the other white pigments, and even the different zinc oxides will vary as against similar pigments produced by a different process. The Manufacture of Spelter The French Process, or the “‘ indirect process” of manufacturing zinc oxide was first used in France by LeClair and Sorel during the latter part of the eighteenth century. In this process the zinc is reduced from the ores to a metallic state. The spelter, or slab zinc, is then used in the second step by being vaporized in a specially constructed furnace and the volatilized zinc allowed to come in contact with an oxidizing atmosphere. The zinc oxide thus formed is cooled and collected by means of a baffle plate chamber and later muslin bags. Inasmuch as the manufacturing of spelter or slab zinc is necessary for the first step in the production of French Process zine oxide it shall be briefly described. Spelter, or metallic zinc, is produced from zinc ore by the process of distillation. ‘The zinc ore is mixed with coal, charged into a cylindrical clay retort, heated to 1200° C., where the zinc is vaporized and allowed to cool to about 600° C. and condense to the metal in a separate clay “‘ condenser.’”’? The metal is drawn from the condensers while in a fluid state and cast into slabs, where it cools, crystallizes and becomes the commercial product—spelter. The furnace used for smelting zine ores is composed of two sections, the base or the heat regenerating chamber is one section and the laboratory or the upper half of the furnace is the other section. In the laboratory are suspended the retorts used in the smelting of zine bearing ore. There are many different types of furnaces used for the smelting of zinc, such as the Belgium, Carinthian, English, Rhenish, Silesian, and many types bearing the names of their designers. In principle they are the same. In order to demonstrate the process and to give the reader some conception of the process and principles involved a brief description of the Convers and DeSaulles Furnace, used in this country, shall be given. The lower section of the drawing can be seen to be the base or preheating section of the furnace. This preheating section has a height of 14 feet 6 inches, it is 17 feet 6 inches wide and has a length of 35 feet 4 inches. It is constructed of heavy fire brick and masonry, and it is so arranged that it has two chambers containing checker work of brick. A series of gas and — air inlets and outlets are arranged to conduct air and gas to and from the upper section, called the “ laboratory ’’ where combustion takes place. The operation of the pre-heater is solely for the purpose of pre-heating air before it is led to the laboratory. Air is forced through one side of the brick checker work (which is very hot) and in coming in contact with the hot bricks it absorbs heat. It is then led to a distributing main and allowed to enter the laboratory of the furnace through an opening at the base of the center wall of the laboratory. It is then distributed to a series of outlet ports through which it escapes to the combustion section of the laboratory. Gas is led through a separate main and sent through distributing sections to laboratory outlets just above the air ports. Combustion takes place and the gas is burned to furnish a temperature of about 1200° C. to 1300° C. necessary for the smelting of the furnace charges. The burned gases are led from the laboratory through ports in the center wall on the opposite side from the feeding ports, and conducted through a separate passage to the second section of brick checker work in the base of the furnace. The brick checker work absorbs heat from the gases and soon becomes very hot. From this chamber the gases are led to a stack and allowed to escape to the air. During this procedure the one section of the recuperating checker work is being cooled by the ingoing air and the other is being heated by the spent gases, so that the procedure of reversing the flow of the burned gases and air every fifteen minutes permits the recuperation of waste heat of the burned gases and increases the efficiency of the fuel, by preheating the air. The gas consumed in the furnaces is made from coal by the use of gas producers. ‘There are also several types of gas producers, such as the Hegler, the Chapman and the Hughes. They are upright, cylindrical, bricklined sheet-steel retorts having a revolving body the ends of which are water sealed into a top and a bottom section. At the top the revolving jacket is sealed into a specially constructed iron cover, which has the feeding hopper through which ground soft coal is fed, poke holes allowing the use of bars to break up any clinkering on the inside of the producer, and the gas lead off. The bottom of the revolving jacket is water sealed FRENCH PROCESS ZINC OXIDE 31 into a funnel-like section for the collection and removal of ashes. Just above the funnel-like bottom there is a hearth upon which rests a bed of hot coals and through which air and steam are blown. The air and steam being forced through the bed of hot coals oxidizes some of the coal and causes chemical changes in the upper section of the producer. The reaction of 2H20=2H2—O2—C—CO takes place. The carbon dioxide that forms passes through the coals and becomes carbon and carbon monoxide. The main gas stream led from the producers also contains oxygen and methane. The producer is designed to produce carbon monoxide gas but actual analysis of the gas shows the CO to be only about 25 per cent to 30 per cent of the total. The gas also contains about 4 per cent COz2, 12 per cent He, and 57 per cent N. The laboratory or the upper section of the spelter furnace is composed of a firebrick shelf section built up through the center. ‘This section serves to support the one end of the retorts as well as the center of the arch over the top of the furnace. The sides of the laboratory are constructed of cast-iron frames and firebrick, having the frames anchored at the base of the furnace and bound together by rods across the top. The arched ceiling of the laboratory is supported both by the bound sides and the center wall. Retorts are suspended in the laboratory, the base or the closed end of the retort being set on the shelves of the brickwork in the center wall and the open end being supported by the front of the furnace. ‘These retorts are arranged in rows and tiers on both sides of the furnace, having 120 or 130 retorts to a side, or 240 or 260 to a furnace. The retorts are oval in shape and made of fire clay. They are 57 inches long inside and 9 inches high and 7 inches wide and have a volume of 1.62 cubic feet. They are made in a special refractories plant from bond clay, grog, etc. The grog used is composed mainly of pre-used materials such as broken saggers, brickbats, side frames. etc. The material is crushed, screened, put through pug mills for thorough kneading, aged, re-pugged and moulded into retorts by large hydraulic pressing machines. ‘These vessels are dried for a period to free them of as much moisture as possible, later brought to the furnace floor where they are placed in a baking chamber for the purpose of driving off any chemically combined water and to strengthen them so that they can withstand the intense heat of the laboratory, and are brought to a red heat so as to be ready for use in case any replacements are necessary for the breakages in the furnaces. The retorts are set in the laboratory by means of bars and are so arranged that the base or closed end is 4 inches above Another important part of a the furnace is the condenser, a_ bottle-like clay cone which is set at the open end of the retort to SS collect, cool and condense the Qe Beeyspors 9t0 «metallic Zinc. 4. 19.-Zine furnace conThe condensers used are about denser. 2 feet long, have 7? inches O.D. at the base and 44 inches O.D. at the other end. Condensers are made of the same clay as are retorts, are moulded by machine, have the base crimped so as to fit —Al into the mouth of the retort and $5 are burned at a temperature of eee = Condentersup: 900° ©.. There is a condenser port. for each retort, and they are _ suspended in the open air by a hinged iron bracket attached to the side of the castiron furnace frames. The raw material, or charge, used for the production of spelter consists of zinc ore in proportion of 18,000 pounds, dust coal 7000 pounds and common salt 40 pounds. ‘This charge is churned to an even mixture in a Ransome concrete type of mixer, taken by a special skip to a storage bin, from which it is later drawn into charge larries which carry it to the furnace floors. The charging car, on which the larries deposit the charge, is a flat table-like platform, having four wheels permitting it to be rolled forward from the back wall of the furnace building to the face of the furnace at the time it is desired to charge the retorts. The discharging and recharging, as well as the entire operation of the furnace, are carried on by manual labor and as the filling and handling of the retorts must be done individually by laborers, the operators are subjected to intense heat during the time of this laborious task. The condensers are set aside and when cool will be cleaned by a member of the crew. Droppings and the old ore-coal mixture of the former charge are scraped from the front of the retort, and saved for a later recharging. A sheet-metal shield is dropped over the front of the furnace and under its protection a member of the crew inserts a long pipe into the retort, and by means of a hose attachment to the pipe he introduces water into the back end of the red-hot retort and by the formation of steam at that point in the retort the old charge is ‘“‘ blown out.’ This is done to all of the retorts. ‘The refuse drops to the floor and then through hopper openings in the floor at the side of the furnaces. Further cleaning of the retorts is then done by chisels if necessary. Breakages are removed by means of hand bars and new retorts are inserted. After the furnace is discharged and the floor is cleaned the charging table is rolled to the front of the furnace and the men proceed to charge the retorts. The mixture of coal, ore and salt is thrown into the retorts by means of a special scoop shovel. The men throw the charge into the retort until it becomes full and then run a rod through the top of the charge to charge a furnace. The retorts being filled the condensers are then placed. ‘They are placed by forcing the crimped larger end of the condenser into the open end of the retort and then resting the neck or fore part of the condenser on the “‘ grasshopper arms ’”’ or brackets which protrude from the front of the furnace. The openings of the condensers are luted or sealed shut by moist mixture of coal and ore in order to seal off any outside air but at the same time to allow internal gases to escape. Carbon monoxide gas is generated inside the retort and does escape through this luted mouth of the condenser. Being a poisonous gas it is desirable that it be destroyed and for this reason the gas is burned at the mouth of the condenser. In burning with a bright yellowish flame the gas causes each condenser to appear as a lighted torch, giving the furnace block, with 120 or 1380 flaming condensers to each side, a very unique appearance, and especially so at night. from the ore, by the presence of carbon, does not begin until the vessel has reached the temperature of 900° C. to 950° C. Thus, during the “ warming up ”’ period, the carbon has little effect upon the reduction of metallic zinc. However, below the temperature of 800° C. there will be a reduction of zinc due to methane, COz formed in the charge and hydrogen. ‘The COz2 being abundant acts aS an oxidizing agent upon the zinc vapors and causes a formation of crude zinc oxide and blue powder, commonly known as zinc dust. As the heat of the charge increases the relative amounts of COs will decrease and CO increase in proportion. ‘The zinc is vaporized in the retort and comes to the condenser where it is cooled to 600° C., crystallizes or condenses and forms metallic zine. The furnaces are charged once in twenty-four hours, the hours of charging being usually four to seventhirty in the morning. Draws of the metal are made three times a day, usually at 2 p.m., 10 P.m., and at 3 A.M. The zinc is removed from the condenser by inserting a scratcher button, which is a rod having a blunt end, and drawing the molten zinc into a suspended movable kettle, which is swung under the condensers. ‘The drawn metal is poured into a mixing pot and later cast into slabs. Slab zinc, commercially called spelter, is used principally for galvanizing sheet steel and for brass manufacturing. A portion of the natural production of spelter is rolled into sheets and strips for roofing, etc., and still a smaller percentage is used for the manufacturing of French Process Zine Oxide. The furnace used in manufacturing French Process zinc oxide very much resembles a spelter furnace, as it also has a recuperating pre-heating base and a laboratory in which are suspended a row of retorts very similar to the retorts used in the manufacture of spelter. There are four brick checkerwork recuperating sections in the base of the furnace, two of which are vsed for gas and the remaining two are used for air. One of each set is used at a time for pre-heating, the other one being heated up in the meantime by the outward passage of burned gases. ‘The flow of the gas and the air is reversed every half hour so that the ingoing gas and air may be maintained at a high temperature. The upper section of the furnace is a brick encased combustion chamber, across which is suspended a row of muffle. The gases coming from the preheating section burn in this combustion chamber giving an intense heat around the muffles and causing a constant temperature of about 1400° C. The gases, after burning, pass down. from the combustion chamber to the recuperating brickwork in the base and then out to a stack. Above the combustion chamber is a separate brick compartment known as the gas chamber. Into this chamber, which is merely a brick rectangular space, is fed carbon monoxide gas, which was generated in a producer and cleaned in a scrubber beneath the furnace floor level. The carbon monoxide gas is heated CMLL GLE SLL a Mee d by the warmth of the firebrick partition which is between it and the combustion chamber. It is removed from the gas chamber by means of a pipe leading from an opening in the chamber to the charge end of a muffle. The muffle or retort used in the French Process zine furnace is the same size and shape as a spelter retort. The one end is open while the other end has a dam, or half-closed face. The muffle is suspended so that the open end extends to the outer surface of the rear supporting wall of the furnace, and the dam end extends to the outer surface of the front supporting wall. The fore end of the furnace has a sheet-iron section running the entire height of the furnace. It has three doors for each section of muffles, one at the level of the muffles, one at the level of the base of the laboratory and one at the bottom of the furnace. Above the sheetiron section or chamber is a collection pipe, being the broad side of a cone which leads to a collection sector above. The muffles of the furnace are charged with spelter. The slabs of zinc are chopped or broken up into convenient sizes and placed in the muffle through the open end at the rear of the furnace. A small portion of clay is also thrown into the muffle to prevent the metal and slag from clinkering to the sides of the muffle at the time of cleaning. ‘The usual charge consists of two or three parts of high-grade spelter to one or two parts of Prime Western (higher leaded) spelter. The muffle is not completely filled with spelter, but a space of about 3 inches is allowed at the top of the muffle for vaporization. After the spelter has been placed in the muffle a pipe set in the shape of a U is inserted in the gas chamber through an opening in line with the muffle. This is done so that a stream of carbon monoxide gas may be led to the muffle and serve two purposes, namely, prevent oxidation in the muffle and to lead the zine vapor to the mouth of the muffle. After the pipe is set in the muffle opening the back of the muffle is then closed with clay, the plastering being made to conform to the pipe and made so as to seal the end of the muffle. The clay is tamped and made secure in place by means of a red-hot blunt-ended rod. The zine contained in the muffle soon melts and as the temperature rises it vaporizes. The zinc vapor is induced to flow to the front end of the muffle by the stream of carbon monoxide gas and there it comes in contact with air or an oxidizing atmosphere and “burns ”’ with a bright yellowish flame to zine oxide. The front end of the muffle is the only means for checking the contents of the muffle. As soon as the flow of zinc oxide begins to decrease it is obvious that the charge is becoming exhausted. After the charge of spelter has been fairly well reduced and the amount of the zinc in the mufile is getting low, a second charge is made. This charge is of molten metal which has been brought to the side of the furnace in a ladle. A slide, placed in the end of the gas _ pipe, is opened and a tray-like funnel is inserted. The molten metal is thus poured into the muffle and the proper amount of zinc is charged. These molten charges are made as often as are necessary. It is arranged, however, so that the muffles can be opened and cleaned once in forty-eight hours. The cleaning of the muffles is done in order to remove any of the impurities which form in the muffle and cause a decrease in the production. The charging ‘end of the muffle is chiseled open and all of the clay removed. The gas pipe is removed and disconnected from the gas chamber. The muffle is then scraped clean by means of a spoon-like rod which reaches to the other end of the muffle and draws all refuse material back with it. There may also be a clinker formed at the side of the muffle which will necessitate chiseling in order to remove it. The refuse from the muffle is dumped on the charge floor, allowed to cool and then stored for shipment. This refuse contains about 40 per cent zinc and 20 per cent lead and can be used in the manufacture of leaded zinc oxides. There are many breakages of muffles due to the deterioration from the charge, from the intense heat, and from the wear and tear caused by cleaning. A furnace usually has twenty muffles and has about eighty replacements a month. Zinc saturated sections of broken muffles are recovered and used for spelter or zinc oxide charges. The stream of zinc vapor pours from the open end of the muffle and there combines with the oxygen of the air and forms zine oxide. The stream of zinc oxide, now appearing as a dense snow floated in air, is drawn up from the furnace to a collection main and led to the main collection hopper. A small portion of the zinc oxide falls to the catch hoppers at the base of the collection main, from where it is removed, screened and used in the main products of the plant. Accretions, known as horns, form at the fore end of the muffle. These horns, or hardened and fused accumulations of zinc oxide, act as condensers to the zinc vapor coming from the muffle and may cause the vapor to remetallize and form metallic zine as a coating. In order to stop this action a man is located at the base of the iron section in front of the furnace and by means of a long rod having a scraper he keeps the face of the muffle scraped clean of oxide horns. Any horns that level. From this accumulation of horns and zinc oxide scraped from the muffle face is reclaimed some rough oxide. ‘This is done by having the accumulated scrapings dumped into a large screen where the heavy horns are removed. ‘These horns are segregated, barreled and are later used in the manufacture of another white pigment, lithopone. The zinc oxide passing through the screen falls to the base of an elevator chain which carries it toa trommel above. Here all of the fine horns * and heavy particles are removed. The zinc oxide is allowed to fall into a blowing section, and the blast carries the light oxide from this cleaning station to a bag collection unit. All of the refuse or heavy zinc oxide and horns collected in this cleaning process 1s barreled and later shipped away for the use in making lithopone. To return to the furnace—the main stream of zinc oxide is led through a large sheet iron pipe to a large collection hopper. The collection hopper is a large oblong sheet metal chamber with baffle plates extending from both top and bottom. The baffle plates are so alternated that the incoming zinc oxide streams must follow a zigzag course, hitting the plates and the sides of the collection chamber at every turn. The heavier zine oxide falls first and the lighter zinc oxide is carried to the further end of the hopper. The zinc oxide that falls to the bottom of the collection chamber is removed by means of hopper doors, as the bottom of the chamber is arranged as a series of small hoppers. A lead off pipe at the far end of the hopper allows the secondary collecting unit. Leaving the collection chamber the air, still heavily laden with zinc oxide in suspension, is fed to a blow fan —the agency of action for the stream—and from it is forced into collection bags. The bags used are made of muslin and are about 3 feet in diameter and hang bottom. 20 feet long. They are attached at the top to round outlets in the iron pipes and are kept closed at the bottom by strings or knots. The interstices of the collection bag’s muslin allow the air and gases to escape but imprison the zinc oxide particles. The zine oxide clings to the side of the bag, is shaken loose periodically and is caught at the bottom of the bag where it is collected and taken in bags to the mixing room. The zine oxide that collects at the further end of the collection chamber and at the bags is always the lightest and fluffiest and finest in particle size. It contains a large amount of “ imprisoned ”’ air and is consequently lighter in specific gravity and less bulky than the other zinc oxides. It is also very clean and free from dirt. This being the first grade zinc oxide it is classified as White Seal. It is blended to assure conformity to a standard sample, bolted through a flour bolter to have it thoroughly cleaned of any fibers or foreign matter, and is then packed in 150-pound barrels. The zinc oxide collected at the central section of the collection chamber is more dense, and the zinc oxide collected at the first part of the collection chamber is the heaviest of all. It will be noted that there is no chemical difference in the gradings of this zine oxide, but the grades of French Process zinc oxide differ solely in their physical properties, such as gravity and color. If cadmium is present in large degrees in the spelter of duplication the charge it will cause the zinc oxide to appear yellow. The zinc oxides, classed as Green Seal and Red Seal, taken from the collection chamber are then subjected to a special heat treatment to give them a denser body. The collected pigment is elevated to a platform and allowed to fall through a superheated brick vertical muffle. The muffle used in the reheating of the zinc oxide is made of brick, having a height of 30 feet, and has a 15inch square opening running the entire height, the opening being divided into three sections by two brick dividing walls. ‘The muffle walls are heated by being encased in a fire-box. ‘The zinc oxide is poured into a hopper at the top of the muffle and from it is fed by a revolving cylinder grate so that the amount going down the muffle is not greater than the temperature of the muffle can care for. ‘The zinc oxide falls like snow and as it falls is heated. ‘The heat causes the zine oxide to become compact and frees it of a large percentage of the imprisoned air. At the bottom of the muffle the zinc oxide falls, red hot, on a wide flat pan-like truck. The truck is so devised that the zine oxide cools readily. As soon as it is cooled it is taken to the mixing bins and there allowed to cool to the normal temperature. It is blended to meet a standard sample, bolted and packed into 50-pound bags or 300-pound barrels. French Process zine oxide is used principally for making white and tinted enamel paints. Its uniform very fine particle size and good color especially recommend it for this use. It is also used to some extent in outside white paints. The pottery manufacturers use it in the compounding of their vitreous glazes. Manufacturers of cosmetics also use this grade of zinc oxide, generally White Seal, for face powders. Recently rubber manufacturers have been using large tonnages of this grade of zinc oxide in rubber compounding. It is generally agreed that the best French Process zinc oxide of the world is made in the United States. Imported French Process zinc oxides vary chemically and physically, especially in sulphur content, while © American production is standard and uniform. Great developments may be anticipated in the American production of this product, principally because of the exacting demands of the rubber manufacturers and the severe competition that other mineral pigments are giving for this use. plant are made because U. S. P. zinc oxide is the best zine oxide made both chemically and physically and every possible precaution is taken to assure purity. LODE SE NN The furnace used to produce this grade of zinc oxide does not have a recuperating section, and does not use gas as fuel, but is heated to a temperature of about 1200° C. by means of two coal-fed fire-boxes placed at each end of the brick furnace structure. ‘Thus the furnace very much resembles a fire-box, fed fuel at both ends and having a row of muffles or retorts extending side to side and placed near the top of the furnace. \| The muffles are similar to the retorts or muffles used in the making of spelter or French Process zine oxide, having a capacity of 1.28 cubic feet of molten zinc. The muffles are kept at a constant temperature, being fed a “stick” of spelter every ten minutes. These sticks of spelter are especially selected for this use because of chemical composition and are cast so as to facilitate charging of the muffle. The zinc oxide which forms at the mouth of the muffle is drawn up through a collection downcomer, to a fan and forced from there to a bag house where it is collected in the meshes of muslin bags. It is packed directly from the collection bags to well-lined barrels. Only 100 pounds of U.S. P. zine oxide are packed loosely into a large barrel. Pharmaceutical zinc oxide is used exclusively for medical purposes—such as zinc ointment, healing powders, etc. It has a very high antiseptic value. It is also used in some of the higher grades of face powders. The American Process, or direct process, of manufacturing zinc oxide has been used since 1852. It is called the American Process because it was invented and developed in this country. The principle of the process is to vaporize the zinc directly from the ore, the reduction being facilitated by carbon, and then allowing the zine vapor to oxidize. In the process a mixture of zinc ore and coal is spread on a body of burning coal, which, in turn is on a perforated grate, and an excess of air is blown through the grate. The heat of the burning coal and the reducing action of the CO gas causes the zine to volatilize and it burns to zinc oxide by the combination with the excess of air in the upper part of the furnace, and in the lead off flues. The zinc oxide with all of the products of combustion from the furnace, and the excess of air, is carried to a bag room through a carrying system of pipes which also act as cooling agents. In the bag room the gases escape through the meshes of the muslin bags, while the zinc oxide becomes entangled and is screened out or imprisoned in the bags. There are two distinct types of furnaces used for producing zinc oxide by the American Process, known as the Eastern Type and the Western Type. ‘There are also combinations and variations of the two, as well as several new types of furnaces that represent indicative trends for the future. The largest and newest plant producing zinc oxide by the American Process is located in the East, about one hundred miles inland from New York City. A description of the plant and an outline of the procedure at this plant will give the reader a clear understanding of the American Process as practiced in the East. The general plan of this Eastern zinc oxide plant— the largest in the world—is shown in the accompanying drawings. It can be seen that the principal sections of the plant are the storage yard, for the ore and coal, the stock bins and mixer, furnace, fan house and bag room. These individual parts of the plant shall be discussed separately and we shall endeavor to trace the complete journey of zinc from its reception at the plant in the form of raw ore to the departure of the finished product in the form of zinc oxide packed in the car. Zinc ores and anthracite coal coming to the plant are brought up an incline to a two-track unloading and storage trestle. ‘The trestle is a long concrete structure, being sufficiently wide to accommodate two tracks. The incoming cars are propelled by an electric truck car and are placed for proper unloading. A concrete wall runs through the middle of the trestle and to its entire length. This is done so that the track on the furnace side can empty cars directly into steel bins for current needs while the track on the opposite or the storage side of the trestle can empty the contents of the cars to an open platform for removal to the outside storage piles. gantry crane. The crane has a 5-ton bucket and a working radius of several hundred feet. Ores and coals for long storage are piled by the crane, and later, when needed, are brought back to the trestle by means of the crane and this time placed in the current material bins. It is generally considered good practice to store some ores for a period as they need weathering, and by this weathering they become more uniform as to their moisture content. Current materials are taken directly from the cars and fall to bins on the furnace side of the trestle. The cars are all unloaded by opening the bottom hoppers and allowing the material to fall through the iron gratings into Brown tangential bins. As the materials are unloaded they are sprayed with water from above the car. This is done in order to have the materials well soaked, which permits easy handling and is desirable for cohesion of the charge in the furnaces. In cold weather this watering is done away with as snow and general weathering give sufficient moisture. Steam is generally used to melt the frozen ores and coal and this also imparts moisture to the materials. Samples of all incoming materials are taken from the car at the time of unloading. The samples are taken according to standardized methods, giving a representative average of the car. ‘These samples are then taken to a special sample house, a brick and steel building, equipped with driers; compact, rotary and grinding types of crushers and bottling facilities. The samples are first laid out on a long wide iron tray and placed in a drying room where they are thoroughly dried. After drying they are crushed to a granulated screen and the coal through an 80-mesh screen. The samples are then bottled and placed in a steel carrying case to be sent to the laboratory for analysis. The tangential bins are so arranged that their discharge outlets are directly over a larry track. Each bin has six gate outlets, operated automatically by an arm on the larry car. The bins, being steel, freeze up very easily in cold weather and to prevent this as much as possible steam pipes are run along the outer surface. A scale hopper larry car runs along below the bins, taps the charges from the bins and carries the proper amounts of the various materials to the mixing stations and there discharges the contents of its bins. Mixing of the ores and coal is accomplished by having three mixing stations, each of which has two Ransome mixers. ‘These mixers are located at a level below the larry track. ‘The larry drops the ores and coal to a bin and from there it is fed to the mixers. The mixers are revolving cylinders, with interior blades that toss and mix up the contents and finally carry it to the opposite end where it falls into a trough leading to a skip. ‘This is the only process that the raw materials are subjected to before being used in the furnaces. The mixed coal and ore coming from the mixer falls into the skip. One charge for the furnaces, known as the firing coal charge, is placed directly above the skip and may be tapped directly into the skip without going through the mixer. The skip is a rectangular steel car having the contents of one furnace charge. It runs by means of small iron wheels upon a railed incline, being propelled by means of an iron cable actuated by pulleys and electric motor. At each of the three mixing stations there are two mixers, two skips and The empty skip coming down the one track acts as a counterbalance to the loaded skip ascending on the other track. The skips are dumped at the top of the fur- remain on an outer and ascending track, lifting the rear of the skip to an inverted position. The contents are dumped into furnace bins near the top of the furnace building. The furnace bins are large wood and steel structures, located at the top of the furnace building and in the center of the row of furnace blocks, enabling the discharge of material to both sides of the furnace building, There are four furnace bins for each skipway and thus eight bins for each mixing station. The bins have four compartments, three of which are used for the various ore charges and one for the coal charge. The material comes down from the skip over a distributing slideway which guides it to the proper bin. These bins are not intended to be storage places for materials and never carry any surplus mixtures or coals, but are being constantly emptied by the furnace charge cranes, and are refilled as soon as emptied. The charge crane is a hopper crane running on an elevated track along the side of the furnace building and above the level of the furnace hoppers, which, in turn, are located directly above the furnace blocks. The charge crane acts as a transfer agent for the material from the furnace bins to the furnace hoppers, which in turn dump the charges of material directly into the furnaces. At each charging station directly below the furnace bins are four furnace bin gates for each side of the furnace, or an outlet for each furnace bin compartment. ‘Three of the bin lead-outs are for ores and are extended further than the fourth which is for the coal charge. The gates are opened by means of an airoperated rod and a definite amount of material falls to the weighing hoppers of the charge crane. ‘The material other for ore. The charge crane deposits the ore and coal mixtures into the furnace hoppers, which in turn are arranged directly above the furnaces, one furnace hopper being arranged for each furnace door. The furnace hopper very much resembles the partitioned hopper of the charge crane as it has a partition through the middle, the inner compartment being for coal and the outer compartment for the ore charge. It tapers, as do all hoppers, to the bottom and at the termination of the neck it has a gate, which when Swung in one direction opens the coal chamber and when swung oppositely it opens the ore charge section. The furnace building of the plant is a steel structure extending about three-fourths of a mile, and is 35 feet wide. It houses thirty-eight furnace blocks. The furnace floor of the building is about 12 feet above ground level. ‘This is done so that cars may be run under the furnace floor to receive and carry away the clinker or residues from the furnaces. There are three types of the Eastern American Process style of furnaces used at this plant, namely the tunnel type, the four-furnace type and the sixfurnace type. Structurally all of the furnaces are of the same measurements. Each furnace block has the same exterior measurements as all others. The differences in the types mentioned above come from the partitioning of the inside chamber of the furnaces. The furnace blocks are “‘ blocks”’ of firebrick, and masonry strengthened by steel rods and girders. ‘The blocks are 45 feet long and 16 feet 6 inches wide and 7 feet high. ‘The interior of the furnace contains a fur- nace grate upon which the charge is placed and burned off, and an arched ceiling. In a four-furnace block, the interior of which is partitioned off into four separate and distinct furnaces, each furnace has hearth area of 19 feet 63 inches by 5 feet 114 inches. In the roof or ceiling of each furnace are three charge openings and two lead-off pipes 20 inches in diameter for the withdrawal of the zine oxide laden gases. On the side or the face of the furnace are three working openings closed by doors. ‘The hearth of the furnace is made of cast iron, either slotted or pin-hole grate bars. Below this is an ash pit constantly sealed with water to keep the hearth cool and through which is fed a blown draft of air. In the operation of the furnace, supposing a charge having run for eight hours and being fully worked off, the stream of gases is cut off from the collection pipes by means of a butterfly valve just at the base of the flue. The ashes that were piled at the door or working opening to close the doorway are removed and thrown aside to be used again. The residuum remaining in the furnace after the charge has been worked out is in the form of luminous tough porous clinker. ‘This redhot clinker covering the whole grate is broken up by heavy hand slice bars and raked out of the furnace through the doors and dropped through an opening or doorway of the building floor, into cars below. ‘The back walls of the furnace are then chiseled free from adhering clinker and the hearth is cleaned. ‘The clean grate is quickly covered with coal dropped through the charging neck from the furnace hopper above. ‘The doors of the furnace are closed and a small amount of draft is admitted through the ash pit. This is done in order to heat up the coal bedding which will be used as the smelting medium for the next charge. When the bed of coal burns evenly and brightly the charge of ore and coal mixture, which is in the furnace hopper, is dropped into the furnace and spread out evenly over the whole grate area by means of long rakes. This burden usually runs 6 inches to 9 inches deep and will weigh about 55 pounds to 60 pounds per square foot. The temperature of the furnace at this point is about 700° C. The doors of the furnace are then closed by piling ashes on a suspended shelf of sheet iron, and the air gradually admitted under the grate until the whole charge is well ignited. The draft or the 2-inch or 3-inch pressure of air that furnishes the cold blow to the ash pit is furnished by means of centrifugal electrical fans housed in a special fan house at one side of the furnace building. ‘There is one fan for each furnace block. The draft is led from the fans through 12-inch sheet-iron tubing directly above the center of the block, where a main carries it down the length of the block. At each furnace doorway, or opening, branches of the air pipe come down the side of the furnace to the ash-pit door, where it is fed to the furnace, going up through the grates to aid in the combustion of the coal and to furnish oxygen for the formation of zinc oxide. The charge within the furnace gradually rises in temperature, the gases of the combustion being led to the air because of the butterfly valve in the base of the flue, or discharging neck. After an hour or so the gases pouring from the furnace begin to show a yellowish color, tinged with green. ‘The workmen call this flame ‘“‘ zine candles.” The early gases coming from the fur- nace have a purplish color, being burning carbon monoxide gases. As the color of the flame grows to a deeper yellow it indicates that the reduction of the zine and the formation of zinc oxide is progressing. After a while the flame becomes a deep yellow, tinged with green. ‘This indicates a good oxide stream so the damper of the butterfly valve is closed and the stream of zinc oxide and gases allowed to be drawn upward through the collection pipes, called the down legs. _ The charge burns for eight hours, the color of the gas stream passing upward through the damper indicating the stage of the fire and the grade of zinc oxide the furnace is producing. Sometimes the furnace will not produce good zinc oxide due to the fact that the charge may have been dropped before the fuel charge was sufficiently heated—thus a chilled fire, and consequently a poorer grade of zinc oxide. Again there may not be sufficient sulphur within the charge to sulphate the lead and cadmium and thus cause pinkish and yellowish discoloration of the pigment. The pressure of the cold blow draft is another influential factor upon the production and operation of the furnace, too much pressure may cause blow-holes in the charge allowing too rapid reduction in one location, overheating the grates and producing a variety of undesirable results. Chemistry of the Formation of Zinc Oxide The exact chemical reactions within the furnace at the time of the formation of zinc oxide are not known. The heat of the charge rises to 1100° C. to 1800° C. and it is practically impossible to have knowledge of the actual reactions. It is presumed that the zinc content of the ore and the carbon of the coal unite to form CO and Zn. Continuing further the Zn and the CO form Zn and COQz, the COz combines with the Zn forming ZnO and CO. The CO gas thus formed acts as a very strong reducing agent upon the ore and increases the temperature of the furnace. ‘The hydrogen of the water in the charge is also liberated by virtue of the oxygen content combining with Zn to form ZnO. The ores also contain a quantity of cadmium and lead and as these metals are volatilized they are also oxidized. Too much lead oxide, being yellowish and reddish in -color, causes discoloration of the zine oxide. ‘The cadmium oxide is also distinctly yellow. However, these oxides of lead and cadmium are kept to a minimum by the action of the sulphur contained in the ore and in the coal. Sulphur, having a greater affinity for lead and cadmium, forms lead and cadmium sulphates, which are distinctly white. It is undoubtedly a fact that a portion of the zinc is also sulphated, but not to a great extent because chemical laboratory control of raw materials only permits enough sulphur to be used in the charge to afford proper care of the lead and cadmium. If any appreciable quantities of zinc sulphate form they are undoubtedly reduced to zinc oxide and to sulphurous anhydride, the latter completely escaping. Chemical changes are aided by the several agencies, such as the combustion of the coal mixed with the ore, the'carbon monoxide formed in the furnace, the hydrogen liberated from the water of the mixture, and}the exothermic reaction of the oxidation of the vaporized zinc. ‘lhe oxidation of the zinc is supposed to take place near the ceiling of the furnace. It was previously mentioned that there were three types of Eastern American Process zinc oxide furnaces used at this plant. Namely, the four-furnace type, the tunnel type and the six-furnace type. The four-furnace type of block is characterized by the fact that it has four distinct furnaces within the block, the interior of the block being quartered. As all furnace blocks have six doors on each side there are three doors for each furnace, three charging necks and two gas necks. The grate area is 444 square feet for each furnace. The advantage most cited for the fourfurnace block is that it fits very nicely into an eighthour shift schedule. It takes eight hours to burn out a charge so that by having a crew care for two blocks they are able to draw one furnace each hour. It also has an advantage in the fact that when a fire is drawn the cooling off of the furnace block is only one-fourth of the entire area of the block. The tunnel type of furnace block is a type having the block divided by partitions into thirds. These partitions run from side to side forming three separate furnaces. This type of block has two doors for each side of the furnace, two charging necks per side and one gas neck for each side, or two for the tunnel furnace. The grate area for this type of furnace is slightly greater than the four-furnace type as it does not have as many dividing walls. The grate area is 496 square feet per block. There are a few advantages of this type of block, one being that the absence of the back wall gives less trouble in drawing the worked-out charge, thus facilitating cleaning; another is the fact that structurally the tunnel type must have a higher ceiling arch, which does not reflect the heat so intensely upon the charge and cause any fusible materials to “‘ glass ”’ the grates. There are several disadvantages, such as the severe cooling of the oxide stream because of shutting off one-third of the block at the time of charging. The larger arch also induces a consideration of higher maintenance costs. The six-furnace type of block is one in which a center dividing wall has been run down through the funnel type of block. Thus there are six distinct furnaces made in the one block, each having two doors, two charging necks and one gas neck. The furnace, although not having such a large grate area as the other types, makes a greater ratio or recovery than the other furnaces due to the fact that a constant temperature is usually maintained and that a constant and even mixture of the zinc oxide is always flowing into the main oxide stream. The six-furnace types are especially advantageous in the preparation of leaded zine oxides where a high and even temperature is desired. The zinc oxide stream drawn from the furnace through the gas neck, in combination with the burned gases, air, etc., goes directly upward through vertical sheet steel pipes, called down legs. The down legs are about 15 feet in height and at the upper end feed the zinc oxide into large cylindrical drums. ‘The purpose of the drums is to thoroughly intermix the zinc oxide coming from the different furnaces of the block, and to permit the oxidation of any zinc vapors that escaped oxidation in the furnace, as well as to permit the gases to cool to some extent. ‘There are either two or three drums which receive the zinc oxide first and these in turn feed the stream of gases and pigment to an upper and common drum. By the time the oxide stream is drawn from the drums, which are directly above the furnace blocks, it is very well mixed. The temperature is about 1000° C., and the stream still contains some unoxidized zinc vapors. In order to slowly cool this stream of gases and at the same time allow the zinc vapors to oxidize the gases are run through an extended pipe. The pipes are made of sheet steel, and are 4 feet in diameter. Hach furnace block has considerable length of this pipe carrying the oxide stream and the intertwining arrangement of these large pipes, carrying the products of thirty-eight blocks in a row, presents a rare spectacle. At certain intervals, along the length of the pipe, are little doors called ventilators. ‘These ventilators permit the entrance of air which cools the gas stream and aids in the oxidation or any remaining zine vapors. Sediment forms in the pipes and at sections near the furnace building, where high temperatures are encountered, there may be semi-metallic deposits. This sediment and these deposits ave very detrimental to the main product, zine oxide. Thus the pipes must be thoroughly cleaned periodically. This is done by cooling the furnace and sending men into the pipes to chisel loose and scrape away the accumulated sediment. This is done by picks, bar scrapers and special tools. The sediment, consisting of caked zinc oxide and content reworked. The drawing off of the oxide stream, as it forms in the furnace, and the propulsion of the gases and the pigment through the drums and the pipes is accomplished by means of a large fan. The large cooling pipes lead the zinc oxide streams to fans. The fans are set in special fan houses located midway between the furnace buildings and the bag houses. ‘The fans are of the centrifugal type, having closed gas inlets at both ends of the revolving axis. ‘The fins of the fan blow the zine oxide laden gases off through a tangent lead off pipe, through which it is led from the building. The fans are driven by electric motors and revolve at a _ speed of 350 to 400 r.p.m. ‘They are mounted on a special water-cooled roller bearing as the temperature of the gases is so high that special care must be taken of the bearing surfaces. Each fan has several openings which permit periodical cleaning of any accumulations of zinc oxide, dirt, etc. The zine oxide stream is then led, by means of large sheet steel piping, to a cyclone blower. ‘The cyclone blower is a mixing chamber where the dust particles of the oxide stream are blown in contact with vertical baffle plates, the forward motion temporarily arrested, and if too heavy for suspension in the moving gas stream, drop to the bottom of the cylindrical enclosure and from there down to the conical oxide streams. The conical collection section in the base is far enough above the ground level to permit a small railroad truck car to go beneath it for the removal of collected refuse. The oxide stream is led off from the top center of the cyclone blower and is forced through a sheet-steel pipe to the bag house. There are two large bag houses at this plant the only difference being that at the one bag house the oxide stream is fed to the bottom of the bags and in the other it is fed at the top. The main pipe leads the oxide stream into the top of the building and there feeds it to a large lateral pipe. This lateral pipe runs at right angles to the main incoming pipe and extends along the side of the building. It feeds ten sub-pipes, five on each side of the main incoming pipe. These sub-pipes carry the oxide stream across the width of the building. Each subpipe feeds nineteen circular openings to which are attached collection bags. The bags are made of mesh muslin sheeting or tubing, so sewed as to become a tube 20 inches in diameter. The bags hang to a total length of 42 feet, being made of three sections of 14 feet each. They are made in sections so that if one part becomes defective it will not be necessary to replace the entire bag. The oxide laden gases enter the bag at the top and as they proceed downward the gases escape through the meshes of the bags but leave behind the solid particles of zinc oxide. The gases entering the bags are very hot, and if for some irregularity they are not sufficiently cooled they may cause the bags to ignite and result in a very destructive fire. As the gas stream comes into ' the building it is about 197° C., at the top of the bag it is about 168° C., half way down the bag the temperature has dropped to 77° C. and at the bottom of the bag the temperature will have dropped to 49° C. adheres to the cloth. As the bags get coated with zinc oxide there is a tendency to seal over the interstices of the meshes of the muslin and it is necessary to clean the bags of this accumulated zinc oxide so as to permit the escape of incoming gases. This cleaning is done by hand. By closing a damper each bag can be cut off from the incoming gases, and this also releases the pressure which usually holds the bags well extended. While house. they are cut off from the incoming gases, and hence hanging slack, a workman grabs hold of the side and by quick snappy shaking loosens the oxide which falls to the bottom hopper and into the collection bags at the floor level. In this way the bags are kept clean on the inside and the pigment is collected into the small collection bags on the ground floor of the bag house. tied shut by means of special colored strings, which mark the contents, and loaded on a small truck. Samples are taken so that by the time the pigment is ready to be packed it will have been classified and graded and will be used accordingly. A small electric truck makes up a train of the collection bag trucks and hauls them to the lower floor of the packing house. Here the bags are weighed, recorded and after labeling are allotted to the mixing room. After the destination of a lot is decided upon it is placed on an elevator and taken to the fourth floor of the building and placed at the side of the mixing hopper into which it is to go. Each collection of zine oxide at the bag house varies as to the time and the bag through which it is collected and this variation is sufficient to make some mixing necessary for the marketing of a standard product. The samples taken from the collection bags are taken to a testing room where they are rubbed down in oil, compared, graded for color and brightness and allotted for the mixtures. Thus the pigments are blended and a standard uniform product is procured. From the wide shelf-like hoppers on the fourth floor the mixed zinc oxide falls into the bolting machines which are on the third floor. These are special zine oxide bolting machines, fashioned after the flour bolting machines, having the zinc oxide led into the center of a revolving-screen cylinder, which is made of 16-20 mesh brass wire. The oxide is put through these screens not, as some people think, to regulate its fineness, but to pick out any pieces of foreign matter which might have gotten into it, such as pieces of bag, bag string, etc. As the pigment passes directly from the bolter to the packer it is essential that all foreign matter be removed at this point. Beside functioning as a The zinc oxide then drops to the hopper of the packing machine located on the floor below. The packing machine is the flour packing type, having a large feeding tube which leads the zine oxide into a bag or barrel. Within this tube is an auger which rotates and forces the pigment down into the bag or barrel. The bag or barrel to be filled is placed on a counterweighted platform which is lifted so that the pigment feeds directly to the bottom of the container. As the filling proceeds the platform is forced downwards and after it drops a given set distance it traps itself and throws the packing machine out of gear. The machine is adjusted so that it usually fills a given amount of pigment into a bag or barrel. The bags or barrels are removed from the packing machine platform and are weighed, more pigment added if necessary or some removed, so that the weight of the package is standard at all times. The packages are tied, barrels headed and labeled on the packing floor, later to be trucked to a storage house from where they are shipped. grades of the pigment. Low leaded and high leaded zinc oxides are also made. Lead-free zine oxide is used in the rubber industry as a compounding pigment and in the paint industry as a pigment for use in conjunction with lead and other pigments. Considerable time and money is being spent for researches into a means for producing American Process zinc oxide by better methods. The most notable development that so far has been made public was the work on a continuous furnace developed by means of the traveling grate. Briquetted coal is charged mechanically to a depth of 6 inches at the one end, it is ignited by the radiated heat of the furnace walls, and burned by an under-grate blast, and has an arrangement for carrying off the issuing gases. In this combustion chamber the temperature rises to about 800° C. to 850° C. As it travels along it forms the bed coal and underlies a briquetted ore charge fed continuously to a 3-inch depth. ‘The charge, ignited by the bed coal, gives off gases which are carried off through a flue. In this second section the temperatures rises to about 1000° C. By the time the charge has been heated to a temperature for reducing the zinc contained in the ore © charge the traveling grate has carried it to a separate chamber about 18 feet long. The under grate blast furnishes continuous air for the oxidation. ‘The temperature of the main reducing chamber is about 1100° C. to 1250° C. The treated ore briquettes retaining their shape pass off at the tail end of the grate into a hopper where part of the fuel ash is screened off. The grate travels at a speed of 7 feet a minute. ‘The use of orefuel briquettes has given hopes of reducing the amount of fuel necessary for a charge, and has given a greater percentage of recovery of the total zinc content. A novel variation of the general design of the American Process furnaces and plants is found in a zine oxide plant in Illinois. The raw material charge, composed of both the fuel and the ore, is raised to a storage bin by means of a bucket elevator. From this bin it is tapped directly into the buckets of a chain bucket trip conveyor. The conveyor takes the charging material out over the center of the block and by means of regulated trips dumps the contents into furnace bins which are below the conveyor and are directly above the furnace block. This conveyor goes on down to the end of the building and returns beneath the furnace block carrying away the clinker from the collection hopper beneath the furnace floor. The furnace used in this plant is of a four-furnace block type. It has the charge neck and the gas port combined in one furnace opening and thus only has the one opening into the arch of the furnace roof. A counterbalanced raising door is used instead of the banked ash door. The clinker and ashes are removed by allowing them to fall through an open floor door, and into a bin, at the base of which runs the chain bucket conveyor. The zinc oxide formed leaves the furnace through the charge opening, and goes to the down leg through a butterfly valve. The actual charge opening is covered over as soon as the charge has been dropped into the furnace. ‘The down leg leads the zinc oxide into a side drum, there being a drum for each furnace of the block. From the side drums the gas stream is led to a top drum where the mixing of the entire stream of zinc oxide is effected. The cooling pipes, with cooling ports every 10 feet, and fans are the same as previously described but the bag house and the system of collecting the zine oxide differs in several respects. The bag house is really an elevated building with a sheet metal hopper bottom. The stream of zinc oxide laden gases enter the side of the hopper and rises through a series of outlets which feed upward into bags. The bags are 10 inches in diameter and 15 feet long. ‘They are mechanically shaken every 10 minutes by a cam and gear arrangement actuated by a revolving center rod. The shaking is timed by means of a cam gear arrangement on the fans. The shaking is effected by a solenoid causing the cams to come in contact with suspending arms of the bags and giving the bags an up and down jerky motion, and at the same time causing two metal rods which run along the side of the bag to slap up against it and thus The zinc oxide falls into the large hopper below, which is V-shaped, and extends the width of the building. The zinc oxide is propelled along the base of the hopper by means of a hand-operated screw propeller and at a central point it is tapped into small trucks. These collection trucks have an upright barrel-like body which may be covered at the top to keep the zinc oxide clean, and may easily be emptied by opening the gate at the bottom. The workmen very appropriately call the trucks ‘‘ torpedoes.”’ Western Practice The Western practice of producing zinc oxide by the American Process differs from the Easter practice principally in the furnace construction and operation. The furnace block of a western type furnace is composed of usually eight to sixteen full width or “‘ double ”’ furnaces placed side by side, none of which have arches but are so constructed that all gases and fumes flow to a common arched roof. The furnaces have the air duct, water seal, ash pit, use the Wetherill pin-hole grates, and maintain a furnace temperature of about 1000° C. to 1100° C. , The operation of the furnace is by hand. The fuel charge is shoveled into the furnace from both sides, counterbalanced doors being used. When the fuel burns freely, being ignited by the residual heat from the previous charge, the ore charge of zinc ore and coal (usually half as much coal as ore) is shoveled into the furnace and spread to a thickness of 6 to 8 inches, and the cold blast slowly turned on. The furnace does not require any special attention for several hours, except that the charge be watched for blow-holes. After about six hours the charge is rabbled and in one hour later it is and is then drawn. The zinc fumes, the gases of combustion and the zinc oxide formed in the furnace rise to the arched roof of the block. All of the furnaces feed to the common arch, each furnace really being a partition of a large furnace block. From the furnace block the gases are led to the combustion chamber. The combustion chamber is a large firebrick chamber, the purpose of which is to thoroughly intermix all the zinc oxide coming from the furnace and to allow oxidation of any zinc vapor that remains. ‘The combustion chamber, having an excess of free sulphur gases present, will cause lead oxide formed in the furnace to be converted into basic lead sulphate, which is white and accordingly does not have a tendency to discolor the pigment as would lead oxide. It also acts as a settling agent and any heavy particles are settled out in this chamber. The cooling of the zinc oxide stream is effected by large pipes, the same as in the Eastern practice, and the zinc oxide collected in bags of the same design. The Western furnaces use principally roasted blende and oxide ores, and as fuel they use a semi-bituminous coal, although several plants now in operation use coke breeze and anthracite coal. as fuel. The principal products of the Western furnaces are leaded zinc oxides. Temperatures are relatively constant and by uniform procedure a high quality uniform leaded zinc oxide can be produced. One of the most recently constructed Western practice American Process plants is at Murray, Utah, and is owned by the Utah Zinc Company. 20 per cent zinc ore, mined in Utah. The ore is brought to the plant by rail and dumped from the cars on a trestle and allowed to weather without rehandling. It is later placed on a 20-inch belt conveyor which carries it to the crushing plant. The crushing plant is designed to handle 150 tons of ore each eight-hour shift. The ore is passed over a ?-inch grizzly and thence to a 10-inch by 20-inch Allis Chal- mers Blake crusher. The crushed ore is elevated by means of a bucket elevator to a ¢ inch square mesh trommel, the oversize from which falls into a set of 14-inch by 30-inch rolls and from the rolls to the foot of the elevator. The crushed ore that passes the trommel goes directly to a large crushed ore storage bin capable of holding about 350 tons of crushed ores. The different ores going into the storage bin are distributed by means of an 18-inch belt conveyor which in turn feeds it to shuttle conveyors. The ore is drawn from the storage bin into small trucks, weighed and dumped into a large concrete mixer. Coke breeze is also drawn from a storage bin, weighed and dumped into the mixer. Water sufficient to give proper moisture content is also placed in the mixer and the charge is given five minutes’ churning. The mixed ore and coke is elevated by means of a second 60-foot bucket elevator to the mixed ore bin. The bin is designed to store 150 tons of mixed ore. A portion of this bin is also used for coke storage—the fuel charge of the furnace. The fuel charge of coke and the burden charge of mixed ore and coke are drawn from the storage bin into the charge cars that are low and wide, and which are so designed with hinged lip that the side can be turned down to form a shelf flush with the bottom. These cars are run up alongside the furnace and the contents shoveled into the furnace doors in charging the individual sections. ~The furnace building is constructed of concrete and structural steel, having its roof and sides made of corrugated iron. ‘The foundations are all concrete and support the furnace and operating floor, which is also concrete and is elevated 7 feet 3 inches above the ground level. The furnace consists of two volatilizing sections flanking a central section, which is the combustion chamber. The furnace is so designed that either section can be cut off from the combustion chamber if it is so desired. There are sixteen hearths in the furnace, eight in each section. ‘The concrete foundation beneath each section forms individual chambers 9 feet 2 inches deep and 6 feet 6 inches by 13 feet in area. These enclosed chambers are filled with water and serve the purpose of cooling the grates, and thus preventing buckling, and for collecting any ashes that may pass through the Wetherill grates. The water for the chambers is supplied through a 32-inch feed pipe controlled by a valve ~ operated from the charging floor. An overflow is provided immediately below the blast inlet and 14 inches below the grates. A water-tight door near the bottom of the chamber can be removed to clean out the accumulation of ashes which in time may become troublesome. The grates of the furnace rest on I beams supported by the concrete. An 8-inch blast pipe enters each chamber just below the grate level. The furnace is constructed of common brick, lined on the inside by firebrick. ‘The top of the main arch is 8 feet 6 inches above the top of the grates while the smaller arches are 40 inches high and extend 33 feet into the furnace. The furnace is substantially built and is reinforced by brick, stays of channel and I beams and #-inch rods. A firing or feeding door is provided for each of the short arches, making sixteen doors for each section of the furnace. The earlier designs of the Western type furnaces had doors along one side of the furnace only, rather than the two rows of doors opposite each other. The later design of doors on both sides of the furnace has a disadvantage in that it permits the furnace to cool rapidly during cleaning and charging periods, but this is possibly offset by the facility with which accretions can be removed and the ease with which recharging can be done. ‘The furnace not having a back wall, permits the side walls to be cleaned easily and allows for more rapid cleaning of the grates. The grates are of the Wetherill type, similar to those used in all American Process zinc oxide furnaces. They are cast iron with tapering perforations § inch in diameter at the top surface and are spaced 1 inch in both directions. The combustion chamber is a large brick chamber connected on either side by brick passages, or ‘‘ bridges ”’ to the furnace sections where the zinc oxide is volatilized. In the sides of these passages, or bridges, are small arched openings, like windows. These windows are checkered with brick masonry and removable bricks are provided to allow the regulation and flow of fresh air into the combustion chamber. Once the furnace is in operation the procedure consists of drawing and recharging in rotation the individual doors of the furnace hearths. The procedure is as follows: The blast is cut off from the particular furnace section to be cleaned and the furnace is opened. The loose part of the last charge is raked off by hand and deposited on the floor to be used for recharging later. ‘The semi-fused clinker is removed in a fashion similar to the cleaning of fires under a coal-fired boiler, a slice bar being used to break it up and a rake used to draw it from the furnace. The clinker is dropped through a hole in the floor directly in front of the furnace door, to a car beneath in which it is transported to a dump. A layer of freshly moistened coke breeze is shoveled into the furnace and spread to an even depth on the cleaned grate. The blast gate is partly opened to admit air. The residual heat from the hot brickwork of the arch ignites the fuel and when it is burning briskly the material saved from the prior furnace charge, with a quantity of ore and coke mixture from the recharge car is shoveled into the furnace and spread evenly over the bed of fuel. The furnace door is then closed and the full blast turned on. ‘This completes the charging and the furnace men then froceed to repeat the operation in the next furnace division, and so continue around the furnace working the sixteen divisions in succession. In the presence of carbon in the form of coke the zinc of the ore is first reduced and volatilized; it is then oxidized by coming in contact with an excess of air in the large arch and in the combustion chamber. A brick down-take conveys the fume-laden gas to a rectangular cooling flue which is also made of brick. The air pressure in the blast beneath the furnace grates 1s equivalent to 4 inches of water. ‘This blast is supplied by a Sturtevant multivane fan of a capacity of 40,000 cubic feet per minute at a speed of 460 r.p.m. From the combustion chamber down-take the zinc oxide laden gas is drawn into a cooling flue. The cooling flue is a circular sheet iron pipe 45 inches in diameter and 1000 feet long. It is supported by low bouts about 5 feet above the ground. A shorter flue is undesirable because it does not give the gases suf- ficient time to cool. Elbows and sharp turns are avoided because they offer unnecessary resistance to the flow of gas. Expansion joints are provided every 30 feet while at intervals of 8 feet along the bottom of the pipe are small openings fitted with sliding gates. Through these gates any oxide that settles may be withdrawn when necessary. The draft, however, is such that this accumulation does not amount to much. ated at the end of the flue near the bag house. The fan has a capacity of 70,000 cubic feet per minute at 300 r.p.m. and creates 1; ounces per square foot in effluent gas. The high temperature of the gases make it necessary to have the bearings on the fan water cooled. The bag house, in which the zinc oxide is collected, is 100 feet by 70 feet and has a wall 22 feet high. The zinc-laden gases enter at the bottom of the building and are distributed through the main pipes and laterals to 528 seamless cotton bags. The bags are 22 inches in diameter and are 28 feet high. The lower and open ends of the bags fit snugly around the collars on the distributing pipes while the upper ends of the bags are closed and are supported by short ropes or small chains suspended from the grillwork below the trusses of the roof. ‘The meshes of the bags collect the zine oxide and allow the gases to escape. The zinc oxide is shaken loose from the bags and is collected in bags attached to the under surface of the distributing pipes. When these collection bags are full they are detached and the contents hauled to a 9-inch extra heavy screw conveyor which carries the oxide horizontally 70 feet to the building where the packing is done. Here it is elevated by means of an 8-inch bucket elevator to a small storage bin from which it is drawn for packing. QUALITIES OF ZINC OXIDES STANDARD METHOD OF SAMPLING ZINC OXIDE Product: U. S. Pharmaceutical Zinc Oxide. The physical properties of this product must con- epee ALGIy Ge... Safe eas ss owes 5 The Chemical Properties —The chemical constituents of this product, as listed below, must be within the limits indicated when tested by the standard method of analysis specified. Settling in water..... 2... 2. 5 The Chemical Properties.—The chemical constituents of this product, as listed below, must be within the limits indicated when tested by the standard method of analysis specified. MIRO WET fee. Sieg bs vase py wale 8 The Chemical Properties.—The chemical constituents of this product, as listed below, must be within the limits indicated when tested by the standard method The Chemical Properties —The chemical constituents of this product, as listed below, must be within the limits indicated when tested by standard method of analysis OT ke wie ep Sie a kas 1 Re as 4 nfs gov aus ws mle ds 2 Smoothness and freedom from specks.. 3 PIPER DOOWCT) oo. cies oe ce fale ewe ws oe 4 Ou LOTS Ta A a 6 The Chemical Properties.—The chemical constituents of this product, as listed below, must be within the limits indicated when tested by standard method of analysis specified. BO potslO 8S).......,.< 0-0.45 5 SOz (red power equiv. to).. 0—-0.20 13 Pi eeOeSallS tis ob wee 0-1.25 2 Old Se 0-0.10 1 Smoothness and freedom from specks.. 3 Hiding power. «i 3... 2.4.05 ee: Tail length: ; ... 2.05; «2. 9 6 The Chemical Properties —The chemical constituents of this product, as listed below, must be within the limits indicated when tested by standard method of ~ analysis specified. The Chemical Properties.—The chemical constituents of this product, as listed below, must be within the limits indicated when tested by standard method of STANDARD METHOD OF SAMPLING ZINC OXIDE Shipping, receiving or arbitration samples from packages that have been closed shall be taken with a long, narrow sampling scoop, approximately 25 inches long, the section being an are approximately 1 inch across and 2 inch deep. ‘This scoop shall be inserted at the top of the barrel at a point not more than 6 inches from the chime, or through a stave within 12 inches of the one end, and thrust obliquely through the contents of the barrel. The sample thus cut out shall be of length equal to at least half the height of the package. In taking samples from bags, the scoop shall be inserted near the edge of the surface of the contents, and thrust obliquely through the material. The samples thus cut shall be of length equal to at least twothirds the height of the package. If a moisture determination is to be made, at least half a pound sample shall be taken, as above described, and immediately placed in an air-tight receptacle, which it must fill. Description: Approximately 5 grams of the sample shall be thoroughly mixed with the smallest quantity of bleached linseed oil that will produce a smooth paste. This paste shall be spread on a palette of colorless plate-glass in a smooth and even layer, that will not transmit light and is at least 1 inch by 3 inches in area. An equal amount of the standard sample shall be prepared in the same way, care being taken to bring the paste to the same consistency as the sample being tested. This paste shall be spread in a similar manner on the palette beside the sample, touching it, and the two compared in diffused daylight. In doing so, the palette shall be tilted so that the light will strike the surface of the pastes at different angles and the under surfaces shall also be observed through the glass. Five grams of the sample and 1.20 grams of bleached linseed oil shall be mixed to a smooth, uniform paste. The oil used may be determined by dropping from a point which has been standardized by counting the number of drops necessary to weigh 1.20 grams. The dropping shall be at a rate not greater than 70 drops per minute. All the sample and all the oil must be thoroughly incorporated. This paste shall be spread on a palette of colorless plate-glass in a smooth and even layer that will not transmit light and is at least 1 inch by 3 inches in area. ; When the nature of the pigment requires more oil than above noted, more shall be used but comparisons shall be made only between samples which have a like oil-vehicle ratio. \| An equal amount of the standard shall be prepared in the same way. ‘This paste shall be spread in a sim- — ilar manner on the palette beside the sample, touching it, and the two compared by observing in diffused daylight the two samples by looking through the glass. Approximately 5 grams of the sample shall be thoroughly mixed with the smallest quantity of bleached linseed oil that will produce a smooth paste. This paste shall be spread on a palette of colorless plate-glass in a smooth and even layer that will not transmit light and is at least 1 inch by 38 inches in area. An equal amount of the standard shall be prepared in the same way, care being taken to bring the paste to the same consistency as the sample being tested. This paste shall be spread in a similar manner on the palette beside the sample, touching it, and the two compared in diffused daylight. In doing so, the palette shall be tilted so that the light will strike the surface _ of the pastes at different angles. their edges must touch. To be on-grade the sample must contain no more granular or foreign matter than the standard. ‘This is to be determined by the feel under the knife and the amount of noise made in the rubbing down and by observation of the surfaces after the pastes have been spread on the palette. Five grams of the sample, 0.5 gram of ultramarine blue and 1.20 grams of bleached linseed oil shall be mixed to a smooth uniform paste of uniform color throughout. The oil used may be determined by dropping from a point which has been standardized by counting the number of drops necessary to weigh 1.20 grams. ‘The dropping shall be at a rate not greater than 70 drops per minute. The mixing shall be done by rubbing lightly with a spatula the blade of which is not over 5 inches long. All the sample, blue and oil must be thoroughly incorporated. This paste shall be spread on a palette of colorless plate-glass in a layer that will not transmit light. sample, touching it. Another standard paste shall be prepared by mixing 5.5 grams of the standard, 0.5 gram of ultramarine blue and 1.82 grams of bleached linseed oil in the same way and spread in a similar manner on the palette beside the sample, touching it. In doubtful cases, only the sample and the two standards may be spread on the palette at the same time and the sample must be in contact with both standards at the edges. To be on-grade the sample must not be darker than the first standard and not lighter than the second standard when observed through the glass. This test shall be made in a flat-bottomed glass tube of 41 inch diameter, 6 inches in height and uniform bore. Twenty-seven c.c. of water should fill it to a height of 4# inches with an allowance plus and minus variation of zs inch. Five grams of the sample shall be put into the tube after the latter is half filled with water. ‘The product and water shall be well mixed with a piece of wire about 14 or 12 gauge and the tube filled with water to a height of 4% inches. ‘The wire is to be removed and washed off in the process of adding this water. The tube shall then be shaken vigorously eighty times, the thumb being held over the opening at the top. After shaking, it shall be placed in a rack so that it stands vertically and the height of the column of the product measured at the end of 1, 2, 3 and 24 hours. in the same way. To be on-grade the height of the column of the sample must be within 10 per cent plus or minus of the height of the column of the standard at the end of 24 hours. A sample of 400 grams is mixed and ground in mills with 120 c.c. of refined linseed oil having an acid number of not less than 5 nor more than 7. This mix is by weight 78 per cent pigment and 22 per cent oil. After standing an hour or so, 40 grams of the paste shall be weighed out and thinned down to a mixture of 40 per cent pigment and 60 per cent oil. This mixture shall be stirred until the pigment is thoroughly incorporated in the oil to a uniform paint. Immediately after discontinuing the stirring a portion of the paint shall be drawn off into a glass pipette, having a ;;-inch orifice. The tip of the pipette shall be wiped off and the paint column is to stand in it at a height of 2 inches above the tip. Then holding the pipette vertically 4 inch above the clean, dry surface of a glass plate, 4 drops are allowed to fall on the plate. The latter shall immediately be placed in a vertical position and the paint allowed to run down it for exactly two minutes. To be on-grade the over-all tail-length of the sample must be within 20 per cent, plus or minus, of the overall tail-length of the standard. Five grams of the sample, 0.5 gram of ultramarine blue and 1.20 grams of bleached linseed oil shall be mixed to a smooth uniform paste of uniform color throughout. The oil used may be determined by dropping from a point which has been standardized by counting the number of drops necessary to weigh 1.20 grams. ‘The dropping shall be at a rate not greater than 70 drops per minute. The mixing shall be done by rubbing lightly with a spatula the blade of which is not over 5 inches long. All the sample, blue and oil must be thoroughly incorporated. ‘This paste shall be spread on a palette of colorless plate-glass in a layer that will not transmit light. Another standard paste shall be prepared by mixing 5.75 grams of the standard, 0.5 gram of ultramarine blue and 1.38 grams of bleached linseed oil in the same way and spread in a similar manner on the palette beside the sample, touching it. In doubtful cases, only the sample and the two standards may be spread on the palette at the same time and the sample must be in contact with both standards at the edges. To be on-grade the sample must not be darker than the first standard and not lighter than the second standard when observed through the glass. any packed particles or lumps. Twenty grams of the pigment shall be weighed into a flat-bottomed glass. Refined linseed oil shall be added drop by drop from a burette. As the oil comes in contact with the pigment, the dry pigment which has not been wet should be lifted from the outer edge and placed over the oil so as to bring all the oil surface in contact with the pigment. This should be accomplished by lifting the pigment with a small spatula and lightly dumping it over the oil, at the same time giving the glass a circular motion and avoiding any pressure on the pigment. When the pigment particles become wet with oil, they tend to coalesce and form small lumps of paste. As the absorption of oil progresses these lumps of paste by taking up more pigment and matting together form larger lumps which when stirred around form balls. When this point is reached the rate and quantity of the oil addition shall be decreased until only a few drops of oil are added at a time. In adding oil at this point it should be allowed to strike on the lumps and not on the remaining dry pigment. After each oil addition these lumps are lightly stirred so as to bring the oil surface in contact with the remaining dry pigment. With the further addition of oil and further stirring, these balls will join together and form one large lump with but little dry pigment remaining. This point is close to the end point and the oil should be TESTING THE PHYSICAL QUALITIES OF ZINC OXIDE 105 added very carefully, only one or two drops at a time. When the last of the dry pigment has been picked up and wet the end-point is reached. An equal amount of the standard shall be tested in the same manner, and under the same conditions, especially temperature, care being taken to manipulate the test in the same manner, and to obtain a ball of the same consistency. \| the pigment. To be on-grade the sample must lie within a range the maximum of which is .30 c.c. more than the oil absorption of the standard sample and the minimum of which is .20 ¢c.c. less than the standard sample. The sample to be tested shall first be placed in a small wide-mouthed bottle and well shaken so as to eliminate any packed particles or lumps. Twenty grams of the pigment shall be weighed into a flat-bottomed glass. Refined linseed oil shall be added drop by drop from a burette. As the oil comes in contact with the pigment, the dry pigment which has not been wet should be lifted from the outer edge and placed over the oil so as to bring all of the oil surface in contact with the pigment. ‘This should be accomplished by lifting the pigment with a small spatula and lightly dumping it over the oil, at the same time giving the glass a circular motion and avoiding any pressure on the pigment. When the pigment particles become wet with oil, they tend to coalesce and form small lumps of paste. As the absorption of the oil progresses these lumps of paste by taking up more pigment and matting together form larger lumps which when stirred around form balls. When this point is reached the rate and quantity of the oil addition shall be decreased until only a few drops of oil are added at a time. In adding oil at this point it should be allowed to strike on the lumps and not on the remaining dry pigment. After each addition of oil these lumps are lightly stirred so as to bring the oil surface in contact with the remaining dry pigment. With the further addition of oil and further stirring, these balls will join together and form one large lump with but little dry pigment remaining. This point is close to the end- point and the oil should be added very carefully, only one or two drops at a time. When the last of the dry pigments has been picked up and wet the end-point is reached. An equal amount of the standard shall be tested in the same manner, and under the same conditions, especially temperature, care being taken to manipulate the test in the same manner and to obtain a ball of the same consistency. To be on-grade the sample must lie within a range the maximum of which is .60 c.c. more than the oil absorption of the standard sample and the minimum of which is .10 c.c. more than the standard sample. ditions. To be on-grade, the color of a freshly cut surface of the cured rubber compound containing the sample, shall be as white as a freshly cut surface of the compound containing the standard. ment to 100 volumes of rubber. Portions of the stock shall be mold-cured for varying times at a constant steam pressure and tested for tensile strength and elongation in the usual way. and tested under identical conditions. To be on-grade the tensile strength and elongation of the cured rubber compound containing the sample, in the region of the optimum cure, shall not deviate from that of the compound containing the standard, by an amount greater than 10 per cent plus or minus. On account of the limitations in the methods, of testing compounded rubber, no sample shall be declared off grade without the confirmatory evidence of two out of three successive tests, starting in each case with a fresh portion of the pigment. Cured rubber stock containing the sample at the approximate optimum cure shall be selected in accordance with the method outlined in Testing Method No. 12. standard type of abrasion machine. To be on-grade the abrasion resistance of the rubber compound containing the sample shall not deviate from that of the compound containing the standard by an amount greater than 10 per cent plus or minus. maximum tensile product. To be on-grade the time required to reach the optimum cure by the rubber compound containing the sample, shall not vary in minutes from that of the compound containing the standard, by more than 20 per cent plus or minus. A standard method of photomicrographic measurements of the individual particles shall be determined and the sample subjected to comparative measurements with the standard. Ten grams of the sample are covered with water and 10 cc. of N/10 AgNOs solution, which has been standardized against pure NaCl, added. Forty c.e. of concentrated HNOs are added and the solution boiled until nitrous fumes are removed. It is then Five grams of the sample are shaken in a 500 c.c. graduated flask for ten minutes with 250 c.c. of water at room temperature. ‘The solution is made up to exactly 500 c.c. and filtered through dry paper. One hundred c.c. of the clear filtrate are measured out, poured into a weighed platinum dish, and evaporated to dryness on a sand-bath, the contents being protected from dust. ‘The residue is dried for one or two hours at 110° C., cooled and weighed rapidly. ‘The increase in weight represents the water soluble salts. From 2 to 5 grams of the sample, which have been weighed in a glass-stoppered weighing bottle, are dried in an oven kept at practically constant temperature of 105° to 110° C. After cooling, the bottle is stoppered and weighed with its contents. The sample is returned to the oven for another hour and again cooled, stoppered and weighed as before. If there has been further loss of weight, this procedure is repeated until a constant weight is reached. ‘The loss of weight in drying is the H20 content at 110° C. A sample of 10 grams is treated with 25 c.c. of water and 25 c.c. of hydrochloric acid and evaporated to dryness. The residue is taken up with 50 cc. of 1:4 hydrochloric acid and the insoluble filtered off and thoroughly washed with 1:4 hydrochloric and then with boiling water. It is further washed with hot ammonium acetate solution and again with boiling water. The insoluble is then burned off and weighed. A sample of 13.75 grams is treated with 5-10 c.c. of bromine water and then dissolved in 40 c.c. of concentrated HCl. The solution is boiled until the bromine has been expelled and then cooled. A small strip of aluminum is added and the solution heated gently to throw out the lead. ‘The lead and insoluble matter are filtered off, the filtrate neutralized with ammonia, then made slightly acid with hydrochloric. The solution is heated to boiling and a slight excess of hot 10— per cent BaCle solution added drop by drop with constant stirring. After standing in a warm place for two hours or longer, it is filtered through a previously ignited Gooch crucible. The BaSOx. on the crucible is washed well with hot water, ignited in a muffle for thirty minutes, cooled and weighed, and the weight calculated to SOs. \| A sample of 2 grams for 5 per cent leaded zinc oxide and 4 gram for 35 per cent leaded zinc oxide shall be placed in 50 c.c. of water, 45 c.c. of concentrated HNO3 added and the solution boiled. 50 c.c. more water and a few drops of dilute AgNOsz shall be added. The solution shall be placed in a Frary rapid electrolytic stand, using a perforated platinum cylinder anode, and electrolyzed for forty-five minutes at 34 amperes. At the end of this time the anode shall be removed quickly, washed with water, dried at 180° C. for twenty minutes, cooled and desiccated. ‘The deposit shall be weighed as PbO2 and calculated to PbSO.. In the case of 35 per cent leaded zinc oxide a factor of 1.24 instead of 1.27 shall be used in the calculation. A sample of 2 grams is treated (for 35 per cent leaded zine oxide the sample is 1 gram) with 100 c.c. of water and 25 e.c. of concentrated HCl, and the insoluble matter filtered off. After the addition of 25 c.c. of 1 : 1 H2SOu, the filtrate is evaporated until dense fumes come off, when 200 c.c. of water are added. ‘The solution is heated until all soluble salts are dissolved, cooled, and 30 ¢.c. of 95 per cent alcohol added. It is allowed to stand overnight. The precipitate PbSOs is filtered off, washed first with 3 per cent H2SO. and then with alcohol, dried and weighed. A sample of 9.83 grams shall be placed in 50 e.c. of water, 45 c.c. of concentrated HNO: added and the solution boiled. 50 c.c. more water and a few drops of dilute AgNOs3 shall be added. ‘The solution is placed on an electrolytic stand, using a solid sheet platinum \| anode, and electrolyzed for two hours at 1 ampere. At the end of this time the anode shall be removed: quickly, washed with water, dried at 180° C. for twenty minutes, cooled and desiccated. ‘The deposit shall be weighed as PbO: and calculated to PbSO.. Thirty grams of the sample shall be weighed into a low 400 c.c. beaker, and 100 c.c. of water, and 80 c.c. of concentrated nitric added. After boiling for fifteen minutes the solution shall be diluted to about 350 c.e. Add a few drops of silver nitrate solution and electrolyze for at least five hours (overnight is preferable.) Use a solid sheet cylindrical anode with a current density of 1 ampere when the deposit is desired in five hours. Use only $ ampere if deposition is to continue overnight. Digest 1.5 grams of freshly ignited zinc wide accurately weighed, with 50 c.c. of normal sulphuric acid until solution is complete. Then titrate the excess sulphuric acid with normal potassium hydroxide, using methyl orange as an indicator. Each cubic centimeter of the above normal sulphuric acid used corresponds to 0.0407. gram of zine: oxide. Each gram of freshly ignited zinc oxide must correspond to not less than 24.3 ¢.c. of normal sulphuric acid. Digest 1 gram of zinc oxide in a small flask with 10 c.c. of boiling distilled water. Add two. drops of phenolphthalein indicator. Not more than 1 c.c. of tenth normal hydrochloric acid shall be required to. discharge any red color that may be produced. Weigh 1 gram of zinc oxide into a test-tube of about 40 ¢.c. capacity and about 2.5 cms. in diameter, add about 10 c.c. of distilled water and dissolve with a very slight excess of hydrochloric acid. Heat the solution to about 50° C., add an equal volume of freshly prepared saturated solution of hydrogen sulphide in water. Stopper the test-tube, thoroughly mix the contents and allow to stand for half an hour in a moderately warm place (about 35° C.). At the end of this time the mixture should still possess the odor of hydrogen sulphide; if not, it shall be thoroughly saturated with the gas and again set aside for half an hour. The color produced ~ shall not be greater than that observed by a blank test made in the same manner and with the same quantities of the reagents (omitting the zinc oxide). The solution shall be viewed crosswise by reflected light while held against white surfaces. A slight turbidity due to separation of sulphur from the hydrogen may occur. A sample of 3.2 grams is treated with 100 c.c. of cold water and 100 c.c. of boiling water and some starch solution added as an indicator. Iodine solution (N/100) is run in until the end point is near, when 25 c.c. of concentrated hydrochloric acid are added and the titration with the iodine solution finished. Ten grams of zinc oxide shall be weighed into a 250 c.c. beaker; 100 c.c. of distilled water shall be added and the oxide stirred. 100 c.c. of 50 per cent acetic. acid shall then be added, followed by 10 c:c. of strong ammonia water. The whole shall be stirred until all of the zinc oxide has dissolved, when it is allowed to stand for two or more hours. The insoluble residue is filtered on a weighed and dried Gooch crucible, and washed first with hot 10 per cent acetic acid, then with hot distilled water. The crucible is dried at 110° C. and reweighed; the gain in weight being the amount of insoluble matter in the 10 grams. A sample of 6.86 grams is mixed with 17 grams of sodium bicarbonate, 200 ¢c.c. of water and 5 to 10 @.@ of bromine water added. The solution is boiled gently for fifteen minutes and set in a warm place until the precipitated carbonates settle. The latter are filtered. off and washed thoroughly with hot water. ‘The filtrate is boiled until the bromine is expelled and made slightly acid with hydrochloric. The solution is heated to boiling and a slight excess of hot 10 per cent BaClz solution added drop by drop with constant stirring. After standing in a warm place for two hours or longer, it is filtered through a previously ignited Gooch crucible. The BaSO. on the crucible is washed well ‘with hot water ignited in a muffle for thirty minutes, cooled and weighed, and the weight calculated to SOs. Weigh 10 grams of the sample into a 250 c.c. beaker. Intimately mix with 50 c.c. of water, then add 50 e.c. of 50 per cent acetic acid. Allow to stand at room temperature for one-half hour, agitating frequently, then filter through a weighed Gooch crucible. Wash with luke-warm 10 per cent acetic acid, then with hot water. Dry at 110° C. and weigh. 7 Arsenic, reported as As2Qz, shall be determined by the Gutzeit method, using apparatus as shown in Scott’s “Standard Method of Chemical Analysis,” Second Edition, Revised, page 46. Two grams of the sample shall be weighed into a 150-¢.c. beaker and 50 c.c. of dilute sulphuric acid (1 volume arsenic free concentrated sulphuric acid, to 10 volumes of water) added and after complete solution has been effected, boiled for five minutes. Then 1 c.c. of ferrous sulphate solution (17.5 grams FeSO4. 7H20O in 100 c.c. water) and 1 ¢.c. of stannous chloride solution (40 per cent SnCle in hydrochloric acid) shall be.added. _ The solution shall then be cooled, poured into the 60 ¢.c. bottle and the beaker washed with a minimum amount of water. The test strip of mercuric chloride paper shall then be placed in the upper tube, 2 grams of 20-mesh arsenic free zinc added to the solution in the bottle and the upper part of the apparatus immediately attached. After thirty minutes the depth of coloration of the test-paper shall be compared with standard testpapers from tests made using the same amounts of solutions and zinc but with known amounts of arsenic added. The mercuric chloride test-paper is made by moistening filter paper with 5 per cent solution of mercuric chloride, sightly pressing out the excess, drying, cutting accurately to size and keeping it tightly stoppered in dark glass bottles. General: Zinc oxide may be ordered in the form of dry pigment or paste ground in linseed oil. Purchases shall be made on the basis of net weight. The pigment may be American Process zine oxide, made direct from the ore, or French Process zine oxide, made from spelter. The contract shall state which kind is desired. Zine Oxide ic1 ge ies Ce ee 985 (ae 99 Total sulphur. - 5.9 ee O21 gu ee 0.10 Total impurities, moisture. 2.00 joe 1.00 UNITED STATES GOVERNMENT SPECIFICATIONS 123 The paste shall be made by thoroughly grinding the above pigment with pure raw or refined linseed oil. The paste shall not cake in the container.and shall break readily in oil to form a smooth paint of brushing consistency. It is mutually agreed by the buyer and seller that a single package out of each lot of not more than 1000 packages shall be taken as representative of the whole. With the dry pigment, this package is to be opened by the inspector and a sample of not less than 5 pounds taken at random from the contents and sent to the laboratory for test. When requested, a duplicate sample may be taken from the same package and delivered to the seller, and the inspector may take a third sample to hold for test in case of dispute. With the paste, whenever possible, an original unopened container shall be sent to the laboratory; and when this is for any reason not done, the inspector shall determine by thoroughly testing with a paddle or spatula whether the material meets the requirement regarding not caking in the container. After assuring himself that the paste is not caked in the can, the inspector shall draw a sample of not less than pounds of the thoroughly mixed paste, place it in a clean, dry metal or glass container which must be filled with the sample, closed with a tight cover, sealed, © marked and sent to the laboratory for test with the inspector’s report on caking in the container. LABORATORY EXAMINATION OF Dry PIGMENT. (1) Color.—Take 5 grams of the sample, add 1.5 c.cof linseed oil, rub up on a stone slab or glass plate with a flat-bottomed glass or stone pestle or muller to a uniform smooth paste. ‘Treat in a similar manner 5 grams of the standard sample of zinc oxide. Spread the two pastes side by side on a clear colorless glass plate and compare the colors. If the sample is as white as or whiter than the “ standard,” it passes this test. If the “standard ”’ is whiter than the sample the material does not meet the specification. — (2) Color Strength.—Weigh accurately 0.01 gram of lampblack, place on a large glass plate or stone slab, add 0.2 c.c. of linseed: oil, and rub with a flat-bottomed glass pestle or muller, then add exactly 10 grams of the sample and 2.5 c.c. of linseed oil, and grind with a circular motion of the muller 50 times; gather up with a sharp-edged spatula and grind twice more in a like manner, giving the pestle a uniform pressure. ‘Treat another 0.01 gram of the same lampblack in the same manner except that’ 10 grams of the standard sample zinc oxide shall be used instead of the 10 grams of the sample. Spread the two pastes side by side on a glass microscope slide and compare the colors. If the sample is as light as or lighter in color than the “ standard,” it passes:this test. If the “‘ standard” is lighter in specification. (3) Coarse Particles.—Dry in an oven at 105 to 110° C. a 325 mesh screen, cool and weigh accurately. Weigh 10 grams of the sample; dry at 100° C., transfer to a mortar, add 100 c.c. kerosene, thoroughly mix by gentle pressure with a pestle to break up the lumps, wash with kerosene through the screen, breaking up all of the lumps but not grinding. After washing with kerosene until all but the particles which are too coarse to pass through the screen have been washed through, wash all kerosene from the screen with either or petroleum ether, heat the screen for one hour at 105 to 110° C., cool and weigh. ~ (4) Qualitative Analysis.—Test for matter insoluble in hydrochloric acid, for lead, calcium, etc., by regular methods of qualitative analysis. (5) Zine Oxide.—With samples free from impurities ignite a weighed sample and calculate the residue as zinc oxide. With samples containing impurities, proceed as follows: Weigh accurately about 0.25 gram, transfer to a 400 c¢.c. beaker, moisten with alcohol, dissolve in 10 c¢.c. of hydrochloric acid and 20 c.c. of water and titrate with standard potassium ferrocyanide following the procedure used in standardizing this reagent. (6) Total Sulphur—Weigh accurately about 10 grams of the sample. Moisten with a few drops of aleohol, add 5 c.c. of bromine water (saturated solution of bromine), then concentrated hydrochloric acid in excess, boil to expel the bromine, and dilute to about 100 c.c. (Material complying with the specifications should all go into solution; if insoluble matter remains, filter and examine by appropriate methods.) Make alkaline with ammonia, then just acid with hydrochloric acid, heat to boiling-point and add about 10 c.c. of hot barium chloride solution. Calculate 8 (BaSXO,0.1373=8). (1) Caking in Container.—When an original package is received in the laboratory, it shall be weighed, opened and stirred with a stiff spatula or paddle. The paste shall be no more difficult to break up and show no more caking than a normal good grade of zinc oxide paste. The paste shall be finally thoroughly mixed, removed from the container, the container wiped clean, and weighed. This weight subtracted from the weight of the original package gives the net weight of the contents. A portion of the thoroughly mixed paste shall be placed in a clean container and the portions for the remaining tests promptly weighed out. (2) Mixing with Linseed Orl—One hundred grams of the paste shall be placed in a cup, 35 c.c. of linseed oil added slowly with a careful stirring and mixing with a spatula or paddle. The resulting mixture must be smooth and of good brushing consistency. (3) Movrsture and Other Volatile Matier—Weigh accurately from 3 to 5 grams of the paste into a tared flat-bottomed dish, about 5 cm. in diameter, spreading the paste over the bottom. Heat at 110° C. for one hour, cool and weigh. Calculate loss in weight as percentage of moisture and other volatile matter. (4) Per Cent Pigment—Weigh accurately about 15 grams of the paste into a weighed centrifuge tube. Add 20 to 30 c.c. of ‘ extraction mixture ”’ (see Reagents), mix thoroughly with a glass rod, wash the rod with more of the extraction mixture, and add sufficient of the reagent to make a total of 60 c.c. in the tube. Place the tube in the container of the centrifuge, surrounded with water, and counterbalance the container of the opposite arm. with a similar tube or a tube of water. Whirl at a moderate speed until clear. Decant the supernatant liquid. Repeat the extraction twice with 40 c.c. portions of extraction mixture, and once with 40 c.c. of ether. After drawing off the ether, set the tube in a beaker of water at 80° C. or on top of a warm oven for ten minutes, then in an oven at 110° C. to 115° C. for two hours. Cool, weigh, and calculate percentage of pigment. (5) Examination of Pigment.—Grind the pigment from (4) to a fine powder, pass through a No. 80 mesh screen to remove any “ skins,” preserve in a stoppered tube and apply tests Nos. 4, 5, and 6, of Laboratory Examination of Dry Pigment. If required, apply tests Nos. 1 and 2 also, with a portion of pigment extracted from the standard paste in exactly the same manner as in extracting the sample. (6) Preparation of Fatty Acids —To about 25 grams of the paste in a porcelain casserole add 15 c.c. aqueous sodium hydroxide (see Reagents), add 75 c.c. of ethyl alcohol, mix and heat uncovered on a steam bath until saponification is complete (about one hour). Add 100 ¢c.c. of water, boil; add an excess of sulphuric acid of specific gravity 1.2 (8 to 10 c.c. will usually suffice), boil, stir, and transfer to a separatory funnel to which some water has been previously added. Draw off as much as possible of the acid aqueous layer, wash once with water; then add 50 c.c. of water and 50 c.c. of ether. Shake very gently with a whirling motion to dissolve the fatty acids in the ether, but not violently, so as to avoid forming an emulsion. Draw off the aqueous layer and wash the ether layer with one 15 c.c. portion of water and then with 5 c.c. portions of water until free from sulphuric acid. Then draw off completely the water layer. ‘Transfer the ether solution to a dry flask, and add 25 to 50 grams of anhydrous sodium sulphate. Stopper the flask and'let stand with occasional shaking at a temperature below 25° C. until the water is completely removed from the ether solution, which will be shown by the solution becoming perfectly clear above the solid sodium sulphate. Decant this clear solution (if necessary through a dry filter paper) into a dry 100 c.c. Erlenmeyer flask. Pass a rapid current of dry air (pass through CaCls tower) into the mouth of the Erlenmeyer flask and heat to a temperature below 75° C. on a dry hot plate until the ether is entirely driven off. The fatty acids prepared as above should be kept in a stoppered flask and examined at once. Note.—It is important to follow all of the details, since ether generally contains alcohol and after washing with water always contains water. It is very difficult to remove water and alcohol by evaporation from fatty acids, but the washing of the ether solution and subsequent drying with anhydrous sodium sulphate removed both water and alcohol. Ether, in the absence of water and alcohol, is easily ree from the fatty acids by gentle heat. Matter.—Place 10 drops of the fatty acid (6) in a 50 c.e. test-tube, add 5 c¢.c. of alcoholic soda (see Reagents), boil vigorously for five minutes, add 40 c.c. of water, and mix; a clear solution indicates that not more than traces of unsaponifiable matter are present. If the solution is not clear, the oil is not pure linseed oil. (8) Iodine Number of Fatty Acids——Place a small quantity of the fatty acids (6) in a small weighing burette or beaker. Weigh accurately. Transfer by dropping about 0.15 gram (0.10 to 0.20 gram) to a 500 c.c. bottle having well-ground glass stopper, or an Erlenmeyer flask having a specially flanged neck for the iodine test. Reweigh the burette or beaker and determine the amount of the sample used. Add 10 c.c. of chloroform. Whirl the bottle to dissolve the sample. Add 10 c.c. of chloroform to two empty bottles like that used for the sample. Add to each bottle 25 c.c. of the Hanus solution (see Reagents) and let stand, with occasional shaking, for one-half hour. Add 10 c.c. of the 15 per cent potassiumiodide solution and 100 c.c. water, and titrate with standard sodium thiosulphate, using starch as an indieator. The titrations on the two blank tests should agree within 0.1 c.c. From the difference between the average of the blank titrations and the titration on the sample and the iodine value of the thiosulphate solution, calculate the iodine number of the sample tested. (Iodine number in centigrams of iodine to.1 gram of sample.) If the iodine number is less than 170, the oil does not meet the specification. (9) Coarse Particles and “ Skins.’’—Weigh an amount of the paste containing 10 grams of pigment (see above), _ add kerosene, and wash through a No. 325 screen as in sodium hydroxide in distilled water and dilute to 300 c.c. (3) Standard Sodium Thiosulphate Solution.—Dissolve pure sodium thiosulphate in distilled water that has been well boiled to free it from carbon dioxide, in the proportion of 24.83 grams crystallized sodium thiosulphate to 1000 c.c. of the solution. It is best to let this solution stand for about two weeks before standardizing. Standardize with pure resublimed iodine. (See Analytical Chemistry, Treadwell-Hall, Vol. 2, 3d edition, page 646.) This solution will be approximately decinormal, and it is best to leave it as it is after determining the exact iodine value rather than to attempt to adjust it to exactly decinormal. Preserve in a stock bottle provided with a guard tube filled with soda lime. (4) Starch Solution.—Stir up 2 or 3 grams of potato starch or 5 grams soluble starch with 100 c.c. of 1 per cent salicylic acid solution, add 300 c.c. to 400 c.c. boiling water, and boil the mixture until the starch is practically dissolved, then dilute to 1 liter. and dilute to 1000 c.c. (6) Hanus Solution.—Dissolve 13.2 grams of iodine in 1000 c.c. of 99.5 per cent glacial acetic acid which will not reduce chromic acid. Add enough bromine to double the halogen content, determine by titration (3 ¢.c. bromine is about the proper amount). The iodine may be dissolved by the aid of heat, but the solution should be cold when the bromine is added. (7) Alcoholic Sodium Hydroxide Solution.—Dissolve pure sodium hydroxide in 95 per cent ethyl alcohol in the proportion of about 22 grams per 1000 c.c. Let stand in a stoppered bottle. Decant the clear liquid into another bottle and keep well stoppered. ‘This solution should be colorless or only slightly yellow when. used, and it will keep colorless longer if the alcohol is previously treated with sodium hydroxide (about 80 grams to 1000 c.c.) kept at about 50° C. for fifteen days and then distilled. (8) Uranyl Indicator for Zinc Titration.—A 5 per cent solution of uranyl nitrate in water or a 5 per cent solution of uranyl acetate in water made slightly acid with acetic acid. (9) Standard Potassium Ferrocyanide.-—Dissolve 22 grams of the pure salt in water and dilute to 1000 c.c. To standardize transfer about 0.2 gram (accurately weighed) of pure metallic zinc or freshly ignited pure zine oxide to a 400 c.c. beaker. Dissolve in 10 c.c. hydrochloric acid and 20 ¢.c. water. Drop in a small piece of litmus paper, add ammonium hydroxide until slightly alkaline, then add hydrochloric acid until just acid, and then add 8 c.c. strong hydrochloric acid. Dilute to about 250 c.c. with hot water and heat nearly to boiling. Run in the ferrocyanide solution slowly from a burette with constant stirring until a drop: tested on a white porcelain plate with a drop of uranyl indicator shows a brown tinge after standing a minute. A blank should be run with the same amounts of reagents and water as in the standardization. The amount of ferrocyanide solution required for the blank should be subtracted from the amounts used in the standardization and in titration of the sample. The standardization must be made under the same conditions of temperature, volume, and acidity as obtained when the sample is titrated. , Leaded zinc oxide, frequently known as leaded zine, consists of zinc oxide and varying amounts of lead compounds. It may be ordered in the form of dry pigment or paste ground in linseed oil. Purchases shall be made on the basis of net weight. The pigment may be high-leaded zine oxide or lowleaded zinc oxide. The contract shall state what kind is desired. The color and color strength when specified \| shall be equal to samples mutually agreed upon by the buyer and the seller. Per Cent \|Per Cent \|Per Cent \| Per Cent Uf CAE a! Sea) 6 rr rr SUD ty igihat, 93 Water soluble salts........... PI RAPE ae yd 1.0 Total impurities, inc. moisture.\| 1.5 \| ...... 1.5 The paste shall be made by thoroughly grinding the pigment with pure raw or refined linseed oil. The paste shall not cake in the container and shall break up readily in oil to form a smooth paint of brushing consistency. ‘The paste shall consist of: MRSMMIREIRR es oe wd ns wk ees ec ee 88.0 PS SES GO A es 2 Oe es ae a ee 12.0 Moisture and other volatile matter...... 5 laboratory procedure for lead free zinc oxide. (3) Qualitative Analysis—Test for matter insoluble in hydrochloric acid, lead, calcium, carbon dioxide, etc., by regular methods of qualitative analysis. (4) Moisture.—Place 1 gram of the sample in a widemouthed short weighing tube provided with a glass stopper. Heat with stopper removed for two hours at a temperature between 100 to 105° C. Insert stopper, cool and weigh. Calculate loss in weight as moisture. (5) Water Soluble Salts—To 10 grams of the pigment in a 500 c.c. volumetric flask add 200 c.c. of water, boil for five minutes, nearly fill the flask with hot water, allow to cool, fill to mark, mix, filter through a dry paper, discard the first 50 c.c. of filtrate, transfer 100 c.c. of the filtrate (corresponding to 2 grams of the sample) to a weighing dish, evaporate to dryness, heat for one hour in an oven at 105 to 110° C., cool, and weigh, calculate the percentage of water soluble salts. \| (6) Zinc Oxide.—Weigh accurately about 0.3 gram of the pigment, transfer to a 400 c.c. beaker, add 30 c.c: of hydrochloric acid (1 : 2), boil for two or three minutes, add 200 ¢c.c. of water and a small piece of litmus paper; add ammonium hydroxide until slightly alkaline, render just acid with hydrochloric acid, then add 8 c.c. of strong hydrochloric acid, heat nearly to boiling, and titrate with standard potassium ferrocyanide as in the standardizing solution. (See Reagent No. 4.) Calculate total zinc as ZnO. ® (7) Calculations —If, as will be the case with material complying with the specification, no metal but zinc and lead are found by qualitative analysis tests, add the percentage of ZnO, moisture, and water soluble salts and subtract the sum from 100. Call the remainder “normal and basic lead sulphate.”’ in paste. (5) Examination of Pigment.—Grind the pigment from (4) to a fine powder, pass through a No. 80 mesh screen to remove any ‘‘ skins,’”’ preserve in a stoppered tube, and apply tests Nos. 4, 6, 7 and 8 of the procedure outlined in Laboratory Examination of Dry Pigment. If required, apply tests 1 and 2 of that procedure in comparison with a portion of pigment extracted from (7) Test for Mineral Oil and other Unsaponifiable Matter —Use the same test as outlined in ee procedure for lead-free zine oxide in paste. REAGENTS (1) Uranyl Indicator ‘for Zinc Titration —A 5 per. cent solution of uranyl nitrate in water or a 5 per cent solution of uranyl acetate in water made mee acid with acetic acid. 3 Bie ks ES. ba eee 119 RR ee aig se gk face ee a end pein be ate Lae. sR RPE LINICNS ree. hs. 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SIE Se a te Acar Pet eek Seek vp beet 59 eer ee Ree, Gi hac av ka doe es oe hae 81 Meaitace, .merican zinc oxide block. s.4..6.0. 6.5. be oa ees 57 ER GCOU CORIO IT Bd duci ce cae 77 LRSVELING OTHtES 5 c44) eda 75 Bins, American process zinc oxide plant............ 55, 77 RMERURATMEOCK £00 ea ca vas ce a a chs GBM Saad ges 63, 77 eM rr A. Sk we eon Ca Pla Woke ts ae Se 56 RRM IOGE sy CNY sacs hbo Se Sueded dew oe 64 Ree I ert ge Sy See Sed PP ge LAS os 28 eetare RMT IOC DOCK on. so aac Ok wnt 0 pila be gees Re 63 G DO MRTOC INC OXIUIC. 6 ins few eee tunes Bet ek. ine Bo he OR 123 Me, OSU Seco hein aie si 5A RAS WORSE LORDS TRG 132 I 08 ein ka ok tC Ais k oe PROD win ein toy ace OR 85 RSME TC OKIE ge yay oss sv ss 6d thee e vad s cea tas 45 . H EERIE LATRINES os gs 53s 9s 9s Mephtd Chak ga oo8 <a obea REO OS oa ey Rhee oles? MERRION CL ERG OL 0. Surle tina i Ss 4s tohabote OMe Renee ee yk ae betes 100, 103 ENCE STN OLC 94 shes, ae die. oie WES Pls Woe kate ee oF 13 I Lawson, Dr. [saa ...0/¢sa-. coc as vic's ceo 0s fe ep ne 4 Lead, test for... csc. c ce so os el eu bse 6 oblate eee 116 Leaded zinc oxide (see Zine oxide): Five per cent leaded... ... ...72.)ye setae eee 94 Thirty-five per cent leaded.................. 95 Lead-free zinc oxide (see Zinc oxide). ..........2.eeee eer eceees O34: br rYs Wey <0 \|: EC eM 62 Sulphate (PbSO,—total Pb-O as), test for............ 115, 116 LeClair: . sole cco as 0 o's oe Saye daldbie due slyle kee ent ener \| Rake; Linseed oil, mixing with... ... 5. <5 .< ideo. cee oe 126, 135 M Metals, total heavy, test for... 0%. 05s 0+ osu pene 118 Mineral oil, test for... 4.20 eas de naw os aie eee 128, 136 Moisture in zinc oxide, at 110°-C., test for. .....2.... sm eee 113 Moisture, other volatile matter, test for.................- 126, 135 O Oi absorption, test of 5.0... 0.4.26 «. s1 ole «se 104, 106 Opacity (see Hiding power) ............. 0. sane 100, 103 Ores, blendes ... 6 6 60 caus cane nse 2 oe une tenee 10 Geography of Africa... ....6...... 7.1.) 9 14, 16 Australia... vis ss sod + dete « Senne ee 14 Austria... cog seh tote 5 se ee 16 Belgium... 5.2. +... ss «> she eea 16 Bulgaria... 24 does c5 5 + ot 2 16 Canada... .. 0... euscle ss 2a pee 14 China... 5. suses see) po 17 PICS ING ORIN jie letsirine Scan wan suey eet Oa ewes 46 Pemical constituents. to.) 5. wie eee anne 101 Scoop for sampling. . ... 2.4. 2% ss a.000s oe 96 Silver in Zinc OTES.... py ese co a yo ee de 0d 0) 23 SKINS: 6.5 eae ees bin es wee eg os oe veep 129, 136 SKIP Cars. eee. loeb bea an payee cs © ale ie leon 53 ‘Slab zinc, manufacture of (see Spelter)..............s.)0us eas eee Salts, soluble in water....¢.,....+.% «00 «05 een 134 Smithsonite Zine OTE: 2... cys eee bees a wo es 13 Smoothness, freedom from specks, test of... 5.72 4..0e se eee 99 Sodium hydroxide (aqueous), . .........-..... eee 130, 137 (Alcoholic)... :.)se.+7+ 02) 1346 137 Sodium thiosulphate solution... +... ...i.2 95 130, 136 Soluble salts, in water, test for... ...c...1..6.. «2 eee 112 Specks, freedom from—smoothness:..... ....). /. ee 99 Spelter furnace, charge..........4..544.4- 5< «0 er 33 Spelter, manufacture of... ... 1.1.04 4.04 0a). Se 27 Use of... baw ee cee aoe ei nle den en 37 Starch solution, «0.010406. cn an womens ele See 130, 136 Sulphide zine ores. .2..5:).+:+0210s3 05 vs 00 one 10 Sulphur (as SO;3), test for.......0.....50p «0h 114, 120 Dioxide, test for... 5.6 60.4 efi 1 2 119 Government test for:........:....) 2. .005...0. 0455 134 CHEMICAL INDUSTRIES On our shelves is the most complete stock of technical, industrial, engineering and scientific books in the United States. The technical literature of every trade is well represented, as is alsothe literature relating to the various sciences, including books useful for reference as well as — those fitted for students’ use as textbooks. OPE REI nae Nt aa ae as oe oh Fees ppeareetes i en a aia Ape Soe CL ET ERE St APRN eS SAPNA EYER N SSS ST RATA CRNA TSS ANS RN OPIS IO ET ERS SS SSAODS OLN) D SPARS TAMA O SESE) op raes meses, Swe pe Per reese ieee. 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Rete eal and ee Oar re we ae o che meee ware IC rece 5 £3 of =e nemae wee es : ard me % he chaate re Rate crcl ntes Naan eee wales Ve core i earate ewe stare Lurene aS : Meehan evow ocr ine ewaent amet aa Soeiaea cae emangn: geet ; poreey eerrar poetry ees f ppearene leebage é eiveany haope . he a ante “ sao ghiaatage: ag rw ptetnrete ehprted a otc tanite TRE ean aaa ented tila eracbranteralerontcusterrastcecenentecleendomtantpien or annie deokeitioreonce dace orem e eee ToT 7 a maps eer: fog me ep leamatinn pe bem eine' peep nenpaerts es i aces ma OSI AIS. te : (aon ey aac Cee Bare awe aiatatg ng teem ore nareriec any meet noe Sane onc aa cane oUN ect : : 2 y i Meee ce welt OO ae py ere COR OC ON RA Co OCC OCUTeT ween eS perryrt ng - vo ne cine ten rat keane phaehts capaho anon fem etre at cs g Aaa aw cote of Patent tae aN Y % SE er eet it neat 4 ASOT NB EOP ANOS SSS IM ee aS neo pect nn ore enews ae aan sshns cae Cainwiatcney fete m. te ca ete re aeabern n Seas : : > Anne . arwee , . > ane fee ene ia wns ome area Bee ” es “ . - ‘ SANA ROER OP SENSES ISOAI Sepa nedg heii ores savepese f ope rr 5 asi, etek panies " Sop ee! fe e eee cree wes = eI R Ras a , i bs © s CONS RORNeT LE RYO S LVS ORL OOS SEE LTANS OBS HOOPS: LARA EROS - peers 2 eee ree eters, 5 wate LSTA ESAT AAS * a etna ee Pee ate z PEC ORCIANOTH CIES SATO AON Tae TEAM SOOO TO : dos saspninessove. oes ae Spas coon Pane mbt ona bmaitoe Eaey i fu eles Sa aA ARORA RANA PGSAPAT ACY SORE UT ARS AAAS USER SRS SORE RA TS Sieh SEW CII L NE: Sn EL eam tae meant tear Welehiat Toa e emer eenteeg ue 3 pes spapaatncesetes é noe ms idee cde ddd dad RD z 0 I 0 EOS Lae Ah ww ws em a Os s rx a dally Z SOG £ SSS ennteneee ‘ , \| een en nen renin aie Ste st . “2 : ’ * 4 (stro es non emerge eres Se eer ; Mhisunetcont rer cunce donor eaten coed A RAEI TAN COURT R OIE RTT SS	37,330	common-pile/pre_1929_books_filtered	zincoxidehistory00falo	public_library	public_library_1929_dolma-0021.json.gz:1442	https://archive.org/download/zincoxidehistory00falo/zincoxidehistory00falo_djvu.txt
bh0gRcy1lTfLQEtk	7.5: Part 3- Making Caminalcule Cladograms	7.5: Part 3- Making Caminalcule Cladograms The evolutionary biologist Joseph Caminal created Caminalcules as an example model system to understand phylogenetics. He imagined 29 living species and 48 fossils of these fictitious animals which were published by Robert R. Sokal (1983a) in the journal Systematic Zoology. They were used to conduct detailed research on evolutionary classification. (Sokal, R. R. (June 1983). "A phylogenetic analysis of the Caminalcules. I. The data base". Systematic Zoology . 32 (2): 159–184. doi:10.2307/2413279. JSTOR 2413279) As an alternative, your instructor may ask you to construct a cladogram for the specimens that you used for the dichotomous key. Caminalcule Procedure - As an example, list the similarities and differences among the following individuals. - Draw the simplest possible evolutionary tree that contains these 4 living critters and 3 fossil critters. - Include at least one trait that distinguishes each living critter. - Use each fossil as an ancestor . - Remember—cladograms are hypotheses that must be tested. Your hypothesis might be different from someone else’s! The Caminalcules Using the provided sheet of paper with illustrated Caminalcules, cut out each individual using a pair of scissors. Next, working in groups of 2 or 3, categorize individuals into subgroupings based on shared morphological features that distinguish them from other subgroupings (known as a shared derived feature ). Also, pay attention to traits that all Caminalcules share regardless if they are living or extinct. These are known as ancestral traits. Once you have categorized the species into four or five major groups, paste the animals onto a piece of paper and indicate branches delineated by a shared derived feature. The instructor will illustrate an example of a completed cladogram. Remember! Cladograms are hypotheses that must be tested! Your hypothesis might be different from someone else’s. Be prepared to defend your decision with evidence to someone whose hypothesis is different.	403	common-pile/libretexts_filtered	https://bio.libretexts.org/Courses/Harrisburg_Area_Community_College/BIOL_108%3A_Biology_for_Non-Majors_Lab_Manual/07%3A_Lab_5b-_Classification_and_Tree_Thinking/7.05%3A_Part_3-_Making_Caminalcule_Cladograms	libretexts	libretexts-0000.json.gz:35110	https://bio.libretexts.org/Courses/Harrisburg_Area_Community_College/BIOL_108%3A_Biology_for_Non-Majors_Lab_Manual/07%3A_Lab_5b-_Classification_and_Tree_Thinking/7.05%3A_Part_3-_Making_Caminalcule_Cladograms
qEFZeaHZU17DG8fP	4.5: Gramática- Verbos con cambio de raíz (e-ie)	4.5: Gramática- Verbos con cambio de raíz (e-ie) - - Last updated - Save as PDF - Erica Brown, Alejandra Escudero, María Cristina Montoya, & Elizabeth Small - SUNY Oneonta via OER SUNY Objetivos - Recognize the correct conjugation of e-ie stem-changing verbs With this group of verbs, the stem vowel e changes to an ie in all of the forms except the first and second person plural. \| Comenzar ( to start, to begin ) \| \|\| \| Singular \| Plural \| \| \| 1a \| comienzo \| comenzamos \| \| 2a \| comienzas \| comenzáis \| \| 3a \| comienza \| comienzan \| Note that the nosotros and vosotros forms do not change their ‘e’ to ‘ie’, because the stress in those forms falls on the next syllable. And remember that the stem-changing vowel does not affect the personal ending for the verb, which depends on who the subject is and whether the verb is in the -AR, -ER, or -IR conjugation group. Here’s an example of a familiar -ER verb that has the e-ie stem change: \| Querer ( to want ) \| \|\| \| Singular \| Plural \| \| \| 1a \| quiero \| queremos \| \| 2a \| quieres \| queréis \| \| 3a \| quiere \| quieren \| Venir The verb venir means “to come”, and it has the same irregularities as tener when conjugated in the present tense. But it doesn’t have so many idiomatic uses! \| venir ( to come ) \| \|\| \| singular \| plural \| \| \| 1a \| yo ven go \| nosotros ven imos \| \| 2a \| tú vienes \| vosotros ven ís \| \| 3a \| él viene ella viene usted viene \| ellos vienen ellas vienen ustedes vienen \| - Ellos vienen a la universidad todos los días. ( They come to the university every day. ) - ¿A qué hora vienes a la clase de español? ( At what time do you come to Spanish class? ) Vocabulario: algunos verbos con cambio de raíz e – ie - Cerrar ( to close ) - Comenzar (t o start, to begin ) - Empezar ( to start, to begin ) - Entender ( to understand ) - Pensar ( to think ) - Preferir ( to prefer ) - Perder ( to lose ) - Querer ( to want ) - Sentir ( to feel ) - Tener ( to have ) (yo tengo, tú tienes…) - Venir ( to come ) (yo vengo, tú vienes…) Contributors and Attributions - Gramática: Verbos con cambio de raíz (e-ie). Authored by : SUNY Oneonta with Lumen Learning. Provided by : SUNY Oneonta. License : CC BY: Attribution	586	common-pile/libretexts_filtered	https://human.libretexts.org/Courses/Imperial_Valley_College/Espanol_en_Accion_I/04%3A_Capitulo_4_Mi_casa_es_tu_casa/4.05%3A_Gramatica-_Verbos_con_cambio_de_raiz_(e-ie)	libretexts	libretexts-0000.json.gz:18762	https://human.libretexts.org/Courses/Imperial_Valley_College/Espanol_en_Accion_I/04%3A_Capitulo_4_Mi_casa_es_tu_casa/4.05%3A_Gramatica-_Verbos_con_cambio_de_raiz_(e-ie)
tX_43Cmqc-Cry-cr	7.10: Translating English to Math	7.10: Translating English to Math - Translate English phrases to mathematical expressions Words Are Important! When working with probability and statistics, words such as “more than” or “less than” can drastically change the answer. Table $\PageIndex{1}$ shows some of the common phrases you may run into while reading a problem. It will be essential later in the course that you can correctly match these phrases with their correct symbol. \| = \| ≤ \| ≥ \| \|---\|---\|---\| \| is the same as \| is less than or equal to \| is greater than or equal to \| \| is equal to \| is at most \| is at least \| \| is exactly the same as \| is not greater than \| is not less than \| \| has not changed from \| within \| \| ≠ \| > \| < \| \|---\|---\|---\| \| is not \| is more than \| is less than \| \| is not equal to \| is greater than \| is below \| \| is different from \| is above \| is lower than \| \| has changed from \| is higher than \| is shorter than \| \| is not the same as \| is longer than \| is smaller than \| \| is bigger than \| has decreased \| \| \| has increased \| is reduced \| Table $\PageIndex{1}$ Translate the following to mathematical expressions when rolling 2 dice: - Rolling a sum of less than 5. - Rolling a sum that is above 5. - Rolling a sum of no less than 8. - Rolling a sum of at most 8. Solution Let $x$ be the sum of the dice. - The mathematical expression for rolling a sum of less than 5 would be: \[x < 5 \nonumber\] - The mathematical expression for rolling a sum that is above 5 would be: \[x > 5 \nonumber\] - The mathematical expression for rolling a sum of no less than 8 would be: \[x ≥ 8 \nonumber\] - The mathematical expression for rolling a sum of at most 8 would be: \[x ≤ 8 \nonumber\]	456	common-pile/libretexts_filtered	https://stats.libretexts.org/Courses/Fullerton_College/Math_121%3A__Support_for_Introductory_Probability_and_Statistics/07%3A_Operations_on_Numbers/7.10%3A_Translating_English_to_Math	libretexts	libretexts-0000.json.gz:22124	https://stats.libretexts.org/Courses/Fullerton_College/Math_121%3A__Support_for_Introductory_Probability_and_Statistics/07%3A_Operations_on_Numbers/7.10%3A_Translating_English_to_Math
DCwpFvVfPwltPGqg	Mathematics for Elementary Teachers	42 Structural and Procedural Algebra When most people think about algebra from school, they think about “solving for .” They imagine lots of equations with varying levels of complexity, but the goal is always the same: find the unknown quantity. This is a procedural view of algebra. Even elementary students can be exposed to ideas in procedural algebra. This happens any time they think about unknown quantities and try to solve for them. For example, when first grade students learn to add and subtract numbers “within 10,’” they should frequently tackle problems like these: - . - Find several pairs of numbers that add up to 10. Although procedural algebra is important, it’s not the most important skill, and it’s certainly not the whole story. You also need to foster thinking about structural algebra in your students: using symbols to express meaning in a situation. If there is an x on your page, you should be able to answer, “what does the x mean? What does it represent?” Most of what you’ve done so far in this chapter is structural algebra. You’ve used letters and symbols not to represent a single unknown quantity, but a varying quantity. For example, in Section 4 you used letters to represent the “figure number’” or “case number” in a growing pattern. The letters could take on different values, and the expressions gave you information: how many tiles or toothpicks or stars you needed to build that particular figure in that particular pattern. Think / Pair / Share - Consider the expression . Give a real world situation that could be represented by this expression. Share your answer with your partner. Together, can you come up with even more ideas? - Suppose the expression represents the number of tiles used at any stage of a growing pattern. - - Evaluate the expression at . What do the values tell you about the pattern? - Can you describe in words how the pattern is growing? - Can you design a pattern with tiles that grows according to this rule? - Where do you see the “3” in your pattern? Where do you see the “2”’? Where do you see the “”? Problem 21 Krystal was looking at this pattern, which may be familiar to you from the Problem Bank: She wrote down the equation In Krystal’s equation, what does represent? What does represent? How do you know? Problem 22 Candice was thinking about this problem: Today is Jennifer’s birthday, and she’s twice as old as her brother. When will she be twice as old as him again? She wrote down the equation . In Candice’s equation, what does represent? What does represent? How do you know? Problem 23 Sarah and David collect old coins. Suppose the variable stands for the number of coins Sarah has in her collection, and stands for the number of coins David has in his collection. What would each of these equations say about their coin collections? Problem 24 The pictures below show balance scales containing bags and blocks. The bags are marked with a “?”’ because they contain some unknown number of blocks. In each picture: - Each bag contains the same number of blocks. - The scale is balanced. For each picture, determine how many blocks are in each bag. Justify your answers. (a) (b) (c) Problem 25 When he was working on Problem 24, Kyle wrote down these three equations. (i) . (ii) . (iii) . Match each equation to a picture, and justify your choices. Then solve the equations, and say (in a sentence) what the solution represents. Problem 26 Draw a balance puzzle that represents the equation Now solve the balance puzzle. Where is the “” in your puzzle? What does it represent? Problem 27 Draw a balance puzzle that represents the equation Now solve the equation. Explain what happens. Problem 28 Which equation below is most like the one in Problem 27 above? Justify your choice. Problem 29 Draw a balance puzzle that represents the equation Now solve the equation. Explain what happens. Problem 30 Which equation below is most like the one in Problem 29 above? Justify your choice. Problem 31 Create a balance puzzle where the solution is not a whole number of blocks. Can you solve it? Explain your answer. Problem 32 There are three piles of rocks: pile A, pile B, and pile C. Pile B has two more rocks than pile A. Pile C has four times as many rocks as pile A. The total number of rocks in all three piles is 14. - Use x to represent the number of rocks in pile A, and write equations that describe the rules above. Then find the number of rocks in each pile. - Use x to represent the number of rocks in pile B, and write equations that describe the rules above. Then find the number of rocks in each pile. - Use x to represent the number of rocks in pile C, and write equations that describe the rules above. Then find the number of rocks in each pile. Think / Pair / Share Look back at Problems 21–32. Which of them felt like structural algebraic thinking? Which felt like procedural algebraic thinking? Did any of the problems feel like they involved both kinds of thinking? Variables and Equations You have seen that in algebra, letters and symbols can have different meanings depending on the context. - A symbol could stand for some unknown quantity. - A symbol could stand for some quantity that varies. (Hence the term “variable” to describe these symbols.) In much the same way, equations can represent different things. - They can represent a problem to be solved. This is the traditional procedural algebra type of question. - They can represent a relationship between two or more quantities. For example, represents the relationship between the area of a square and its side length. - They can represent identities: mathematical truths. For example, is always true, for every value of . There is nothing to solve for, and no relationship between varying quantities. (If you do try to “solve for ,” you will get the equation , much like you saw in Problem 29. Not very satisfying!) Think / Pair / Share Give an example of each type of equation. Be sure to say what the symbols in the equations represent. Problem 33 Answer the following questions about the equation - Evaluate both sides of the above equation for . What happens? - Use the distributive property of multiplication over addition to expand the right side of the equation and simplify it. - Use the equation to compute quickly, without using a calculator. Explain how you did it.	1,458	common-pile/pressbooks_filtered	https://pressbooks.oer.hawaii.edu/mathforelementaryteachers/chapter/structural-and-procedural-algebra/	pressbooks	pressbooks-0000.json.gz:35961	https://pressbooks.oer.hawaii.edu/mathforelementaryteachers/chapter/structural-and-procedural-algebra/
GUI2c0p_9bagcWXW	Generative Artificial Intelligence in Teaching and Learning	Select a GenAI Tool Your next task is to select a GenAI tool that is best suited for the students’ task. Even if you give students the option of selecting a tool of their choice, you may still want to suggest one and provide instructions for using it, so that students who are unfamiliar with GenAI have some support. In selecting an appropriate AI tool, consider the following: - TASK. What is the nature of the task that the GenAI will be doing to assist students? For example, if the task is to generate an image, select a GenAI tool designed to accomplish create images, such as DALL-E or Bing Image Creator accessed through Bing in Creative Mode). Other tools, such as ChatGPT, would not be able to accomplish this task. - ACCESSIBILITY. Consider whether the tool meets accessibility requirements. For example, you probably want to select a tool that is freely available to all students, and one that is available in Canada. You may want to consider other criteria for students who have accessibility needs, such as whether the GenAI tool is available to students who use a screen reader to access the internet. - PRIVACY. Even when they are freely available, most GenAI tool require registration to create a login, which means providing an email address. This could violate your institution’s privacy policies. However, there may be ways around it, like using a dummy email account to access the tool or providing a shared class login credential. - RELIABILITY. Some GenAI tools are more accurate and reliable than others. Consider researching whether the tool you have chosen will be sufficiently robust and trustworthy to meet the needs of the assignment. If you are new to GenAI and would like some help finding suitable tools, begin by reviewing the chapter GenAI Tools for some ideas. You may also consider asking a GenAI chatbot, like ChatGPT or Bing in Creative Mode, for a list of GenAI tools that could achieve your desired task. Always try the tool’s ability to support the assignment before choosing it. Some tools will provide better responses than others for most prompts or requests.	465	common-pile/pressbooks_filtered	https://ecampusontario.pressbooks.pub/ccgenerativeai/chapter/select-a-genai-tool/	pressbooks	pressbooks-0000.json.gz:8327	https://ecampusontario.pressbooks.pub/ccgenerativeai/chapter/select-a-genai-tool/
7UB_jZ_JdI4T7eUM	The Student Theorist: An Open Handbook of Collective College Theory	26 F* a Society and F* Gender Norms Marissa Vargas In Rivkin and Ryan’s “Introduction: Feminist Paradigms,” we are introduced to two different contemporary feminist literary criticism approaches, essentialist and constructivist. Each approach really challenges the other, while both providing some valid thoughts and theories. The essentialist approach is more biological rather than psychological, which backs up the constructivist approach. The essentialist explains that women are more caring, loving, responsible and more because they are more tied to nature with more responsibilities. A lot of the explanations and theories behind this approach all relate back to the biological effect of how women are seen. Feminist psychoanalytical theorist Nancy Chodorow, ethical philosopher, Carol Gilligan and feminist philosopher, Luce Irigaray all “argued that women’s physical differences alone (birthing, lactation, menstruation etc.) make them more connected with matter or with the physical world than men” (Rivkin and Ryan 767) I found this exact quote and explanation to the theory approach to be very interesting, problematic, but also true? I really like how they are pretty much saying that women are more loving, caring and responsible, WHICH is sexist. I just found it comical but problematic. I understand that they are stating their thoughts, but isn’t feminism about equality and not just explaining why one gender is better than the other? Interesting. Now on to the constructivist approach…. The constructivist approach argues that a women’s role in society derives from the psychology behind that society. The approach theorizes how gender is performative and something constructed by a society, and not so much biological factors. “Of more importance than physical or biological difference might be psychological identity…women can be just as much ‘masculine’ as men, and biological men might simply be ‘masculine’ or pretend to be such, only out of obedience to cultural codes” (Rivkin and Ryan 768). Wow…talk about gender roles and societal norms. I found this quote/explanation to be interesting and started talking about it with my roommate, who is a Crit Theory junkie. This deems them as weak, so the men need to take over or at least step in. which could be why women are seen as the weaker.” That right there is not weak, but rather incredible and beautiful in so many ways. See….Pam gets it. But in conclusion to this all, I loved this introductory piece and found it so interesting. I loved it because, it challenged my own thoughts and theories, but allowed me to have new ideas with new perceptions. I also learned THERE ARE SO MANY DAMN DIFFERENT TYPES OF FEMINIST/FEMINIST APPROACHES/THEORIES AND MORE. Ugh. So amazing. So problematic. Here is the ending sentence of this beautiful work of art: “There as well perhaps, from the achieved vantage of a international, transethnic, parasexual perspective, it discovers a field of work that takes it back beyond its own beginning in the emergence from silence into language- to undo the silence of those who still do not speak” (Rivkin and Ryan 769). This sentence just really blew me out of my chair (Well bed; I was in bed when reading.) It made me so excited to learn more. Hashtagfeminism. My hashtag button is broken. sad face.	686	common-pile/pressbooks_filtered	https://pressbooks.pub/opentheoryhandbook/chapter/f-a-society-and-f-gender-norms/	pressbooks	pressbooks-0000.json.gz:98719	https://pressbooks.pub/opentheoryhandbook/chapter/f-a-society-and-f-gender-norms/
Br11PmnxPixu7GVC	The value of the Binet mental age tests for first grade entrants ...	In May and June of 1913 the entire membership of a certain Oakland kindergarten were given Terman's adaptation of the Binet mental age tests. The purpose was to discover whether there was any correlation possible between such tests and the progress of the subjects during their first year of school. If such tests proved to be prophetic, could they be rendered of service in fitting school entrants to their environment? The school in which the kindergarten was located was a large school in one of the worst parts of town, where there is a mixture of Portuguese, Italians and colored, where poverty is considerable, and where moral conditions are bad. We find that numbers 3 and 23 show a discrepancy with the mental acceleration and retardation in column 3. Number 3 is markedly younger than those just above her, and so her percentage of advance on her actual age is necessarily greater. Similarly, number 23 is much older than the child just above her, and her retardation is less in proportion to her years. the class showed a mental efficiency of over 90 per cent. 4. If we take all children as normal who tested within one year of their right mental age, we find one-half of the class normal, one-half either below or above normal. 5. But the one-half above and below are not equally divided. They are in the relation of, above: below ::5:12. That is, the distribution of the level of intelligence hardly corresponds with the results of Binet, Bobertag and Goddard. The comparison would be as follows : class. 6. Figures on sex agreed with the usual fact of a majority of males among the exceptional. Of 16 boys and 18 girls in the class, 5 boys were mentally in advance of their age, and 8 girls. Of the 12 children more than one year retarded 7 were boys. 7. Nationality did not seem to be of particular importance. Of the American, 3 were above age (counting number 7 and number 9), and 4 American or English were below. However, there is a larger number of Portuguese represented among the ones far down on the scale, and also a larger number of day laborers. 8. The limiting age in our kindergartens is supposed to be 6 years. One of these two was the Chinese boy who did not speak English, number 34. 9. At the time of examining it was agreed by teacher and psychologist that number 15 was of the moral imbecile type ; that numbers 18, 25, 26, 30, 32 and 33 were feeble-minded, and that number 22 was questionable. The mother of number 18 has probably falsified his age record. Last year he was recorded as 6.5 years, but this year she has dropped a year. The above were the facts apparent from the first study of the class. Now, a year later, they have been investigated again, to discover just what progress they have made, and whether that progress corresponds with results of last year's examination. The first column gives the child's number; the second, his acceleration or retardation ; the third, his present grade ; the fourth, the date on which he entered his present grade ; the fifth, the date on which, according to his physical age, he should have entered his present grade ; the sixth, the teacher's judgment on his progress. Numbers 12, 19, 22 are eliminated for lack of recent data, and numbers 33 and 34 because the former entered a State institution and the latter did not have English enough to be tested a year ago, — leaving 29 children. colored girl has had to remain in kindergarten over a year. She has now barely reached the place where she can progress into 1A — where she belongs by physical age.) A liar. 18 .6 1A Jan. 14 Jan. 14 This boy was in the special class for some months in the fall, making little progress. His mother is deeply mortified at his being classed with defectives, so he has been allowed to try 1A work. He has done nothing and cannot possibly be promoted. His real age is probably one year more than indicated, which would change his place on the list from 18 to 26. 22 1. Out of school most of this year with Hawaiian itch. While in kindergarten the child was below normal in progress, yet impressed one with the probability of better work if she were in a different environment. ) 23 1.28 1A Aug. 13 Aug. 12 Has been reported as normal and will be promoted in June. But has taken a whole year to do one term's work. According to physical age, she should now be finishing 2B. Parents may have lied about age, making her a year too old. She is very tiny, and this is common with Italians. 28 1.97 IB Jan. 14 Jan. 13 The only one who tested below mental age who entered the grades regularly and has progressed regularly. He is reported as normal by his teacher. 32 4.05 Spec. Aug. 13 Aug. 12 Undoubtedly feebleminded. Progress poor, yet better than No. 18 while in the special class, and better than would have been at all possible in regular class work. TABLE V In the following table are given the dates at which each child by physical age should have entered 1A, IB and 2A ; the dates at which he should have done so according to mental age, and the dates at which he actually did so : MENTAL AGE TESTS FOR FIRST GRADE ENTRANTS. 165 A few facts may be gleaned even from these small numbers. It is apparent that when an entrant into first grade does not correspond either mentally or physically with the commonly accepted age of 6 years, his chances of normal progress are about as 1 : 2. If he enters at the right physical age, his chances are not greatly increased, whereas if he enters at the right mental age his chances are as 3:2. (The only child of this group who failed is number 16, a case of great irregu larity of attendance.) Suppose, for the sake of the argument, that this class of 34 children had been divided according to the judgment of the examining psychologist and the teacher and given such training as they seemed to demand. Then in August of 1913 there would have entered the grades (1A) the following: numbers 1, 2, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14. Under ideal conditions the following would have been sent to institutions for the feeble-minded: numbers 25, 26, 32, 33. Numbers 3, 17, 20, 22 would have remained in kindergarten. Numbers 15, 16, 18, 19, 21, 23, 24, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 34 would have been put into a special class. If this plan had been followed, certain errors would have developed. Six out of the 13 would not have been able to make the progress expected of them when they were allowed to enter first grade. Of those relegated to kindergarten, the year's experience has proved that all were wise choices. There can have been no question about the feeble-minded, though so far only 1 has been sent. Now, of the children designated for the special class, 28 and 34 would soon have shown that they could carry grade work, language difficulties being overcome, and would have been placed in first grade without any retardation. Of the others, there would have been a good chance that the stimulation of a special class would have made nearly normal progress possible for numbers 16, 21, 23, with a fighting chance for number 31. The others may need special class work for a long time to come. Let us compute the comparative expense of the ideal plan for this past year and the one actually followed. Suppose that the unit expense of a child in a regular class is 1/42. There were 13 cases of taking double time for a term's work, or 13/42. With an attendance of 14 in the special class, the unit 160 THE JOURNAL OF EDUCATIONAL PSYCHOLOGY. of expense is 1/14. There would have been an average of 9/14 for the year. Roughly, the expense for the first plan would have been about one-half that of the ideal condition. But this does not take into account the frequency of extra help to those who went into the regular classes. This was recorded by teachers for 13 cases. All of such extra assistance must be calculated as taking just so much of the teacher's time and energy from the average pupils, and has a money value which is no less real because it is hard to compute. Class C (1A)— Numbers 16, 18, 21, 23, 24, 27, 30, 31 (and in this same class is another group of subnormals who do not appear in the kindergarten list, so that the teacher is actually endeavoring to teach nearly three times as many subnormals as would be placed in a special class, and mixed in with a few normal children as well). 4. The chief value of giving the tests would be in having them productive of proper distribution of entrants according to ability, into regular classes, classes for the slow but intelligent, special classes for subnormal, expulsion for feebleminded. 5. Where such considerable mental deficiency is found among first grade entrants, the school curriculum should be elastic, and should contain much industrial training, coupled with effort to reach the school children socially.	2,120	common-pile/pre_1929_books_filtered	valueofbinetment00hickrich	public_library	public_library_1929_dolma-0010.json.gz:477	https://archive.org/download/valueofbinetment00hickrich/valueofbinetment00hickrich_djvu.txt
wGCuQ6iguaQOtJvq	10.5: Review and Additional Resources	10.5: Review and Additional Resources Review Review and assess your learning. Start with the "Important Terms and Concepts" to ensure you know the terminology related to the topic of the chapter and concepts discussed. Move on to the "Review Questions" to answer critical thinking questions about concepts and processes discussed in the chapter. Finally, test your overall understanding by taking the "Self-assessment quiz". - - hydrosphere - often called the "water sphere" as it includes all the earth's water found in the oceans, glaciers, streams, lakes, the soil, groundwater, and in the air. - - hydrologic cycle - aka water cycle. the cycling of water through the earth system. It is a cycle of energy as well. - - soil water - the water that is immediately available to plants. - - groundwater - occupies the zone of saturation. Found in aquifers and replenished by percolation of water from the zone of aeration downward to the zone of saturation, or in the recharge zone of a confined aquifer. - - evaporation - the phase change of liquid water into a vapor (gas) - - latent energy - "locked up" in the water molecule when water undergoes the phase change from a liquid to a gas. - - precipitation - droplets of water that fall from the clouds to the earth - - interception - Precipitation that collects on the leaves or stems of plants - - infiltration - refers to water that penetrates into the surface of soil. - - zone of aeration - aka "unsaturated zone", includes soil water zone. See image under "zone of saturation" - - zone of saturation - includes ground water - - groundwater zone - included in zone of saturation. See image under "zone of saturation" - - water table - divides the zone of aeration from the zone of saturation. The height of the water table will fluctuate with precipitation, increasing in elevation during wet periods and decreasing during dry. - - hygroscopic water - a microscopic film of water surrounding soil particles - - capillary water - held by cohesive forces between the films of hygroscopic water - - wilting point - At this point the plant cannot pull water from the plant-rooting zone and it wilts - - gravity water - water moved through the soil by the force of gravity - - field capacity - The amount of water held in the soil after excess water has drained - - available water - The difference between the wilting point and the field capacity - - percolation - the movement of water downward through the soil - - seepage - water that moves downward through the soil toward a stream channel of large body of water - - aquifer - bodies of earth material that have the ability to hold and transmit water - - aquiclude - dense impermeable layers of earth material - - hydraulic gradient - the difference in elevation between two points on the water table divided by the horizontal distance between them - - groundwater flow rate - permeability X hydraulic gradient - - runoff - precipitation that moves across the surface - - unconfined flow - moves across the surface in broad sheets of water often creating sheet erosion - - confined flow - water confined to channels - - depression storage - Water that became trapped in depressions - - stream discharge - the volume of water passing through a particular cross-section of a stream in a unit of time - - stream hydrograph - illustrates the relationship between discharge and runoff - - water balance - an accounting of the inputs and outputs of water - - precipitation - makes up the primarily supply of water to the surface. - - actual evapotranspiration - the amount of water delivered to the air from evaporation and transpiration - - evaporation - the phase change from a liquid to a gas releasing water from a wet surface into the air above - - transpiration - represents a phase change when water is released into the air by plants - - evapotranspiration - combined transfer of water into the air by evaporation and transpiration - - potential evapotranspiration - the amount of water that would be evaporated under an optimal set of conditions, among which is an unlimited supply of water - - soil moisture storage - the amount of water held in the soil at any particular time - - change in soil moisture storage - the amount of water that is being added to or removed from what is stored - - deficit - demand for water exceeds that which is actually available; when potential evapotranspiration exceeds actual evapotranspiration (PE>AE) - - surplus - when P exceeds PE and the soil is at its field capacity (saturated); we have more water than we actually need to use given the environmental conditions at a place - - soil moisture recharge - Precipitation satisfies the need for water with water left over and begins to replenish the soil moisture - - soil moisture utilization - precipitation is no longer is able to meet the demands of potential evapotranspiration. Plants must extract water that is stored in the soil from the previous months Briefly describe what the hydrologic cycle is. - Answer - The hydrologic cycle or water cycle is the pathway through which water moves in the Earth system. It is a cycle of energy as well as moisture. Compare and contrast soil water and groundwater. - Answer - Soil water is held in the soil moisture zone that lies in the zone of aeration. Groundwater is held in the zone of saturation. Soil water is directly available for plants to use, ground water is not. How do plants affect the hydrologic cycle? - Answer - Plants affect the water cycle though by extracting water from the soil moisture zone and passing it to the atmosphere. Water moves as through fall through plant canopy. What impact does soil texture have on field capacity? - Answer - The field capacity is the maximum amount of water held in the soil after it has bee drained by gravity. Field capacity is higher in fine textured soils because there is more pore space per unit volume than for coarse textured soils. What affects the permeability of subsurface warth materials? - Answer - Permeability is the ability for water to move through earth material. The connectivity of pore spaces largely controls permeability. Large, well-connected pore space results in greater permeability. Thus, coarse soils are more permeable than fine textured soils. How does soil texture affect available water? - Answer - Finer textured soils hold more water and thus have more available water than coarse textured soils. Compare and contrast an aquiclude with an aquifier. - Answer - An aquifer is a body of earth material able to hold and transmit groundwater in economical amounts. An aquiclude is far less permeable and cannot transmit water through it. Describe the effect of urbanization on a stream hydrograph. - Answer - Urbanization can decrease the lag time between maximum precipitation and runoff, and increase and steepen the recessional limb of a hydrograph. What is potential evapotranspiration? - Answer - Evapotranspiration is the amount of water evaporated and transpired under an unlimited supply of water. Fundamentally it is determined by energy input to the environment. Evapotranspiration can be thought of as "water need”. Under what conditions does a soil water deficit occur? - Answer - A soil water deficit occurs when potential evapotranspiration exceeds precipitation and the soil water storage is zero (dry soil). Under what conditions does a soil water surplus occur? - Answer - A soil water surplus occurs when precipitation exceeds potential evapotranspiration and the soil is at field capacity. - In soil moisture budgeting, potential evapotranspiration is largely dependent on - soil texture - energy input - plant type - all the above - The largest store of fresh water in the hydrosphere is - the ocean - glaciers - the Great Lakes - ground water - Over pumping of ground water could lead to - lowered water tables - land subsidence - decreased aquifer permeability - all the above - Infiltration of water into the soil - is higher for coarse textured soil - is higher when the soil is dry - is higher for vegetated surfaces - is affected by all the above - Which of the following soil texture classes would have the largest available water? - sand - silt - clay - loam - The water held that is "bound" the tightest to soil particles is - hydroscopic water - capillary water - gravity water - pore water - The process whereby water drips from leaf-to-leaf finally making it to the ground is called - through flow - stem flow - through fall - interception - The zone of saturation is the - soil water zone - intermediate zone - aeration zone - ground water zone - The point at which plants can no longer extract water from the soil is called the - field capacity point - dryness point - wilting point - none of the above - If PE is greater than AE and P, and the soil is dry, then - soil water recharge is likely to occur - soil water surplus is likely to occur - soil water utilization is likely to occur - soil water deficit is likely to occur - Answer - - B - B - D - D - D - A - A - D - C - D Additional Resources Use these resources to further explore the world of geography Focus on The Physical Environment : " The Rise and Fall of Africa’s Great Lake " NASA Earth Observatory Connections : " Could California’s drought make residents sick? " NewsHour (PBS) 09/03/2016 report Physical Geography Today : Ground Water Climate Response Network - USGS World of Change : Evaporation of the Aral Sea ( NASA Earth Observatory ) Multimedia "The Desert Springs of Mexico's Cuatro Cienegas", (8:56)	2,184	common-pile/libretexts_filtered	https://geo.libretexts.org/Bookshelves/Geography_(Physical)/The_Physical_Environment_(Ritter)/10%3A_The_Hydrosphere/10.05%3A_Review_and_Additional_Resources	libretexts	libretexts-0000.json.gz:33331	https://geo.libretexts.org/Bookshelves/Geography_(Physical)/The_Physical_Environment_(Ritter)/10%3A_The_Hydrosphere/10.05%3A_Review_and_Additional_Resources
Zn09vthp0RWt4qrR	Lifespan Human Development: A Topical Approach	22.5 Conclusion Death and dying, like every other developmental task across the lifespan, are biological, psychological, and social processes. All lifespan perspectives begin at conception and end at death, so textbooks cover from the cradle to the grave, or from “sperm to worm” or from “womb to tomb.” Many philosophers and spiritual guides suggest that you should “Let death be your advisor.” This phase has many meanings, but as Carlos Castaneda explains, “Death is the only wise advisor that we have. Whenever you feel, as you always do, that everything is going wrong and you’re about to be annihilated, turn to your death and ask if that is so. Your death will tell you that you’re wrong; that nothing really matters outside its touch. Death helps us keep life in perspective, reminds us what is really important, encourages us to treasure and make good use of the time we have remaining, and ties us to all of living things, past, present, and future. Licenses & Attributions (Click to expand) CC Licensed Content - “Lifespan Development: A Psychological Perspective, Second Edition” by Martha Lally and Suzanne Valentine-French is licensed under a CC-BY-NC-SA-3.0 - Lifespan Development by Lumen Learning is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License - “Grief in Children and Developmental Concepts of Death” by Adam Himebauch, Robert Arnold MD, and Carol May is licensed under a CC-BY-NC-4.0	299	common-pile/pressbooks_filtered	https://openbooks.library.baylor.edu/lifespanhumandevelopment/chapter/22-4-conclusion/	pressbooks	pressbooks-0000.json.gz:81430	https://openbooks.library.baylor.edu/lifespanhumandevelopment/chapter/22-4-conclusion/
_WLVaxJjxCF9whLD	3.3.8: Management Skills Application Exercises	3.3.8: Management Skills Application Exercises - - Last updated - Save as PDF 1. In order to understand how response salience works, you may want to complete this self-assessment. Read the passage, and rate it on its comprehensibility. Does it make sense to you? Next, look at the appropriate frame of reference given in Appendix B . Now read the passage again, and rate it for its comprehensibility. Does it make more sense now that you have a specific frame of reference? Can You Understand This Passage? Instructions: The procedure is actually quite simple. First you arrange things into different groups. Of course, one pile may be sufficient depending on how much there is to do. If you have to go somewhere else due to lack of facilities that is the next step, otherwise you are pretty well set. It is important not to overdo things. That is, it is better to do too few things at once than too many. In the short run this may not seem important, but complications can easily arise. A mistake can be expensive as well. At first the whole procedure will seem complicated. Soon, however, it will become just another facet of life. It is difficult to foresee any end to the necessity for this task in the immediate future, but then one never can tell. After the procedure is completed one arranges the materials into different groups again. Then they can be put into their appropriate places. Eventually they will be used once more and the whole cycle will then have to be repeated. However, that is part of life. 2. How Do You Feel About Women Executives? Instructions: This instrument focuses on your attitudes toward women in executive positions. For each item, circle the number that best represents your feelings concerning women executives in organizations. Be completely honest with yourself in responding. For a scoring key, refer to Appendix B . 3. Examples of the MSQ for two scales (compensation and recognition) can be seen in this self-assessment. If you wish to complete this sample questionnaire, simply refer to a (paid or unpaid) job that you have had and answer the questionnaire. To score the instrument, refer to Appendix B . Instructions: Answer each of the ten questions by circling the numbers that best describe how satisfied or dissatisfied you are with the particular item. Then sum your results for questions 1–5 and 6–10 separately.	525	common-pile/libretexts_filtered	https://biz.libretexts.org/Courses/Western_Technical_College/Organizational_Behavior_(Hammond)/03%3A_Impact_of_Attitude/3.03%3A_Perception_and_Job_Attitudes/3.3.08%3A_Management_Skills_Application_Exercises	libretexts	libretexts-0000.json.gz:14382	https://biz.libretexts.org/Courses/Western_Technical_College/Organizational_Behavior_(Hammond)/03%3A_Impact_of_Attitude/3.03%3A_Perception_and_Job_Attitudes/3.3.08%3A_Management_Skills_Application_Exercises
EfXgh_ShtApbBEgD	Elocution taught, stammering cured : Dr. Comstock's vocal gymnasium ...	This Institution, which has been in successful operation since 182S. is designed for the Promotion of Health, the Cure op Stammering and Defective Articulation, for Instruction in Elocution and Phonetics, and for the Acquisition of Ancient and Modern Languages. In this Institution, Elocution is treated as a science, as well as an art. The various movements of the voice, both in speech and song, are illustrated by original diagrams and by oral instruction. The exercises give the pupil complete command of the muscles of articulation, extend tb? compass of the voice, and render it smooth, powerful, and melodious. They not only call forth all the energies of the vocal organs, correct stammering, lisping, and other impediments of speech, hut they invigorate the lungs, and, consequently, fortify them against the invasion of disease. The vocal exercises are not unfrequently accompanied by gesticulation, or the use of the dumb-bells. Hence, to a certain extent, general gymnastics are associated with those of the voice; and awkwardness of manner and posture is removed by the substitution of rhetorical grace. In other words, all the voluntary muscles of the trunk and limbs are so trained as to move in the order required by the will, synchronously and harmoniously with those of the voice. RULES, ADOPTED IN 15 40. From experience in teaching without fixed rules for the regula* f the conduct of the different classes, the Proprietor of the fnstitution is convinced of their importance. He has. therefore, drawn up the following, to which he requires each member to subscribe on entering the school. By Axdrew Comstock, M. D. For the last twelve years (since 1825), the author of these Remarks has been engaged in an investigation of the philosophy of the human voice, with a view to the formation of a system of just Elocution-, and to the discovery of the true means for correcting defective articulation", and for removing impediments of speech in stammerers. How far he has succeeded in his attempt is not for him tu say. His system is the result of his own reflection and experience; and. as ir is founded in philosophy, it is the only true system. The following contain the mere outlines of the system. The work itself will be presented to the public as soon as the author's other labors will permit Stammering or stuttering is a hesitation or interruption of speech, and is usually attended with more or less distortion of feature. This affection presents itself under a variety of forms ; but my limits will not allow me to give a particular description of them. I will notice only the most striking. In some cases, the stammerer makes an effort to speak, and all his breath is expelled without producing vocality; in others, the lips are spasmodically closed : — these two forms often occur in the same case. Sometimes the stammerer, while speaking or reading, loses all power over the vocal organs, and remains some moments with his mouth open, before he can recover sufficient energy to proceed. In many cases, the stammerer repeats the word immediately preceding the one he is attempting to pronounce, or he repeats, in a rapid manner, the first element, or the first syllable, of the difficult word. of constitution. The most usual exciting causes are diffidence, embarrassment, a fear of not being successful when about to make an effort to speak, an attempt to speak faster than the vocal organs can assume the proper positions for utterance. Two or more of these causes often occur in the same case. Sometimes the habit of stammering is acquired by imitation. stances : If the stammerer has a cheerful disposition, is distinguished for energy of mind and decision of character, can appreciate the variations of pitch in speech and song-, or, in other words, has an ear for music and a taste for elocution, the prognosis is favourable. But if he is of a nervous temperament, subject to melancholy, irresolute of purpose, incapable of imitation in speaking and singing, the prognosis is unfavourable. Treatment. — The stammerer should be impressed with the importance, nay, necessity, of giving exclusive attention to the subject ; and he should not be allowed to converse with any one till he can speak without stammering. These rules cannot be too strongly enforced. I am fully persuaded of this from my own experience. Several stammerers, who have placed themselves under my care, taking but two or three lessons a week, and attending to their usual avocations, have left me disappointed ; while those who have given undivided attention to the subject, have been entirely relieved. True, many are more or less benefited even by occasionally taking a lesson ; but it is very difficult, by any irregular course, to effect a radical cure. The habit of stammering should be arrested at once ; for, while it is continued, how is it possible that the habit of speaking correctly can be established ? Great pains should be taken to inspire the stammerer with confidence. He should be convinced that his success depends mainly upon his own exertions: that he must pursue the various exercises assigned him with indefatigable zeal, with untiring industry; that he has the same organs of speech as other people, and nothing is necessary to enable him to use them as well, but a conviction in his ability to do so. To think that one can do, gives almost the ability to accomplish — but to think that one cannot do, virtually takes away the ability to do, even where it is ample. Stammering is often continued by the subordinate estimation which the stammerer puts upon himself. He is too apt to consider those around him giants and himself a dwarf. As this estimation of himself serves to perpetuate his disease, it is clear that its remedy must be found in making himself equal to any : if this mental classification into giants and dwarfs must take place, let the stammerers make themselves the giants, and those around them the dwarfs. The teacher should study the disposition of his pupil : he should persuade him to banish from his mind all melancholy thoughts — in short, he should do every thing in his power to render his pupil cheerful and happy. Various athletic exercises should be resorted to daily, to invigorate all the muscles of voluntary motion, and diminish nervous irritability. In some cases it may be necessary to have recourse to tonics, anti-spasmodics, bathing in salt water, frictions over the whole surface of the body, &c. &c. Electricity may be used with advantage as a tonic, and also as a means of interrupting the spasm of the vocal organs. object or circumstance more or less irrelevant to the subject. 12. An ability to speak in concert or simultaneously. Every one who has learned to sing, knows how much easier it is to sing in concert than alone. All the exercises, therefore, for the cure of stammering, should, at first, be conducted in concert. Stammering may be considered a fault in elocution, the result of defective education, and is confirmed by habit. If children were properly instructed in speaking and reading, this affection of the vocal organs would, probably, seldom or never occur. Hence, no mode of treatment that is not founded in just elocution or the correct exercise of the organs of speech for the purposes of vocal expression, can be relied on. This must appear obvious to every intelligent and reflecting mind. The stammerer must be taught how to give language the pitch, time, and force which the sense requires. To effect this, his muscles of speech, which have long been refractory, must be trained till they are brought under the control of volition, and like a well marshalled troop of soldiers, made to act in harmonious concert. Oral language may be resolved into certain sounds which are its elements. Now there are certain positions of the organs of speech more favourable than others for the production of the elements. The stammerer should be made thoroughly acquainted with these positions, and, in connexion with them, should be required to exercise his voice in the most energetic manner upon all the elements singly, till he can utter them without hesitation. He should also utter them in various combinations, not only according to the laws of syllabication, but in every irregular way. The vowels should be exploded from the throat with great force ; and they should be sung, as well as pronounced with the rising and falling inflection, through every interval of pitch within the compass of the voice. The pupil should be drilled in various exercises whose highest peculiarity is time and force. Time may be measured by means of the Metronome, by beating with the hand, and by marching.* Pitch, time, and force are the elements of expression, and a proper combination of them in reading and speaking, constitutes good elocution. (See " Practical Elocution.") may commence speaking and reading. In his first attempts at conversation, both teacher and pupil should speak in a deliberate manner, with a full, firm tone of voice, and in a very low pitch. The stammerer should now commit to memory a short piece which requires to be spoken with explosive force ; for example, " Satan's speech to his legions." The members of the class should stand at a sufficient distance from each other to prevent their hands coming in contact when their arms are extended. They should then pronounce the speech in concert, after the teacher, and accompany it with appropriate gesticulation. It should be repeated again and again, till each pupil can give it proper expression, both as regards voice and gesture. Each pupil should then in turn, take the place of the teacher and give out the speech to the class. To prevent the pupil's stammering, while he is performing the teacher's part, the teacher himself should play an accompaniment on the violoncello, violin, organ, drum, or some other instrument. At first the notes should be made very loud ; but if the effort of the pupil, standing out of the class, is likely to be successful, they should gradually be made softer and softer, and, finally, the accompaniment omitted altogether. This piece should be pronounced alternately with one which requires to be spoken with long quantity and in a low pitch, as " Ossian's Address to the Sun." When the pupil has mastered these two kinds of reading, he may take up dignified dialogue, and, lastly, conversational pieces. He should drawl out difficult words, which are generally those having short vowels preceded by labials, dentals, and gutturals. In very bad cases of stammering, the pupil should first sing the words, then drawl them, then pronounce them with very long quantity, and thus gradually approximate to common speaking. As soon as the pupils can speak without stammering, they should recite singly in a very large room, or in the open air, at a distance i'rom the audience, which, at first, should consist of the members of the class only. A few visitors should be occasionally introduced, and the number should be gradually increased. In this way the stammerer will soon acquire sufficient confidence to speak before a large assembly. In some cases it may be expedient for the stammerer to recite before an audience in a dark room; but as he acquires confidence, light should be gradually admitted. Stammerers, instead of speaking immediately after inspiration, as they should do, often attempt to speak immediately after expiration, when, of course, they have no power to speak. The lungs, like a bellows, perform their part in the process of speaking, best, when plentifully supplied with air. This is an important fact, and should be remembered, not only by stammerers, but also by those who have occasion to read or speak in public. Loud speaking, long continued, with the lungs but partially distended, is very injurious to these organs : it is apt to occasion a spitting of blood, which is not unfrequcntly a precursor of pulmonary consumption. But loud speaking, with proper management of the breath, is a healthful exercise : besides strengthening the muscles which it calls into action, it promotes the decarbonization of the blood, and, consequently, exerts a salutary influence on the system generally. fc RECOMMENDATIONS. plums the movements of the voire by diagrams, and measures the rariotions of pitch hy the musical scale. He h^s with him two books on practic;il elocution, of which he is the author — the Rhythmical Reader, which contains pieces adapted to the taste of ladies, and Practical Elocution, which is designed for gentlemen. He teaches his pupils irom these hooks how to read in a graceful manner. If an individual has a feeble voice, it can be strengthened ; if harsh, softened, by pursuing the course he recommends. He clearly points out the difference between boisterous and eh. quent speaking; and he shows how to produce a great effect upon a public assembly, with very little effort. Whoever wishes to attain the faculty of speaking with correctness and elegance, in public places, and in the social circle, would do well to call and examine the system for themselves. Mr. Editor — There is no branch of education more deserving of public attention than oratory. Volumes have been written upon it. It has been cultivated, as a science, in all civilized countries; and its power has been universally felt and acknowledged. Its use and importance have occupied the attention of many distinguished men of our own and other countries. Were it otherwise, orators could not command, as they now do, " the ap. plause of listening senates." To speak well is one of the highest attainments to which our hopes can aspire. Permit me, Sir, to invite those who wish to attain this invaluable science, to attend Dr. Conistock's Lectures on Elocution, at the Court House. Hia manner of reading is bold, original, and striking. I have attended his Lectures for several days ; and, in common with his other pupils, highly appreciate them. He is, in the opinion of all who have heard him lecture, a faithful, capable, and excellent elocutionist. A Friend to Oratory Dr. Comstock has been instructing my pupils two hours in a day for two weeks, in Elocution; and I am happy in having an opportunity to bear testimony to their unexampled improvement in reading and speaking ELOCUTION. We would recommend to those individuals who wish to become chaste and accomplished speakers, to take a course of instruction of Dr. Andrew Comstock, whose merits as an elocutionist we have had the opportunity to prove. His system, which has the best claims to respect, will commend itself to persons of taste, as it is entirely free from theatrical affectation, or artificial display, and founded on truth and nature. Many gentlemen in the learned professions, and individuals in other spheres of life, who have received the benefits of his instruction, and who are therefore the wellqualified judges of his skill in this science, have given him unsolicited and unqualified praise. We wish him continued success. Mr. Editor : — Having occasion on my return from Washington to New York, to stop a few days at Philadelphia, I most cheerfully availed myself of the opportunity of witnessing the exercises in Elocution in which Dr Comstock's pupils are engaged, and it affords me pleasure to say, that I have been very highly gratified. The skill with which the Doctor imparts to his pupils a knowledge of the science and art of Elocution, and the proficiency which they have already made, are conclusive evidences that Elocution " can be taught." It was taught during the flourishing ages of Greece and Rome. Demosthenes and Cicero studied it in those republics, and studied it thoroughly anterior to their successful appearance before their fellow-citizens as orators. I wish, Mr. Editor, that some of our members of Congress could, or rather would, put themselves under the tuition of Dr. Comstock, or some other accomplished Elocutionist, long enough, at least, to learn the principles upon which good reading and speaking are founded. If our national legislators had a knowledge of Elocution, as taught by Dr. Comstock, they certainly would be heard with much more attention and interest ; and, I may add, they would be more useful to the country. Ministers of the Gospel, too, by becoming first-rate readers and speakers, can promulgate with ease and facility, the truths of Christianity. Rcli gion has suffered much in consequence of the bungling manner in which preachers and professors have presented it to the world. It is gratifying to know that several clergymen are now taking lessons in Elocution, o? Dr Comstock* and that they a-e making great improvement. It would be well for gentlemen of the legal profession, to study the hws of Elocution, as well as those of the land. Ladies, too, ought to feel interested in improving their Elocution, — some of the Philadelphia ladies do ; and I have had the satisfaction of hearing one of the Doctor's classes exercise, the members of which are becoming excellent readers. There are two or three literary institutions in which Dr. Comstock's valuable services have been retained. It is to be regretted that any ^seminary of learning, especially any college, should exist without a professorship of Elocution. It is not only an important branch of education, bu as much so as any to which the attention of youth can be directed. The following communication is from the United States Gazette. The subject is one of importance, and we are enabled from our own observation to confirm the statements of the writer. Several of our clergy have attended Dr. Comstock's lectures, and consider the system which he has udopted well calculated to assist in ease and propriety of reading and speaking. Mr. Editor : — Impressed with the value of education, and inclined to contribute aught in my power to aid those who are in the pursuit of its benefits, allow me, through your columns, to make a public expression of my sentiments, regarding the character of Dr. Andrew Comstock, as a teacher of Elocution, and its kindred branches. Having been a common inmate in the Doctor's office for many weeks, examined his publications and diagrams, and witnessed his method of instruction, with the cheering success by which it has been characterised, I write understandingly upon this occasion. From the Doctor's knowledge of our organs of speech, of their diseases and remedies, and the best mode of imparting to them vigour and activity — from his knowledge of the laws of sound, ample experience in his present vocation, joined with his acknowledged integrity, I am persuaded he is eminently qualified to sustain his highest pretensions as a scientific and practical Elocutionist. Dr. Comstock's mode of instruction is founded in the philosophy of his subject, is abundantly successful in its application — stands the scrutiny of talents — challenges the confidence of society. Graduates from our halls of science, gentlemen of the learned profes sions — ladies of cultivated minds, have been pleased to testify the esscn tial advantage they have derived from his lectures. I have myself been much delighted in seeing the rapid, material, and ofttimea complete improvement which unfortunate stammerers have made under his tuition, in their enunciation — while teacher and pupils cordiallv indulged in theii mutual congratulations. A CLERGYMAN STAMMERING CURED BY DR. COMSTOCK Mr. Editor : — Having- experienced, to a very painful extent, the many privations necessarily and peculiarly connected with inveterate stammer big-, to which I have been subject from early life, I am anxious thus to acknowledge the restoration that has been effected in my case, under the instruction of Dr. Comstock. Knowing-, as I well do, how valuable such a communication would have once been to me, I am induced to pen thia for the benefit of others. My articulation, until very lately, was so embarrassing- and difficult, as to have, in a very great degree, shut out from me the pleasure of conversation. I could scarcely articulate a single sentence without considerable effort on my part, and apparent anxiety and pain to others. I therefore seldom spoke from choice, and even avoided, when possible, the necessity of doing- so. I am, however, no longer subjected to these severe deprivations, but so relieved from them, that I can now converse with friends or strangers, and feel confident of my power to do so. Many years ago, and at some expense and trouble, I sought out Mr Chapman, a teacher then of considerable notoriety, and placed myself immediately under his care. Of him I do not complain, but notice the fact as part of my experience. Those who are aware of his injunctions know how impossible it is here to compare the peculiarities of his plan with the principles of my last tutor's, whose system, however, I should unhesitatingly prefer. A. EVANS. Philadelphia, June 24, 1836. A gentleman named Abner Evans called on me a few weeks ago, and desired me to examine him, in his conversation and in his reading with reference to stammering in his speech. He informed me that he was 34 years of age — that he had been an inveterate stammerer from his infancy ; but that he had, about two weeks before that time, placed himself under the care of Dr. Andrew Comstock, and that he now believed himself cured of the infirmity under which he had so long laboured. I examined the gentleman with considerable care, and was unable to discover anything like stammering, or embarrassment or impediment in his speech, either in conversation or reading. July 15th, 1836. I certify, that I have known Mr. A. Evans for a number of years, that he was an irveterate stammerer, and that he was completely relieved in two weeks, under the instruction of Dr. Comstock. I will further add, that I am intimately acquainted with Dr. C, that he has devoted several years to the study of the subject which he professes to teach, and that I believe he is fully prepared to meet any case of impediment in reading or speaking JOS. P. MUSGRAVE, M. D. From the Public Ledger, July 27, 1S37. Re?narks on Stammering-: — We have received a small pamphlet with this title, being' the substance ot'a lecture delivered before the American Lyceum, May 6, IS.'JT, by Andrew Comstock, M. D., of this city. He has treated bis subject scientifically, and in a manner showing that he understands the human voice both theoretically and practically. He has been engaged ibr ten years, investigating the human voice, for the purpose of forming a system of just elocution, and of removing impediments of speech ; and from reading this little pamphlet, we should infer that he had been successful. Dear Sir, — Before leaving your city, allow me to express to you the perfect satisfaction I feel, in witnessing the progress which my son has made in Elocution under your instruction. The habit of stammering which commenced with his early efforts to speak, and which thirteen years (his present age) seemed only to confirm, is now, with six weeks' instruction, completely eradicated. Though delighted beyond expression in this result, I am not disappointed. From the moment I became acquainted with your method of instruction, I did not doubt its entire success. Founded on scientific principles, it must succeed in all cases where there is no malformation of the organs of speech. You have reduced to a system what before was but imperfectly understood, and done most essential service to mankind in elevating a numerous class of unfortunate fellow-beings, and saved them from the impositions of ignorant and unprincipled empirics. Messrs. Editors, — Being about to leave this city for the West, I would thank you to give publicity to my testimony as to the skill of Dr. Andrew Comstock, No. 100, Arch street, Philadelphia, in removing stammering. I have been under his care about eight weeks, for the removal of a painful impediment of eighteen years, standing, which debarred roe from the pleasures of conversation and social intercourse. I can novv converse very fluently, and have addressed large audiences without the least hesitation. take great pleasure in recommending him to those similarly afflicted. His system being founded on scientific principles, and the fact of his being the only individual in America, who professes the cure of stammering, without enacting from his patient a promise of secrecy, proves that his system will bear investigation. WM. R. COMBS. We certify that we have been intimately acquainted with Wm. R. Combs for the last thr"ee years; that he was a very bad stammerer, and that he was entirely relieved under the instruction of Dr. Andrew Comstock, of No. 100, Arch street, Philadelphia. Messrs. Editors, — About seven weeks since I placed myself under the care of Dr. Andrew Comstock, No. 100, Arch street, Philadelphia, for the removal of an impediment in my speech, with which I had been afflicted for thirteen years. I am now happy to state that I am able to converse with ease and fluency, and that I feel no hesitation in speaking in public. I have witnessed the same happy results in many other cases, both of ladies and gentlemen. I have not a doubt of his success in curing the most inveterate stammerer. Unlike all others who have professed to cure stammering in this country, Dr. Comstock exacts no promise of secrecy from his patient. From the Phoenix Civilian, Cumberland, Md., May 19, 1838. Our acquaintance with the young gentleman mentioned below, who has received the benefit of Dr. Comstock's treatment in the cure of an impedi. ment of speech under which he laboured, enables us to bear evidence of the efficacy of that treatment. Since his return from Philadelphia, where he had been under Dr. Comstock's care for a short time, we find that his speech is free and easy ; so much so, that had we not been aware of the great difficulty under which he laboured before, we should not now know that he ever had been cured of such an affliction. A GRATIFYING TESTIMONIAL. The subjoined letter to Dr. Comstock, Professor of Elocution, of this city, is from a young- gentleman of great respectability, residing at Cumberland, Allegany county, Maryland, where his father is one of the leading practitioners at the bar. The writer of the letter, who, we believe, is a student at law, laboured under a serious impediment in speech, which would have greatly interfered with his professional advancement; but it appears from his own statement, that under the care of Dr. Comstock, he was completely and radically cured. The letter subjoined, is a voluntary and grateful testimonial to that effect. Dr. Andrew Comstock : Dear Sir, — I have deferred giving a certificate with regard to the success I met with in my recent visit to your Institution, No. 100, Arch sireet, Philadelphia, for the purpose of removing an impediment in my speech, until the present period, that I might thoroughly test the effects of your system upon my articulation by time and experience. Both of these, I am happy to inform you, find me now — as was the case when I left Philadelphia on the 13th of February last — perfectly fluent in reading as well as in conversation— so much so, that it would be impossible for any one who had no previous knowledge of my impediment, to know that any such defect ever afflicted me. But besides the happy effect your system has had in relieving my impediment, it has been of incalculable benefit to me in many other respects. My voice, which was formerly weak, and incapable of being raised very little higher than the ordinary tone used in common conversation, has been greatly improved and strengthened ; and now it costs me but a slight physical effort to fill a considerable space. In conclusion, I unhesitatingly recommend all those similarly afflicted, to make a trial of your system. Besides the success which has attended it in my own case, I have seen many others greatly benefited — both ladies and gentlemen. This speaks more strongly in its favour than words can express, and should remove all doubt from the minds of individuals, if any exist, as to its efficacy in effecting a cure. CURE FOR STAMMERING. A young1 gentleman named Samuel E. Duiiield, of M'Connclsburg, in this state, called upon us the other day, and wished us to state that lie has always been subject to a natural impediment of speech, which of lute years haa been increasing upon him. He visited this city, placed himself under the care of Dr. Comstock, and has been entirely cured. He can speak and read with as much fluency as though he had never been subject to any impediment of speech. ■ We had on Saturday the pleasure of listening to the reading, recitation and discourse of a pupil of Dr. Comstock, who has been with him less than three weeks, and was from his infancy a stammerer, the evil increasing with the growth of the youth, and with his intercourse with society. He is now able to speak and read without the least sign of hesitancy. Dr. Comstock's system is simple, and, as it appears, efficacious, and he affects no mystery : we trust that those who are subject to the painful inconvenience of stammering, will apply to him; and we really believe that if they will give attention to his rules, they may be entirely cured. From the Philadelphia Gazette, Nov. 29, 1836. The following tribute to the skill of a Gentleman whose success in a very difficult profession has been astonishing, is not less grateful to the object of it himself, than it is useful to the public at large. We perform a general benefit by giving it currency through the press. Letter to Dr. Comstock, of Philadelphia. Dear Sir ; — My son has returned from the city, after an absence of about four weeks,and I cannot refrain from acknowledging my unfeigned satisfaction in the improvement of his speech. Before he left home it gave me pain to hear him attempt to speak ; now I will defy any person to know he had ever been a stammerer. I do cordially recommend all who have an impediment in their speech, if possible to avail themselves of your sys tem for the cure of stammering. I am, with respect, yours, &c. We publish a communication from the Rev. O. C. Comstock, Chaplain to Congress, upon the merits of his relative, Dr. A. COMSTOCK, of this city, as a professor of Elocution. From some knowledge of the scientific gentleman alluded to, and the great success which has attended his exertions in the cure of stammering, we cordially endorse the testimony. TheRev. Dr. Comstock, of Washington, being himself an eloquent divine, much credit may be attached to his opinions on a topic so entirely within his sphere. the public should receive with becoming caution, every announcement of extraordinary achievements in any of the departments of useful knowledge. The wonderful exploits of ignorant and unprincipled pretenders, are frequently lauded to the skies, in the newspaper paragraphs of anonymous writers. Disdaining to impose on honest credulity, by making an assertion where I cannot establish a fact — indisposed to avoid an}' responsibility tli at may be attached to my character, I will not be induced to do so upon this occasion, by withholding my humble name from this article, in consequence of the delicate collateral relation subsisting between myself and the talented and honourable gentleman to whom it alludes — I mean Dr. A. Comstock, of Philadelphia. The Dr. before and since his graduation at the university of Pennsylvania, has been muchemployed in theeducation of youth. The books and diagrams which he has published, illustrating the true principles of elocution, and the methods by which it can be most successfully taught — the high state of improvement witnessed and admired, in the voice, reading and speaking of his pupils, render him deservedly celebrated as an elocutionist, wherever his reputation is known. But I should not have obtruded these remarks upon the consideration of your readers, would they not conduce to a better understanding of the following intelligence, which I hope may subserve the interests of suffering humanity. My friend has removed, in numbers of unfortunate stammerers, that most embarrassing and painful difficulty of enunciation with which they have been affected. Some of these sufferers had been long schooled by others, with reference to the removal of this calamity, with little or no success. That a cure, in this case, is an object most ardently to be desired, is deeply felt by every victim of this misfortune — by every fond parent, who, but for stammering, might regard his darling boy a fair candidate for the highest academic honours — the applause of listening Senates. There is now before my mental vision a lovely boy of great promise, on whom his parents design to bestow a finished education ; but who, alas ! was painfully afflicted with stammering. He is now, however, under the tuition of Dr. Comstock. greatly improving in his elocution ; inspiring the confident expectation of perfect victory over the source .of so much unhappiness. The sparkling animation of his eye — his cheering smiles — express the rapture of his grateful heart. The thankfulness and joyful anticipation of his parents cannot be described, or even imagined, but by those in similar circumstances. his system, and manner of instruction, and its delightful results. Unlike all sorts of imposture, there is no affectation of superlative wisdom held as a profound secret, in the theory and practice of this valuable art — as triumphantly explored and applied by the Doctor. His course of operation is founded in an extensive knowledge of his subject — the fruit of his ample study and practice. His discipline developes, invigorates, and renders flexible the organs of speech. He teaches his pupils how these organs are to be properlv exercised. They are made obedient to the will — capable of much and various accomplishments. In short, he cures stammerers, by teaching them scientific and practical elocution. sity of Pennsylvania. Having1 been present on the 10th inst. at the exercises of the pupils in Dr Andrew Comstock's Gymnasium, for the improvement of the voice and of the articulation in stammerers and others, the impression made upon me was highly favourable to his method of instruction. The system is founded upon an exact anatomical and physiological information, in regard to the organs concerned in the production and modification of sound. Its several parts appear to have been evolved and matured upon a degree of thought and an extent of experiment reflecting much credit upon his sagacity and industry, and it inspires a very strong confidence of its applicability to the faults generally of speech or phonation. One of his pupils, who only a week before the occasion alluded to, had been a most unpleasant stammerer, was then heard to recite publicly with great ease and fluency, with a full intonation. W. E. HORNER, M. D. Having been present on the occasion alluded to in the preceding letter of the Professor of Anatomy, I have no hesitation in alleging that my impressions are consistent with those which my colleague has therein expressed. Professor of Chemistry in the University of Pennsylvania. From the Select Medical Library and Eclectic Journal of Medicine, edited by John Bell, M. D., Lecturer on the Institutes of Medicine and Medical Jurisprudence, Member of the College of Physicians of Philadelphia, and of the American Philosophical Society, etc. September, 1837. It is not necessary that a man should be a stammerer, in order to be aware, from personal experience, of his imperfection in vocal utterance and speech. We are taught to read and to express ourselves grammatically in conversation ; but how few learn suitable intonation, and a full and a distinct utter, ance, — by which speech obtains much of its charm and acquires often all its influence. Graceful gestures in walking and dancing, and in presenting one's self in company, are thought by many to be of paramount importance; and hence, as a matter of course, the majority of young persons of both sexea are placed under the direction of a teacher of dancing. And yet, after all, what are the graces of manner compared to the melody of voice; and how imperfect the address of the otherwise accomplished gentleman or lady, without full and mellifluous speech ! Nature here, as in all that concerns either bodily or mental endowment, does, it is true, establish great differenced amongst individuals. One person has, naturally, a musical voice, as it is called ; another a harsh or somewhat dissonant one. But still, education pos Besses, we also know, a good deal of plastic power; and in no case is the in. tluencu of physical education more evident than in the strength which exercise gives to the muscles in general, and in the agility and grace which prac. tice imparts to the movements of the limbs; as in the evolutions of the dance, and on the tight rope, &c. On the same principle precisely, without any charm, magic or mystification, can the muscles which, by their successive or alternate and combined action, give rise to voice and speech, be educated into strength and measured and harmonious movement, and produce clear and full intonation, distinct articulation, and emphatic utterance. This particular department of muscular exercise and education, has greater claims on our time and attention than any other. The organs of speech, with few unfortunate exceptions, are possessed by all mankind ; they are in constant use by all, — their functions are of the highest moment to all, whether for the display of the charms of song and poetry, the persuasion of oratory, the invocation of prayer, and the numberless exchanges of opinion and expression of the affections and emotions in social intercourse. The most rigid puritan or methodist, who would regard with distaste, perhaps horror, the exercises of the dance, and attach no importance to the graces of bodily movement, will still be as naturally and properly desirous of cultivating the voice, as the greatest stickler for worldly accomplishments. He does it in learning to sing the praises of his Maker, and when engaged in the solemn exercises of prayer and exhortation. With the other sex, the charm of voice is a powerful means of persuasion and control. It gives to woman much of her influence — an influence depending on the mildness of her manner, and her soft and musical tones, displayed in the language of sympathy, entreaty, and of kind remonstrance. Her's is the privilege and the duty to be at the side of the suffering invalid, in infancy, in youth, and in mature age; to comfort the mourner, and to aid the poor and distressed. And what makes the potions to the feverish patient less nauseous — what gives balm to the language of resignation, and imparts the glow of pleasure to the wan and weary beggar, when she is, in each case, the ministering angel ! Much is in the pitying look, much in the inclining gesture and softened manner ; but still more in the tones of her voice, her low and smoothly uttered words of solace and of hope. Why then should this instrument, which is capable of giving out such exquisite music, be jarred and discordant in its tones, through early neglect and bad habits. It has been said by European travellers of both sexes, that American women would be in all respects charming, but for their want of melody of voice in common speech. Surely this stigma, for such in one sense it is, might be, and ought to be removed, just as the flutter, agitation, and jerking movements of the body and limbs would be corrected, by appropriate exercise and training under tasteful guidance and precept. Still more necessary is this kind of education where the imperfection amounts to disease, as in hesitancy, stammering, and other imperfect articulation. The cure requires time, patience on the part both of the invalid and of the vocal doctor, and practice in the manner which scientific experience, not impudent and boastful quackery, has shown to be most serviceable, so as to give that confidence which is the result of conscious ability. The timidity and feeling of embarrassment of the stammerer, are both effects and sustaining causes of his impediment. So soon as he knows that his vocal organs are capable of obeying the commands of his will, and of giving expression to his thoughts, his mind acts with more energy and intentncss ; and lie no longer allows himself to be trammelled in his speech, by the weak, tremulous and convulsive movements of the muscles, which, under less energetic voli. tion, used to be so common with him. When we wrote the caption of this article, we did not intend to direct the attention of our professional brethren merely to the existing evils, but were desirous to apprize them of the fact, that one of our own number has for many years past concentrated his talents and his time exclusively to the subject of Elocution, both in its hygienic relations with fluent speech in private and public, in the social circle and at the bar, the pulpit and the legislative hall and, also, in its curative character, to remove stammering and other impediments to clear and distinct articulation and utterance. The gentleman to whom we refer, is Dr. Andrew Comstock of this city. He makes no preten. sion to a knowledge of any specific for the cure of stammerers, nor does he attempt to shroud his method in unintelligible jargon, nor to conceal it from public and scientific investigation, by swearing his pupils to secrecy. All these are arts and tricks unworthy of the literary and professional character, and disreputable, above all, to him who professes to be a teacher, and in whom manly sincerity ought ever to shine conspicuously, as an example to those under his charge. In Doctor Cornstock's Institution, " Elocution is treated as a science as well as an art. The various movements of the voice, both in speech and song, are illustrated by original diagrams, and by oral instruction. The exercises give the pupil complete command of the muscles of articulation, extend the compass of the voice and- render it smooth, powerful, and melodious. They not only call forth all the energies of the vocal organs, correct stammering, lisping, and other impediments of speech ; but they invigorate the lungs, and consequently fortify them against the invasion of disease." To a certain extent, general is associated with vocal gymnastics ; and one great cause of embarrassment from awkwardness of manner and posture in the stammerer, is removed by the substitution of a free and easy carriage and movements of the arms in gesticulation. In other words, all the voluntary muscles of the trunk and limbs move in the order required by the will, synchronously and harmoniously with those of the voice. In proof that Doctor Comstock is above the petty arts of making elocution a mere craft and mystery, we have now before us, Remarks on Stammering, from a Lecture on Elocution, delivered before the American Lyceum, May 6, 1 837, in which he explains the chief features of his system, and indicates the kind and order of exercises to be pursued for the cure of Stammerers. But like all other branches of professional knowledge, this can only be rendered efficient and applicable to the cure of individual cases by a practitioner, a person who directs knowingly and understandingly, and superintends carefully and patiently, the treatment, making such modifications as seem to be called for by his own personal experience and the idiosyncracy of the patient EXHIBITIONS IN VOCAL GYMNASTICS. The STAMMERERS under Dr. Comstock, both Ladies and Gentlemen, give a variety of recitations, at the Vocal Gymnasium, (entrance by Ranstead Court, Fourth St. above Chesnut,) every Tuesday evening. TICKETS, 25 cents each, — and may be obtained at Osborn's Music Store, Fourth Street, two doors below Ranstead Court. Each ticket admits a gentleman and two ladies. The exercises commence at 8 o'clock. VOCAL GYMNASTICS. A class of students in elocution, and stammerers, under Dr. Comstucfc, exhibited at the Vocal Gymnasium, (Ranstead Court, Fourth Street, above Chesnut,) on Saturday evening last. Dr. Comstock's lecture on elocution und stammering1 displayed an intimate knowledge of his subject, and the performances of the class did infinite credit to his talents as a teacher. From the Pennsylvanian, February 6, 1838. Dr. Comstock, the professor of elocution, gave an exhibition on Satutday evening, at the Temperance Hall, N. L., for the purpose chiefly of affording a practical explanation of his system of instruction, and showing its success in the cure of stammering and other defects of speech. A large audience, many ladies being among the number, was present, and the exercises evidently gave general satisfaction. It was surprising to hear the firmness and hmoothness with which the pupils spoke, many of whom until recently were confirmed stammerers, and it was still more surprising to learn in how short a time the evil habit had been eradicated, the consciousness of a complete cure bjing strongly manifest in the modest confidence with which the Doctor's pupils, several of whom were young ladies, went through their recitations before so large an audience. It must not, however, be supposed that this system of instruction is intended solely for the stammerer. Founded upon sound philosophical principles it is impor tant in many respects. It has a wonderful effect in developing the voice, and in giving it volume, flexibility and compass, while the practice of the elements strengthens the chest, and >s very beneficial to the general health, fortifying it in a measure against the approach of diseases of the lungs. The advantage of vocal gymnastics judiciously conducted, is not yet perhaps fully appreciated, but it is more than probable that the time will come when they will form a part of every liberal course of instruction. The exhibition of Dr. Comstock's class of Stammerers, at Temperance Hall, on Wednesday evening, was highly gratifying to a numerous and highly respectable audience of ladies and gentlemen. The system pursued appears to be calculated to accomplish the end in view ; but the eminent success it has so far met with, is to be ascribed, in a great degree, to the talents of Dr. Comstock as a teacher. Dear Brethren, — Having attended Dr. Comstock's exhibitions, I am fully persuaded, that with proper attention on the part of the pupils, he can cure them. I was induced to attend in consequence of his having in his class a particular friend of mine, whose case was one of the worst I ever knew and to my astonishment, he addressed an audience without the least diffi culty, making quite a display as an orator. His age is about twenty-one years. If you feel at liberty to notice him in your paper, you may render essential service to stammerers. Respeotfully, STAMMERERS. The recitations, and other vocal exercises, made on Tuesday e\ cr.ings, at Dr. Comstock's Vocal Gymnasium, in Ranstead Court, furnish evidence of great success in his mode of teaching'. His pupils, to the number of thirty or forty, male and female, give recitations in a style that shows, not only tiie entire absence of any disposition to stammer, but evincing also a striking proficiency in the agreeable, as well as useful science of elocution. A friend iu whose judgment as well as impartiality we place reliance, speaks in terms of warm commendation of Dr. Comstock's success in curing impediments in speech, and imparting a free action to the organs of articulation. The public recitations of his class, which take place every Tuesday evening, at his room adjoining the Church in Ranstead Court, are spoken of as furnishing evidence of success in curing stammerers, as well as of striking proficiency in elocution, which Dr. C. teaches with great effect. From the United States Gazette. Mr. Editor, — I have attended two of the Vocal Gymnastic Exhibitions which have attracted so much attention in our city. The design of these exhibitions, as stated by Dr. Comstock, with whom they have originated, and by whom they are conducted, is to enable the stammerer to rid himself of that timidity which is a greater or less aggravation of his disease. If timidity in one vyho has no impediment of speech, interrupts the utterance of thoughts, surely in a confirmed stammerer, it must be a source of the highest degree of embarrassment to the vocal organs. Timidity, then, must be removed before the stammerer can have full command of his own organs of speech. To do this, Dr. Comstock brings his whole class, both ladies and gentlemen, before the crowded houses which assemble to hear the welkin ring with their various exercises in what is well denominated by Dr. C. Vocal Gymnastics. Could art, science, experience, wisdom, or philosophy, suggest a more efficacious means for the destruction of timidity than the production of courage by individual and collective public speaking ? Nor is the performance of these stammerers void of all powers to edify, and amuse — there is much to instruct, and please, both in manner and matter, in these exhibitions, which, for the sake of the great good they seem likely to pro duce to the afflicted stammerer, I hope will be fully sustained by this enlightened public. A Well Wisher to Freedom of Speech. PRACTICAL ELOCUTION, Or, A System of Vocal Gymnastics, comprising Diagrams, illustrative of the subject, and Exercises, designed for the Promotion of Health, the Cure of Stammering, and Improvement in Reading and Speaking. By Andrew Comstock, M. D. Second Edition. Kay & Brother, 122, Chesnut Street. PRACTICAL ELOCUTION. Dr. Comstock, a gentleman with whose name our readers are familiar as the scientific curer of Stammering', has issued a second edition of his work on Practical Elocution. It is believed to be the best practical work extant upon this important subject and so far as strengtnening the lungs is concerned, the exercises it teaches are of vast importance. Those who do not intend to become orators, may cultivate and improve the conversational and colloquial powers, and secure a grace, ease and power, that will render them polished and sought-for intelligences in the mystic roads of social intercourse. The work is illustrated with engravings, and very beautifully got up both in paper and print. Dr. Comstock is known as a skilful and scientific teacher of elocution. He has devoted much study to the subject, and has had the advantage of very considerable experience in the practical application of his knowledge His classes are generally filled with pupils, and their success is the best testimonial of the merits of his system. This volume will be found a valuable aid to those who are engaged eithej in teaching or acquiring the important art of elocution. Besides a concise but sufficiently clear, analysis of the subject, and various explanatory details, it furnishes a series of diagrams calculated very much to facilitate the progress of the learners. These diagrams have been prepared with much care and labour, and reflect high praise on the industry and ability of Doctor Coinxtock. Messrs. Kay & Brother, 122, Chesnut street, have published a second edi. tion of Dr. Andrew Comstock's Practical Elocution, or, a System or Vocal Gymnastics. We really believe that the great labour and amount of time which Dr. C. has bestowed upon this volume, will be productive of essential benefits to the learner. The selections are apposite, and the remarks 6uch as show the author master of his subject. The volume now before us, comprises a system of " Vocal Gymnastics," by Andrew Comstock, M. D., and consists of diagrams, illustrative of the subject, and exercises. The plan recommended is designed for thf» promotion of health, cure of stammering, and improvement in reading and speaking. The rapid sale of its first edition seems to be a proof of Us popularity ; while several men of eminence in literature and science have pronounced Doctor Comstock's system a decided improvement upon the usual routine of teach, insr in Elocution. We have received from Dr. Andrew Comstock, of this city, a copy of his late work, entitled "Practical Elocution, or, a System of Vocal Gymnastics, comprising Diagrams and Exercises, &c, designed for the promotion of health, the cure of stammering, and improvement in reading and speaking." This work contains rules for pronouncing all the vowels, sub-vowels, and diphthongs in the English language, with plates to illustrate the position of the mouth in pronouncing them. These sounds he denominates elements; and he g-ives tables exhibiting an analysis of words, consisting of both easy and difficult combinations of these elements. In spelling these words, the pupil is required to pronounce the clement or vowel sound, and not the name of the letter or combination of letters which represent it, as is usual in the schools. The hook also contains rules for every species of modulation and intonation of the voice, and of time, in reading, speaking, and singing. It contains remarks on stammering, and rules for curing it; and practical lessons in reading and speaking, consisting of selections in prose and verse, printed with different characters, to denote the proper modulations. It also contains plates, representing every variety of attitude and gesture required in good speaking. This must be a valuable work to those who would learn to read or speak well, and especially to those afflicted with stammering or other impedimenta of speech. It is useless to dilate upon the importance of elocution to all who have occasion to read or speak to others. To lawyers, legislators, clergymen, and speakers in public meetings, it is particularly important; lor though to intelligent and well informed minds, the graces of manner add nothing to the force of argument, they are exceedingly important in securing an attentive hearing. An indifferent sermon, if well preached, will produce great effect, while one of the highest order, badly delivered, will be lost upon a great portion of the audience. This is entirely because the first secures the attention of its hearers, and thereby enables ever}' argument or illustration to reach their understandings; while the second is not understood, because not heard. Dr. Comstock has been long and favourably known in this city as a teacher of elocution. The art of public speaking is a common attainment; but the art of speaking effectively, powerfully, and well, by a proper discipline of voice, gesture and action, is no easy acquisition. The voice is a great instrument of influence. Some orators who have been " vox et prater ea nihil" by means of a good voice alone, have been able to exercise an astonishing sway over their auditors. The full developement of the vocal organs should be a primary exercise with all ambitious for the honours of successful orators, and we know of no better disciplinarian in these matters than Dr. Comstock. The work before us, entitled " Practical Elocution," is an expose of his principles of teaching, and will serve as an instructive manual to those studying his method. It is better calculated, however, as a manual for his pupils, than for students in general. It shows great skill and industry, and is highly creditable to the knowledge and research of the author. Dr. Andrew Comstock, of this city, has published a second edition of a work entitled "Practical Elocution," of which he is the author. There are few subjects which receive less, while its importance demands a greater share of attention, than this of Elocution. Every organ of the human body pi ndent on exercise for its true and proper developement. There are few persons who do not feel the embarrassment which arises from an impcr 33 * feet enunciation. The work before us conveys much valuable instruction on this subject. To render the doctrine it communicates more evident, tha ditferent movements of the voice are illustrated by original diagrams. Dr. Cotnstock has for some years been a successful teacher of Elocution, and in his experience has found the exercises in these diagrams happily adapted to render the muscles of speech subject to volition, to extend the compass of the voice and increase its power. From the American Weekly Messenger, Dec. 20, 1837. Dr. Comstock is well known in this city as a practjeal teacher of Elocution. His experience with his classes has given him great advantages m the preparation of this volume, which appears to be complete, so far as diagrams, marks expressive of the pronunciation of words, and minute practical directions, can render it so. To those persons who are so unfortunate as to have contracted a habit of stammering, and to foreigners who wish to acquire a correct pronunciation of our language, this volume will prove an invaluable acquisition. Students in oratory may consult the figures illustrative of gesture with advantage ; and teachers of reading and declamation should not consider their libraries complete without this volume. nut Street. We have received a very handsome edition of the above work, which we cheerfully recommend to young men, as a Valuable assistant in the study of true oratory. The work is illustrated with a number of plates representing the proper position of the mouth in pronouncing, and also the most graceful and natural attitudes and gestures of the limbs and body, in order to give full force and expression to language. Dr. Comstock has, in the book before us, proved himself abundantly quali fied to teach the oral developement of thought, and we therefore wish ha may conlinue his labours, and have large classes of pupils. We observe, by a notice among our list of business cards this morning, that the residence of Dr. Comstock, whose success in the cure of impedimenta in the speech, and improvement in elocution and address of his pupils, wo believe is unsurpassed by any instructor in the country, is at 100 Arch Street Dr. C. possesses a double advantage over most of his profession, in his thorough acquaintance with the physical, as well as mental, capacity of his fellow man. The fourth exhibition of his class of young ladies and gentlemen, will be given this evening, at the Commissioners' Hall, Southwark, where, in addition to their various recitations, a lecture will be delivered by the Rev. Jacob M. Douglass. From the Saturday Courier, Philadelphia, Dec. 15, 1838. Mr. John Taylor, of Hinsdale, N. H., was the other morning in our study and exhibited the wonderful improvement made by eleven weeks' residence with Dr. Comstock. He told us he had been all his life dreadfully troubled with an impediment of speech ; but he read to us with the most perfect easo and freedom. We take pleasure in recording such cases for the benefit of others. of elocution, and as a successful practitioner in removing all defects in speech. The voice is produced by muscular contraction, and hence depends wholly on the power of the muscles, which propel the air through the vocal organs, and modulate the same, for the strength, compass, distinctness, or confusion of the various sounds emitted in speaking or singing. Dr. Comstock has investigated this subject in all its bearings, and pointed out, in a clear and scientific manner, the cause of stammering, and other defects of speech, in his work on Practical Elocution, (which has been some years before the public :) and has opened a school in Philadelphia for teaching elocution, and removing defects in speech, upon philosophical principles. A late number of the World, published in the city of brotherly love, con. tains a very commendatory notice of the eminent ability and success which attend the labours of this learned and indefatigable practitioner, in an important branch of science, to the investigation of which his whole life has been devoted. Knowing well the history of this gentleman, and having once enjoyed the honour of a personal acquaintance, we do not hesitate to recommend his school as possessing the highest claims to public confidence. At 4J o'clock the meeting was called to order, and a lecture delivered on Elocution, by Dr. Comstock, and an interesting exhibition by his class, several of whom had been inveterate stammerers ; one in particular, a married gentleman from the east, (who said he had to do his courting by signs,) spoke so well, after only six weeks' instruction, as to prove Dr. C.'s teaching completely effectual. Sometime since, Dr Comstock called on us with a person from Vermont, who had applied to him to be cured of stammering ; he certainly needed help. Yesterday, the Doctor and his patient called on us again ; the latter talked and read as fluently as any person we ever saw. The person to whom we refer, mentioned that he should now go home, and talk with a near relation, to whom he had never spoken, as she was rather deaf, and he had stammered bo abominably as to be wholly unable to make her comprehend him. STAMMERING AND ELOCUTION. From numerous testimonials of the success of Dr. Comstock, of Philadel phia, in improving the voice, particularly of Stammerers, we sometime sinco selected the following from a Philadelphia paper, for presentation to our readers. To those afflicted with an impediment of the speed), all discoveries, or efficient modes for amending the vocal organs, must be matter of peculiar interest. We have repeatedly visited the institution of Dr. C, and have seen numerous instances of improvement no less striking than the one referred to below. Dr. C. is unremitting in his attention to his pupils; exact in his exposition of the principles of elocution ; and affords t.o his pupils a wide range for practice. As a teacher, he commands the respect of his pupils, while his gentlemanly deportment towards them is sure to win their permanent fwtfiein. His office is at No. 100 Arch Street, Philadelphia. " Mil Charles R. Read, from Vermont, called upon us, and read as fluently as any one. Eight weeks since 'we conversed with the same gentleman, and he could not articulate a sentence without stammering badly. He had been afflicted from his infancy. His mother stammered, and he has a sister who is also subject to the same infirmity. Mr. Read tells us he intends to send her to the care of Dr. Comstock, who has been so successful in his own case. We look upon it as doing stammerers a kindness, by constantly keeping them" advised of such important facts." — Saturday Courier. We attended an exhibition of Dr. Comstock's class of stammerers last evening, at the Temperance Hall, N. L., and were much pleased with the exercises. We believe that Dr. C.'s system is well calculated to accomplish the very desirable relief so much needed by those afflicted with a hesitancy of speech. One individual, who had been under tuition but nine days, gave ample testimony of the efficiency of the system. A STAMMERER CURED. We were called upon yesterday by a gentleman of Bradford county, Pa., thirty-seven years of age, who, until within a month, had been an inveterate stammerer from childhood. A few weeks since, however, he was induced to place himself under the care of Doctor Comstock, of this city, who speedily effected a perfect cure. The gentleman called upon us to illustrate the excellence of the system, in his own case ; and, also, with the object of making some public acknowledgment of the great and important benefit that had been conferred. He spoke with ease and fluency, and recited one or two passages of poetry, with taste and discrimination. Those of our citizens, however, who desire the most satisfactory evidence of the effects of this system, are invited to visit the Musical Fund Hall, on Monday evening next, when Dr. Comstock and his class of stammerers will give a variety of exercises and recitations. Dr. Comstock's exhibition of Vocal Gymnastics takes place at the Musical Fund Hall, this evening, November 25, at half-past seven o'clock. — It gives us pleasure to recommend the Doctor's system of instruction, which, after cool examination, we believe to be excellent and unrivalled. The perform, ances of his pupils, who were formerly stammerers, are truly astonishing. — Let every one judge for himself. We were pleased to see his former exhibi. tion, at Temperance Hall, attended by a crowd of ladies and gentlemen. From the North American, Philadelphia, March 19, 1840. Pr Comstock left with us yesterday for exhibition, one of his charts representing the mouth in every form and position which it seems to be enabled to assume in the enunciation of sounds. « Attached to it are scales for tne modulation of the voice, which are of great service to the student. The success which has attended Dr. Comstock's instructions, has been of the most striking character. From the Philadelphia Gazette, March 21, 1840. Dr. Comstock, elocutionist of this city, has published a large chart, mounted on rollers and varnished, entitled " A Table of the Elements of the English Language." This table condenses, as it were, the instruction of a half years' study, in the useful and requisite art of elocution. It should be hung up in the library of every orator, or every one who would be an orator, whether of the Pulpit or the Bar. If one is naturally an orator, it will assist in developing those powers; if he is not, an assiduous study of the chart will make him one. Pebbles helped Demosthenes, until the wide round world was vocal with his name ; and why should not a map of mounted eloquence do the same, to some one in the nineteenth century ? From the Pennsylvanian, March 24, 1840. Elocution. — Dr. Comstock, of this city, has published a large chart mounted upon rollers, entitled " A Table of the Elements of the English Language." This Table gives, in a condensed form, and as it were, at a single view, the principles upon which Dr. Comstock's system of instruction in elocution is founded, and as he is eminently successful in making good speakers, and in curing defects in articulation, the chart will doubtless be found very serviceable both to his pupils and to others. From the Inquirer, Philadelphia, March 30, 1840. Dr. Comstock's Table. — Dr. Andrew Comstock, of this city, has published a Table of the Elements of the English Language, which appears to us admirably suited to facilitate boys in their exercises of reading and improvement of gesticulation. For stammerer's, and those affected with impediments of speech, it possesses great merit. Indeed, the chart is particularly calcu lated for schools, and embodies, in a single sheet, an entire system, very simple in its operation, and the result of years of labour. Dr. Comstock has deservedly acquired much reputation, in Philadelphia, as a successful teachet in the particular branch to which he devotes his attention. From the United States Gazette, Philadelphia, April 15, 1840. Dr. Comstock has issued a large sheet, containing the Elements of the English Language, with illustrations of the mode of uttering simple and compound sounds, figures exemplifying the gestures for certain recitations, and mots or notes for the pitch and government of the voice in reading . From the World, Philadelphia, March 20, 1S39. Dr Comstock. — We have received from the author a small pamphlet, containing a Lecture on Elocution, with remarks on stammering-, delivered before the American Lyceum in this city, on the 6th of May, 1837, by Dr. ( omstock. He is well known in this city, as remarkably successful in the cure of all defects in speech, and also for teaching- elocution upon philosophical principles. His school contains pupils from various and distant parts of the country, resorting to him for the cure of stammering and other vocal defects, He h»3 published a work on Practical Elocution, the perusal of which will bhow that his lessons are important to others besides those afflicted with btammering; for all public speakers, whether lawyers, preachers or politicians, will derive advantages from observing his rules. The voice, like any other part of the system connected with voluntary muscular action, is susceptible of cultivation. It is regulated by a very complicated system of muscles, and must therefore be more or less under command, in proportion to the control of the individual over these muscles. Why are the muscles of a blacksmith's striking arm larger than those of his holding arm ? Because they are more exercised. Why have porters, stage drivers, and those whose legs are most exercised, larger femoral and crural muscles, than people of sedentary habits? For the same reason. Then if one set of muscles is improved by cultivation, so may be another ; and therefore, as the voice is regulated by muscular action, it must necessarily be improved by proper exercise. This theory, which, as every anatomist knows, is founded on fact, explains the whole system of stammering and other vocal defects. They proceed from paralysis, weakness, or other causes, producing want of control over the vocal muscles. Such defects in the leg or arm, produce lameness in these limbs. Similar defects' or infirmities in the vocal muscles, must produce lameness of the voice. This point established, the indication of cure is obvious. It con. sists in restoring activity to the vocal muscles by exercise, by cultivation Singers never stammer, and stammering is often cured by singing. Why ? Because singing gives active exercise to the vocal muscles. But it will not always cure stammering, because the defect may be in certain muscles which singing cannot reach, or reach with sufficient force. To supply the deficiency, we need the professor of elocution, who understands the voice anatomically, physiologically, and pathologically, or in other words, who un derstands the structure, actions, and diseases of the parts of the human system subservient to the voice. Dr. Comstock has particularly studied this subject, and his success as a practitioner proves that he has studied it faithfully. I most cheerfully endorse the preceding certificates relative to Dr. Cornstock's success in removing impediments of speech. Having spent several weeks in his Gymnasium, for the purpose of improving my voice, and of removing an impediment to which I had always been more or less subject, I am able to speak both from observation and experience. I consider his system of vocal gymnastics eininentlv fitted to accomplish the end designed: viz. to bring the organs of speech, by a thorough course of drilling, entirely under the control of volition. True it is, that much energy and perseverance, as well as time and patience, are necessary on the part of the afflicted in order to be entirely relieved. But I am confident that where there is no mal-formation of the vocal organs, an entire cure may be effected. Two young' gentlemen called in our sanctum the other morning1, and we had a pleasant conversation with them on the extraordinary benefit they had derived from having been a few weeks in the Vocal Gymnasium of Dr. Cornstock. One of them, John Scribner, jr., is from Poplin, N. H\ He told us, that fourteen weeks ago he could not converse at all without stammering in the pronunciation of almost e ery word. He conversed with us the morning1 we saw him, as fluently as Daniel Webster or Mr. Forsyth could ; and we should say his friends will be delighted to hold converse with him on his return to the salubrious atmosphere of the " Granite State." The other young gentleman is Mr. William EI. Cornell, of Clinton, New York. He is eighteen years old, and had been a stammerer all his life, until Dr. Comstock had the gratification of receiving him under his discipline of the vocal powers. He has been there but four weeks, and conversed with us witli very little impediment of speech ; and by the first of May, when he proposes to return to the beautiful region of Dutchess county, he will be able to descant upon the sweets of the "buds and the flowers" with as much buoyancy of speech as the most lovely young damsel around his romantic home. We are happy in stating such cases, for the encouragement of others in distant portions of the country, who may be labouring under the painful difficulties which impediments of speech impose. Messrs. Editors — For nearly twenty years I was an inveterate stammerer The habit was contracted when I was four years old, in consequence of the severe treatment of a schoolmaster. Being anxious to have a cure effected, if possible, but almost despairing, I placed myself, six weeks ago, under the care of Dr. Andrew Comstock of this city, and the result has been a most happy one. Since the third day after I entered his Vocal Gymnasium, I have been able to converse with friends and strangers, without any impediment whatever. I unhesitatingly recommend all who stammer to make a trial of Dr. C.'s mode of treatment. It is founded on philosophical principles, and I feel confident, if persevered in, will always produce the same beneficial results as my own case. I shall reside, during- the winter, at No. 200 Arch Street, where I shall be happy to receive a visit from any one who may desire farther information on the subject. Respectfully, We notice as an interesting fact, that C. H. J. Pisman, Esq., (n young gentleman who was recently in our office, while under the care of Dr. Comstock, for stammering,) <ic .ivered the oration at Cumberland, Md., on the 4th instant. It was a clear and distinct performance, and was well received by a large auditory. Acopyin mint has been received by us. The Civilian of that place remarks, that the enunciation of Mr. Pigman is so clear, that ifit had not previously been known that he had laboured severely under an impediment, none who hear him speak would he aware that he had ever been troubled with such a difficulty. Mr. Pigmau and his friends (who are highly respectable), unite in hestowin? great credit upon the scientific skill of Dr. Comstock. We think we do unfortunate stammerers a kindness by commending this gentleman to their consideration We always thought Dr. Comstock's system for the cure of Stammering a sealed book, because it was so certain ; he has, however, in the plenitude of his benevolence, and for a small consideration, surrendered his knowledge and experience for the more general benefit of the world. He has here collected and widely diffused all that he has heretofore published upon this subject, and by well-executed plates illustrated what is not, as well as what is correct in gesture, &c, for which we doubt not the heads of our public schools will be duly grateful, as affording them facilities and suggestions in a very important branch of education, which they could not beibre command. The eminent success of Dr. C. in his practical teachings, is the only commendation the present work can require, and we understand its merits are fully appreciated, if we are to judge from an extensive demand by several of our most distinguished Professors. We may also remark, that the work is enriched by numerous selections from the writings of the most celebrated authors, to be spoken in the elocutionary exercises, with marks indicating the proper time of emphasis. Saturday Courier, Philadelphia, Dec. 11, 1841. A good system for breaking up the stiff jaws of a speaker, and rounding the sharp angles in his uncouth gestures — two embarrassment* under which many labour, and which few thoroughly overcome. We may laugh at Dr. Comstock's mouths and gestures as much as we please, but it is only by such mouths and gestures that one becomes a graceful speaker. North American, Philadelphia, Dec. 11, 1841. Dr. Comstock has devoted many years sedulously to the study of Elocution, not merely as a declamatory art, but as a science comprehending all the phenomena of the voice, and the means by which it may be most successfully cultivated for all the purposes of speaking. We have examined, with some attention, the first part of Dr. Comstock's book, and find that in treating of elementary sounds, he advances precepts evincing an intelligent analysis of vocal utterance, — a subject very lightly passed over in ordinary text-books upon Elocution. The whole subject of the book appears to have been digested with equal knowledge and care, and we would commend to teachers the adoption of his sys. tern, as based upon a true comprehension of the powers and uses of the organs of speech, and the modes of graceful and appropriate action in oratorical exercises. Various plates illustrate the text, and enable intelligent readers to apprehend the principles of oral delivery and gi sture without the aid of a special preceptor. National Gazette, Philadelphia, Dec. 13, 1841. The experience of Dr. Comstock as a Professor of Elocution, and hib eminent success in the cure of stammering and other defects of speech, as well as the warm commendations of gentlemen in whose judgment the utmost reliance may be placed, justify us in recommending this work to all who are desirous of acquiring the art of reading or speaking with ease, grace and power. We have found time to look with some care into Dr. Comstock's text book, and have been led to admire the plan and general execution. The author has brought to his subject a willing mind, "and long experience makes him sage." Numerous pieces of great strength, are illustrated for gesticulation, by engravings that are well executed, and which give a very correct idea to the reader of the motions to be used in an open, free reading of the speech. We have a distinct recollection of a tall, smiling gentleman, who, when we were a white-pated shaver going to school, used to come triweekly to the academy, and standing up duly before us, make us gesticulate, pronounce, read, and deliver speeches until we thought our arms would be jerked from their sockets, or that our lungs at least would give way. But we are living still, and so is our smiling friend Dr. Cornstock. He has turned author too, and our table even now bears witness to that fact, in the presence of an admirable treatise on elocution by our former teacher. No man, perhaps, in the United States understands so well how to cure stammering as Dr. Comstock. His success in this department has been almost miraculous. Yet he does not seek to hide his secret " under a bushel," but, with true benevolence, has made it public in the work before us. The volume also treats generally of elocution, gesticulation, &c. &c, and should be the study of every one desirous of becoming an orator, or even of reading well. The work is illustrated by numerous figures, displaying every position to be assumed in pronouncing a speech. Indeed, we have never seen a more complete treatise of the kind, and we cordially recommend it to parents, teachers, and others, as a work especially deserving support. Next to the privilege of being a pupil of the doctor is the privilege of purchasing his book. Saturday Evening Post, Philadelphia, Dec. 18, 1841. The system of Dr. Comstock is peculiar, and we cannot speak intelligently on it, because it cannot be understood without a study, which we are unable to give to it. We can however say, that it appears to us to be founded on philosophical principles, and to be exceedingly well illustrated in parts which we readily comprehend. Dr. Comstock is not a mere theorist ; he is eminently a practical man, and in the application of his principles he has been very successful in developing the powers of elocution, and in the cure of defective exercise of the organs of speech Presbyterian, Philadelphia, Dec. 18, 1841. This work contains some new and plausible principles, and it is em Lellished by numerous diagrams and engraved figures, illustrative of the subject. We have never seen a work of this kind published in a more elegant manner. Philadelphia Gazette, Dec. 21, 1841 This is one of the most elaborate works on Elocution ever published in our country, containing1 the results of much study and attention tc the subject, and a thorough acquaintance with the philosophy of the human voice. Its several parts are systematically arranged — and its rules are illustrated to the eye by numerous diagrams. It is well adapted to meet the wants of schools and colleges as well as to direct private individuals, who would improve themselves in reading and speaking. Christian Observer, Philadelphia, Jan. 7, 1842. The politeness of the author has placed before us his " System of Elocution," but from a hurried glance at its contents, we are not able to say as much for it as its merits demand ; however we have seen sufficient to be enabled to recommend it particularly to the heads of families and schools, who cannot fail to find it an invaluable auxiliary in the various subjects of which it treats. Its divisions comprise Elocution, Vocal Gymnastics, Gesture, Practical Elocution, being exercises in articulation, pitch, force, time and gesture, and exercises in reading and declamation. The engravings are exceedingly numerous, and admirably adapted to the purposes for which they are designed. Catholic Herald, Philadelphia, Jan. 20, 1 842. Dr. Comstock has been long and favourably known in this city, and elsewhere, as a distinguished and successful teacher of Elocution. His system views that important, yet so sadly neglected, branch of education, as both a science and an art. His principles are founded on truth and nature, and in their practical application he is evidently master of his subject. Friends, in whose judgment we place reliance, speak of him as a teacher in terms of high commendation. The work we have just noticed is a new edition, with special reference to gesture, to the treatment of stammering, and defective articulation ; comprising numerous diagrams and engraved rigures, illustrative of the subject. Banner of the Cross, Philadelphia, Feb. 5, 1842. Comstock's System of Elocution, for sale by S. S. & W. Wood. — This is a most excellent book, containing a system of elocution, with special reference to gesture. It has a great number of cuts, descriptive of the plan, and is admirably calculated for the learner. It ought to be made a school-book, and be in the possession of every seminary. New York Express, March 2, 1842. Philadelphia. Dear Sir — I am much obliged to you for the copy which you were 50 kind as to send me of your "System of Elocution." I find yout book admirably adapted to the object for which it is intended. I am very respectfully, Dear Sir, I take great pleasure in recommending Dr. Comstock's System of Elocution. A practical acquaintance with the system, and with the instructions of its author, enables me to speak with confidence of the high superiority of this treatise, and of the ample qualifications of its author as an instructor in the art of speaking. His course of instruction is exactly adapted to the cure of stammerers and my personal knowledge of the cure of those who have been thua afflicted, warrants me in particularly recommending such individuals to place themselves under the tuition of Dr. Comstock. I take pleasure in stating that Dr. A. Comstock taught Elocution in my school during the whole of last year, and that his System of Elocution was used as a text-book. I consider it a work of very great merit, admirably adapted to the end for which it was designed. The principles of the science are laid down with clearness and ability in the First Part; and the selections for practice in the Second Part are made with excellent judgment. It is a work every way worthy of the public patronage. The progress of the pupils in my school under Dr. Comstock's instruction was altogether satisfactory. He fully sustained his high reputation as a teacher of practical elocution. From the Pennsylvania Law Journal, Dec. 10, 1842. We acknowledge the receipt of a copy of this valuable work ; and although a treatise on elocution cannot be regarded as a law-book, the subject of vocal delivery is so nearly connected with the practice of the law, that we willingly accord to this volume a notice in our Journal. Doctor Comstock has been long known to both the editors as a sue cessful teacher of the subjects treated in his book. He has, perhaps, paid greater and more intelligent attention to defects of articulation, and to the cure of them, than any other person in the United States. And while certificates from Professor W. E. Horner and other members of the Faculty, attest that Dr. Comstock's " System is founded upon un exact anatomical and physiological information in regard to the organs concerned in the production and modification of sound," numberless testimonials from pupils residing in every part of the Union, show that he has been equally successful in the more rare, though not less important part of the teacher's office ; we mean, imparting his science with practical effect. A long and intimate acquaintance with the Dr. enables the editors to vouch for the truth of what is thus attested, and yet more, to bear a ready testimonial to Dr. Comstock's merits as an amiable, gentlemanly, and conscientious man. We have, indeed, often lamented the gross, and, to an ear of any susceptibility, the distressing inattention to delivery so generally prevalent in the pulpits and at the bar, in this country. How surprising, in this day of almost universal accomplishment, that in professions whose common object is persuasion through the medium of the voice, the management of " this mighty instrument for touching the heart of man," should be so much disregarded ! should be treated in one profession as useless, in the other as almost impious ! How many a divine, whose sermon was replete with learning, with piety, with all the refinements of graceful composition, has sent away a ready (perhaps an anxious) hearer, disgusted with the unimpressive, nay, sometimes the sickening manner in which the preacher's sentiments were delivered ! while a Maffet or a Kirk is followed by thou sands whose slumbering sensibilities are first awakened to the majesty of the gospel truth, by the commanding power of an impressive voice ! How many a jury has thought a speaker's argument without force, because his manner was so; and have found a verdict against law and against evidence, because they had been charmed into delusion by the potent fascination of some gifted orator! Who, indeed, that has listened to the ennobled voice of Kemble, to the chastened recitation of a Wood, to the air-dropt accents of Mrs. Seymour, or the sternly pleasing power of Ellen Tree ; who, that seeking a better school, may have hearkened to the unsurpassed discourses of a Wainwright, rising, now, to fervour almost apostolic, sometimes sinking into gentleness unearthly, has not acknowledged the power of educated tone to awaken an eloquent response from the chords of human feeling ? Who has not felt, on such occasion, " that when, in connection with a more careful culture of our moral being, the voice shall be trained to a more perfect manifestation of its powers, a charm, hitherto unfelt, will be lent to the graceful pleasures of life, and an influence of almost untried efficacy to its serious occasions !" Let, then, our preachers leave the towering heights of their divinity, and strive to present its humbler truths in more graceful garb. Let our lawyers, not neglecting the weightier matters of the law, attend to those embellishments of argument which, with half our race, often prove more effective than argument itself. The Author acknowledges the receipt of a recommendation from J. E. Murdoch, Esq., the well-known elocutionist of Boston ; and he regrets that want of room prevents its insertion here. Mr. Murdoch has adopted the work as a text-book in his Vocal and Athletic Institute. Dear Sir — I have very carefully read the " System of Elocution,' &.c. published by you. Indeed, ever since I have become acquainted with the work, I have made it a book of reference on that subject. It seems to me admirably well adapted to the purposes for which it is designed. I have, indeed, no experience in the treatment of" stammering," or "defective articulation." But your rules for their cure appear very natural, and I think cannot fail, in ordinary cases, to be successful. For myself, I can say that I have derived from your work, some hints that have been most useful to me as a public speaker. I hope the book will be appreciated as it deserves, and that you will go on to reap a rich liartest of reputation and profit from your valuable labours in that much neglected, but very important art. From G. W. Francis, A. M., Principal of a Family Boarding School, Troy^ N. Y. ; and C. H. Anthony, Esq., Principal of the Albany Classical Institute, Albany, N. Y. From the Faculty of the University of Michigan. University or Michigan, April 20, 1845. We have examined Dr. Comstock's System of Elocution with somo care, and we are fully persuaded that it is better adapted to assist pupils in acquiring a correct, easy and forcible enunciation than any other work with which we are acquainted. Dear Sir — I have very carefully read the " System of Elocution," &c. published by you. Indeed, ever since I have become acquainted with the work, I have made it a book of reference on that subject It seems to me admirably well adapted to the purposes for which it is designed. I have, indeed, no experience in the treatment of " stammering," or " defective articulation." But your rules for their cure appear very natural, and I think cannot fail, in ordinary cases, to be successful. For myself, I can say that I have derived from your work, some hints that have been most useful to me as a public speaker. I hope the book will be appreciated as it deserves, and that you will go on to reap a rich harvest of reputation and profit from your valuable labours in that much neglected, but very important art. From G. W. Francis, A. M., Principal of a Family Boarding School, Troy^ N. Y. ; and C. H. Anthony, Esq., Principal of the Albany Classical Institute, Albany, N. Y. University of Michigan, April 20, 1845. We have examined Dr. Comstock's System of Elocution with some care, and we are fully persuaded that it is better adapted to assist pupils in acquiring a correct, easy and forcible enunciation than any other work with which we are acquainted. Dear Sir I received by yesterday's mail, "Comstock's Phonetic Reader," and "Speaker." 1 had before in my possession (received from some unknown source) your "Treatise on Phonology," No. 1, and the 1st, 2d, 3d, 7th, and 9th Nos. of your ''Phonetic Magazine." I was unable to give any attention to these works when first received. When 1 got a little time to devote to the subject, I took up the Treatise on Phonology, and I was unable to lay it down until I had completed its perusal. I placed it in the hands of my children, and judge what was my surprise to hear a daughter not yet six years old. read the first chapter of Genesis fluently, in less than one hour from the time she first saw a Phonetic character ! I wish you every possible success in your efforts to facilitate the acquisition of the English language. Permit me, sir, to express the hope that, when you shall have prepared the necessary elementary books, Phonology will become a common branch of study in the primary schools of this, and other States of the Union. Dear Sir — From a critical examination of your great theory of phonetics, I am glad to find that the system has already attained to completion. To me it is truly gratifying to learn that an alphabet exists which is strictly representative, not only of all the sounds, but of their various modifications in speech, in every language in which books are written upon the arts and sciences. I am glad to perceive this, because I consider a universal alphabet of the greatest value to the civilized world. A knowledge of your system enables the student, at once and always, to read every book printed conformably to it, not only in English, but in French. German, Latin, Greek, Spanish, Italian, &c. The greatest obstacle to the accpaisition of one's vernacular, or any other language, is thus entirely removed, and the learner finds the only insuperable impediment to self-instruction totally obviated. Not only will your system of phonetics do these things, butit will produce that uniformity of pronunciation so desirable and so elegant. I esteem your efforts of the greatest value, because I perceive that the dream of Franklin has become, in your hands, a profound reality. I remain, dear sir, truly yours, My Dear Sir, — Although so little given to puffing that I have not for years even advertised my own school, a sense of duty compels me to notice in terms of the highest commendation the truly benevolent and philosophical efforts you are making to diffuse the knowledge and establish the use of the perfect alphabet. As a teacher of young men and boys for many years, I have had a laborious and most painful experience in inculcating the thousands of absurdities and irregularities in English orthography. To stamp on the memory of youth a jargon imposed on us all bj* the authority of lexicographers, is an undertaking about equally hateful in the labor, hopeless in the prospect, and stupid in the accomplishment. A dull boy never learns to spell ; a smart and willing one acquires the art after many years as a hateful conventional necessity. Your alphabet, very agreeable to the eye, and, for aught I see, complete in the elementary sounds, can be learned in a few days by any one not an idiot; and then distinct reading follows in a few days more. I have no doubt a sprightly child, ignorant of all letters, could be taught by its use to read slowly but surely in one week ; while now such reading is a work of years, and spelling is almost never learned. I must commend your alphabet for its good appearance. Without meaning to disparage the " Anglo-Saxon," which I now receive, and with high respect for its conductors, I am free to say that the beautiful page of your New Testament is vastly superior to any other phonotypy I have seen. It is perfectly truthful, but may seem like flattery, to say that your intelligent and tireless zeal in advancing this great reform, has no parallel so far as I know, and will doubtless be better rewarded by your own consciousness of benevolence and right intention than by any eulogy of mine. Dear Sir, — Having waited a sufficient length of time to test my daughter's acquirements in reference to her freedom of speech, I seat myself to acknowledge the extreme delight and satisfaction I have experienced in finding her capable of expressing herself with ease and freedom from any thing like stammering. Occasionally, when very much excited, I can detect a very slight embarrassment, which does not, however, amount to a stammer ; and I believe it would never be observed by persons unacquainted with her former impediment. It is but due to you, sir, to acknowledge that your labors have accomplished more than my most sanguine expectations could have looked for ; and were I to attempt to express my gratitude and thankfulness for the inestimable benefit she has derived from your system of teaching, I should utterly fail of doing yourself, or my own feelings, justice. My daughter has told me of your fatherly care and persevering efforts for her benefit. I doubt not but you will believe me, when I say that I, as a mother, know how to appreciate such demonstrations of true honor. Yours is, emphatically, a labor of love ; and, whilst I most sincerely desire to express my gratitude to you as the instrument of incalculable good to my child, I wish humbly to recognize the hand of Providence in pointing to you in answer to a long-cherished desire to place her somewhere, where she could be cured of so unfortunate an embarrassment. I am much pleased with the improvement she has made in Elocution and French. I have always esteemed Elocution not only a very beautiful, but also a very essential accomplishment — and to Annie it is doubly so. Annie's improvement in music is perfectly satisfactory. I very soon observed the great improvement in fingering. I am, with much esteem, your sincere friend, To the Editor of the Journal : I have lately had the pleasure of meeting with Dr. Comstock, of Philadelphia, well known throughout the United States as one of the greatest elocutionists of the day, and also renowned for the success he has met with in curing stammering and various other imperfections of speech. But I wish to speak of him now in relation to ore of the most practical inventions of modern times, a new Alphabet for the English language. Dr. Comstock is a man deeply versed in philological lore, and has made this subject his study for years. He has at length matured it and given it to the world as the result of his investigations into the regions of thought and deep practical sense. Any one who has at all looked into the science of the English language, must have seen at once, that, as a language, it is (though one of the noblest in the world) sadly deficient in rules and laws. In fact, there is no law, no rule, in relation to the pronunciation of words, as may be seen from the fact that the -letters o-u-g-h, for instance, are pronounced in seven different ways, and that it is only through common usage that it is known which of these seven ways is correct. Now a foreigner and a stranger to our language knows nothing of common usage; he must learn the language by rule; but how can he know the proper pronunciation of a word, when he sees seven different words, with what seems to him the same combination of letters, and yet is told they are pronounced in seven different ways ! This very great difficulty, and to many persons an insurmountable one, Dr. Comstock's new alphabet is designed to meet and to obviate. He has a character for each of the elementary sounds in the English language ; and any one, by paying attention to the characters, may learn very readily to read by them. But some objectors may say, Will not this alphabet, if introduced generally, change our language entirely ? To this I answer by another question. Is not our language constantly changing ? Is it by any means the same as it was two hundred years ago, to say nothing of going still farther back7 Do not books, published then, require a dictionary to tell us the meaning of many of the words, and is not the way of spelling them quite obsolete now 1 But let the new alphabet be used, and there is, there can be no change ; for, by this, every word must be written and pronounced by a fixed rule, so that the very word conveys, on its face, its own pronunciation, and there will be no need of referring to dictionaries or authorities to decide ; the alphabet is its own interpreter of sounds. I send you herewith one of Dr. Comstock's newspapers, so that you may see for yourself his plan ; and you will be satisfied, Mr. Editor, after you look into it, that it needs no eulogy of mine to recommend it to your notice, or that of your readers. * We have reason to think that the above article was written by Mrs. Jane A. Eames, of Providence, II. I. — the authoress of a very interesting anonymous work, entitled, " Budget of Letters."— C. Dear Sir, — For several months I have been proposing1 to write to you on the subject of the reform you so nobly persevere in — that of the written representation of speech ; or, as I would style it, The Epographic Reform. Your Pamphoxeticon, as to its general features, commends itself to every mind capable of judging of its merits, as an improvement in literature, which, if generally adopted, would be of greater utility for the generation now growing up, and tor those to come, than all our modern improvements in the arts, as effected by the application of steam-power to machinery These, indeed, facilitate the acquisition of wealth in a great variety of ways, as well as multiply, almost incalculably, the conveniencies of life. They also bring regions of the earth, remote from each other, into proximity, and thus introduce distant nations to each other's acquaintance, and open to our view illimitable sources of knowledge and enjoyment. But the Pamphoneticon, let it be put into general operation, would be the key to unlock those sources of knowledge to every mind, and thus quality, or furnish the means to qualify all who would avail themselves of its advantages. And, as to the pecuniary advantages it would afford, if the maxim, " A penny saved is a penny earned," is true, this improvement would not suffer in comparison with any of those effected by steampower. And then the mighty impetus it would give to the study of language, and the magic power it would exert to dispel the confusion and jargon of modern tongues, and gradually prepare the way lor one universal language ; or, at least, to remove one of the chief obstacles to the acquisition of the different languages, so as to render them comparatively easy, and thus remove, also, one of the great barriers to international communication and amity. How vastly would such a reform, or rather revolution, speed the march of science and of the arts in every land, and especially in our own ! Suppose the two millions of children, or more, in the United States, now in a process of drilling in our primary schools, in order to " beat into them" a knowledge of the common alphabet, and of its labyrinthic arrangements into words to represent our spoken language, instead of being thus absurdly led, or driven " in terrorem" through all the countless intricacies of such a chaos — instructed correctly in the science of Epology, or Phonetics, and then, in the simple representation of the elementary sounds, on the principle of one simple sign to each elementary sound, and always the same letter to denote one and the same sound — who can estimate the amount of energy such a change would impart to those millions of young minds, now comparatively inert? — inert, because uninterested, and uninterested because uninformed as to the very rudiments of their mother tongue. Instead of drilling them much of their time in school for many years, in the dry and most repulsive task of reading and spelling syllables and words, which few ever perfectly attain, and less retain, let them once and forever learn the true theory and practice (which a great portion of them would be able to do within a month), and then let them apply their minds to the study of things, so as to acquire knowledge, and they will manifest an ever-increasing eagerness to climb the heights of science. How different would be their history, and how much higher their destiny ! Persevere, then, in the work, and may you live to witness in this enterprise as great a change as has been effected, within the last forty years, in locomotion by steam-power. Sir, — I have been reading your paper (Phonetic Telegraph) for more than a year; and I must say that I have the highest opinion of your improved system of orthography. I received all the books that I ordered from you, and a little Geography extra, which is truly a beautiful book. I was pleased with the Phonetic Alphabet at first sight, but withheld my opinion till I had carefully examined the merits of the system. Now, I think I am not mistaken when I say that the Phonetic Alphabet is one of the greatest inventions of the age. Its beautiful appearance, its simplicity, and, above all, its perfection, speak highly in its favor; and, so for as my observation extends, it has been favorably received wherever it has been examined. A Letter from J. K. Mitchell, M. D., the Professor of the Theory and Practice of Medicine, in Jefferson Medical College, Philadelphia, and a Member of the American Philosophical Society. Dear Sir, — From a critical examination of your great theory of Phonetics, I am glad to find that the system has alreadv attained to completion. To me it is truly gratifying to learn that an alphabet exists which is strictly representative, not only of all the sounds, but of their various modifications in speech, in every language in which books are written upon the arts and sciences. I am glad to perceive this, because I consider a universal alphabet of the greati si value to the civilized world. A knowledge of1 your system enables the student, at once and always, to read every book printed conformably to it, nut only in English, but in French, German, Latin, Greek, Spanish, Italian, &c. The greatest obstacle to the acquisition of one's vernacular, or any other language, is thus entirely removed, and the learner finds the only insu- perable impediment to self-instruction totally obviated. Not only will your system of Phonetics do these things, but it will produce that unifbrmitv of pronunciation so desirable and so elegant. borhood. I have been a teacher during most of the last ten years, and have a thousand times lamented that we have an orthography so absurd. Your beautiful alphabet is all that I can desire. Its adaptation to all languages, and particularly its relation to the missionary work, makes me most anxious for its speedy adoption. Had I the power to compel its adoption by all missionaries, that power should be exercised. Enclosed, please find postage-stamps for the Readers, and also for your Treatise on Phonology, which latter please send by mail. I shall get some, if not all of your other books, when I reach home. I expect to remain here during the month of April, and alier that shall reside permanently at Woodstock, Shenandoah county, Va. Yours sincerely, Dr. Comstock : F. C. H., April 18th, 1855. Dear Sir, — Your letter came to hand while I was conversing with another minister on your system. Although I had never seen a script alphabet in actual pen and ink writing, yet I read it without the least hesitation ; and, handing it to my friend, he found but few words which he did not understand, notwithstanding his only acquaintance with your alphabet was gained from looking over the slip of printed paper which you enclosed, and that while I was reading your letter. I hope to see the day when we shall have the Hebrew Bible printed in your phonetre characters ; and I am sure it would delight the eyes of many who, like myself, have wearied themselves with the uncouth characters in which we are now obliged to read it. As you are aware, it is one of the subjects on which candidates for the (Presbyterian) ministry are examined ; yet you will not, I think, find one in ten who can read it after five years' ministerial life. This is owiuw-, in a great measure, to the irksomeness of the task of keeping up their acquaintance with it; and this is occasioned by the character of the letters which, with the subscript vowel-points, gives a confused appearance to the page, wearying the eyes of all, and permanently in. juring the eyes of many. If such a book as "Arnold's Hebrew Book" could be published with some portion of Genesis and the Psalms added to it> and all in your phonetic characters, the labor of learning Hebrew would become a pleasure. Yours truly, Dr. A. Comstock : Cotton Hill, Ga., July 7, 1855. Dear Sir,— I am well satisfied, from the simplicity and utility of your Universal Alphabet, that it is a work "destined for immortality;" and that if you will publish a complete series of school-books, in my humble opinion, ten years will suffice to work a general reformation, and class the old alphabet among the " things that have been, but are no more." Permit me to say, most respectfully, that your claims are not so generally understood as they should be. I think your watchword should be agitation—your motto, keep it before the people; for the friends of this reform are looking to you to carry it forward. Respectful lv, Dir Sur — Mcor oan a yrx agco I rat ts yu, and rxsxvd an ansur, rslativ ts yur Fconstik wurks; sins qi<5 tim I hav bin ordunrj sum ov yur wurks Ors 08 heps ov Lipinkot, Grambco & Ku. I am weI phzd wio yur SistEru ov Fconstix. Yur FconElik karaktur/. ds not luk sco kuksd, kruked, and unsith az Pitman'z. Hep i/.i it iz ! It iz do trubl ts kol Evun hard ncm in it. I am trirrj ts gEt mi patrunz in be sprat ov FwnEtix. If I suksid, I cal ordur a pak ov yur biks bitwxn ois and spnrj. I wild bi glad if yur Dikcunari kud bi rsdi bi oat tim. I hav sevural students ncp, hs rid yur FoDEtik print prsti wsl, and .ssvural hs kan spsl olmcost £ni wurd bi ?rpnd. I am konfinst oat 5e studi ov FconEtix wil fasilitet be studi ov orftografi, xvn akordirj ts 6e cold msdud. If yu ar pubheirj a piriodikal in yur Alfabst, I dizir yu tH send it ts mi: and be subsknpeun pris cal bi forftkumirj upon 6e nsit ov be furst numbur. Mi post-ofts iz, Pcort fik Sprirjz, Rcon Kcpnti, TsnE.-i. Yur wurks hav grvn Entir satisfakcun qoi'Evur I hav surkuletfd bsm. Hcopirj ts hrr from yu ssn, rslativ ts yur Dikcunan, tBgs&ur wio edi sugdesfnnz yu me si fit ts mek ts wun hs wiciz yur FconEtix yzmrvursal sukses, I am yurz, rxspsktfr/li, G. RANDOLF. or bi urft. Ais vvil probabll bi bi ultimatum. AVer it nEsssari, and -kud I pnzutn ts sfekt Em Orrj, I init se msm gud Oinz m rilecun ts yur sistEni ov Fmnografi, and yur sftorts for rxform ; but I kanbt Enkunc] yu so sfsk&jali em ubur we az bi givrrj yu mi on patrumc). I oarfcor inklcoz yu wun dolur, wib be rikwEst bat jm tend mi bf Magazin for os kuiTut yir. I hav komEnst 61 EstablicmEnt ov an mdipEndsnt Ili Sksl in bis pies (Taladiga); and, lik yur frmd Birdzli, "I am dizirus ts obten, at bi cpt.-et. OE mcost aprsvd buks, and ts mtrcodus bE rowst aprsvd msOudz ov mstrukeun." And I eal, az ssn az konviuysnt, Egamm yur sxnz ov buks; and, if be ar qot I antisipet, adopt bsm az tsxt-buks, and Endsvur ts hav bEm mtrwdust cjsnurah, in bis kqmti. Yurz, wib nspekt, WM. JD0NZ. Dear Sir, — Having examined your Phonetic Alphabet, I believe that it is founded on a correct analysis of the elementary sounds of our language, and that its use would greatly facilitate the acquisition of the arts of reading and spelling, as well as promote uniformity in pronunciation. The characters which you have adopted, being the Pioman and Greek letters, or modifications of them, are simple in form, easy to write, and pleasant to the eye, while the tone-marks, to indicate accent, inflection, and intonation, enable the reader to comprehend and represent the exact meaning of his author. I recommend your alphabet to the attention of teachers and writers, in the belief that its introduction into general use would save years of irksome labor to children, and be the nearest approach which has been made to a "royal road to knowledge;" WM. H. ALLEX. A Letter from the Rev. Lyman Coleman, D. P., Principal of the Presbyterian Institute, and Author of "An Historical Text-Book, and Atlas of Biblical Geography ;" "Ancient Christianity Exemplijied ;" "Apostolic and Primitive Church," &c. &c. Dear Sir, — I do but reiterate the common sentiment of all who have duly examined your Phonetic Alphabet, in giving expression to the conviction that the characters which you have adopted greatly surpass, in simplicity and beauty, all similar attempts to analyze and express the elementary sounds of our language; and I consider that your Pamphoneticon is the nearest approach which has ever been made to a universal alphabet. Were it possible to reduce our spelling to a system so simple, so comprehensive, and complete, it would be an incalculable service to all who encounter the difficulties of the anomalous orthography of our noble language. Even should a reform so desirable prove unsuccessful, your efforts in this direction are not the less important to all those who study the first principles of our own, or of foreign languages. word for you. Every linguist knows that, poor as the English tongue is in articulate sounds, the Roman alphabet is inadequate to give them all expression. It is equally evident that numerous combinations of letters are retained to express sounds that are now obsolete or provincial. Hence the apparently absurd combinations of letters expressing the same sound, and the equally absurd double, triple, and even quadruple debt which the same letter is made to pay, by representing different sounds — an anomaly found, to the same extent, in no other tongue; alike repulsive to foreigners and puzzling to children. Your system cuts a clear path through this tangled thicket, by giving each letter an articulate sound, and each sound a uniform representation. As our knowledge of the great family of man increases, our ideas require to be expressed in words whose uncouth sounds cannot be written in Roman characters, such as Chinese, Hindostanee, Russian, &c. ; but they can be easily managed by your system. And provincial peculiarities, as well as words from the French, Spanish, &c, when printed in your characters, can be read to a native without exciting his risibility. To my mind, the most ingenious part of your whole system is its tonemarks, by means of which the reader is not only enabled to pronounce single words correctly, but to give the very tones of the language in which the author himself would express his ideas. THE PRESENT PHONETIC ALPHABETS. We have carefully compared the Phonetic Alphabet of Dr. A. Comstock, of Philadelphia, with that of Isaac Pitman, of England, now used by himself in that country, and by Andrew J. Graham in this; also with the modification of the said alphabet as used by Longley, Prosser, and Benn Pitman, in Cincinnati ; and we have no hesitation in saying that the Alphabet of Dr. Comstock is far preferable, for the following reasons : — 1. Dr. Comstock's alphabet is founded on a correct analysis of the elementary sounds of the language ; whereas Pitman's alphabet, as well as its modification, is founded on an incorrect analysis of these sounds.* employed in a way which essentially aids the pupil in acquiring * We (Id not. here wish to he understood as referring, in any respect whatever, to Pitman's Short-Hand Alphahet. His Phonography, as he calls it, though not strictly phonetic, is admitted to be the best system of Short-Hand which has vet been devised. a knowledge of other languages, as they are appropriated, as far as practicable, to the corresponding sounds in the different languages in which the Roman alphabet is used; whereas, in Pitman's alphabet, as well as in its modification, the letters of the Roman alphabet are not employed in a way which affords the learner of other languages essential aid. 4. Whenever there is a sound common to the English and the Greek, and the English having no letter for it, but the Greek a letter appropriated to the sound, this letter, in Dr. C/s alphabet, is made to represent the same sound ; whereas, in Pitman's alphabet, as well as in its modification, not one Greek letter which is employed by him, is appropriated to the sound that it represents in the Greek. Not only so : Mr. Pitman has formed new letters which are inelegant, when he might have taken Greek letters which are beautiful, to represent sounds that are common to the two languages. 5. All the letters in Dr. C.'s alphabet are symmetrical, and, in print, afford a beautiful page ; whereas, in Pitman's alphabet, as well as in its modification, many of the letters are uncouth, and, in print, make the page unseemly. 6. Dr. C.'s alphabet has tone-marks to indicate accent, inflection, and intonation, which enable one to read, at any period however distant, an author exactly as he intended ; but Pitman's alphabet, as well as its modification, is destitute of tonemarks, and, consequently, affords no such aid. In conclusion, we would say that Dr. C.'s alphabet is the only one which we have ever seen that deserves the name of phonetic, for it is the only one which has a letter appropriated to every elementary sound of the language, and signs to represent the various modifications of the voice in reading and speaking. And we verily believe that this alphabet would not only enable the pupil to resolve vocal words into their elementary sounds, and to read with propriety, but would greatly facilitate his acquisition of our present anomalous orthography. With these views we cordially recommend Dr. Comstock's Phonetic Alphabet to the consideration of those who feel an interest in a subject so well calculated to facilitate the acquisition of knowledge, and promote the extension of morality and religion throughout the earth. S. W. CRAWFORD, D. D., Principal of the Academical Department of the University of Pennsylvania, and Professor of Didactic and Pastoral Theology in the Theological Seminary of the Reformed Preshyterian Church. THOMAS BALDWIN, Principal of a Mathematical and Classical School, Philadelphia, and Associate Editor of Lippincott's Pronouncing Gazetteer of the JOSEPH T. COOPER, Editor of the Evangelical Repository, and Pastor of the Second Associate Presbyterian Church, Philadelphia. JOSEPH WRIGHT, A. M., V.D.M., Minister of the Bible Christian Church, Philadelphia, and for more than 25 years Principal of Millington Academy, Maryland. JOHN CHAMBERS, Pastor of the First Independent Presbyterian Church, Broad St., Philadelphia, and one of the VicePresidents of the Pennsylvania J. COWPERTHWAIT, A Director of the Girard College, and for many years a Director and Controller of the Public Schools of Philadelphia. Dear Doctor: From what I know of your System of Phonology, from the great length of time and diligent perseverance which you have devoted to this subject, and from my knowledge of your general character and ability, I have no doubt that your Treatise on Phonology, now in the press, will be a work of much research and great usefulness, and should have no hesitation in recommending it to all teachers of youth, and all others desirous of forming a just estimate of spoken language. No. 102 ARCH STREET, PHILADELPHIA. Comstock's System of Elocution, with special reference to Gesture, to tin.- Treatment of Stammering, and Defective Articulation; comprising nearly 300 Diagrams and Engraved Figures illustrative of the subject, Price, $1 ; postage, IT cents. and Moral, in Prose and Verse, in both the Old and the New Alphabet. Designed for Schools, as well as for individuals, whether natives or foreigners, who w ii h to acquire the true pronunciation of the English Language. Price, $1 ; postage, 17 cts. Sounds of the English Language— second, numerous Engravings, showing the beet posture of the mouth, in the energetic utterance of the elements — third, a Perfect Alphabet, graphic and typlc— -fourth, Exercises in Pitch, Force, and Melody— -fifth, Exercises in Gesture. Mounted on rollers. Price, $3. Comstock's System of Vocal Gymnastics— a Key to the Phoncticon — comprising Exercises in Articulation, l'itch, Force, .Melody. Modulation, and Gesture; arranged as they are practised in the Author's Vocal Gymnasium. Price, 25 cents; postage, 3 cents. Epitome Historic Sacrpe, on an improved plan, with an Interlinear Translation. Designed as a Primary Book in the study of the Latin Language. Edited by A. Comstock, M.D. l'rice. §1; postage, 25 cents. [Dr. C is preparing, for publication, An Etymological and Pronouncing Dictionary of the English Language— the pronunciation to be given in phonetic character.-. As tho pronunciation will be in the New Alphabet, this Dictionary will answer all the purposes of a Phonetic Dictionary, as well as tho.-e of a common Dictionary.)	26,450	common-pile/pre_1929_books_filtered	elocutiontaughts03coms	public_library	public_library_1929_dolma-0024.json.gz:2607	https://archive.org/download/elocutiontaughts03coms/elocutiontaughts03coms_djvu.txt
XEvhkpuzURX3JnAC	Adolescent Development: Narratives for Discovery	Understand the concept of a research perspective. Highlight developments in the Psychoanalytic tradition to adolescent psychology. Understand the role that the Learning tradition played in the development of psychology. Become aware of Piaget’s contributions to adolescent development theory. Delineate between Biological perspectives and other paradigms. Define central features of Humanistic Psychology relevant to adolescent development. Apply the Ecological and Systemic approaches to adolescent life functioning. WHAT ARE PSYCHOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVES? There are many statements that people make about adolescence. Some are based on opinions or personal experiences. While this is not necessarily wrong, analyzing adolescence from personal experience presents problems. Everyone’s experience is different. There is no way to determine what is true. If your teenage years were positive, then you are more apt to view the period positively. Similarly, suppose your experiences were primarily negative. In that case, you might be more likely to see adolescence as a sad and challenging time. Thus, personal experience may be a good starting point for gaining ideas to begin an inquiry. Still, it is rarely helpful to use our own experiences alone to draw conclusions that apply to diverse people. The process of scientific research allows our findings to be more objective. In school, we take classes in science, yet the term can be confusing and intimidating. But in reality, science is just a specific way of conducting an inquiry and looking at the evidence. Scientists are always looking for alternative and logical explanations. Science supports explanations with the most evidence. Then scientists revise their theories if necessary and get better pictures of what is likely to be true, based on the existing evidence. Some people criticize scientists for frequently changing their minds. However, scientists change their beliefs when they think they have been wrong. They constantly look at the evidence, including new evidence. They try to revise their ideas if new evidence supports new conclusions. They should always be skeptical, even of their own previous research. Therefore, to think like a good scientist is to have both curiosity and lots of skepticism. This is why scientists may seem to change their minds so frequently, especially to people who do not have training in science. Psychology, the science of behavior and thinking, tries to categorize different ways of looking at psychological data into research perspectives. Perspectives, also called paradigms or theoretical orientations, among other terms, are ways that researchers approach topics. They indicate similar assumptions about research. Researchers that share perspectives often share presumptions about the world and about their subject matter. They may use the same set of theories and research techniques. Research techniques are discussed further in Unit 3. There are several different theoretical perspectives in adolescent research. These perspectives or paradigms are also found in other areas of psychology. You may have heard about them in other classes. The discussion here highlights some, though not all, of the major perspectives and how they apply to adolescent psychology research. None of these perspectives is entirely right or wrong. None has all of the answers. Perspectives are helpful if they aid us in producing hypotheses and ways of testing them. Perspectives are ways of asking questions and finding useful solutions. Some perspectives are more valuable in answering some types of questions than others. Sometimes problems can benefit from being studied from multiple perspectives or paradigms. One of the most important paradigms in the history of psychology is Psychoanalytic Theory, pioneered by Sigmund Freud, the well-known Austrian psychiatrist. The theories were also advanced by his adherents, including his daughter Anna Freud. She made substantial contributions on her own that were different from her father’s. Freud’s theories were called a psychanalytic perspective. Revisions to them were often labeled psychodynamic theories (Wolitzky, 2016). Freud’s theories are probably best understood against the backdrop of early 20th Century society. They seemed highly controversial but also very remarkable. Freud believed that we often do not really know why we act the way we do. This was shocking at the time. His central contribution is that much of human behavior is caused by unconscious motivations. He believed that these were primarily associated with sexuality and aggression. This pronouncement was even more shocking during the first half of the 20th Century when he first wrote it than it would be today. Sigmund Freud Image is in the public domain. Freud believed that the unconscious mind guided most of our behaviors. However, this aspect of the mind could not be observed directly. Regardless, it constantly left clues about its existence. The purpose of psychiatry was to look for these clues in patients, interpret them, and eventually provide patients insight about themselves through these interpretations. In many cases, Freud believed, this insight would eventually help cure patients(Knight, 2016). Freud formed theories that emphasized that early experiences were crucial in personality development and in subsequent abnormal behavior. Unfortunately, his findings were often based on observations from his clinical work with just a few people. These days scientists realize that this is not a way to reach valid conclusions. While case studies are useful, they are never sufficient proof. Table 2.1 illustrates Freud’s well-known psychosexual stages. These are so common that you may have heard of them many times previously. Table 2.1 Freud’s Stages of Development Access for free at https://openstax.org/books/psychology-2e/pages/1-introduction \| \| \| \|\|\|\|\|\|\|\|\|\|\|\|\|\|\|\|\|\|\|\|\|\|\|\|\|\|\|\|\|\|\|\|\|\|\|\|\|\|\|\| Freud believed that we all pass through these psychosexual stages but that we likely have little recall of them. They occur relatively unconsciously. Only when they are disrupted or when we encounter problems later in life are we likely to recall clues of their existence. He believed it is sometimes necessary to identify them through a particular therapy type that he pioneered psychoanalysis. Psychoanalysis is a lengthy treatment process, generally taking several sessions a week for several years. At the end of successful psychoanalysis, the patient gains insight. With the help of their therapist, they can often be cured of their unconscious conflicts, which Freud believed were the cause of most mental disorders. Is Freud correct? Do we all pass through these stages and have little or no conscious recollection of them? Are these types of conflicts the cause of most mental disorders? As you can imagine, many people disagreed with him. Many others modified his theories to make them more useful. Anna Freud, his daughter, presented a more helpful set of ideas based on some aspects of his views (Wolitzky, 2016). She introduced the concept of “ego defense” and many concepts that therapists of adolescents often use to this day. Her theories parted substantially from her father’s, yet she remained committed to his idea of development. Many psychotherapists found her contributions of enduring value. Most researchers do not accept Freud’s theories as necessarily or completely true but believe they contained some valuable ideas. Many psychologists, especially clinicians, think they have enough good ideas to be used in therapy with at least a subset of clients. Some students of behavior do not accept Freud’s theories but acknowledge that they are “somewhat true.” Others passionately disagree with his views and believe they are incorrect or outdated. Nevertheless, a few psychologists and other mental health professionals are still strong adherents of Freud and his theories, even to this day. Many of Freud’s theories are criticized because they seem absurd. They are also very sexist. In addition, they seem highly culturally biased, favoring Europeans, mainly European males. His views were also hostile towards people of faith and also towards gays and lesbians. Furthermore, Freud did not appear to believe it was necessary to do scientific research as research is conducted today. He often thought that the process of clinical observation and insight alone was sufficient for realizing what is true. We know that this is not good science. Clinical observation is frequently insightful but can often be misleading and can produce biasing results. Science needs to test its hypotheses. Many people believe that Freud’s theories are so general that they are impossible to test. They are too vague. Freud himself may have also thought this. However, some researchers believe that Freud has not been supported in areas where his theories can be tested. Others disagree and say they have received at least some support. One hundred years after his time, people are still debating whether the evidence supports him. However, Freud and Freud’s theories are still taught in the 21st Century because some of his insights were very helpful. Freud was a starting point. His ideas have generated many other valuable approaches. Perhaps more importantly, Freud’s theories are constantly being revised and combined into newer methods by theorists of many types. Anna Freud, Founder of Ego Psychology Photo by Unknown Author is licensed under CC Perhaps the most practical current application of Freud is in the areas of psychological trauma. Freud believed that events occurring early in life could have lifelong influences. It is now recognized that exposure to trauma early in life can have profound and lifelong consequences. Similarly, traumas during the teen years may have psychologically crippling effects that may last years or longer. Psychotherapy, or talk therapy, which Freud pioneered, can help treat trauma and many other disorders. Alfred Adler is sometimes classified as a psychoanalytic theorist in Freud’s shadows. However, many people believe he was much more. Adler, an Austrian physician, was one of Freud’s earliest and most enthusiastic followers. This, however, did not last long. He was also the first close associate to disagree with and eventually to break with Freud and his inner circle (Ryckman, 2004). Adler criticized Freud, and their once-close friendship never recovered. Adler believed Freud’s theories were too narrow. He thought that people have many motives in their lives other than sex and aggression. Adler emphasized social motives. He believed that people responded to others and not necessarily in response to unconscious drives. Unlike Freud, Adler was a strong proponent of teleology, meaning that he believed people act for a purpose. People work towards goals. Freud saw behavior as being caused chiefly by unconscious motives that a person could not recognize. Adler disagreed. Although unconscious behavior is essential to understand, people can also set their own purposes. They can consciously strive towards these self-selected goals. They can overcome their unconscious conflicts. They do not have to be driven by forces that they do not control. Adolescents, Adler believed, often act confused because their goals are confused. When their aspirations become more consistent, their behavior will usually conform to the standards set by society. Adler was against excessively harsh punishment to teenagers and other juveniles, which was very popular in his day. He believed that some younger people simply lack the maturity to make reliably correct decisions. Given adequate time, he argued, most people will mature correctly. They will be able to act responsibly. While this seems common sense these days in Adler’s time, this statement was highly controversial. Adler, unlike Freud, was a proponent of free will. He believed that everyone had a choice to do better. Freud disagreed, thinking that our behavior was determined by our conflicts and past traumas. Adler emphasized that biology, which we now understand related to genetics, influences people’s behaviors. But people can and do overcome the physical limits imposed by biology. Everyone, according to Adler, has their own constitutional inferiority or inborn tendencies to some types of weaknesses. However, we are also free to challenge our limitations and rise to new and different potentials, finding unexpected areas of talent. This is part of our human nature. To Adler, the period of adolescence is when people begin to show that they can transcend the weaknesses they are faced with and develop new talents (Carlson, Watts, & Maniacci, 2006). Thus, the adolescent years offer a profound chance for people to experience personal growth and an opportunity to strive towards excellence. Adler also emphasized that people’s thoughts and beliefs are essential in determining their personalities and behaviors. To Freud, personality is a fixed pattern usually set in early childhood. To Adler, personality can change if a person’s thoughts, behaviors, or social environment changes. Thus, any of these areas will generate a change. This conceptualization is recognized as one of the frameworks for cognitive behavioral therapy discussed in a later unit. Erik Erikson was a European theorist who later emigrated to America. He was influenced by the Freudians, especially by Anna Freud, whom he worked with closely. Erikson was remarkable because he was largely self-taught. He had very little formal education. Despite this, he wrote extensively and shaped developmental psychology and specifically the study of adolescent development (Wolitzky, 2016). Erikson believed that our personality continues to change throughout our lifespan as we face ongoing challenges in living. He identified eight stages he thought that everyone passed through in life. He also identified the conflicts that were associated with each of these stages. \| Table 2.2 – Erik Erikson’s Psychosocial Theory Name of Stage and Age \| \| \| Trust vs. mistrust (0-1) \| The infant must have basic needs met to feel that the world is trustworthy. \| \| Autonomy vs. shame and doubt (1-2) \| Toddlers have newfound freedom. They feel good about trying out their skills in the world. \| \| Initiative vs. Guilt (3-5) \| Preschoolers tackle many independent activities. They enjoy doing things “all by myself.” \| \| Industry vs. inferiority (6-11) \| School-aged children focus on accomplishments. They begin making comparisons between themselves and others. \| \| Identity vs. role confusion (adolescence) \| Adolescents try to gain a sense of identity as they experiment with various roles, beliefs, and ideas. \| \| Intimacy vs. Isolation (young adulthood) \| In our 20s and 30s, we make some of our first long-term commitments in intimate relationships. \| \| Generativity vs. stagnation (middle adulthood) \| The 40s through the 60s focus on being productive at work and home. People are motivated by wanting to feel that we have contributed to the world. \| \| Integrity vs. Despair (late adulthood) \| People look back on life and hope to see something positive. They believe that they have lived well if we have a sense of integrity and lived according to their beliefs. \| _____________________________________________________ Erikson’s contributions were in many areas and not just to developmental or adolescent psychology. These include personality theory and abnormal psychology, where his contributions remain essential. However, his work was considered perhaps the most important for understanding adolescence. Like Adler, he believed that the adolescent’s primary task was to establish a sense of “Who am I? What can I do?”. This was made easier if society allowed people to have some degree of freedom regarding various roles. This task was also easier where society had a more specific set of rites of passage. This included well-defined rituals. When the path to adulthood was often poorly defined, Erikson believed young people were at high risk for developing psychological problems. In addition, historical periods when adolescents did not have the freedom to find out about their true natures were also risky for adolescent development. The cognitive perspective in developmental psychology emphasizes how we think and the role of thinking in development. One of the most notable theorists in this domain was the Swiss psychologist and botanist Jean Piaget. Piaget’s theories and research were truly unique. His work was exacting, complex, and comprehensive (Lerner & Steinberg, 2009b). Piaget’s theories and observations suggested that children and adolescents view the world very differently than adults. They think differently because their thought processes and perceptions are different. Their cognitive structures, which are how they think about the world and respond to it, are predictably different. Piaget discovered that there are sequential stages of cognitive development. Children are in earlier cognitive stages than adolescents. Consequently, their thinking is different than adolescents’. Even the most intelligent child will see the world as a child does and think in a childlike fashion. While this seems obvious to us now, before Piaget, it was not apparent at all. Children were often viewed as miniature adults or “adult-like” individuals who simply lacked sufficient learning and life experiences. Piaget showed that children think differently from adolescents. Adolescents also may think differently from adults. He showed this through many innovative experiments. For example, Piaget invented many elaborate tests to determine how children and adolescents think about the world and respond to it. Press this link to Piaget’s stages https://iastate.pressbooks.pub/parentingfamilydiversity/chapter/piaget/ \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| There is substantial empirical support for Piaget’s theories. Piaget’s research regarding children shows that there are clearly cognitive differences in the thinking styles associated with development. However, subsequent researchers have found that Piaget’s stages do not always hold true for everyone. Children do not always precisely pass through the stages that he described. They may not be as universal as he believed. Cultural factors may also help determine these sequences. Regardless, despite over 70 years of research, much of his theory has withstood well and is still valued. It continues to be popular because it gives us insights and generates new ideas. More recent research has suggested some of his details may be more limited than he thought. However, Piaget’s framework may remain and is still valuable. Psychologists spend much of their time studying the processes of learning. During much of the 20th Century, psychologists tried to determine similarities between the ways that animals and humans learn. This perspective is called behaviorism. Behaviorists study learning in humans but also in other animals. This research paradigm is primarily concerned with what can be directly measured or observed. It avoids making statements about events that cannot be directly observed, like thoughts, wishes, and feelings. Behaviorists are not concerned with what the mind does because they believe that the mind cannot be objectively measured. They are doubtful that the mind can ever be scientifically studied at all. However, behaviors can be objectively studied. Their study can tell us very much. Therefore, they focus on behaviors because they are observable. The behavioral perspective emphasizes how a person behaves or what they do. The roots of behaviorism are largely from physiological laboratories. In Europe, the major contributor was the Russian Nobel Prize winner Ivan Pavlov. Pavlov showed that when a neutral even is paired with an emotional or physically reactive event, the neutral event will eventually “take on” aspects of the emotional event. This is referred to as classical conditioning. It gets this name because it was the first type of conditioning that was discovered. Hence it is “classical” like classical music or classic rock. Classical conditioning, also called Pavlovian conditioning, pairs a naturally occurring response with a neutral response. Loud noises, obnoxious smells, bursts of light can all become classically conditioned to us (C. S. Hall, Lindzey, & Campbell, 1998). For example, look at a lemon a few times before you taste the juice. You will find that you start to salivate very quickly when you see the lemon, even if you are not actually tasting the lemon juice. This is an example of classical conditioning. Furthermore, you may even salivate just being in the grocery produce section aisle where lemons are located. This is a process called secondary conditioning. Try it. It also works well with hot peppers, depending on your experience eating them. However, it will not work with butter or white bread because they do not typically cause people to salivate. Many types of trauma and addiction are thought to be rooted in classical conditioning. As an example, a person might be hit by a large red car while crossing the street. After this, any red car might make them highly anxious. This experience may generalize to where the accident occurred and even the time of day. This is thought to be how traumas generalize. Taste aversion is a particular type of classical conditioning that most of us have experienced. We are born with the capacity for taste aversion, but it has to be activated by learning. When you get very sick from eating something, you will not want to eat it again. If you eat food in a particular restaurant and become ill, your experience may generalize. You may want to avoid that restaurant or any place that resembles it. Furthermore, you will not want to eat anything that resembles the food that made you ill. You may even avoid the people associated with the food, such as the people with whom you ate it. Operant conditioning, a different type of conditioned learning, was discovered before Pavlovian conditioning but gained prominence about two decades later when researched more thoroughly by the American psychologist B. F. Skinner and his many associates (Ryckman, 2004). Operant conditioning occurs when something in the environment or world “operates” on behavior to encourage or discourage it. Operant conditioning occurs all the time around us. We are operantly conditioning others, even if we do not realize it. For example, when we have a lively conversation with someone, we engage in operant conditioning because we actively talk about specific topics and discourage others. Suppose you have a roommate, brother, or sister, and you avoid or encourage talking about particular topics with them. In that case, you are operantly conditioning them, and you did not even know it. Stop for a second and think about how many things in the environment operably condition you? Psychologists have discovered various schedules of reinforcements that act during operant conditioning. These are ways that reinforcements can be timed to change the likelihood that a behavior will change. Some of these are listed below. \| Figure 2.4 Schedules of Reinforcement https://courses.lumenlearning.com/wmopen-psychology/chapter/reading-reinforcement-schedules/ \| Psychologists realize that the best way to change a behavior is to reward or reinforce it when possible. Withdrawing of rewards or negative reinforcement is included in this. Punishment to change a behavior is usually not as effective as providing rewards. This is true for several reasons. One reason is that punishment draws attention to negative behavior. The person or animal who performs the behavior observes the punishment. So do other people or animals. Everyone learns what not to do. As soon as the environment changes, they have learned something, usually the wrong thing. Secondly, punishment almost always causes an excessive emotional response. The emotional response is always a negative one that gets in the way of emotions likely to produce positive behavior. In the case of humans, these include feelings of rationality and future cooperation. Third, punishment suppresses behaviors, but the behaviors often return after a time. It is a phenomenon seen throughout nature in every animal. Punishment may stop a behavior but remove the punishment, and the behavior will almost always start again. Punishment may result in quick but generally not long-lasting behavioral changes. It may also make us overconfident about the effectiveness of our interventions. But often, punishment does not work as well as we typically think. This is why psychologists generally do not like to recommend it. The most effective way to change behavior is ceasing to reward it when possible or to reward alternative behaviors. Beyond this, behavioral psychologists have also understood that the best way to change behavior is to provide quick and specific feedback. Unfortunately, this is not always possible. This is true for rewards or punishments, although the limitations regarding the effects of punishment still hold true. In summary, in most situations, the most effective way of changing behavior is to provide immediate rewards when possible and ignore, reframe, or otherwise redirect inappropriate behavior. The behavioral perspective has been successful in producing various therapies for specific emotional and physical disorders. These include autism, addictions, depression, anxiety, psychological trauma, speech problems, and movement disorders, to name just a few areas. Psychologists and specially trained therapists administer treatments in a variety of settings. They use behavioral principles in their treatments. The use of behavioral principles is an exciting area in psychology and continues to find new applications. Psychologist Edna Foa who pioneered Behavioral Treatments for Traumatic Stress and was a Time Magazine 100 Most Influential People CC BY 3.0 CC BY 3.0 File: David Shankbone 2010.jpg SOCIAL LEARNING THEORY Towards the last third of the 20th Century, many psychologists realized the much human learning occurred through social interaction. It was not directly reinforced by rewards or punishment. The laws of learning that behaviorists discovered just did not seem enough to account for how people learned in the real world. Social Learning theorists move beyond behaviorism, studying how people learn from watching others’ behavior (Boyle, Matthews, & Saklofske, 2008). Although many researchers are associated with this perspective, the Canadian psychologist Albert Bandura is perhaps the best known. Bandura showed that many very important human behaviors are not be learned directly through rewards and punishments. Instead, they are modeled by watching others and then imitated. Bandura’s contribution was to show that reinforcement can be vicarious¸which means that it can be learned through observing the behavior of others.A person does not have to be directly rewarded for learning to occur. Like Behaviroists, Social Learning theorists recognize the importance of the environment. But they also acknowledge the importance of mental states or thinking. Most Social Learning theorists believe that what a person thinks can be as important as what is directly reinforced in the person. In fact, the two are intertwined. Social Learning theorists also emphasize a person’s perception of the situation. They realize a person can discount rewards or ignore them in ways that might not apply to many other animals. This perspective is very similar to that proposed by Alfred Adler. He believed that people’s perceptions of situations determine their realities. As an example, people can choose to engage in short-term pains for long-term gains. They can engage in very physically punishing behavior, such as intense exercise training. They can do so if they anticipate the results will be positive. They can also reward themselves with self-talk rather than rely on others complimenting them. People can change, according to Bandura, without overt reinforcement or rewards. Social Learning theorists are called mutual determinists. Like Adler, they believe that behavior determines thinking and that thinking determines behavior. It works in both directions. A person who does something is likely to think in specific ways. But our thought causes us to act in a particular direction. This gives us two powerful techniques to change behaviors. The Social Learning perspective is not limited to clinical use. It has a broader application for social justice problems. An example has been the work of psychologist Dr. Jennifer Eberhardt. She is 2014 received a MacArthur Foundation award for her groundbreaking work on racial stereotypes. She has applied Social Learning theory to racism and social justice problems in a way that can help law enforcement and juries act more equitably. What is notable is that even if racial stereotypes are unconscious, they can be challenged and even changed through cognitive and Social Learning techniques. A type of psychological treatment called Cognitive Behaviorism is closely related to Social Learning theory. Adherents of this treatment recognize the importance of the behavioral perspective and techniques but add more. They see the significant reinforcers of behavior within the person(Hupp, Reitman, & Jewell, 2008). The person has a say in deciding if the situation is reinforcing. In cognitive-behavioral therapy, also called cognitive therapy, the patient or client may learn to reinterpret or reframe adverse life events in a more positive light (C. S. Hall et al., 1998). Cognitive-behavioral and cognitive therapy have produced successful psychological interventions for many disorders. These interventions have been effective for depression, anxiety, substance abuse, couples therapy, and many other problems. Therapists now know that by changing people’s thinking, they can change their behavior. For example, the cognitive-behavioral treatment of depression may examine the thoughts associated with drug dependence and assist a person in changing them. The Biological perspective attempts to reduce cognition, behavior, and other psychological processes down to components found in individual biology. Biological perspectives in adolescent psychology have gained a more prominent place in the last 20 years. This is not surprising. During the teen years, the most prominent event is puberty, triggered by biological changes through hormones. The changes are undoubtedly dramatic and notable to everyone, especially the adolescent. Much research has gone into this area. Our knowledge has been furthered in part because we can use animal models to advance our biological and medical knowledge. One of the more exciting fields today is neuroscience. This field combines chemistry, biology, psychology, and aspects of medicine to understand the brain. The area of neuroscience also uses animal models to investigate the brain. In recent years, advances in neuroscience have given scientists a more detailed understanding of the adolescent brain’s functions. Advances include ways of viewing the brain through time to chart the changes. Other advances involve observing the effects of alcohol and other drugs and addictive behaviors on the adolescent brain. Neuroscience is closely related to the methods of behaviorism. The scientific rigor, as well as some of the laboratory techniques, are similar. The difference is that new technologies allow science to link brain processes more directly to behavior, a glimpse that previous generations did not have. Behaviorists believed that it was technologically impossible to study the brain. Now we know that in many situations, we now can. With each year, we are finding newer ways of applying technology for this goal. The distinction between these two paradigms has dissolved in many areas. As outlined in Unit 4, the human brain comprises neurotransmitters and receptors, chemicals, and pathway targets that make us who we uniquely are. Our ability to study these has grown tremendously and will continue to grow. Until recently, it was thought that the human brain was essentially fixed from early childhood onward. Thus, it was believed that no significant growth occurred. Then it was discovered that in adolescence, a remarkable event took place. A substantial amount of rewiring of the brain was found to be typical during the teenage years. Furthermore, it was found that the brain was more “plastic,” meaning changeable. This was a monumental discovery! As one older textbook said, “You have what you had as a five-year-old.” Psychologists and neuroscientists still do not fully understand the implications of these findings. But we now refer to the brain as being “plastic” at more extended portions of life. This means that it is changeable, well into later adulthood. This is an essential series of discoveries that overturned much of what we thought was true about how the brain developed. Dr. Marian Diamond, a Researcher who discovered Neuroplasticity and was a founder of the field of Neuroscience. Author unknown CC 3.0 The pace of findings in neuroscience makes it very likely that our understanding of the brain will increase rapidly and dramatically in the future. Already we see exciting possibilities for new treatments based on the findings of neuroscience. One example is in violence research. Research shows that violent events in childhood (or perhaps adolescence) that occur to an individual accelerate biological aging, including speeding up the onset of puberty (Colich, Rosen, Williams, & McLaughlin, 2020). Exposure to violence also speeds up cellular aging and thins the cortex, a sign of increased aging. Thus, it is possible that by treating psychological traumas, including the traumas of adolescence, we can delay aging or blunt some of its most profound aspects. Neuroimaging is a tool to study the brain. Most people are familiar with neuroimaging. CT (computerized tomography) and MRI (magnetic resonance imaging) scans are used by physicians and can diagnose many disorders. Researchers use them because these techniques are very good at obtaining pictures of the structure of the brain. However, these are not especially helpful for watching the brain’s processes and how it changes as thoughts occur. These imaging techniques are similar to very accurate but very still snapshots. Of course, we are very interested in having accurate pictures of the brain when it is still. But we are also interested in the brain when it is active and doing something that we want to study. New methods of neuroimaging make this more possible. Positron emission tomography scans (PET scan) record blood flow in the brain. In this procedure, researchers inject a safe but slightly radioactive substance into a person’s bloodstream. A radioactive scanner detects the amount of positron radiation emitted from the brain in various areas while performing a psychological test or task. The radioactivity level indicates how much brain activity is occurring in specific regions during these processes. Functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) also measures the brain’s processes in real-time through blood flow. It uses changes in oxygen levels of the blood as a measure and does not require added radiation. Areas with more blood flow indicate more significant activity. While these methods are good at identifying brain structures, they also have limitations. It takes time for blood to flow. We may not have a fast enough ability to picture the brain as it makes rapid changes that determine who we are and how we think. Researcher looking at a brain image Image: National Institute of Mental Health, CC0 Public Domain, https://goo.gl/m25gce] Older technology can detect rapid changes in brain functioning. Electroencephalography (EEG) is a technology to measure brain activity in real-time. Electrodes are placed directly on the scalp in various places. A computer records the results. These results can be accurate to a hundredth of a second or faster. Data can be plotted to show brain waves. A limitation of EEG technology is that EEGs are not usually as precise as the PET or fMRI at identifying exact brain locations. This is because they measure multiple areas of the brain simultaneously. Yet, EEGs are extremely useful for some types of research. Although new methods are being devised to examine the brain, it is still mysterious. However, our knowledge is increasing each year dramatically. As our technology becomes more adept, we can penetrate more into its mysterious functioning. The future of neuroscience, especially in adolescent research, will continue to show progress for many years. Often closely aligned to the biological paradigm is the evolutionary perspective. This paradigm is rooted in Charles Darwin’s theory of evolution and natural selection. Researchers emphasize how present-day behaviors are adapted for the survival value of the species. We behavior to pass on our genes to the next generation. We are often unaware of why we act as we do. Evolutionary Developmental Psychology is a new subfield that applies the evolutionary perspective to human development. Behaviors such as excessive adolescent risk-taking and challenging authority may make more sense from this view. These strategies maximize a person’s likelihood of reproductive success in some situations. Whether they are adaptive for our current culture is questionable and depends on many factors. In the late 1930s, the psychologist Carl Rogers observed that juvenile delinquents –youths committed into prison for rehabilitation- who felt positive about themselves had a better outcome than those who felt negative about themselves (C. S. Hall et al., 1998). The finding was unusual. According to the existing beliefs, self-rejection should cause criminals to rehabilitate rather than self-acceptance. For almost 50 years, Rogers spent his career attempting to make sense of these findings and determine how we can best help people change. His therapeutic technique, which encourages therapists to listen with genuine empathy, has become one of the most critical tools in treating psychological problems. Rogers and many others developed an approach called Humanistic Psychology, which emphasized that people have choices. In some ways, it was very similar to Adler’s approach. But in therapy, it was different from traditional methods, where people are often considered passive. Not surprisingly, it emphasized self-acceptance and empathy (Searight, 2016). In addition, Rogers developed a specific type of therapy called Client-Centered Therapy that is widely used by many therapists regardless of their theoretical beliefs. Client-Centered Therapy involves listening to the client and closely reflecting on what they said. An early proponent of Humanistic Psychology was Abraham Maslow. Maslow met Freud as a young man. He was also briefly a student of Alfred Adler. Maslow is known for the hierarchy of needs usually discussed in every psychology class (Barenbaum & Winter, 2013). Recent research has discussed that adolescents may seem to lack goals and values. A constant criticism for adolescents’ contemporary education has been that it does not prepare students to think about moral issues. This has been a topic of people from all political spectrums. The Ecological Perspective states that a person is a product of their genetics, environment, and interaction at a specific place and time. Urie Bronfenbrenner (1979) suggests that interactions with others and the environment are the keys to development. Proponents of this perspective believe that we experience multiple environments that may simultaneously interact with each other. The microsystem, such as a family, is the current environment in which a person exists. The mesosystem is the interaction of microsystems. An example is an interaction between an adolescent’s home and school or home and church. The exosystem is an external system that a person is not directly involved but which affects them. An example for an adolescent is a parent’s workplace. Stress at the workplace, such as a moody or mean boss or coworker, can indirectly affect a person’s children. The macrosystem is the larger cultural context. It includes everything outside of these other systems that might affect an individual. An example is a state or country where politics can affect a young person’s life situation. Each system has its expectations, roles, and patterns. Bronfenbrenner believed that when the expectations between systems were similar, there tended to be harmony and progress. When rules were different at each level of the system, it was confusing and caused problems. The ecological perspective can also be called a multi-system perspective. Disruptions to systems are possible at any level. For example, being in a cohort that experienced stress or an economic downturn can significantly affect multiple systems. The stress experienced by people following the terrorist attack of 9/11 or the economic downturn in the Great Recession of 2007-2012 had a substantial impact on some adolescents’ development. One source of stress that affects systems is the adverse effects of racial and other forms of discrimination. Adolescents from groups that have been historically denied rights are at high risk for problem behaviors. Racism, sexism, and poverty have long-term and confirmed effects on people. These effects may include an impact on the immune system, sometimes many decades later. The effects of events like the Covid-19 pandemic may be profound. They could likely have a long-lasting impact on adolescents as they transition into young adults and beyond. This event could affect multiple systems. These effects could be both psychological and physical. The Ecological Perspective This Photo by Unknown Author is licensed under CC BY SYNTHESIZING PERSPECTIVES Different perspectives are sometimes in competition. Are any of these perspectives “correct”? It is easy to look at some of them and say that they are no longer worthy of consideration. But is that a good idea? Is there one best paradigm? This is a very complicated issue, and psychologists disagree. Sometimes a complex question needs to be addressed from various research traditions. A paradigm is valuable if it helps us generate additional research that allows us greater understanding. It is not beneficial if it interferes with the development of knowledge. Freud may seem strange but imagine a life where none of his concepts had ever been thought of. How would we go about discussing our feelings, thoughts, and intentions? How would you analyze adolescent gang membership from each of these perspectives? What type of problems are best researched from a biological orientation or perspective? What do you think the strengths and weaknesses are with an ecological perspective? Which perspective might be more interested in issues of social justice, equity, and fairness? Why?	8,604	common-pile/pressbooks_filtered	https://pressbooks.pub/adolescentdevelopment/chapter/__unknown__-2/	pressbooks	pressbooks-0000.json.gz:28561	https://pressbooks.pub/adolescentdevelopment/chapter/__unknown__-2/
1LmCLhvXPVqQPMnY	Remedial work against the Mexican cotton-boll weevil / [by L.O. Howard].	In the course of the investigations of the boll- weevil problem in southern Texas in the spring of 189G by my first assistant, Mr. C. L. Marlatt, it was early discovered that the overwintered weevils were not only collecting on the volunteer cotton but were feeding to a noticeable extent on the expanding leaves and soft green stems of the new shoots. The possibility of destroying the beetles by wetting this new growth by an arsenical poison at once suggested itself, and experiments which were promptly instituted with confined beetles on small plants demonstrated conclusively that not only do the beetles feed on the leaves and tender shoots voraciously, but that by poisoning such shoots the beetles subjected to experiments could all be killed in the course of 8 to 12 hours. A more general experiment to test the value of poisoning was instituted in a field containing much volunteer cotton which had already (April 26) made considerable growth, forming rather dense bushes. This experiment was carried out on the farm of Judge Borden, of Sharpsburg, the plants being sprayed from an ordinary wagon cart. Great difficulty was experienced in wetting more than the outer leaves, which were now of large size and protected much of the inner growth, especially the squares. The outcome of this work demonstrated that while the poisoning of the cotton plant was thoroughly feasible and practicable when done at the right season and would result in the killing of the overwintered weevils, if delayed too long it was very unsatisfactory and promised very little of value. In other words, it is much more difficult to poison plants successfully as a means of destroying the weevil than to poison them for the cotton-leaf worm, which feeds very often if not generally on the outer leaves and can be reached by powder dusted over the plant in the most careless and general way. The weevil, on the other hand, feeding as it does on the tender growing tips and on the flower buds, which are very often concealed and covered up by the larger leaves of older growth, requires for its destruction very careful and thorough spraying, such as would be impossible after either volunteer or planted cotton has reached any considerable size. As a means, however, of destroying the overwintered weevils on volunteer cotton, a spraying of poison in April promised very valuable results, and a recommendation for such treatment was inserted in the last edition of the boll- weevil circular (Circular No. 18, second series), as follows: The beetles which have survived the winter collect in the early spring on the first sprouts which appear on old cotton and eat the partially expanded leaves and the tender leaf stems, and at this stage can be poisoned by the application of an arsenical to this new growth. To do this it will be necessary to thoroughly spray the growing tips, and this should be done when volunteer cotton is very small, preferably mere sprouts or bunches of leaves an inch or two in length ; later on the growing parts can not be easily reached. With an ordinary knapsack pump a field may be gone over rapidly and the volunteer cotton thoroughly treated, the nozzle being directed at each growing tip. The first application should be made as soon as the volunteer plants sprout, and perhaps repeated two or three times within as many weeks. As ordinarily cultivated, the number of volunteers is small and the time required for the thorough spraying of such plants will not be great. A strong solution should be applied, viz, 1 pound of the poison to 50 gallons of water, because no harm will be done if the volunteer plants are ultimately killed by the poison. The use of poisons, either London purple or Paris green, as described in the paragraph quoted, is thoroughly practicable and undoubtedly will be of value. The careful study, however, of the weevil damage in Texas conducted by the Division during the last three or four years has demonstrated that the prevention of weevil damage is more a question of the adoption of a proper system of cultivation than of remedial or preventive schemes, such as the use of poisons. In other words, it is admitted by intelligent planters everywhere that the presence of the weevil is made possible by a system of culture which admits of the existence of volunteer cotton, and if the methods followed are such as to prevent such volunteer growth the weevil will rarely if ever be troublesome. In our publications on this insect, therefore, great stress has been given to the cultural method of control, which is undoubtedly the one thoroughly effective means of avoiding loss from the boll weevil. The details of this method are repeated at the close of this circular. Unfortunately a great deal of the cotton culture in Texas is of the rather careless sort, and there probably always will be more or less volunteer cotton infields unless very stringent regulations are passed and great care is taken to see that these are strictly enforced. The poisoning of volunteer cotton in early spring remains, therefore, a procedure of importance and of considerable practical utility. The present season attention has again been directed to this or a very similar method of control, in the course4 of the investigation of the weevil conditions in Texas by Professor Townsend, a field agent of the Division. In the course of this work it was discovered that tho weevils seemed to have a marked fondness for sweets, such as molasses, and would eat the latter when smeared on cotton stalks or young shoots either with or without an admixture of arsenic. A fter eating the poisoned sweets the beetles died within 8 to )l\ hours. After some weeks of experimentation in the field, chiefly at Cuero, Tex., Professor Townsend recommends and indorses very heartily two formulas, one for the treatment of young planted cotton and the other for the destruction of the overwintered beetles on the volunteer. FORMULA FOR VOLUNTEER COTTON. The undiluted molasses is mixed with one-fourth its volume of arsenic and applied to the volunteer stalks in spring when the leaves are beginning to appear. The molasses must be kept well stirred to prevent the arsenic from settling, and may be smeared on the stalks of the volunteer cotton with a stick or brush. All untreated plants must be killed and only a few poisoned plants should be left to the acre. This applies to districts where the foliage of the cotton is killed in winter. In warmer districts, where the foliage is not always killed in winter, all but a few of the plants should be killed and uprooted, and the remainder smeared with the poisoned molasses, all squares and bolls having been removed to insure the quickest effect. It is believed that the weevils will be attracted to these poisoned plants by the molasses and will be killed, and this will obviate the necessity of treating the young planted cotton. White arsenic (arsenious acid) If to 2 ounces boiled in a gallon of water until thoroughly dissolved ; two or three gallons of the cheapest grade of molasses, and one barrel (40 gallons) of water. Stir the molasses into the water, then add the dissolved arsenic and mix the whole thoroughly. Apply to the plant with a force pump and spray nozzle as in spraying for the cotton-leaf worm. This mixture is designed for use particularly on young cotton plants, and may also be used for the poisoning of volunteer cotton with a knapsack sprayer or larger apparatus, as described in the quotation from Circular 18. The only advantage of the sweetened or sirupy wash over Paris green, London purple, or arsenite of copper, as ordinarily used, is in its being supposed to attract the weevil ; so that, even although the entire plant might not be wetted with the mixture, the weevil would be attracted by the sweetened bait to the parts struck by the liquid. It should be remembered that the white arsenic recommended is very caustic and is very much more apt to burn or scald plants than are the other arsenicals just mentioned, and it is quite probable that either London purple or arsenite of copper, which are of about the same cost as white arsenic, will be preferable to the latter. The cheap grade of molasses referred to can be laid down in Texas at a rate of 10 cents per gallon. White arsenic costs about 10 cents a pound retail, but wholesale can be obtained for much less. London purple and Paris green also cost about 10 cents a pound retail. A barrel of the mixture at the prices quoted will cost about 25 cents, and should spray an acre or more of young planted cotton. The much heavier mixture for volunteer cotton is used in very limited quantities and a small amount will cover a large area. The directions and cautions given at the outset for spraying for the boll weevil are equally applicable to the molasses and arsenic wash described. For field work, however, a large machine is necessary, such as the mounted horse spray machines commonly used for treatment of potato farms. It should be remembered that this treatment rests merely on some preliminary experiments made with confined weevils on poisoned plants, and its success on a large scale remains to be demonstrated. Its greatest value will come, undoubtedly, in the treatment of volunteer plants and young planted cotton, and its success with the latter will, undoubtedly, diminish as soon as the plants have formed a head or become at all bushy. It is given publicity by means of this circular, to get planters to test it fully in field trials, which alone will demonstrate its value or worthlessness. THE CULTURAL METHOD OF CONTROLLING THE BOLL WEEVIL. It should be remembered that the poisoning of the volunteer and also of the young planted cotton is suggested merely as a means of correcting a condition which has resulted from imperfect cultivation, and that the great value of the cultural method of control should not be lost sight of. boll weevil is as follows : The careful investigation of this weevil during the past two or three years by the Division of Entomology has fully demonstrated the supreme importance of the cultural method of control, to which fact we gave special prominence in our first circular on this insect. There can be no question now that in the proper system of growing cotton a practically complete remedy for the weevil exists. In the first place, it has been established beyond question that the conditions of cultivation which make volunteer growth possible also make the continuance of the weevil inevitable. Of first importance is the early removal of the old cotton in the fall, preferably in November or earlier. This can be done by throw ing out the old plants with a plow, root and all, and afterwards raking them together and burning them. This treatment should be followed, as promptly as may be, by deep plowing, say to a depth of C or 8 inches. This leaves the field comparatively clean of old cotton stalks, facilitates thorough cultivation the following year, and, at the same time, collects and destroys all the weevil larvae and pupae in the cotton at the time, and also most of the adults. The escaping beetles will be buried by deep plowing, and will not again reach the surface. Few, if any, of them will succeed in hibernating in the absence of the ordinary rubbish in the fields in which they winter. Fields treated in this way have given a practical demonstration of the usefulness of the method. The greatest danger from the weevil is due to the presence of volunteer cotton, which means early food for the weevils in the spring and abundant means for their overwintering, and the effort made to retain volunteer and get early cotton, or the "first bale," is a very serious menace to cotton culture within the weevil district. This cultural method, if generally practiced, will undoubtedly prove a perfect remedy for upland cotton, and will vastly reduce weevil damage in the lowlands, where the weevil is more apt to winter, perhaps in adjoining woods or roadside vegetation. The early removal of cotton by the means suggested is especially advised whenever the presence of the weevil shows that the picking of a top crop is problematical. In such instances it would be well to uproot and destroy cotton stalks in September or October, as would have been thoroughly feasible for much of the upland cotton in 1896. If this cultural method can be enforced, either by State legislation or by the cooperation and insistence on the part of landowners that their renters shall carry out the system outlined, the weevil difficulty can undoubtedly in very large measure be overcome. In connection with the system of fall treatment of the cotton, constant and thorough cultivation of the growing crop as late as possible is of considerable value, and is also what should be done to insure a good yield. With a crossbar to brush the plants many of the blossoms and squares containing weevils will be jarred to the ground and buried, together with those already on the ground, in moist soil, and a large percentage of the material will rot before the contained insects have developed. Somewhat in line with the last paragraph is the collection and destruction of the infested bolls and weevils from the plants themselves. A complex machine has been devised for this purpose by Mr. Stronhall, of Beeville, Tex. In operation this apparatus passes over one row at a time and brushes the plants from both directions vigorously by means of revolving brushes working in opposite directions, and the stung bolls and squares which fall readily are caught on receiving trays and carried to bags and may be ultimately burned or otherwise destroyed. The machine may be adjusted to plants of different ages within certain limits, but becomes less effective as the plants get larger. As witnessed in operation the present season by Mr. Townsend, it proved, on young plants, to be very effective and satisfactory, collecting a large percentage of the weevils and the stung bolls and squares. The temporary advantage of the use of this machine no doubt will be considerable and may materially protect the early cotton ; it probably will not be of much service as a protection for late cotton or the second crop.	3,175	common-pile/pre_1929_books_filtered	remedialworkagai00unit	public_library	public_library_1929_dolma-0003.json.gz:1440	https://archive.org/download/remedialworkagai00unit/remedialworkagai00unit_djvu.txt
Px68WDwnxdwmzlLx	The long leaf pine. With prefatory remarks on the political and geological history of North Carolina and The Sandhills. Including a summary of the flora and fauna.	This book is due on the date indicated below and is subject to an overdue fine as posted at the Circulation Desk. This BOOK may be kept out TWO WEEK ONLY, and is subject to a fine of FIV CENTS a day thereafter. It is due on th day indicated below: FOREWORD The substance of what is herein printed is largely what was given as a talk on the Long Leaf Pine, April the 16th, in the City Park under the auspices of the Southern Pines Library Association. It is published for a threefold purpose: (1) to answer authoratatively all the questions that strangers ordinarily ask about the Sandhills ; (2) to create a wider interest in the Sandhill region and to bring greater numbers to share in its warm, dry, bracing air and pine balm, something that belongs peculiarly to this section; (3) to quicken the public sentiment for that vast economic problem of the Costal Plain, namely, its ref oj:-estation in long leaf pine. In reference to this last point, let it be remembered that history teaches that those nations who destroyed their forests committed national suicide or became so reduced in numbers and so devoid of initative as to be no longer a factor in world affairs. Again, in destroying forests we at the same time annihilate the animal and vegetable species that develop under these forests whose help man always had in his struggle for supremacy in his primeval environment. Whatever may be one's religious bent, it is generally conceded that nature's influence on man is uplifting. Indeed, it is not improbable that the heaven which we hope and search for in the realms above may be here in our midst, if we could only bring ourselves in true relation with the plant and animal life around us and cease to regard the creations of God solely as objects of exploitation by man. In this connection it is most encouraging that, though the cooperation of the War Department and the Forest Service, Southern Pines will some day have at its very doors a great national park. The 125,000 acre tract that is a part of the proving ground at Fort Bragg is to be brought under forest management and a great pine forest reproduced with all of its accruing benefits. THE CRY OF THE PINES Listen! The great trees call to each other: "Is it come your time to die, my brother?" And through the forest, wailing and moaning, The hearts of the pines, in their branches groaning : "We, who have watched the centuries dying, The span of years as an arrow's flying, Ages seeming a day and a morrow — Lo, we have reached the time of our sorrow — "We, who have stood with our ranks unbroken Breasting the storms, a sign and a token That the gale must cease, and the wild winds staying, Man we shielded is come, and is slaying — "We die, we die! "Flaying the bark, and our bodies baring. Like dim, white ghosts in the moonlight staring. Naked we stand, with the life-sap welling — Tears of resin to gather for selling — "We die, we die ! All through the land are the forests dying. The great trees moan to each other : "The ax has scarred us too, my brother" — "We die, we die! Ladies and Gentlemen : This ground upon which we are standing, known as North Carolina, connotes more of Ameriean History than any other state in this Union. You will recall that the Pilgrims first stept upon Plymouth Rock in 1620 and that Jamestown was founded in 1607. But in 1584, on July the 4th, America's most fateful day, two ships appeared off what is now the coast of North Carolina somewhere between Cape Fear and Cape Hatteras. On July the 15th these two ships anchored in Acrocoke Inlet, in Pamlico Sound, nearby an island which the Indians called Wokokon. At noon the same day Captains Amadas and Barlowe, the commanders of these two ships, accompanied by the gentlemen of the expedition, landed and took possession of the country which they beheld in the name of Queen Elizabeth, "to be delivered over to the use of Sir Walter Releigh according to her Majestie's grant." On the third day thereafter Indians appeared skirting this island in their canoes and, with most friendly demonstrations, came on board under their leader, Manteo. The incidents just related, though of seeming small significance, were the first real beginnings of Anglo-Saxon supremacy on this continent, resulting finally in the establishment of the government of these United States which with all of its short comings is still the wisest and best government in the v.^orld today, for under its laws and flag the individual is given full and unhampered scope to develop the whole of his individuality. Lord Raleigh's attempts at colonization were not successful and save his name that our capital bears, little remains of those initial attempts. His first colony entirely disappeared before the second addition came back with supplies. It is assumed that they merged with the Indians, and there is some evidence to support that inference in the fact that many blue eyed Indians are to be seen among the Croatans who still live below us in the county of Robeson. After nearly a hundred years, or in 1663, Raleigh's grants came into the hands of the Eight Lord Proprietors. From this date until 1728 North Carolina remained under the jurisdiction of the Eight Lord Proprietors of whom the most distinguished was Earl Granville. In 1728 North Carolina became a Crown colony and was governed by a royal governor until the Revolution. In those stirring days our state was not amiss in its duties nor unresponsive to the calls from other colonies wishing to become free and independent commonwealths. In the Battle of Alamance in 1771, the first blood was shed in the conflict that was to end in the confirmation of those principals of freedom for which our Anglo-Saxon ancestors had contended from Runnymede. In 1774, August the 26th, the Legislature met in defiance of the royal governor. In 1775, May the 20th, the day after receiving the news of the Battle of Lexington, the Mecklenburg Declaration of Independence was promulgated in the city of Charlotte. And so North Carolina was in that fight from the start to the finish. All remember how Cornwallis was pursued and badgered as he passed through the state on his way to Yorktown where he was finally hemmed in and had to exchange with Washington a sovereign for a dollar which up to that time was not worth a "Continental d — n." PHYSIOGRAPHIC AND GEOLOGICAL FEATURES The State of North Carolina, east and west, from Currituck to Cherokee, is 50314 miles long, a distance greater than that from Washington to Boston. It is I871/2 miles across from North to South at its widest point, with a coast line of 250 miles. Geologically the state is divided into three well defined ages, the Mountain Region in the west, the Piedmont Plateau in the center, and the Costal Plain on the southeast. These physiographic features have and will continue to exert a marked economic, industrial and social influence on the people of the state, for they offer as great a diversity of pursuits as some of the world famous empires The mountains of the west are imbedded in granite and gneiss and some seams show the most ancient or archean rocks. Mt. Mitchell, the highest peak east of the Rockies is 6,887 feet as compared with Mt. Washington's 6,293 feet. Originating in this mountain district and flowing both into the Gulf of Mexico and the Atlantic are groups of rivers with the Cape Fear, Yadkin, Catawba, and French Broad as conspicous members that make for the state a river mileage of 3300 miles, having a total waterfall of 33,000 feet, or an average of ten feet to the mile. In this day of hydroelectric development North Carolina stands in the front rank with its low cost of electric power for manufacturing and for domestic purposes. For it is the belief of such electricians as Steinmetz that electric power in the household is destined to replace domestic servants and solve that question which is impressed upon every housekeeper. And for this reason alone, to say nothing of climatic attractions, North Carolina will become the conspicious state of homes. Furthermore in this mountain area iron ores of high quality are mined, especially at Cranberry. Gold, copper and many other minerals exist in small quantities. Rare gems such as saphire, amethyst and topaz are also found. The Piedmont Plateau represents the first step down from the mountains toward the coast line. Its geological content is represented by some of the oldest granite and gneiss, by crystalline chist and, latest of all, triassic sandstone in which are located the only two coal mines in the state, one in Moore and the other in Chatham County. Tobacco and cotton are its greatest agricultural products, while grasses, grain, and live stock occupy the coves and valleys of the mountain region. The Costal Plain is the youngest geological formation in the state, made up of sand, clay and marble. There are five distinct layers showing as many recessions of the coast line to its present margin. Agriculturally the Costal Plain is largely planted to cotton, peanuts and trucking. THE SANDHILLS Besides the three distinct geological formations of which mention has been made, there is an intermediate stage, a sort of half step between the Piedmont Plateau and the Coastal Plain, known as the Sandhills, of which our Southern Pines for our present purpose maybe called the center. This is an area of about 50 miles by 30 miles. When the ocean shore line ran along here, then it was that the Sandhills were built up as the result of interaction between the tid'es and the wind. Probably there were some such storms here then as ships now encounter off Cape Hatteras. At any rate by going to Cape Henry, near Norfolk, one can see now sandhills in process of growth by the wind and tides exactly in the same way as when the ocean ebbed where we now stand. A few moments ago the history of North Carolina was outlined up to and including the Revolution. As soon as North Carolina became a state instead of a colony the Crown lands became state lands. To enlarge the citizenship and develop the state, liberal offers of land were made to prospective settlers. One individual was permitted to buy 640 acres at I21/2 to 25 cents an acre. The grandfather of Mrs. Robert N. Page, who was a Shaw, was Charles C. Shaw. He had twelve children and he entered 640 acres for each child. What he included in these several entries embraced what is now Southern Pines. In fact, what we now call Southern Pines was originally known as Shaw's Ridge. At that time all these Sandhills were covered with a dense stand of virgin long leaf pine. That condition continued for three quarters of a century because the soil was so poor and fertilizers had not then come into use. Underneath the pin«s there grew a tall crop of wild grasses which made splendid grazing for cattle. So by raising livestock the owners of these large areas of pine land made a living. But after the Civil War, when the South began to respond to the new industrial stiuation, railroads were surveyed towards these great pine forests. Along with the railroad to Southern Pines, the Seaboard Air Line, the lumberman came in the person of Mr. Frank Page, the progenitor of all the Pages now so conspicious in the developments of the Sandhills and the state. He, let it be proclaimed, was the father of the late Ambassador Walter Hines Page, who sleeps scarcely three miles from this spot, under the soft breezes of his native pines, while a tablet in Westminster Abbey is to commemorate his services to mankind. But if the Pages did lunjber destructively, let us give them credit for successful endeavor to rebuild their waste places. These cut-over pine lands that twenty-five years ago could have been bought for one dollar per acre, today, if well located, sell for three hundred dollars per acre for growing bright leaf tobacco, grapes and especially peaches. We all know how like fairyland it is at this season to motor through miles of peaches in blossom, for the area in this immediate section now given over to peaches will yield in an average year a crop of 2500 to 3000 cars. These results have been reached through modern cultural methods largely through the sagacity of the pioneers in the peach industry. The qualities of the fruit are due to climatic conditions and topography. The altitude at the railroad station is 519 feet and is probably over 600 feet on Weymouth Heights; the winter temperature is around 45, the summer, 75 and for the year 61 degrees F. The normal precipitation is 55 inches. Before leaving this part of the subject I trust I may be permitted to make a personal reference. We at this season who enjoy walking along the roads and paths in the virgin long leaf forest on Weymouth Heights intermingled with dogwoods dressed in bridal array, are indebted for that pleasure to Mrs. Dull. By chance, in 1904, Mrs. Dull, with her father, the late Mr. James Boyd, of Harrisburg, Pa., came on a visit to Southern Pines. In driving through the pine forest on Weymouth Heights they came upon ti*ees by the roadside that were boxed for turpentine. Mrs. Dull was so grieved at this seeming desecration that she urged her father to buy the land and stop the mutilation of the trees. He acted that same day, and to that tract other tracts were added from time to time until the present Weymouth Estate of some 1500 acres was acquired, all of v/hich comes within the original Shaw entries. In the years to come, therefore ,when Southern Pines celebrates the should not be absent from its roll of honor. So, on account of the facts which have been set forth, it is not surprising that Southern Pines, beloved by all who have tried the virtue of its climate, is rapidly forging to the front as a golfing center and the leading mid-winter resort north of Florida. To conclude this local sketch I will state that Southern Pines came into existence in 1880. Dr. G. H. Sadelson was the first to adopt Southern Pines as a home. The oldest house standing is the residence occupied by Mr. Patch on East Broad Street. THE FAUNA The Fauna and flora of any given area are an expression of its topography, if by that we understand is meant the surface features in relation to soil, water and climatic conditions. Wherever there is a great variety of topography we look for and find a great variety in the distribution of animal and plant life. This is eminently true in the case of North Carolina. Of the seven faunal zones into which America has been divided, namely the Artie, Hudsonian, Canadian, Alleghanian, Carolinian, and Louisianian, the wild life of all these zones except the Artie and Hudsonian has or had representatives in North Carolina. Typical of the Canadian we still have the "boomer" or little red squirrel and had the lynx. The Alleghanian gave us the star-nose mole and the elk long since gone. Deer, wild turkeys and foxes of the Carolinian still abound while the allegator is a conspicious Louisianian representative. Morning and evening at this season the mockingbird and that fine singer, the brown thrasher, tell us how much the birds of North Carolina contribute to our enjoyment, and the pheasant and the bob-white lure the sportsman from afar. It is worthy of note, too, that in an ancient age the prehistoric elephant and the mastodon roamed over the confines of North Carolina of today. The richness of the flora of North Carolina induding specimens all the way from the Artie to the Sub-tropical division is unequalled by any other state. For this reason for a number of years the dhistinguished botanist, the late Dr. Asa Gray, of Harvard, made an annual pilgrimage to the neighborhood of Blowing Rock always looking for and finding something unknown in his previous collection. The total number of identified plant species in the state is fifty-five hundred. Of these, 1410 are phaenergams and 3090 are cryptogams. The latter comprise : 10 ground pine, 40 ferns, 50 algae and seav/eed, 70 liverworts, 200 mosses, 220 lichens, 2500 fungi, among which are over 100 specimens of edible mushrooms. In the 1410 phanerogams are to be found our forest trees or silva. There are in the state 153 kinds of woody plants that come under tree classification. Seventy of these are trees of the first size and 57 are trees of high economic value. In height some of them reach 140 feet and attain to a diameter of 7 feet or over. We have 24 kinds of oak, 8 o fthe 9 hickories in the United States, all 6 maples, all the lindens, the umbrella tree, all 6 magnolias, 3 of the birches 3 out of 5 elms, 1 ash, 5 poplars, 1 chestnut, 8 of the 11 pines, and both species of hemlock and balsam fir. The distribution of the silva is divided up in accordance with the three physiographic divisions of the state to which attention has already been called. In the mountain region and the Piedmont Plateau grow mainly the hard woods though fine belts of balsam fir, spruce and hemlock are found on the mountain sides and lower peaks. To the Costal Plain belongs the pine though some of these grow in the other two sections and white pine is native alone in the mountain district. The commercially most valuable trees are the oaks, the hickories, the maples, chestnut, yellow popular, and the pines. THE TREE We have been speaking of trees as a forest. Nov\^ our concern will be with the individual tree which is made up of three parts : The roots, the bole or stem, and the crown. Everyone of these parts perform a special service and they all work together to grow the tree and maintain its life. The roots stay the tree and hold it fast in the ground against wind and storm. They also take water and mineral from the soil to be used as elements in the manufacture of food by the leaves. Through the microscopic openings known as stomata the leaves, through the influence of light on the green pigment or chlorophyl, extract carbonic dioxide gas from the atmosphere to be used in combination with the salts and water sent up through the roots to make carbohydrates, the tree's food. These carbohydrates are distributed throughout the bole of the tree as a storehouse where, after digestion and assimilation takes place, they are transformed into protoplasm, that complex working substance of the tree by which all growth is made. In all hardwoods and conifers growth is put on in outside layers around the vascular bundles arranged in the form of a hollow cylinder, and there is a layer or ring that defines the yearly growth. In trees like palms and palmettos there is no annual ring or diameter growth. The vascular bundles of the stem are scattered and growth takes place as in a cornstalk. All trees are put into two classes called angiosperms and gymnosperms, or to use every day language, into hardwoods and conifers, of which pines are the outstanding group. The conifers are the most ancient species of which only 400 still exist while of the angiosperms there are 100,000 species. THE LONG LEAF PINE As has already been stated, there are 8 pines in North Carolina, namely, white, short leaf, loblolly, pitch, spruce pine, pond pine, table mountain pine, and long leaf. Of these short leaf, loblolly, pitch, and long leaf are common to this locality. leaf pine on Weymouth Heights, I measured a tree that appeared to be one of the largest. Its diameter, taken at breast high, was 2 feet and 4 inches. Without pretending to be absolutely accurate we can estimate that diameter to represent a tree 350 years old. Now let us suppose that that tree instead of these around us, which are from 75 to 100 years old, to be standing here before us. If that pine could talk, relating both its internal and external experiences, its story would be as follows. "When I first flew out from my mother cone I alighted on a. thick cover of needles. There I lay apparently lifeless for nearly a year, until in late winter a large buck, who was feeding around under my ancestors, stepped upon me by chance and pressed me down against the bosom of the earth. With the coming of spring I began to feel the first sensation of life. There was a swelling of the embryo into a force that sent it through the seed-leaves and behold, I was born. In those days there was no prohibition and my first desire was for drink. So I despatched my small rootlets out in every direction for mineral and drove my tap root downward for drink. All my baby days and childhood were thus occupied, all my activities being underground rather than above. But at the end of four years I changed my program, seeking with light and heat to carry myself upward on the foundations already laid. And here is the tabulation of my growth from my fifth year onward. showing my age to be 350 years. Three times during this period I almost despaired of my hfe. One year was so dry I nearly died from thirst and twice forest fires raged that charred my lower body unmercifully. All this you could read in the smaller ring of annual growth for those years from a cross section of my body." But there is another story this tree could tell, the record of its outward life, all that has taken place in the 350 years since its birth, for it had to stand there and receive whatever came whether good or bad without the power to move in any direction for protection. In France it stood, if I may be permitted to speak for it, at the dying bedside of Louis XIV, in the palace of Versailles. It heard the fall of the Bastile. The coming and going of both Napoleons passed before its eyes as well as the downfall of the Bourbons ending finally in the French Republic. It saw Italy crushed for centuries beneath the heel of tyrants, finally emerge as a modarn state under her great statesman, Cavour. It watched all the efforts and stratagems of Frederick the Great to gain for Prussia the hegemony of central Europe, later to be moulded into a German Empire by Bismark only to be thrown away by William Hohenzollern. Within its time Peter the Great of Russia engrafted on an Asiatic foundation the civilization of Western Europe, all of which work with the tragedy of the late Czar, Nicholas the Second, totters for a fall and complete destruction in Sovietism. In England it witnessed the execution of Charles I, noted Cromwell's career, the return and expulsion of the Stuarts, the coming of William of Orange that led to the establishment of protestantism and the reiging House of Hanover. It heard, too, Shakespeare's first play and listened to Newton expounding the Law of Gravitation. Party government and the freedom of the press were born in its day. In Darwin's Theory of Evolution it beheld religious beliefs placed upon a more rational foundation throughout Christendom. In our own country, from what has already been stated, it was scarcely ten years old when the first Anglo-Saxon looked upon these shores. It followed the Revolution and the establishment of our republican government of the United States with a keen sense of expectancy. It heard Washington read his Farewell Address and listened to Lincoln delivering his Gettysburg Funeral Oration. In our Civil War shells from the contending armies of Sherman and Johnson, fired not two miles av\^ay, swished over its crown. But of all the even-ts of which it has been a silent witness nothing is more important than the legislation in our day in the interests of mankind. It heard those bills debated, passed and written into our statutes that lifted labor out of the category of a commodity upon a plane of common humanity, legislation that, when the passions and prejudices of the hour have softened to sanity, will be hailed as a second Bill of Rights. Now let us go back to the tree itself, to its range and utilization. The long leaf pine reaches its limit arownd 120 feet in height and 3 feet in diameter. It has a small, open, irregular and shallow crown, with a clean straight bole fourfifths of its height. The cones, gracefully curved, are 6 to 10 inches long. The leaves or needles, from which it takes its name, are 10 to 15 inches long, 3 to the fascicle. The flowers open early in spring and are a deep rose purple, the male in prominent, short dense clusters and the female in groups of two to four not so conspicuous. It seeds once every seven years and the cone aifd seed require two years for maturing. The range of long leaf pane is from Norfolk, Virginia to Galveston, Texas, occupying the whole Costal Plain more or less in association with loblolly, short leaf, pitch and slash pine. The original stand was 400,000,000,000 board feet, now reduced to one-fifth of that. Its average out turn per acre of lumber is 15,000 feet. It has been cut over at the rate of 6,000,000 acres yearly. In company with its associates the total area that has been lumbered is 30,000, 000 acres, an area equal to the whole of France and as large as Georgia, Alabama and Florida combined. Now why should the long leaf pine appeal to every individual of us, to the state and to the Federal Government for preservation and reforestation? Besides having been our greatest factor in building and construction, it is with slash pine our only source of supply of naval stores. Even now in its depleted condition, it yields annually 25,000,000 gallons of turpentine and 800,000,000 pounds of rosin. But as individual human beings we are indebted to long leaf pine for the comfort and shelter it has extended to two-thirds of the nation. Long leaf pine is a paying guest in every house east of the Rocky Mountains. It is to be found in the desk of every schoolhouse. Non-sectarian, it speaks from every pulpit and kneels around every altar. It is the main suporting timber of every mill and factory in New England. Not a train east of the Rocky Mountainr could move if long leaf pine forbade, and not a steamer could sail from an Atlantic or Gulf port. Long leaf pine created the wealth and built the cities of Norfolk, of Wilmington, of Charleston, of Jacksonville, of Mobile, of New Orleans and Galveston. To these cities and states and citizens everywhere in the Union long leaf pine appeals to be permitted to live and continue to give wealth, happiness and prosperity to its millions of beneficiaries. And as a last word let me say that the reforestation of the Costal Plain in long leaf pine will bring back the orange belt of Florida 100 miles further north to its original locality and make truck farming a business instead of a gamble with the frost. The reforestation of the Costal Plain will restore, the disturbed balance in the insect world and thus check and put an end to the pest activities of the cotton boll weevil in the community. A high ridge, giving a commanding view of all the country round. Groves of the original pine trees. A wisely planned system of roads, parks and building lots. The most pretentious homes and buildings in the com' /, and all the conveniences of town life, but with ihe charms of tfce p'inieval forest on all sides. i": building lots, at acreage prices, which are absurdly low as compared with town lots in the village. SOUTHERN PINES, N. C. This modern house of 25 rooms with 8 baths and a 30-acre park of pines is for sale. It is situated on a high ridge on Weymouth Heights, half ti mile from the noise and dust of trains and village traffic. Beautiful grounds! trees and birds. Fine barn with box stalls and two cottages on the place Wonderful climate and extensive views. If looking for an ideal home don'1 fail to see it. Shown during summer by care taker — later Miss Thompsoi may be seen personally.	6,318	common-pile/pre_1929_books_filtered	longleafpinewith00ivyt	public_library	public_library_1929_dolma-0003.json.gz:2062	https://archive.org/download/longleafpinewith00ivyt/longleafpinewith00ivyt_djvu.txt
eA_k2RUkpRjM_XJr	5.1: Comparing geometry and arithmetic	5.1: Comparing geometry and arithmetic The opening quotations remind us that the mental universe of formal mathematics draws much of its initial inspiration from human perception and activity - activity which starts with infants observing, moving around, and operating with objects in time and in space. Many of our earliest pre-mathematical experiences are quintessentially proto-geometrical. We make sense of visual inputs; we learn to recognise faces and objects; we crawl around; we learn to look ‘behind’ and ‘underneath’ obstructions in search of hidden toys; we sort and we build; we draw and we make; etc.. However, for this experience to develop into mathematics, we then need to - identify certain semi-formal “objects” (points, lines, angles, triangles), - pinpoint the key relations between them (bisectors, congruence, parallels, similarity), and then - develop the associated language that allows us to encapsulate insights from prior experience into a coherent framework for calculation and deduction. Too little attention has been given to achieving a consensus as to how this transition (from informal experience, to formal reasoning ) can best be established for beginners in elementary geometry. In contrast, number and arithmetic move much more naturally - from our early experience of time and quantity - to the notation, the operations, the calculational procedures, and the rules of formal arithmetic and algebra. Counting is rooted in the idea of a repeated unit - a notion that may stem from the ever-present, regular heartbeat that envelops every embryo (where the beat is presumably felt long before it is heard ). Later we encounter repeated units with longer time scales (such as the cycles of day and night, and the routines of feeding and sleeping). The first months and years of life are peppered with instances of numerosity, of continuous quantity, of systematic ordering, of sequences, of combinations and partitions, of grouping and replicating, and of relations between quantities and operations - experiences which provide the raw material for the mathematics of number, of place value, of arithmetic, and later of ‘internal structure’ (or algebra). The need for political communities to construct a formal school curriculum linking early infant experience and elementary formal mathematics is a recent development. Nevertheless, in the domain of number, quantity, and arithmetic (and later algebra), there is a surprising level of agreement about the steps that need to be incorporated - even though the details may differ in different educational systems and in different classrooms. For example: - One must somehow establish the idea of a unit , which can be replicated to produce larger numbers, or multiples. - One must then group units relative to a chosen base (e.g. 10), iterate this grouping procedure (by taking “ten tens”, and then “ten hundreds”), and use position to create place value notation. - One must introduce “0” - both as a number in its own right, and as a placeholder for expressing numbers using place value. - One can then use combinations and differences, multiples and sharing (and partitions), to develop arithmetic. - At some stage one introduces subunits (i.e. unit fractions ) and submultiples (i.e. multiples of these subunits) to produce general fractions ; one can then use equivalence and common submultiples to extend arithmetic to fractions. - If we restrict to decimal fractions, then our ideas of place value for integers can be extended to the right of the decimal point to produce decimals. - At every stage we need to — relate these ideas to quantities, — require pupils to interpret and solve word problems, and — cultivate both mental arithmetic and standard written algorithms . - Towards the end of primary school, attention begins to move beyond bare hands computation, to consciously exploit internal structure in preparation for algebra. Our early geometrical experience is just as natural as that relating to number; but it is more subtle. And there is as yet no comparable consensus about the path that needs to be followed if our primitive geometrical experience is to be formalised in a useable way. The 1960s saw a drive to modernise school mathematics, and at the same time to make it accessible to all. Elementary geometry certainly needed a re-think. But the reformers in most countries simply dismissed the traditional mix (e.g. in England, where one found a blend of technical drawing, Euclidean, and coordinate geometry in different proportions for different groups of students) in favour of more modern-sounding alternatives. Some countries favoured a more abstract, deductive framework; some tried to exploit motion and transformations; some used matrices and groups; some used vectors and linear algebra; some even toyed with topology. More recently we have heard similarly ambitious claims on behalf of dynamic geometry software. And although each approach has its attractions, none of the alternatives has succeeded in helping more students to visualise, to reason, and to calculate effectively in geometrical settings. At a much more advanced level, geometry combines - with abstract algebra (where the approach proposed by Felix Klein (1849-1925) shows how to identify each geometry with a group of transformations), and - with analysis and linear algebra (where, following Gauss (1777-1855), Riemann (1826-1866) and Grassmann (1809-1877), calculus, vector spaces, and later topology can be used to analyse the geometry of surfaces and other spaces). However, these subtle formalisms are totally irrelevant for beginners, who need an approach - based on concepts which are relatively familiar (points, lines, triangles etc.), and - whose basic properties can be formulated relatively simply. The subtlety and flexibility of dynamic geometry software may be hugely impressive; but if students are to harness this power, they need prior mastery of some simple, semi-formal framework, together with the associated language and modes of reasoning. Despite the lack of an accepted consensus, the experience of the last 50 years would seem to suggest that the most relevant framework for beginners at secondary level involves some combination of: - static, relatively traditional Euclidean geometry, and - Cartesian, or coordinate (analytic) geometry.	1,285	common-pile/libretexts_filtered	https://math.libretexts.org/Bookshelves/Applied_Mathematics/The_Essence_of_Mathematics_Through_Elementary_Problems_(Borovik_and_Gardiner)/05%3A_Geometry/5.01%3A_Comparing_geometry_and_arithmetic	libretexts	libretexts-0000.json.gz:15428	https://math.libretexts.org/Bookshelves/Applied_Mathematics/The_Essence_of_Mathematics_Through_Elementary_Problems_(Borovik_and_Gardiner)/05%3A_Geometry/5.01%3A_Comparing_geometry_and_arithmetic
KqXjj_Bm_HxkTYHr	2.2: Multiplying and Dividing Decimals	2.2: Multiplying and Dividing Decimals Multiplying and dividing decimals is simple enough if you use a calculator. When multiplying decimals, there is no certain order you need to type the numbers in your calculator. Example $\PageIndex{1}$ 0.255 × 0.23 = 0.05865 25 × 35 = 875 100.5 × 12.75 = 1,281.375 Exercise 2.2 Multiply the following problems - $\begin{array}{r} 5 \\ \times 0.35\\ \hline \end{array}$ - $\begin{array}{r} 65 \\ \times 0.2\\ \hline \end{array}$ - $\begin{array}{l} 0.515 \\ \times 0.15\\ \hline \end{array}$ - $\begin{array}{l} 20.54 \\ \times 5.01\\ \hline \end{array}$ - $\begin{array}{l} 0.002 \\ \times 1.07\\ \hline \end{array}$ - $\begin{array}{r} 0.9 \\ \times 0.8\\ \hline \end{array}$ - $\begin{array}{r} 8.5 \\ \times 0.2\\ \hline \end{array}$ - $\begin{array}{r} 52 \\ \times 0.11\\ \hline \end{array}$ - $\begin{array}{r} 0.4 \\ \times 0.04\\ \hline \end{array}$ - $\begin{array}{r} 4.23 \\ \times 2\\ \hline \end{array}$ - $\begin{array}{r} 0.2 \\ \times 0.45\\ \hline \end{array}$ - $\begin{array}{r} 2.68 \\ \times 0.298\\ \hline \end{array}$ When dividing decimals, the denominator (or the divisor) is divided into the numerator (or the dividend). The resultant answer is termed the quotient. In the example below, 25 is divided into 125. On your calculator, you would type in the 125 first and then the 25. It is read as 125 divided by 25. Example $\PageIndex{2}$ $\begin{array}{ll} \dfrac{125}{25}= & 5 \\ \dfrac{1.25}{25}= & 0.05 \\ \dfrac{1.25}{0.25}= & 5 \end{array}$ Exercise 2.2.1 Divide the following problems. - $0.6 \div 5=$ - $28 \div 7=$ - $14 \div 20=$ - $0.54 \div 12=$ - $75 \div 40=$ - $1.44 \div 12=$ - $0.48 \div 2.4=$ - $156 \div 0.78=$	338	common-pile/libretexts_filtered	https://workforce.libretexts.org/Bookshelves/Water_Systems_Technology/Water_130%3A_Waterworks_Mathematics_(Alvord_and_Blasberg)/02%3A_Decimals/2.02%3A_Multiplying_and_Dividing_Decimals	libretexts	libretexts-0000.json.gz:36602	https://workforce.libretexts.org/Bookshelves/Water_Systems_Technology/Water_130%3A_Waterworks_Mathematics_(Alvord_and_Blasberg)/02%3A_Decimals/2.02%3A_Multiplying_and_Dividing_Decimals
_6B_M7fxbE7-5UdT	The relationship between persistence in school and home conditions. By Charles Elmer Holley. Edited by Guy M. Whipple.	THE PROBLEM This study is concerned primarily with the qualitative analysis of the relationships which exist between the schooling of children and their home conditions. It is concerned secondarily with a rough determination of the relative importance of the hereditary and the environmental factors involved in these relationships. ORIGIN AND DEVELOPMENT OF THE STUDY The study is an outgrowth of a social survey of the Decatur, Illinois, high school made by the writer during the school year of 1912-13. In making this survey a large amount of data was secured, most of which proved to be of relatively little importance, but among the many facts there were a few which suggested family tendencies in the matter of educating children. Some of the families gave all the older children a high-school education, while other families, of similar size and agecomposition, did not have one child who had completed the high-school work. All the families having two or more children no longer in the public school were selected and examined. There proved to be 198 such families, containing 642 older children, 334 of whom had secured a highschool education. A further examination showed that 40 per cent of the 198 families furnished 72 per cent of those who had finished the high school, and 30 per cent of the families furnished 57 per cent of those who 1 This study was accepted as the dissertation for the doctorate of philosophy in education by the Graduate School of the University of Illinois. The writer wishes to acknowledge his indebtedness for counsel and suggestions given by Dr. W. C. Bagley and Dr. L. D. Coffman. Further, many useful suggestions were received from Dr. G. M. Whipple, Dr. C. H. Johnston, and the graduate students in education. had not finished the high school. This difference suggested that there must be corresponding differences in the homes which might be ascertained. Data were secured and it was found that these two groups of homes differed markedly with respect to economic, educational, and social conditions. Three years ago Dr. J. K. Van Denburg published the results of an investigation conducted in the New York City schools. He found that "on the whole, the economic status of these pupils (so far as it is shown by monthly rental) seems to be only a slight factor in the determination of length of stay in the high schools. The one most marked influence seems to be that the superior economic status in girls leads to a longer stay in spite of failure to progress at the 'normal' rate."1 they entered four years earlier. He, however, has no record of those who left the public schools and went to private schools, a group mentioned as a factor of some importance. Hence the group " 28 and up," would 2 Ibid., p. 134. 3 A rental group is a group of families which paid specified amounts of rent per month. All the families selected were divided by Van Denburg into three rental groups: (i) those paying $8 to $17 per month, (2) those paying $18 to $27 per month, and (3) those paying $28 or more per month. PERSISTENCE IN SCHOOL AND HOME CONDITIONS II have to be augmented by an unknown quantity to represent the true percentage of those who received the equivalent of four years in the public high school. It is conceivable that this unknown quantity would be large enough to show a definite relationship for the boys between economic status and persistence in school. With the girls the case would not be so clear, for the two smaller groups contain the same percentage of graduates. It may be that the economic factor is of less importance with girls than with boys. To be conservative, it might be said that the economic status of the families in Dr. Van Denburg's study is not of sufficient importance to overshadow or more than counteract other factors which make for persistence in, or elimination from, the public high schools of New York City. He has shown that the presence or absence of younger children in the family, the nationality of the parents, choice or lack of choice of an occupation, and intention with regard to graduation are factors correlated with the length of stay in the high school. A more detailed study of home conditions might reveal other factors of far greater influence in this city than economic status. In another study1 Dr. C. H. Keyes showed that acceleration or retardation were characteristic of certain families. He found that 6.8 per cent of the families produced 24 per cent of the accelerates, while 7 . 7 per cent of the families produced 24 . 5 per cent of the arrests^ These facts obtained in a New England city tend to support those obtained in Decatur. The apparent disagreement between the conditions found by Dr. Van Denburg in New York City and those found by the writer in Decatur, Illinois, raised the question: "Is Decatur representative qualitatively of the average middle western city?" With this question in mind it was decided to extend the study to other Illinois cities, and information was collected from the high schools of Centralia, Champaign, Gibson City, and Rochelle, Illinois. While these data were being collected, it occurred to the writer that this study dealt with a special class — those whose children reached the high school — and represented a special situation, and hence that it ought to be extended so as to include statistics from all levels of society. Accordingly the families residing in Urbana who had children between the ages of fourteen and twenty-one were selected, and 12 THE FIFTEENTH YEARBOOK a personal canvass was made by the writer which furnished a mass o facts from 234 homes. When these data had been tabulated and evaluated, and an interpretation was attempted, it was found that, although important relationships existed between the amounts of schooling that the children received and certain objective home conditions, it was impossible to distinguish between environmental and hereditary factors, a distinction that is very important from social and educational points of view. In order more accurately to determine the relative importance of these two types of factors it was decided to secure similar facts about the education and home conditions of adopted children. THE DATA Sources. — The facts presented in Part II were secured from the highschool pupils of Decatur, Illinois, during the fall of 1912. Those in Part III were collected from the high-school pupils of Centralia, Champaign, Gibson City, and Rochelle, Illinois, during the fall of 1913. The main data, those in Part IV, were gathered directly from the homes and from the courthouse records in Urbana, Illinois, during the summer and fall of 1914. The information about the adopted children, given in Part V, was secured from the Urbana courthouse records and from various individuals who resided in Champaign and Urbana during the early months of 1915. Method of collecting. — The original data which uncovered the problem were secured from the high-school pupils of Decatur during the fall of 1912. One morning in November the writer called at the school with a supply of blanks asking the following questions, as well as a number of others which had no bearing on the present problem: The teachers were instructed briefly as to the facts desired and the collection of data was then left in their hands. The first period of the morning was used and each of the pupils attending at that time was required to fill out one of the blanks. Through the assistance given by the room-charge teachers the entire high school furnished the desired information in a short time. After it was discovered that one group of homes educated its children more than the other group, it was thought that an objective description of these homes might be secured from the children who attended high school. For this purpose a blank was prepared asking for the following data: These blanks were given to the pupils from the selected homes and were filled out hi conference with the teachers or principal. The results were later checked up by the principal, and reports containing obvious errors were marked so that the erroneous portions could be eliminated. As stated earlier, the facts reported in Part III were secured from the high-school pupils of Centralia, Champaign, Gibson City, and Rochelle, Illinois. A blank' asking for the following information was used. Copies of this were sent to the principals or superintendents of Centralia, Gibson City, and Rochelle, and they secured the information from the pupils as best they could. In Gibson City this method resulted in returns from all the pupils attending on the day the information was secured. In Centralia and Rochelle less pressure was put upon the pupils and some failed to furnish any information. In Champaign the writer gathered the data during the English class periods, personally directing the work of the pupils. By answering any queries which arose because of a misunderstanding of any of the questions and by suggesting ways of estimating some of the items, he secured careful replies from almost all the pupils. They were told that it was not necessary for them to sign their names. Hence it was easy to meet any objections which a pupil might have to answering personal questions, and all the pupils rilled out the blanks. In the other three towns the pupils signed the blanks, a fact which made them a little more reserved in their replies. The information which forms the basis of Part IV was secured through a personal canvass made by the writer during June and July, 1914, in Urbana. The university-community portion of the town is a students' residence district and education is a thing uppermost in the minds of those who live there. It contains many families who have moved to Urbana to educate their children. Because of this emphasis on education and because of the difficulty of gauging an economic index where there are so many temporary residents, all families who lived west of Coler Street and south of Springfield Avenue were eliminated from consideration. The families of the university faculty who lived outside of this area were also eliminated. The preliminary list of names was secured from the 1913 school census records, which gave every home containing an individual under twenty-one years of age. The list finally selected was restricted to those homes which included individuals fourteen to twenty-one years of age, and contained about 550 names. When the actual canvass was made, it was found that a few of these homes contained no children over fourteen (roomers under twenty-one years of age having been found by the school census taker and recorded) and that a few of the listed families had moved out of town. These two factors reduced the list of possible calls to slightly less than 500. The writer called at the homes on all the east and west streets (most homes in Urbana face these streets). Sometimes no one was at home. When convenient a second or even a third call was made to secure the desired information. The canvass resulted in securing information from 234 homes of whites and 5 homes of colored people and gave a random sampling of the community. The colored homes are not included in the study because their members belong to a race which is not as yet a homogeneous element of the population. Their number was too small to be studied separately. As an aid and guide in securing the information the following blank was used: In conducting the canvass, the writer, after introducing himself, usually began with an inquiry as to the number of children in the home, their age, and education. Experience showed that parents were quite ready to talk about their children and that, after getting somewhat acquainted with the writer, they were then more free in answering the other questions. By this procedure the facts were secured to question No. 10 first and then the blank was filled out in order, beginning with question No. i. The figures for the personal property and real estate assessments were taken from the courthouse records giving the assessments for the 1915 taxes. In case a name did not appear here, the previous year's records were examined. In a few cases the figures were obtained in the latter way. The data which furnish the basis for the discussion of adopted children, presented in Part V, were gathered by the writer through a personal canvass. The original list of names was secured from the court records which gave the adoptions made in Champaign County since 1871. From these records the sex, date of birth, date of adoption, names of fosterparents with their town addresses, the changed name of the child, and cause of adoption were secured for each child. Excluding all children who would not now be at least fourteen years old, the list contained 155 cases of adoption. The present addresses of as many as possible of these foster-parents, of the children, or of someone who could give the desired information were secured from directories and from people who have long resided in Champaign or Urbana. That the results might be comparable with those presented in Part IV, only those parents who lived in Champaign or Urbana and reared the children there were included in the study. 8 ...................................................... . .................. The procedure was approximately the same, after the list of names and addresses was secured, as that followed in gathering the data for Part IV. Members of the family or relatives furnished the information for all but one of the children studied. Errors. — The data secured from the pupils through questionnaires which they themselves filled out were probably more inaccurate than those secured by the writer through the personal canvass. The greatest constant error is that of omission. It is thought by the writer that the effect of this is nearly that of pure chance, though this may be proved otherwise if carefully investigated. However, since this is primarily a qualitative study, such errors will be less serious than if it were a purely quantitative investigation. Wilful untruths may have existed in the data, but they were very rare. From the nature of the questions and the conditions under which they were answered, some of the data are estimates, more or less inaccurate. Errors peculiar to one kind of data will be mentioned during its discussion. Method of treatment. — The statistical method1 will be used in this study. All the important relationships will be expressed through coefficients of correlation. All correlations will be worked according to the tral tendencies will be expressed by medians. 1 All the formulas used can be found in any standard work on statistical methods. See Thoradike, Mental and Social Measurements; or Whipple, Manual of Mental and Physical Tests, 2d ed., Part I, "Simpler Processes." Whipple gives on p. 35 a table showing the reliability of P.E. according to its relative size. RELATIONSHIPS FOUND IN DECATUR The original data collected in Decatur during the fall of 1912 revealed 198 children from homes having two or more older children no longer in the public school. These homes when examined could be distributed readily among three groups: (I) those from which all the older children had completed the high-school work; (II) those from which none of the older children had completed the high-school work; (III) those in which some of the older children had graduated from the high school and others had not. In all there were 642 older brothers and sisters, 334 of whom had secured a high-school education. Group I contained 78 families and furnished 72 per cent of the 334 children. Group II contained 59 families and furnished 57 per cent of the 308 who had not finished high school. home conditions in the first two groups. The replies were most nearly complete with respect to the education of the parents, though a few children failed to give this information. When the replies were checked, it was found that some information was secured concerning 60 homes of Group I and 43 homes of Group II. On some of the blanks there was very little information, probably because the pupils, or even the parents in some cases, could not give the facts desired. The differences between the two types of homes are striking. a) Occupations. — The fathers of Group I (the families that gave their children a high-school education) are chiefly engaged in professional and commercial occupations (see Table II). The fathers of Group II (the families that did not provide a high-school education for their children) are chiefly engaged in artisan trades, and in semi-skilled and unskilled occupations (Table II). the fathers and 71 per cent of the mothers of Group II did not go beyond the eighth grade. The mathematical differences between the medians of the two groups, 3.68=^=0.38 years for fathers and 3.70=1=0.38 years for mothers, have a high degree of reliability. c) Incomes and rent. — As would readily be inferred from the facts concerning occupation and schooling just presented, the yearly incomes and monthly rentals are higher with those who sent their children through the high school than with the other group. The median yearly income of Group I is $2,000; of Group II, $1,350 (Table IV). Each family studied in this section contained at least three children, and the average is almost five. Thus it seems that the problem of furnishing the necessaries of life must be a serious one for many families of Group II. The differences between the rental values of the two groups of homes are evident to one who simply glances at Table V. Statistically they are shown by the difference in the medians. They are marked, for 81 per cent of the families in Group I pay $25 or more a month while 77 per cent of Group II pay less than this amount. A house with modern improvements, bath, toilet, etc., large enough for a family of six costs The question which asked f9r this information was poorly constructed. It was: "What rents does the family pay per month (estimated by the kind of a house in which they live)?" Some replied by merely stating that they owned the home. Others estimated the rent even if they owned the home. Travel .... d) Home culture. — There is only a slight relationship between the number of newspapers taken by a home and the schooling and financial standing of the parents (Table VI). Every home in both groups took 1 The difference between the median rents of the two groups is much more reliable than the differences between median incomes. The latter is barely large enough to justify statistical consideration. took several magazines. The two groups of homes showed a much greater difference when the quantity and quality of the periodical literature were examined. Magazines of the better class were found in the homes represented by Group I, but were very infrequently found in the homes of Group II (Table VII). The library facilities of the two groups of homes correspond to the other characteristics already discussed. The median number of books found in homes of Group I was 271; in Group II, 83 (Table VIII). In other words, the average home of Group I had more than three times as many books in it as the average home of Group II. All but one of the homes of Group II, or 97 per cent, had smaller libraries than the average home of Group I. e) Clubs and organizations. — The number of clubs and organizations attended by the fathers of Group I was larger than the number attended by the fathers of the other group (Table IX). The fathers of Group I were more often members of those social and recreational societies which are somewhat of an economic burden. Among the mothers the only important difference to be noted is that the mothers in Group I attended the "women's clubs" while mothers in Group II attended the "mothers' club" of the public school. /) Religious affiliations. — The differences which appeared between the two groups with respect to this point (Table X) were not significant in their bearing upon persistence in school. A more extended study might reveal important facts which did not appear in the small number of cases secured in this study. of those who did not finish high school. As a class, the parents of the first group were better educated, were employed in different occupations, received larger incomes, paid more rent per month or lived in better homes, took a greater number and a better type of magazines and newspapers, had larger libraries, and attended a different type of clubs, organizations, and churches than the parents of the group of families none of whose older children finished high school. GIBSON CITY, AND ROCHELLE This section is based on the data secured from the high-school pupils of Centralia, Champaign, Gibson City, and Rochelle. Only the replies of those pupils who reported older brothers or sisters no longer in school were used. This selection reduced the total number of homes studied to 318. An appreciable number of the blanks failed to give all the information desired. A blank might omit the schooling of the father or mother, the rental estimate, the number of books in the home, or the schooling or sex of the older children. In such a case it was not rejected, but the available information which it contained was utilized. Consequently the numbers given in the various tables differ. Thirty-three pupils failed to give estimates of the schooling of their parents, 99 gave no estimate of the monthly rental, and 1 1 1 did not report the number of books in the home. The ratio of the number of homes included in this study to the total population is not the same for each of the four towns. It varies rather widely. Centralia is represented by the smallest number of homes, 37, though it is three-fourths the size of Champaign, which has the largest number, 149. Gibson City and Rochelle are both small places but are These towns are situated in four sections of the state, south-central, central, east-central, and northern. It is thought by the writer that as a group they are representative qualitatively of towns of similar size in this state and probably are representative of this section of the until it has been demonstrated by similar studies of other towns. When an attempt was made to present the relationships separately for each town, it was found that the chance variations present exerted so great an influence that relationships were frequently obscured or exaggerated. Hence it was decided to give only the combined data for the four towns. This section considers only families which had a child in one of the four high schools at the time the data were secured. It does not touch the larger group whose children never go beyond the eighth grade. This sort of sampling necessarily provides a select class, and the results presented here must not be interpreted in any other light. a number of others, only those existing between the schooling of the children and the schooling of the parents, rental values of the home, and number of books in the home will be presented. a) Schooling of parents. — It will be noticed when the tables are examined that there is a marked concentration of cases at that point on the scale of the schooling of parents which marks the end of the grammar school. With the children there are two such points, one at Median education of daughters, ii years the end of the grammar school and the other at the end of high school, with possibly a third at the end of college. Such concentrations disturb the curve of distribution and modify conditions somewhat. The relationships between the schooling of the children and the schooling of the parents are approximately the same for both sons and daughters, 0.43== 0.03 for the former (Table XII) and 0.42=1=0.03 for the latter (Table XIII). b) Schooling of foreign-born parents. — Out of the total number of homes, 318, 29 had foreign-born parents and 35, one foreign-born and one native-born (Table XIV). The number of homes where both of remembered in reading Tables XV and XVI that parents are duplicated where more than one older child no longer in school was in the family. Hence, although five boys and six girls came from homes where the average schooling of the parents was ten years, they came from four c) Schooling of farm parents.1 — Two hundred and ninety-nine of the children reported the occupations of their fathers (Table XVII). Of this total, 76, or about 25 per cent, were engaged in farming. This number provided a group large enough to be fairly representative. In this group 84 sons and 61 daughters were reported as being no longer in school. The relationships between the schooling of these children and d) Schooling of town parents. — The fathers who were engaged in occupations other than farming had 232 sons and 229 daughters no longer in school (Tables XX, XXI). The correlations between the e) Sex relationships. — No important sex differences were found. The correlation between fathers and sons in the matter of years of schooling received is practically identical with that between the mothers and daughters. The former is 0.44=^=0.03 (Table XXII); the latter, 0.43=1=0.03 (Table XXIII).1 /) Rent. — It may be rather unfair to combine the figures for the four towns, because rental values vary from town to town for approximately the same accommodations. Such variations tend to reduce the figures of relationship obtained, though perhaps not as much as might be expected. There is probably a positive correlation between rental values and the opportunities for education offered by a community. If such be the case, it must counteract the effects of the variations. Only 41 out of the 213 families which gave the information pay rent (Table XXIV). Since the pupils were requested to estimate the rental values of their homes when their parents owned them, most of the rental values are estimates. This fact introduces a certain amount of unreliability into the data which would tend to reduce the correlation figures below their probable values. Even if such be the case, the correlation coefficients are large enough to indicate a clear relationship (Tables, XXV, XXVI). The correlation between rental values and schooling of sons is 0.40=^0.04 and between rental values and schooling of daughters it is o. 24=^0.04. These families were a select group from which those children who never reached high school had been eliminated. Where are those families located in rental distribution whose children never went beyond the elementary school? An answer will be suggested by Part IV. values of the home. The best showing was made by Champaign, where the data were furnished by the pupils while under the direct supervision of the writer (Table XXVII). Here the pupils were urged to estimate Rochelle 42 and were told that a rough estimate was better than none. As an aid in estimating it was suggested that a shelf three feet long held about twenty-five ordinary books. Chance remarks dropped by some of the pupils later disclosed the fact that some who had many books in their homes made rather wild estimates. In every case reported to the writer, in their homes made comparatively accurate estimates. The four towns were represented by 214 homes containing 227 sons and 209 daughters. The coefficient of correlation between the number of books in the home and the schooling of the sons is 0.39=1=0.04 (Table XXVIII), while the like relationship for the daughters is 0.18=1=0.04 (Table XXIX). These statistics show in a general way the existence of definite relationships between the home conditions of parents of high-school pupils and the amounts of schooling which the children receive. The data presented in Part IV were secured through the personal canvass made by the writer. Only the facts collected from the homes of whites, 234 in number, are used. Some of these homes had no children who had completed their education. Such homes will not be considered where relationships between schooling and various home conditions are presented. Where the facts are such that it makes no difference whether the children have completed their education or not, the entire group of 234 homes will be used. Any special selection of homes made will be mentioned when the facts are discussed. The method followed in securing the material presented in Part IV is open to the criticism that, since the canvasser knew what he was seeking, some of the items may have been more or less unconsciously weighted. Personally, the writer thinks that this criticism need not be taken seriously. Throughout the canvass the writer kept as scientific an attitude as possible and faithfully recorded all answers even though they failed to fit his preconceived ideas. As a means of observing this openmindedness the facts given in Part IV were collected before those presented in Part III had been evaluated. Urbana is composed of a rather homogeneous population. In the few homes which have foreign-born parents all speak the English language. Out of the total number of homes there were only five in which both parents were foreign born. These were people of German ancestry. Only 23 fathers and 8 mothers were born outside the United States (Table XXXI). A few of the parents born in this country came from homes in which only a foreign language was spoken (Table XXXII). SECTION I. SCHOOLING OF PARENTS AND CHILDREN The relationships existing between the education, as measured by years of schooling, of parents and children will be the theme of this section. In the main the data are approximations, estimates of all of the members of a family fourteen years of age or older given by some member of each family. The age fourteen was taken as the minimum because the compulsory education law operates until this age is reached, and those under fourteen have not legally completed their education. The local public-school system was used as a standard for comparison and all estimates were made by comparisons with it. An appreciable number of these people were educated in other schools — some in schools of other states. This fact introduces a small degree of unreliability. The writer feels, however, that, if the true amounts of schooling of these individuals could be ascertained, they would not vary from the amounts given here by more than a year or two, except in possibly five or ten cases where it was impossible to do more than estimate roughly the education of the individuals concerned. Such cases were those of dead parents and families where the father had deserted the home. In nearly all cases where there was any doubt, the amount listed is probably an overestimation instead of an underestimation. It was more difficult to estimate the education of those who had never gone beyond the elementary school. RELATIONSHIPS BETWEEN PARENTS AS TO NUMBER OF YEARS OF SCHOOLING Fathers and mothers are much alike with reference to the number of years of schooling they have received. Mothers as a group are slightly less variable in the matter of education than fathers (Fig. i). The mode and the median fall at eight years for both mothers and fathers. The last two years of the elementary school is where a large number of parents finished their schooling, probably because many of them were reared in the country, and rural schools did not extend beyond the eighth grade. Since the high school constitutes another division of the school, we again find, what common-sense has already taught us, that the end of the high school was also a stopping-place for a large number. Only a small number of people went to a college or university. This is somewhat surprising, until an explanation is sought, for Urbana has been the seat of the state university since its foundation in 1869. When it is remembered that university work until quite recently did little except prepare for the professions, this scarcity of college people seems more natural. Further, many of these professional people have been eliminated through the rejection of data from the university residence district. The correlation1 between the schooling of the father and the schooling of the mother is high, being 0.65=^0.03 (Table XXXIII). 1 It might be well to explain, at this point, what is meant by a coefficient of correlation. Coefficients of correlation are measures of resemblance between quantities found coexisting under varying conditions. There may be complete correspondence, +i . oo (the + sign is omitted in this study), or the exact opposite, — i . oo. Usually, however, the measures secured contain chance errors and a correlation of i.oo, positive (or negative), is almost never obtained. A coefficient of 0.60 or more, in this study, indicates a high degree of correspondence and becomes quite significant. RELATIONSHIPS BETWEEN PARENTS AND CHILDREN i. Fathers and sons. — The curve (Fig. 3) of this relationship looks as if some factor such as the compulsory education law had modified its general character. At any rate, the coefficient of correlation is low, being 0.47=^0.03 (Table XXXIV). 2. Mothers and daughters. — This relationship is much higher than that between fathers and sons and the curve (Fig. 4) lacks the flattened appearance at the lower end which characterizes the other. This may be due to the tendency of girls to stay in school longer than boys, or it may be a mere chance variation. The coefficient of correlation is o . 60 == 3. Fathers and daughters. — This relationship is higher than that between fathers and sons and lower than that between mothers and daughters. The difference is so little in either case that it cannot legitimately be made the basis of any conclusion. The coefficient of correlation is 0.56=^=0.03 (Table XXXVE). 5. Parental average and children. — When the average schooling of each family is correlated with the schooling of the children, a closer relationship is revealed. The coefficients of correlation are 0.65 ±0.03 for the sons (Table XXXVIII) and 0.62=1=0.03 for the daughters (Table XXXIX), a rather high degree of correspondence. 6. Sons and better-educated parent. — When the relationship which existed between the better-educated parent of each family and the sons hi the matter of schooling was evaluated, it furnished a correlation coefficient of 0.60=1=0.03 (Table XL). Comparisons. — All the sons and daughters who have been given in the data thus far presented in this section were reported as having completed their education. A few, perhaps, may reconsider their decisions and continue their schooling later. On the other hand, the parents passed the customary ages for school attendance long ago. Hence, when the amounts of schooling which the children have received are compared between the medians, 8 . 45 years for the fathers and 8 . 60 years for the sons, is only 0.15=1=0.19 year (Fig. 5). When these comparative surfaces of frequency are examined, it is seen that a few more fathers are at the lower end and a few more sons at the upper end. When the character of the school work completed by both groups is taken into consid- eration, it must be admitted that the present generation, although apparently attending school for no more years than its predecessor, has enjoyed a longer school year and a much richer curriculum. These slight differences may be explained partly by the increased educational opportunities offered to the present generation and partly by the desire on the part of parents, especially those poorly educated, to give their children a little better education than they themselves received. The nature of this difference may, perhaps, be seen best hi a comparison of the numbers who received more, the same, or less education than their parents (Tables XLII, XLIII, XLIV). In but few cases did the children of poorly-educated parents receive less education than their parents. When the education of the children of those parents1 who went to the eighth year or beyond is compared with that of their parents, there is no such marked increase. In comparison with the average education of these parents, 49 per cent of their sons and 64 per cent of their daughters received more education and 32 per cent of their sons and 20 per cent of their daughters received less. In comparison with these fathers 39 per cent of the sons and 59 per cent.of the daughters received more, while 45 per cent of the sons and 21 per cent of the daughters received less, showing that these sons actually received less education on the average than their fathers. When the mothers are considered, both the sons and daughters received slightly better average educations, 43 per cent of the sons and 57 per cent of the daughters receiving more than their mothers, and 34 per cent of the sons and 24 per cent of the daughters, less. Schooling of parents and progress of pupils now in school. — The children fourteen years of age and older who were reported to the writer as intending to continue their schooling were in various grades from the fifth to the last year of the university. An attempt to determine if retardation was greatest among the children of the less educated families was made by comparing each age group with a scale of "ideal progress." It assumes, of rule in Urbana. This, however, may not have been true of all the cases 1 This comparison was limited to these parents because their education extended beyond the age affected by compulsory attendance laws. The children of parents who have less education may be kept in school by law more than through parental influence. have progressed through the grades in the normal number of years. When the resulting comparisons are examined, it is seen that there is a positive relationship between home conditions and the progress of the pupils. With the girls this is only o. 22=1=0.06 (Table XLVI), while SECTION II. ECONOMIC HOME CONDITIONS This section deals with the economic status of the families under consideration. The economic status of a family is not always apparent to a visitor. Nor can one receive a wholly reliable estimate of it from an examination of the assessor's sheets. Since this study includes families all of whose children are grown, other families with infants taxing their resources, and all sorts of intermediate types, it is quite apparent that an index which adequately represents the economic status of each family is not easily obtainable. Three indices— rental value of home, personal property assessment, and real estate assessment— were selected as criteria, and the results bearing upon them are presented for what they are worth. RENTAL VALUES AND SCHOOLING OF CHILDREN Every home was assigned a rental value at the time the data were collected. This was a comparatively easy matter, for in most cases where the home was owned by the family the member who furnished the information to the writer was fairly well acquainted with rental values in the neighborhood. A little difficulty was experienced in determining rental indices for a few of the better homes which were built by their present occupants for their own use and which far surpassed all rented homes in the neighborhood in beauty and conveniences. In such cases the writer usually offered a conservative figure to some responsible member of the family for approval. Hence, nearly all the homes with rental indices of $40 a month or more are probably underestimated. Since rental values are subject to fluctuation, the approximations given here cannot be considered as valid or representative for any considerable period of time. A further complication was due to the presence of roomers in a few homes. This tended to reduce the real rents below the values assigned to these homes. Such families were included in the group given here, although such a procedure may be open to criticism. In spite of all the disturbing influences mentioned, it is felt by the writer that the rental index is a fairly good measure of the economic status of families. When the rental values were correlated with the amounts of schooling which the children have received, the coefficients of correlation, 0.63+ 0.03 for the sons (Table XL VIII) and 0.64+0.03 for the daughters (Table XLIX) , were obtained. If the large number of disturbing factors which have affected the indices are taken into consideration, these correlations seem high. summer of 1914 and the figures are supposed to represent one- third of the actual valuation that the properties would have at a forced sale. A few families that were overlooked by the assessor were given the values of the 1913 assessment. A few families that have more personal property than the average were missed by the assessor both times. Owing to the almost universal practice of "tax-dodging," the values given here contain a large element of unreliability. How large this is, cannot be determined. If it is a constant factor affecting all classes alike, it reduces the indices but does not shift them from their true order. Taking these errors into consideration, it is surprising that the correlations between the schooling of the children and the personal property assessment indices are as large as they are. They are 0.47=1=0.04 for the sons (Table L) and o. 52=^=0.04 for the daughters (Table LI). These figures were calculated for the group who were assessed. The real estate assessment indices were taken from the 1915 tax books just as the personal property indices were. Owing to the unalphabetical arrangement of the books, it would have been an extremely laborious and probably unprofitable task to ascertain the total values of the real property owned by the different individuals represented in our investigation. Because of this fact it was decided to take the value of the home in which the family lived, if owned by one of its members, as the real estate index. The assessed valuation was one-third of the actual valuation. The correlation of the real estate assessment indices with the schooling of the sons is 0.63== 0.04 (Table LII), and with the schooling of the daughters it is 0.58=^0.04 (Table LILT). These figures are calculated from the group of those who owned their homes. Allowing for the approximate character of the indices, it may be said that economic home conditions in Urbana are closely correlated with the amounts of schooling which the children receive. NUMBER OF BOOKS IN THE HOME AND SCHOOLING OF THE CHILDREN The number of books in a home is a rough index of the culture of the home. It does not take into consideration the possibility of using the free public library, an opportunity which has been open to all Urbana homes during recent years.1 It disregards the differences in the quality and character of the books, which were probably marked in some cases. Yet, in spite of these limitations, it bears a closer relationship to the number of years of schooling children receive than any other measure used in this study. For the sons the coefficient of correlation between the books in the home and the number of years of schooling is 0.67=^=0.03 (Table LV); for the daughters it is 0.68 =±=0.02 (Table LVI). Out of a total of 234 families 34 reported one or more grown individuals not members of the family but living in the home. Housing conditions are measured by number of rooms per individual. In rinding this index no distinction was made between children and adults. In general, the housing conditions found in this investigation were quite good. Very little overcrowding existed and, in an appreciable number of cases, it seemed as though the people had more room than they could use conveniently. Housing conditions are probably a reflection of economic status. Measured merely by the number of rooms per individual the relationships which exist between housing conditions and education of sons and daughters are 0.50=^0.03 and 0.48=1=0.03, respectively (Tables LVII, LVIII). If the size of the rooms and the presence or absence of modern conveniences, such as bath and toilet, had been taken into consideration, the correlation would probably have been higher. INTERRELATIONSHIPS Thus far in Part IV the various factors have been considered separately. In reality, they are all interrelated. A few of these interrelationships will be given to show the fallacy which results when conclusions overlook the complex character of social phenomena. a) Schooling of parents and number of books in the home. — As might be forecasted, there is a close relationship between the schooling of the parents and the number of books found in the home. This correlation, 0.60=4=0.03 for the fathers (Table LIX) and 0.61== 0.03 for the mothers (Table LX), is not so high, however, as that previously noticed between the number of books in the home and the schooling of the children. The difference is not enough to be very significant, however. b) Number of books in the home and size of family. — The relationship which exists between the number of books in the home and the number of children in that home is slightly negative, — o. 10== 0.04 (Table LXI). c) Rent and size of family. — To a slight extent the better homes are occupied by the smaller families. The coefficient of correlation between size of family and rental values is also slightly negative, being — o. io== d) Schooling of parents and size of family. — That educated parents have smaller families has been observed so often that it has become a matter of common knowledge. When expressed by a coefficient of correlation, this relationship is —0.20=^0.04 (Table LXIII). Of course, it must be kept in mind that only families that had children were included in this group. It may be that there are more families without children among the better educated. If so, a selection of homes which included such homes in addition to those studied here would reveal a larger negative correlation. e) Education of children and size of family.1 — When the entire group is examined, it is seen that the children who came from large families did not go to school so long as those who came from small families. This fact is expressed by the coefficient of correlation, —0.20=1=0.05 (Table LXIV). This is the same as the relationship which exists between the schooling of the parents and the size of the family. It has already been shown2 that there is a decided relationship between the schooling of the parents and the schooling of the children. The foregoing coefficient of correlation, then, may be merely another way of expressing the relationship which exists between the schooling of the parents and the size of the family. If the influence of the education of the parents could be eliminated, it might be possible to ascertain the presence or absence of a true relationship between the size of family and the schooling of the children. An attempt to do this was made as follows: The median schooling of parents is eight years for the entire group. The average schooling of the children of each family was increased or decreased by the same number of years that the average schooling of the parents varied from this median. Thus, if the parents averaged seven years and the children averaged six years, the parents would be one year below the median and the index of the children would be increased by one year. Similarly, if the parents averaged twelve years and the children fifteen years, the parents would be four years above the median and the index of the children would be decreased four years. These revised educational averages of the schooling of the children were then correlated with the number of children in each home. This procedure eliminates the influence of the schooling of the parents. It does not counteract other factors which may act somewhat independently of the education of the parents, such as economic status or number of books in the home. Further, compulsory education influences affect the level of some of the homes of the poorly educated which have large families and tend to counterbalance any negative relationship which may exist. The results do not show any decided correlation. The slight negative relationship, — o . 06 == o . 05 (Table LX V) , which was found, is virtually a zero correlation. A FAMILY INDEX The fact that the factors thus far considered probably acted conjointly instead of independently in determining the amounts of schooling which the children received suggested that it might be possible to weight the various items in such a way as to give each family an index and then find the relationship which existed between this index and the schooling of the children. This was done as follows: The 25 percentile deviation from the median was found for each of the three items, average education of the parents, number of books in the home, and monthly rental. These figures, which were approximately 2 years, 62^ volumes, and $7 . 50, respectively, were then divided by five to give more convenient divisions. Each of these divisors, 0.4 year, 12^ volumes, and $1.50, was given a value of one unit. The number of tunes the respective divisors were contained in the quantities which represented the average education of the parents, the number of books in the home, and the monthly rental of a family gave the number of units credited to each of these items. The figure representing the units given a family for an item was squared and the sum of the squares for the three items gave the family index. This can be made clear best by a concrete example. A family whose parents have an average education of 8 years, which has one hundred books in the home, and pays $15 a month rent will serve as an illustration of the method. Dividing 8 years by the educational divisor, 0.4 year, gives 20 units, which is 400 when squared. Similarly, one hundred books when divided by the library divisor, 12? volumes, gives 8 units, which equals 64 when squared. The rental index, $15, divided by the rental divisor, $i . 50, gives 10 units, which, when squared, furnishes 100 more. The sum of 400, 64, and 100, or 564, is the index of this family. the opportunities presented to the children by their respective homes. This method gave the best home an index of 4,289, while the poorest received but 32. The possibilities of the best in contrast with the poorest are, according to the opinion of several people acquainted with both homes, as different as these indices imply. There is a gulf between them. The coefficients of correlation between this family index and the education of the children are higher than those expressing any single relationship. They are the same, 0.73=^=0.02 (Tables LXVI, LXVII) for both sons and daughters. TABLE LXVIII Number of books in home correlated with schooling of sons. . . 0.6 7== 0.03 Number of books in home correlated with schooling of daughters o . 68 =»= o . 02 Number of rooms per individual correlated with schooling of OCCUPATIONS OF THE FATHER The occupations of the fathers (Table LXIX) show that this group contains representatives from almost every stratum of the economic life of the community. Most of the occupations are represented by too small a number, however, to furnish comparisons. The first thirteen occupations will be compared with respect to the schooling of the fathers, the rent of the homes, the number of books in the homes, and the schooling of the children.1 1 The group "Farmers" is not on a par with the others. Six of the 13 fathers are dead, having been deceased in some cases for fifteen years. All of these families are living in town. Most of these farmers have retired as far as any active farm life is concerned. reliable conclusions. The material, however, is very suggestive. It appears that an eighth-grade education is the minimum for the occupations of real estate and insurance men, grocers, and merchants. For most of the others a seventh-grade education is near the minimum. Laborers are still lower, with an average education of but six years. Ministers are the best-schooled group. One of their number, however, belongs to one of the smaller denominations which cares little for an educated clergy. He is really a laborer by vocation and a preacher by avocation. b) Occupations and rent. — In this comparison (Table LXXI) the retired farmers, the real estate and insurance men, the grocers, the ministers, and the merchants make the best showing. Laborers make the poorest. The median rentals of the other occupational classes fall in the $15 and $20 groups. c) Occupations and number of books in home. — The influence of a scholastic occupation appears here (Table LXXII). The ministers have libraries which correspond to their education and occupation. On the other hand, laborers are almost without libraries, for the average number of books in a laborer's home is less than twenty-five. This means that these homes have almost no books other than the Bible, a couple of hymn-books, and the children's schoolbooks. The remainder of the occupational groups fall between these extremes in a close correlation with economic position. the groups is further complicated by the fact that some of the families had more children than others. Some families had but one child, while some had eight or ten. Hence it is probable that the medians obtained by combining boys and girls are more reliable than the medians for either sex alone. This procedure shows the children of real estate and Merchants insurance men to be the best educated. Next come the children of merchants, retired farmers, ministers, grocers, and painters and paperhangers. The most poorly educated are the children of laborers. It was thought that it might prove interesting and perhaps instructive to examine those families which have had to be visited by the truant officer. The woman who occupies this position in Urbana has been in charge of the work for twelve years. Through the performance of the duties of her office she has become acquainted with those families whose children were of legal school age but did not attend school as the statutes require. The writer took a list of the names and addresses of the families that furnished the data which have been presented in Part IV to this woman and requested her to mark all the families which she had visited hi her official capacity. This she very kindly did. These families were then studied, with respect to the schooling of the parents, the number of books in the home, the rental value of the home, and the schooling of the children, and compared with the positions of the remainder of the families as to these items. It is probable that there are other families included in this study who moved to Urbana after their children were fourteen years of age or older who would have been included in the group that furnished work for the truant officer if they had always lived in Urbana. way by the Urbana truant officer — 30 families; Group B, those who have not received any official visits from the truant officer since they have lived in Urbana — 204 families. fathers in the homes which received the official visits of the truant officer went to school i . 45 years less on the average than the fathers in those homes which did not receive an official visit from the truant officer. They received a median schooling of 7 . 33 years as compared with 8 . 78 years for the second group. The median of Group A mothers is 7 . 44 years; of Group B mothers it is 8.85 years. c) Rental values of home. — Group B families live in a much better class of homes than Group A families (Table LXXVII). The median home in Group A has a rental value of $12.50 per month, while the median home in the other group would rent for $20. d) Education of the children. — The differences between the schooling of the children of Group A and Group B (Table LXXVIII) are somewhat greater than the parental difference in education already noted. The sons of Group A received an average of 7.35 years of schooling, while those of Group B received an average of 8 . 94 years. The daughters of the first group averaged 8.15 years, while those of the second group averaged 10.16 years. e) Causes of truancy. — The truant officer gave a rough classification of the causes of truancy. In five homes the main cause seemed to be indifference on the part of the parents. In eleven others poverty was the thing which was most evident. The children from such homes did not have the clothes necessary to enable them to attend school, or the parents kept them out to work. With the remainder the causes were more complex and, in some cases, outside of the home. In one case a boys' club was an important factor. In another an unsympathetic teacher, combined with rigid application of school rules and regulations, proved to be almost more than home and truant officer could counteract. In other cases the cause was the slackening of home supervision until the parents did not know what the boy or girl was doing. Truancy, however, did not lead to early elimination in those cases where the better homes were concerned. Almost without exception the children from the better homes — they can be told by their superior status in schooling, library, or rent — continued into the high school and, in some cases, into college. Charities' office. A conference with the superintendent disclosed the fact that only three of these families had received organized aid during the existence of the local United Charities organization, a period of two years. These families were the families of two laborers and a carpenter. The parents were poorly educated, as were the children. They were not, however, the most poorly or the least educated of those studied. Several other families were worse off educationally and economically, but were self-supporting. The writer estimated, judging from the view obtained through the front door when gathering the data, that about 10 per cent of the homes feel the pinch of poverty at times. This condition was always accompanied by the absence of the father from the home or by poorly educated parents. CAUSES OF ELIMINATION After a part of the data had been gathered, it occurred to the writer that it might be of value to ask the causes of the failure of the children to secure as good an education as it seemed that they might have done. Accordingly questions were asked to secure this information. The results of such a crude method cannot be accurate, but they are suggestive. The causes of elimination are given in Table LXXIX. It is Country schools 12 recognized that some of these replies may have been given merely to please the person asking the questions. The frankness and readiness with which the replies were given, however, leads the writer to think that these replies were the usual ones that these people made to similar questions on other occasions. The major roles which opportunity and mere whims on the part of the children played in determining the lengths of their schooling leaves but a minor part for economic pressure. Probably but few of these poorly educated children could not have gone to school for a year or two more if those in the home had felt the value of such a course and if there had been the opportunity. EVIDENCES OF ENVIRONMENTAL MOLDING It has been a common observation of teachers and others that the children of large families are not all alike in their characteristics. Physically there is much variability. This is likewise true when intellectual traits are considered. In this group of 234 families, however, it was observed that there was frequently a marked uniformity in the -amounts of schooling which the children of a family received. In an attempt to learn how frequently these phenomena appeared, all families which contained four or more children who had completed their schooling were examined. There were thirty-four such families (Table LXXX). In more than one-half of them, all the children of a family received nearly the same amounts of schooling. In many cases where there was variability it could often be explained by a change in the environment, such as resulted from moving from one town to another. In family No. i the children attended a country school which offered only limited opportunities. The children of family No. 2 attended a German parochial school which offered but seven years of schooling. It is probable that the children of these thirty-four families are as variable in native characteristics as other children. Hence the uniformity present must be explained by crediting it to the coercive effect of the home and community environment. frequent causes of truancy. Only three of the families received organized charitable assistance during the past two years. About 10 per cent of the homes probably felt the pinch of poverty at times. All these were homes of poorly educated parents or had experienced a break in the home life due to death or domestic troubles. It is probable that lack of an opportunity or the lack of an appreciation of the value of education by those in the home was responsible, hi the main, for most early eliminations. The home and community environment "molded" some of the large families to a marked uniformity with respect to the number of years of schooling which the children received. THE IMPORTANCE OF ENVIRONMENTAL INFLUENCES The data presented in this part of the report were secured through personal visits to 32 homes in which adopted children had been reared. In one of these homes the adopted child had been reared in the country; the data about this individual were rejected on further consideration as not being comparable with the others. The remaining 31 homes were represented by 39 adopted children. While the writer was gathering the information it was discovered that 7 of these children were the offspring of relatives of the foster-parents. To eliminate entirely the factor of heredity these 7 were discarded. This left 28 homes containing 32 foster-children, none of whom was related to his or her foster-parents. Date of Birth of Children. — These adopted children were born at various periods during a relatively long stretch of time. Thirty-four years elapsed between the birth of the first and the birth of the last. It follows that educational opportunities have changed much during the different decades in which they have been educated. It is also true that the foster-parents, reared a generation ago, had a more restricted educational opportunity than those of the present generation. This wide range of time must be kept in mind when the relationship between the education of the parents and the education of the children is considered. The educational opportunities of the children have been more nearly constant than those of the parents, for the state university has been in full operation during the entire period that any of these children might have attended. Age when adopted. — In 28 of the 29 cases in which the facts were available the children were adopted at or before the age of twelve (Table LXXXII). Nine were adopted before they were two years of age. The date of adoption, however, was not always the date when the foster-home assumed control of the child. 1 This information was collected with the explicit understanding that it would be treated confidentially. By presenting the occupations separately it is thought that no confidences are violated. In a number of cases the court records showed that the child had been living with the foster-parents for years before legal adoption was effected. It is probable that this was true in other cases, although no statement of the fact appeared in the adoption records. Reasons for adoption. — These children were adopted because they were public charges or were about to become so. Enough was told by the court records to make it plain that the history of each case was the this subject. history of a tragedy (Table LXXXIII). The records were brief and meager, but they were all of the same general tone, such as tales of the death of father or mother, inefficiency on the part of father or mother, and desertion of an unwelcome child. In other words, these children, almost without exception, were born under the most unpromising conditions, conditions which would suggest weakness of hereditary stock. There is nothing in their origins to indicate a single superior child. Not a single home left property for the support of the child. All of the parents were poor. They were adopted into homes which were childless or into the homes of relatively wealthy parents who, after their own children had grown up, still desired to have a child in the household. Three children, including those adopted, represented the largest number found in any of these homes. ous business, industrial, and professional activities of this community. Education of foster-parents and of children. — The relationship which exists between the education of the children and the education of the foster-parents is not very close, being only o . 3 2 == o . 1 1 (Table LXXXV) . The lack of opportunity under which some of the older parents were reared may be responsible for this in a large measure. children received a high-school education or better, and only 4 of them failed to go to the high school for at least a few months. In comparison with the average number of years of schooling which their foster-parents received, 22 of these children received more education, i the same, and 6 less. When their origins are taken into consideration it seems that a large amount of credit must be given to the new environment into which adoption transplanted them. of the other parent was unknown. Number of books in home and education of adopted children. — There is a slightly closer relationship between the education of the adopted children and the number of books in the home than the previous correlation (Table LXXXVI) . The coefficient is o . 42 == o . 10. In one case at least this is lowered by the fact that a library had been inherited. Rental value of home and education of adopted children. — The main reason for the adoption of these children was an economic one. They were dependent. If these homes were much alike in their social attitudes, the education of the adopted children was determined largely by the economic opportunities of the foster-homes. This seems to have been the case for the relationship between rental value of home and Family index and education of adopted children. — The family index was calculated by the same method that was used in Part IV. The resulting relationship is a combination of the three preceding ones. This device gave a coefficient of correlation of o . 54== o . 09 (Table LXXXVIII) between family index and education of adopted children. Financial status of home and education of adopted children. — These families were divided into three groups according to the estimates of financial status given by those who gave the other information. The three groups were average, between average and well-to-do, and wellto-do. These groupings are only approximations, but the resulting relationship proved to be unusually high, being 0.76== 0.05 (Table LXXXIX). Social viewpoint of foster-homes. — In one respect all these homes were alike. The parents had a yearning for children which was not satisfied by offspring of their own and which led them to feel a responsibility when they adopted a child. They desired to do the best they could for this child, and, since education is recognized as the clearest expression of opportunity, they gave the child, in most cases, as much as they could. In a few cases, however, the children took matters into their own hands and terminated their schooling before their parents wished it to end. It is possible, also, that the poor native ability of the child was the cause of one early elimination. The writer is quite certain that one child — one of the seven who were not considered because they were children of relatives — reached its upper educable limit with the first year of high school. But all things considered, it is probable that a common social standard made these homes strive to educate the children under their care to as great a degree as the nature of the child and their own resources permitted. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS These adopted children were born in homes where the parents were very poor, as a class, and the children were dependent, or about to become so, at the time they were taken into the foster-homes. They received a superior education as a class. One-half received a high-school education or better, and 22 of the 29 received more education than the average education of their foster-parents. It is probable that environment determined the amounts of schooling which 29 out of the 30 children received. It is possible that the environment, and not poor native ability, was responsible for the early elimination of the thirtieth. The schooling of adopted children was closely correlated with the conditions, especially financial, of the homes into which they were adopted. This certainly suggests that environment exerts a pronounced, if not a determining, influence on the number of years of schooling which children receive. Adopted children received as good an education, on the average, as the children of town-dwelling parents studied in Part III. Their fosterhomes were very similar, in economic, social, and educational characteristics, to the city homes of this high-school group. In comparison with the children of Part IV — children from average Urbana homes — adopted children received over three years more schooling. Numerous coefficients of correlation of varying degrees of reliability have been presented in the various sections of the study. These may be summarized, grouped according to the sources of the data, as shown in Table XCI. These facts, and others which cannot be so readily summarized, when taken as a whole, point to a number of general conclusions. Other generalizations of a more specific nature are supported by facts presented here and there throughout the study. In addition, there are a number of inferences and suggestions which seem to the writer to follow logically from a consideration of the data, although it cannot be said that they are proved conclusively. The interpretations will therefore be divided into three groups, general conclusions, specific conclusions, and inferences and suggestions. GENERAL CONCLUSIONS i. The most important conclusion, supported by the study as a whole, is that there is a close relationship between the advantages of a home, its educational, economic, and social stations, and the number of years of schooling which its children receive. This conclusion is supported by the pioneer study made in Decatur; by the facts gathered from the high-school pupils of Centralia, Champaign, Gibson City, and Rochelle; by the information secured through the personal canvass made in Urbana; and by the results of the study of adopted children. It might be worth while to discuss here the differences between these various parts of the study. The coefficients of correlation for the highschool group, Part III, are lower than those for the group which contains representatives of all classes, Part IV; while the group of adopted children, Part V, gives indications of a combination of the characteristics of both the other groups. This is not surprising when the groups are examined more closely. The high-school homes, Part III, contain the upper economic, educational, and social levels of the communities studied. This has resulted in the selection of those families which have favored a high-school education for their children. The less exact nature of the data furnished by the high-school pupils also tends to reduce the correlation coefficients for Part III. The correlations of Part IV, which contains the general sampling from Urbana, are less influenced by the variations in families, because more varied economic, educational, and social levels of the community were studied. The data are also more nearly accurate. The education of the foster-parents of the adopted children resembles in amount that of the parents of the high-school group. The especial importance of the economic factor, however, as a cause for the adoption of children is revealed in the high coefficient of correlation found in Part V between rent, or financial status, and education. This phase resembles the general selection of Part IV. As a whole there is a substantial agreement between the various classes of data. All point in the same direction. 2. Another conclusion, supported by various sections in particular and by the combined data in general, is that environmental influences more often caused a child to stop attending school than did lack of ability to do the work. This conclusion is supported especially by the study of adopted children. Some of the environmental influences were within the school, such as, perhaps, certain subject requirements, unsympathetic teachers, and arbitrary regulations. Others were outside the school and characteristic of the community or the family. These influences operated frequently in producing a dislike for school. They caused the pupil to get into that state of mind which is usually described by saying that he "has lost interest in school work." This condition is not necessarily an indication that the pupil lacks the ability to do the work he dislikes. It may mean that he is unfitted by native endowment to attain more than average success in this particular kind of work, but it does not necessarily mean that he could not do even better than the average in something else. Or, it may mean that respect for education is not among the family traditions under which he has been nurtured. It has been suggested, by some who give large stress to the factor of heredity, that the environmental factors measured here are merely an objective expression — a resultant — of the heredity of these homes; and that an even higher correlation would be found between the general intellectual ability of the parents and the amount of schooling their children receive. It seems to the writer that the facts brought out in the part devoted to adopted children suggest the improbability of such an outcome. the investigation might well be continued there. One could visit the families that furnished the information for Part IV of this study. These parents could be tested. The tests, to answer the purpose in a practical way, must be simple in application, as training on the part of the subject should not be presupposed. The results of the tests, when correlated with the amounts of schooling which the children received, would show how important the factors of heredity are, or, at least, whether heredity is as important as environment in determining the amounts of schooling the children receive. That there is a positive correlation between native ability and amounts of schooling received is doubtless true, but it is probably lower than is usually supposed. Such an investigation could be conducted just as well in another town as in Urbana, but it would then be necessary to secure the social data as well as the facts of heredity. A reliable comparison could not be made if one set of facts were taken from one town and another set from a different one, for there might be differences in the social composition which would vitiate the results. 3. Another conclusion which is almost a corollary of the two preceding is that early elimination is correlated with, and largely due to, factors outside the school. The school is only an institution of society. Society has created it and uses it as needs arise. Those who unreservedly blame the public school for elimination forget that the school imparts instruction to the children alone. Their parents were educated a generation earlier and can seldom be reached by the present-day school. 4. Since the amounts of schooling which children receive are closely correlated with the advantages of the homes from which they come, it follows that our high schools are largely attended and probably dominated during the last two or three years by pupils from homes of culture and of a reasonable measure of economic advantage. The well-to-do business and land-owning classes send their children, but the children of the laborer and artisan seldom graduate. This means, then, that the majority of our high-school graduates is furnished by a minority of the population. It also suggests something of the home type of those who attend our colleges and universities.1 1 The large proportionate increase in high-school enrolment revealed by statistics from the reports of the United States Commissioner of Education shows that these homes have been availing themselves of the opportunity for education to a greater degree each decade. Not only have more children enrolled in the public high school, but Mr. W. S. Miller has shown that they stay longer than they did twenty-five years ago. (Mr. W. S. Miller's statistics are given in the Illinois Teacher, April, 1915, p. 7, and hi School and Home Education, April, 1915, p. 282.) 5. If a person wished to forecast, from a single objective measure, the probable educational opportunities which the children of a home have, the best measure would be the number of books in the home. The highest single correlation was shown by this index. Further, it is an index which is easy to apply. It is probable, however, that a detailed analysis of the kinds of books found, the number bought each year, and the number and kind read by each member of the family would be a better criterion, though it would be more difficult to secure such facts. On the other hand, the increased patronage of public libraries, characteristic of some cities, may alter conditions somewhat. SPECIFIC CONCLUSIONS 1. There are a number of minor points which may be made the basis for specific conclusions. The correlation between the schooling of the father and that of the mother is one of these. This fact, which seems to indicate that men and women of approximately the same educational level tend to intermarry more often than mere chance or even propinquity would suggest, might be called "educational selection." This is a very important point when it is considered that it results in the concentrated transmission from one generation to the next of certain social characteristics which vary with the types of homes represented. It means that there is a continuity, and perhaps at times an intensification through generations, of the tastes, prejudices, traditions, ideals, and standards which make up the social life of a home. Family traditions and ideals are thus continuous although the different members of a home come and go; the individuals separate and form new homes, but these are much like the old home in social characteristics, and especially in educational and cultural standards. 2. The relationship which holds true between the schooling of parents and the schooling of their children who are no longer in school is paralleled by a similar relationship for those children who are yet in school. Retardation was most frequent among those children who came from poorly educated parents. This implies that retardation is due to causes outside the school similar to those which were responsible for elimination, and over which the school has little or no control. Hence it is possible that retardation is only indirectly responsible for elimination. 3. Truancy on the part of children is correlated, as a rule, with ignorance on the part of parents. In those cases where truancy occurred in the better homes, it was not followed by early elimination. This emphasizes the importance of the rigid enforcement of compulsory attendance laws. The people who most frequently violate them are usually those who have had a limited education or none at all and hence cannot appreciate its values. Their children must be protected from this parental ignorance, and the cumulative growth of a tradition of schooling must thus be insured. 4. The conclusion that size of family alone seems to have no marked effect on the education of the children may be due to the fact that these homes (the homes studied in Part IV) are nearly all far above the poverty line. The addition of one or two children would probably not affect the standard of living much, although most of the families are small and such an addition would make a relatively great difference in each one's proportion of the home's resources. Another possible explanation is that this factor is counterbalanced by the operation of compulsory attendance laws which force the children of poorly educated parents — most of the large families were found in such hoHies — to go to school much longer than their parents did. 5. The table giving the relationship between size of family and education of the parents reveals the fact that the population of Urbana is not quantitatively reproducing itself.1 Those parents who have attended only the elementary school have families which are barely large enough, on the average, to maintain the population. The better-educated families have only half enough children to do so. As a whole the population is slightly declining in numbers, except as it is increased through immigration. Further, it is being reproduced largely from the lower levels. As each level tends to reproduce its own kind socially, these facts have sociological importance. They indicate a condition which would be especially disconcerting if low social position were entirely due to inferior heredity and if there were no people of superior native ability in the untrained masses. Fortunately, there seems to be much ability in the masses which needs merely the opportunity to be trained to enable 1 It has been shown by investigation that, in any community, all families which have children must average four each to maintain an undiminished population. In Urbana the average family contains 3.62 children; see W. E. Kellicott, The Social Direction of Human Evolution (New York: D. Appleton & Co., 1913), p. 114. its possessors to take the place of our present leaders.1 This is happening, for the masses are being elevated educationally, as is shown by the fact that children in general receive more education than their parents. This condition is especially true of the poorly educated, for with them compulsory education brings this about in a marked way. It is conceivable, however, that, as centuries elapse, this constant reproduction of society from the bottom will result in a greater tendency to mediocrity in general. If society's best are continually selected by conditions which do not allow them to reproduce their share of offspring, a time may come when the best will have nearly all disappeared. This condition is to be found in some of the backward towns of New England where emigration has removed the best and left the dregs. Spain gave her best to the New World for centuries and her present inferior position is often said to be the result of this. Such a degeneration will not necessarily result in a cessation of progress by society in general, but it will result in lessening the proportion of those of superior talent. Even if exceptional ability is the result of a happy combination of parental characteristics which may occur among the masses, the low birth-rate among the well-to-do results in a distinct loss through the gradual lapse of the family traditions, ideals, and standards. 6. The education of fathers and mothers is closely correlated with the number of books in the home. In other words, the size of the home library is a measure of the dynamic effect of education. It is probable that the same relationships can be detected in the number and kind of magazines taken, the number and character of plays and entertainments attended, and other intellectual or social avocations, diversions, and recreations. It must be remembered that the facts which support this conclusion have reference merely to the amount of schooling which children receive. They can be applied to other points only in so far as the situations are analogous. The following quotation from the writings of one of the most prominent sociological writers of recent years bears upon this point: "The proposition that the lower classes of society are the intellectual equals of the upper classes will probably shock most minds Yet I do not hesitate to maintain and defend it as an abstract proposition. But, of course, we must understand what is meant by intellectual equality. I have taken pains to show that the difference in the intelligence of the two classes is immense. What I insist upon is that this difference in intelligence is not due to any difference in intellect. It is due entirely to difference in mental equipment." — Lester F. Ward, Applied Sociology (Boston: Ginn & Co., 1906) p. 91. INFERENCES AND SUGGESTIONS There are many points which were suggested by the data and by general impressions which were of such a nature that they could not be readily reduced to statistical facts. Others can be inferred from the study, although the figures do not prove them conclusively. A few of these inferences and suggestions follow: 1. One point which is suggested by the close correlation between the education of parents and home conditions, but which does not lend itself to statistical demonstration, is that the amount of education of the parents is the most important and persistent factor influencing the schooling of the children. Within certain limits it determines the occupation of the family breadwinner and restricts the earning power in any particular occupation. In a broad way, it forecasts the reading tastes of the parents, though the number of books in a home may be dependent more upon ability to buy than upon ability to enjoy. 2. Closely related to the preceding point is a more subtle and intangible outcome which may be called appreciation of the values of an education. This term describes the attitude of mind in which a person decides whether further schooling is worth the cost of obtaining it — cost being considered to mean the postponement of the satisfaction of social and other wants as well as economic loss. This appreciation of values serves as an impelling guide to both children and parents. For the child the values must be rather immediate to induce him to stay in school, while parents, with a longer life behind them, can appreciate remoter advantages. With the better-educated parents their own experiences with an education make them see that it was worth while to undergo the restraints and discomforts necessary to secure it because it made much pleasure possible. But the mere factor of custom or tradition is probably stronger than this reasoned conclusion. It is probable that children frequently do not appreciate the values of an education, but their parents do. The children then attend school because of parental pressure. This was clearly illustrated by some of the truancy cases.1 On the other hand, the child may think an education is worth while even though his parents do not, but this does not seem to be usual. In this case he may continue his education even in the face of discouragements. When both parents and child do not appreciate the values of an education, school attendance will probably be continued only so long as society's appreciation, as expressed in compulsory attendance laws, is operative. Similarly, neighborhood and community appreciation of the values of school attendance may coerce the family and shorten or lengthen the schooling of children. This is especially true when this appreciation reaches the stage where it becomes the "fashion" to do a thing. These " values" may be purely economic. Education may stand for nothing more than increased earning power. It is probable that children who have given little thought to the future are less influenced by a possible economic advantage than are their parents. A dollar looks powerful to the child who never has had the privilege of spending any, and the allurements of the poorly paid "blind-alley" job are strong. Often the child does not realize that his future earning power would be greatly increased by a few more years in school. Parents themselves do not always realize it. Further, there are individual cases where more than a limited amount of schooling is almost a waste of time because of the lack of ability of those receiving it. Since the average parent reasons from the exception more often than from the rule, these exceptions stand out and have resulted in the popular notion, prevalent on certain social levels, that it does not "pay" to go to school. The better-educated parents are more likely to see the economic value of a good education and to compel the child to attend school. In other dJses attendance at school is favored because of the social prestige which is often the lot of those who attend high school and college. This "value" is probably more often the guiding motive with girls than with boys. It is especially in evidence in the choice of certain girls' schools by parents. This is a remoter end which probably influences the parents more than the children. A similar factor is at work with the children where the school life, especially in the high school, is connected with so many social pleasures — parties, athletic contests, clubs, and fraternities — so that as a result it is far more enjoyable than the life outside the school. This "value" is immediate and influences the children more than it influences the parents. Another "value" is the purely intellectual pleasure which some pupils derive from their school work, the satisfaction of the "thirst for knowledge." There is no doubt that this is a very strong motive with certain pupils natively endowed with minds well fitted for intellectual work. ^ These various "values," economic, social, and intellectual, are not independent in their operation. They are nearly always combined, though one may predominate with one individual and a different one with another. They are, however, largely beyond the control of the public school as it has been operated in the past, and will probably remain so in the future. When values are not recognized by the children , their schooling will stop unless pressure from others — parents, friends, or community — prevents. The foregoing discussion may be summarized by saying that parents seldom feel the need, and frequently do not recognize the advantage, of much more schooling than they themselves received. When the children have reached a realm of knowledge of which the parents are ignorant, they (the parents) often remark in substance: "Johnny has a better, education than we ever received. We have made a good living. He ought to be able to do the same. - This is especially true of homes where the parents have had little schooling and where "a good living" means little more than the bare necessities of life. This attitude is frequent where the parents are poor and can be assistejl somewhat if the children contribute a few dollars to the family income. 3. Growing out of this appreciation of values when handed down through several generations is what may be called a family tradition of schooling. Appreciation reaches a stage where it is no longer rational but is a "prejudice." In such a home a child is almoj); as certain to attend school, if he keeps his health, as day is certain to follow night. The tradition often centers around some particular school or even a particular curriculum. Every child must follow the same path. - Older brothers and sisters help the movement along and send the younger ones. On the other hand, it is probable that there are families in which the opposite is true. To them education is the mark of a despised upper class and they and theirs will have none of it.1 correlated with the schooling of the children might lead one to think that 1 The tradition of schooling may be cumulative in its effect. The children of one generation may be kept in school by compulsory attendance legislation. When they rear families, however, they may desire their children to have a better education than they themselves received. This will lead to a gradual cumulative increase of family traditions of schooling. Compulsory attendance laws have been adequately enforced for such a brief period of time in most communities that we must wait for the growth of the next generation before accurate information can be obtained on tnis point. low economic status was primarily responsible for much early elimination. The close interrelations of the various factors, as well as other data presented, show that this is probably not true. Indirectly, however, it is probable that lack of economic resources plays an important role, especially in bringing about elimination from the high school, where social stratification begins to manifest itself. A sensitive adolescent, from a home which could not furnish him with a clean linen collar every day, the newest cut in coat and trousers, and other marks of a well-to-do class, might prefer to leave school and go to work, in spite of all the wishes of his parents to the contrary, rather than face the jibes and slights of his schoolmates. Similarly, in poor homes, if the child is large enough to earn a little money, this is sufficient reason for him to leave school and contribute to the family income, although it might not be a great hardship for the parents to keep him in school a year or two longer. The fact that the girls averaged a year more schooling than the boys may be a reflection of the low earning power of an adolescent girl, which is much less than that of an adolescent boy. 5. Beginning with Ayres'1 influential study of retardation and elimination there has been a disposition on the part of investigators to place the blame for the failure and elimination of pupils upon the organization and administration of the school, and especially upon the school program of studies. Such references can be found in a number of the important surveys.2 It has become the fashion to ascribe the failure of the school 1 Leonard P. Ayres, Laggards in Our Schools (published by the Russell Sage Foundation, New York, 1909). Dr. Ayres says: "Our courses of study as at present constituted are fitted not to the slow or to the average child but to the unusually bright one." 2 Leonard P. Ayres, A Survey of the Public Schools of Springfield, Illinois (published by the Russell Sage Foundation, New York City, 1914). While discussing the "significance of progress records" the report says (p. 55): "Quite unconsciously the schools of this city, like those of many other cities, have developed a course of study, a system of examinations and promotions, and methods of teaching — in short an entire school system — better fitted for the needs and requirements of the girls than for those of the boys. Those conditions can be remedied and their alteration is one of the most important tasks which confronts the schools." In the Report of the Survey of the Public School System of School District No. I, Multnomah County, Oregon, City of Portland, 1913, in the section devoted to "needed reorganizations," Superintendent J. H. Francis says (p. 192): "The marked school death-rate in the seventh and eighth grades, to which Portland forms no exception (see Fig. 8, p. 150), can be accounted for by subject-matter in the course of study, methods of presentation, and general school conditions not congenial to early adolescence." to these agencies. But in Urbana retardation and elimination were closely correlated with home conditions, factors over which the school has almost no control. How then can the public school be entirely to blame? Many of these children are social and industrial "misfits" as well as "misfits" in the public school. Some of them, undoubtedly, are mentally subnormal. These require individual or special treatment and profit little, as far as society is concerned, from their training. Many "misfits" are handicapped by home environments, will always be retarded, and will furnish the most of those eliminated early in the competition of life. Though the public school may be responsible for a few of these "misfits," many of them are due to social and other conditions outside of it. Unless the activities of the public school can be so extended as to control and direct the home and neighborhood life — something entirely beyond its proper sphere — slow progress and early elimination on the part of some are to be expected. 6. Because of the social factors involved, the differences between cities with respect to retardation and elimination may not be a measure of the relative efficiency of their school systems at all, but may be merely an indication of corresponding differences in the composition of the population of these cities.1 A better measure of school and system efficiency might be furnished by the comparative improvement which has been made during a definite period. But such a comparison would have to include any changes in social conditions which may have taken place during that time. 7. For similar reasons curriculum changes, such as the "six-six plan" and the introduction of vocational work, cannot be expected to be unfailing panaceas for retardation and elimination.2 Vocational work, appealing strongly, as it probably will, to the economic motives of parents and children, may lessen these evils somewhat, but it has its 1 This point was made by E. L. Thorndike in his study, "The Elimination of Pupils from School" (Department of the Interior; Bureau of Education, Bulletin No. 4, 1907). Thoradike says (pp. 14-15): "In the opinion of the author, however, the character of the cities' population is more important than the character of their educational administrations as a cause of the variability of elimination." 2 This point has been recognized by some of those who have investigated the problems of vocational education. Thus David S. Hill says: "We cannot find in industrial training a panacea for all of our social evils." (Facts about the Public Schools of New Orleans in Relation to Vocation, published by the Commission Council, New Orleans, June, 1914.) limitations. The kinds of skills which can be imparted through the vocational work of any school or the schools of any one city are necessarily limited. Schools must confine their attention to the most general types of vocational training,1 and many of these demand a preparation in the educational fundamentals as a foundation. Retardation and elimination frequently manifest themselves before these fundamentals are attained. Hence vocational education is greatly restricted in its possible sphere. The only way to insure the more adequate training of these children is to keep them in school longer through compulsory legislation. It may be expedient to offer vocational training to some of them, but vocational training should not be introduced into the public schools with the expectation that it will "interest" all such children and thus keep them all in school longer. Social forces doom it to failure if it is introduced with such an expectation. 8. The yearly influx of vast numbers of illiterate immigrants from southeastern Europe and western Asia is a phenomenon which may well be viewed with apprehension when considered in the light of the facts presented in this study. If these people were otherwise similar to the earlier immigrants in their social behavior, the absence of a tradition of schooling would be a serious thing. The probability of imparting such a prejudice to them under the conditions among which they live and work in this country is rather remote. From this standpoint a literacy test in our immigration laws might be of untold value. Studies of various foreign-born communities in the United States, conducted as this study has been, might furnish us with some very important facts which would aid in understanding the problems of assimilation. 9. All the arguments and facts thus far advanced which suggest that retardation and elimination are largely due to forces outside the public school do not justify teachers and school officials in neglecting any steps which will lessen retardation and elimination. These people should work just as faithfully as ever to adjust the schools to the needs of the state and of the local community. They have done much in the past 1 The impossibility of providing vocational training -where specific skills must be taught is obvious when it is recalled that 40 of the 98 parental occupations represented in this study might be classed as professions and skilled or semiskilled trades. None of the 40 is followed by as many as 7 per cent of the fathers, and most of the occupations have only one or two representatives. Only those skills which are common to a number of occupations can be taught, such as, perhaps, mechanical drawing and the reading of blueprints or commercial work. and are wide awake to possibilities. These arguments and facts, however, may be a comfort to schoolmen who have been severely criticized by investigators because of the amount of retardation and elimination present in their communities after they have done their best to remedy defects. iO; Another point worthy of mention is the possible effect of the blind action of social pressure which keeps children in school who are so poorly endowed with native ability as to be unable to profit from the instruction. This has happened in the past and is still happening in many cases with the feeble-minded. They were given the same work as other children though unable to profit by it. In a similar way children probably are forced to attend the high school and even the college when not at all fitted for the work. They leave school unable to apply the education that they have had. Their failures furnish the stock arguments of the man in the street with respect to the uselessness of an education. However, no one has clearly demonstrated the existence of any considerable number of these failures. Although they make comparatively little use of the education they have received, they may be much better off with it than without it. ii. This study is, in all probability, qualitatively representative of conditions in the small cities and towns of Illinois and perhaps throughout the Middle West. It is probable that the problem may be complicated by other factors when the foreign-born part of the population of large cities is considered. In rural districts opportunity may play a much more significant role than in the cities studied. But it is probable that the better-educated and well-to-do classes will strive to educate their children although they may not always use the public school to attain their ends. Quantitatively, conditions are likely to vary from place to place and the quantitative facts given here must be restricted, when quoted, to the places from which they were secured. early elimination. 5. The popular notion, which places the responsibility upon the public school for the marked elimination which is commonly found, does not allow for the operation of powerful social factors outside the school, in comparison with which the influence of the public school is almost insignificant. 6. The amounts of retardation and elimination present in a school system are not necessarily measures of the efficiency of that system, for these phenomena may be due to the operation of factors outside the public school. \ sirable consequences. 9. Educators who have been blamed for inefficiency because of the retardation and elimination found in their schools can find facts presented here which show that investigators of school conditions have sometimes overlooked important social factors. Ayres discusses the factors of death, increase of population, retardation, and elimination as they affect the enrolment of the higher grades. The following significant quotation is found in this article: "Dr. Thorndike reaches the conclusion that the amount of elimination is comparatively unrelated to the efficiency of the school system and deprecates any inferences as to the latter from the rate of elimination which results from his studies. Our studies have led us to similar results in comparing the grade inequalities of different cities." " Such figures as are available indicate that in our cities less than three-fourths of the children continue in attendance as much as three-fourths of the year. Retardation results in elimination." 1 This bibliography attempts to give a complete list of the better-known literature which deals with the qualitative side of retardation and elimination. References which are confined to the quantitative side of the subject alone are not included. Much excellent material can be found in city-school or board of education reports, but these reports have only a limited circulation. Hence they are not included. All articles or books that have been referred to in the study are included. The author hopes to prepare a comprehensive review of this literature for publication hi some educational journal in the near future. This is a study of school histories and presents a very comprehensive view of retardation and elimination. Mr. Cameron says in his conclusion : " An accumulation of gathering forces, as the pupil wends his way along the school course, is the real cause of leaving. The home and school and society in general are all more or less responsible for the final outcome, leaving school." CAMPBELL, EVERETT EVELETH. "A Study of Retardation and Class Standing on the Basis of Home Language Used by Pupils," Elementary School Teacher, XIV (1913-14), 262-82, 331-4?- " If this is so, we may be justified in concluding that, with the exception of the elimination of the first few years of school, the pupils who drop out are as a group very nearly as well qualified for further study as those who remain throughout the course of study in the high school and university." ELWOOD, DEWITT, TAYLOR, E.H., AND WILEY, J. F. "A Study of Retardation and Elimination in Certain Schools of Eastern Illinois, with a Consideration of the Causes," School and Home Education, XXXII (1912-13), The main causes for retardation given were late entrance, irregular attendance, lack of ability, poor physical conditions, and indifference. These include about 85 per cent of the causes of retardation. The main causes of elimination were to go to work, ill health, removal, failure in studies, and indifference. EWING, E. F. "Retardation and Elimination hi the Public Schools," Educational Review, XL VI (1913), 252-72. This study suggests that differences between the two cities studied may be due to differences in composition of population. Social causes, such as negligent parents and moving, are given as responsible for much retardation and elimination. The writer states that the causes of retardation were then unknown. — . "Some Further Considerations upon the Retardation of the Pupils of Five City School Systems," Psychological Clinic, II (1908-9), 57-74. Illiterate parents furnished more than their share of the children found in the first three grades. Those wards of the city which had a low social level produced an abnormal amount of retardation. The children of very rich and very poor were more often retarded than were those from homes of average wealth. In addition to a theoretical discussion there is the report of the investigation of the progress of 1,957 pupils through school. Out of a total of 716 pupils who took more than the scheduled time to complete the work, at least 518 were retarded on account of conditions for which the school was not responsible. Sickness was the most potent retardation factor. This study considered the city by wards and related the conditions in the the school to the social conditions outside of it. The conclusions place considerable stress upon the influence of home conditions. SOLDAN, F. Louis. "Age of Withdrawal from School," Annual Report of Superintendent of Public Schools, Forty-first Annual Report of St. Louis Public Schools, 1895, pp. 37-49. Department of the Interior, Bureau of Education, 1911, Bulletin No. 5. Synopsis of the Finding of the Vocational Education Survey of the City of Richmond by the General Survey Committee. New York: Published by the National Society for the Promotion of Industrial Education, 1914. HOBBS, W. W., PARSONS, E. DUDLEY, HOLBROOK, D. H., SHEPHERD, W. H. "Report of the Survey Committee of the Schoolmasters' Club of Minneapolis. An Inquiry into the Causes of Student Delinquency," School Review, XX (1912), 593-612. The committee found a variety of bad home and community conditions prevalent. The children who were delinquent were away from home much of the time and frequently attended questionable amusements. The writer says: "Most investigators and educators lay the heaviest share of the blame to unfavorable home conditions." She shows how the school may help hi some cases by looking after the neglected sides of the child's life. The writer was born at Maiden, Illinois, June 4, 1887. His publicschool education was obtained in the Graham School of Chicago, Illinois, and in the Franklin Grove (Illinois) public school, he having graduated from the high school of the latter place in 1904. His college and graduate work have been completed at the Northern Illinois State Normal School, DeKalb (a graduate of the class of 1908), and at the University of Illinois (A.B. 1912; A.M. 1913). The writer was & Scholar in Education at the University of Illinois during 1912-13 and a Fellow in Education during 1913-14 and 1914-15. He is a member of Kappa Delta Pi, Phi Delta Kappa, and Sigma Xi. The teaching experience of the writer consists of one year as a rural teacher, one term as a sixth-grade teacher in the Normal Training School at DeKalb, one term as assistant critic in the same school; two years as superintendent and principal of the Newark (Illinois) public school, and eight weeks as Assistant in Education, summer session, University of Illinois, 1914. The following articles have been published by the writer: "The Influence of Family Incomes and Other Factors on High School Attendance," School and Home Education, February, 1914; "Parental Opinions as the Basis for Vocational Readjustment," Illinois Teacher, February, 1915; and "Curriculum Differentiation and Administration in Typical High Schools," Journal of Educational Administration and Supervision, May, 1915.	24,224	common-pile/pre_1929_books_filtered	relationshipbetw00hollrich	public_library	public_library_1929_dolma-0020.json.gz:1291	https://archive.org/download/relationshipbetw00hollrich/relationshipbetw00hollrich_djvu.txt
_AGZ8ofUTP6pPYQI	20.E: Heat and Heat Transfer Methods (Exercise)	20.E: Heat and Heat Transfer Methods (Exercise) - - Last updated - Save as PDF Conceptual Questions 20.1: Current 1. Can a wire carry a current and still be neutral—that is, have a total charge of zero? Explain. 2. Car batteries are rated in ampere-hours ( A⋅h ). To what physical quantity do ampere-hours correspond (voltage, charge, . . .), and what relationship do ampere-hours have to energy content? 3. If two different wires having identical cross-sectional areas carry the same current, will the drift velocity be higher or lower in the better conductor? Explain in terms of the equation $\displaystyle v_d=\frac{I}{nqA}$, by considering how the density of charge carriers $\displaystyle n$ relates to whether or not a material is a good conductor. 4. Why are two conducting paths from a voltage source to an electrical device needed to operate the device? 5. In cars, one battery terminal is connected to the metal body. How does this allow a single wire to supply current to electrical devices rather than two wires? 6. Contrast this with the situation in which a large bird hits two wires simultaneously with its wings. 20.2: Ohm’s Law: Resistance and Simple Circuits 7. The $\displaystyle IR$ drop across a resistor means that there is a change in potential or voltage across the resistor. Is there any change in current as it passes through a resistor? Explain. 8. How is the $\displaystyle IR$ drop in a resistor similar to the pressure drop in a fluid flowing through a pipe? 20.3: Resistance and Resistivity 9. In which of the three semiconducting materials listed in Table do impurities supply free charges? (Hint: Examine the range of resistivity for each and determine whether the pure semiconductor has the higher or lower conductivity.) 10. Does the resistance of an object depend on the path current takes through it? Consider, for example, a rectangular bar—is its resistance the same along its length as across its width? (See Figure.) Does current taking two different paths through the same object encounter different resistance? 11. If aluminum and copper wires of the same length have the same resistance, which has the larger diameter? Why? 12. Explain why $\displaystyle R=R_0(1+αΔT)$ for the temperature variation of the resistance $\displaystyle R$ of an object is not as accurate as $\displaystyle ρ=ρ_0(1+αΔT)$, which gives the temperature variation of resistivity ρ size 12{ρ} {}. 20.4: Electric Power and Energy 13. Why do incandescent lightbulbs grow dim late in their lives, particularly just before their filaments break? 14. The power dissipated in a resistor is given by $\displaystyle P=V^2/R$, which means power decreases if resistance increases. Yet this power is also given by $\displaystyle P=I^2R$, which means power increases if resistance increases. Explain why there is no contradiction here. 20.5: Alternating Current versus Direct Current 15. Give an example of a use of AC power other than in the household. Similarly, give an example of a use of DC power other than that supplied by batteries. 16. Why do voltage, current, and power go through zero 120 times per second for 60-Hz AC electricity? 17. You are riding in a train, gazing into the distance through its window. As close objects streak by, you notice that the nearby fluorescent lights make dashed streaks. Explain. 20.6: Electric Hazards and the Human Body 18. Using an ohmmeter, a student measures the resistance between various points on his body. He finds that the resistance between two points on the same finger is about the same as the resistance between two points on opposite hands—both are several hundred thousand ohms. Furthermore, the resistance decreases when more skin is brought into contact with the probes of the ohmmeter. Finally, there is a dramatic drop in resistance (to a few thousand ohms) when the skin is wet. Explain these observations and their implications regarding skin and internal resistance of the human body. 19. What are the two major hazards of electricity? 20. Why isn’t a short circuit a shock hazard? 21. What determines the severity of a shock? Can you say that a certain voltage is hazardous without further information? 22. Why is this plate large? 23. Some surgery is performed with high-voltage electricity passing from a metal scalpel through the tissue being cut. Considering the nature of electric fields at the surface of conductors, why would you expect most of the current to flow from the sharp edge of the scalpel? Do you think high- or low-frequency AC is used? 24. Some devices often used in bathrooms, such as hairdryers, often have safety messages saying “Do not use when the bathtub or basin is full of water.” Why is this so? 25. We are often advised to not flick electric switches with wet hands, dry your hand first. We are also advised to never throw water on an electric fire. Why is this so? 26. Before working on a power transmission line, linemen will touch the line with the back of the hand as a final check that the voltage is zero. Why the back of the hand? 27. Why is the resistance of wet skin so much smaller than dry, and why do blood and other bodily fluids have low resistances? 28. Could a person on intravenous infusion (an IV) be microshock sensitive? 29. In view of the small currents that cause shock hazards and the larger currents that circuit breakers and fuses interrupt, how do they play a role in preventing shock hazards? 20.7: Nerve Conduction–Electrocardiograms 30. Note that in Figure, both the concentration gradient and the Coulomb force tend to move $\displaystyle Na^+$ ions into the cell. What prevents this? 31. Define depolarization, repolarization, and the action potential. 32. Explain the properties of myelinated nerves in terms of the insulating properties of myelin. Problems & Exercises 20.1: Current 33. What is the current in milliamperes produced by the solar cells of a pocket calculator through which 4.00 C of charge passes in 4.00 h? Solution 0.278 mA 34. A total of 600 C of charge passes through a flashlight in 0.500 h. What is the average current? 35. What is the current when a typical static charge of $\displaystyle 0.250μC$ moves from your finger to a metal doorknob in $\displaystyle 1.00μs$? Solution 0.250 A 36. Find the current when 2.00 nC jumps between your comb and hair over a $\displaystyle 0.500 -μs$ time interval. 37. A large lightning bolt had a 20,000-A current and moved 30.0 C of charge. What was its duration? Solution 1.50ms 38. The 200-A current through a spark plug moves 0.300 mC of charge. How long does the spark last? 39. (a) A defibrillator sends a 6.00-A current through the chest of a patient by applying a 10,000-V potential as in the figure below. What is the resistance of the path? (b) The defibrillator paddles make contact with the patient through a conducting gel that greatly reduces the path resistance. Discuss the difficulties that would ensue if a larger voltage were used to produce the same current through the patient, but with the path having perhaps 50 times the resistance. (Hint: The current must be about the same, so a higher voltage would imply greater power. Use this equation for power: $\displaystyle P=I^2R$.) The capacitor in a defibrillation unit drives a current through the heart of a patient. Solution (a) $\displaystyle 1.67kΩ$ (b) If a 50 times larger resistance existed, keeping the current about the same, the power would be increased by a factor of about 50 (based on the equation $\displaystyle P=I^2R$), causing much more energy to be transferred to the skin, which could cause serious burns. The gel used reduces the resistance, and therefore reduces the power transferred to the skin. 40. During open-heart surgery, a defibrillator can be used to bring a patient out of cardiac arrest. The resistance of the path is $\displaystyle 500 Ω$ and a 10.0-mA current is needed. What voltage should be applied? 41. (a) A defibrillator passes 12.0 A of current through the torso of a person for 0.0100 s. How much charge moves? (b) How many electrons pass through the wires connected to the patient? (See figure two problems earlier.) Solution (a) 0.120 C (b) $\displaystyle 7.50×10^{17}electrons$ 42. A clock battery wears out after moving 10,000 C of charge through the clock at a rate of 0.500 mA. (a) How long did the clock run? (b) How many electrons per second flowed? 43. The batteries of a submerged non-nuclear submarine supply 1000 A at full speed ahead. How long does it take to move Avogadro’s number ($\displaystyle 6.02×10^{23}$) of electrons at this rate? Solution 96.3 s 44. Electron guns are used in X-ray tubes. The electrons are accelerated through a relatively large voltage and directed onto a metal target, producing X-rays. (a) How many electrons per second strike the target if the current is 0.500 mA? (b) What charge strikes the target in 0.750 s? 45. A large cyclotron directs a beam of $\displaystyle He^{++}$ nuclei onto a target with a beam current of 0.250 mA. (a) How many $\displaystyle He^{++}$ nuclei per second is this? (b) How long does it take for 1.00 C to strike the target? (c) How long before 1.00 mol of $\displaystyle He^{++}$ nuclei strike the target? Solution (a) $\displaystyle 7.81 × 10^{14}He^{++}nuclei/s$ (b) $\displaystyle 4.00 × 10^3s$ (c) $\displaystyle 7.71 × 10^8s$ 46. Repeat the above example on Example, but for a wire made of silver and given there is one free electron per silver atom. 47. Using the results of the above example on Example, find the drift velocity in a copper wire of twice the diameter and carrying 20.0 A. Solution $\displaystyle −1.13×10^{−4}m/s$ 48. A 14-gauge copper wire has a diameter of 1.628 mm. What magnitude current flows when the drift velocity is 1.00 mm/s? (See above example on Example for useful information.) 49. SPEAR, a storage ring about 72.0 m in diameter at the Stanford Linear Accelerator (closed in 2009), has a 20.0-A circulating beam of electrons that are moving at nearly the speed of light. (See Figure.) How many electrons are in the beam? Electrons circulating in the storage ring called SPEAR constitute a 20.0-A current. Because they travel close to the speed of light, each electron completes many orbits in each second. Solution $\displaystyle 9.42×10^{13}electrons$ 20.2: Ohm’s Law: Resistance and Simple Circuits 50. What current flows through the bulb of a 3.00-V flashlight when its hot resistance is $\displaystyle 3.60 Ω$? Solution 0.833 A 51. Calculate the effective resistance of a pocket calculator that has a 1.35-V battery and through which 0.200 mA flows. 52. What is the effective resistance of a car’s starter motor when 150 A flows through it as the car battery applies 11.0 V to the motor? Solution $\displaystyle 7.33×10^{−2}Ω$ 53. How many volts are supplied to operate an indicator light on a DVD player that has a resistance of $\displaystyle 140Ω$, given that 25.0 mA passes through it? 54. (a) Find the voltage drop in an extension cord having a $\displaystyle 0.0600-Ω$ resistance and through which 5.00 A is flowing. (b) A cheaper cord utilizes thinner wire and has a resistance of $\displaystyle 0.300Ω$. What is the voltage drop in it when 5.00 A flows? (c) Why is the voltage to whatever appliance is being used reduced by this amount? What is the effect on the appliance? Solution (a) 0.300 V (b) 1.50 V (c) The voltage supplied to whatever appliance is being used is reduced because the total voltage drop from the wall to the final output of the appliance is fixed. Thus, if the voltage drop across the extension cord is large, the voltage drop across the appliance is significantly decreased, so the power output by the appliance can be significantly decreased, reducing the ability of the appliance to work properly. 55. A power transmission line is hung from metal towers with glass insulators having a resistance of $\displaystyle 1.00×10^9Ω$. What current flows through the insulator if the voltage is 200 kV? (Some high-voltage lines are DC.) 20.3: Resistance and Resistivity 56. What is the resistance of a 20.0-m-long piece of 12-gauge copper wire having a 2.053-mm diameter? Solution 0.104 Ω 57. The diameter of 0-gauge copper wire is 8.252 mm. Find the resistance of a 1.00-km length of such wire used for power transmission. 58. If the 0.100-mm diameter tungsten filament in a light bulb is to have a resistance of $\displaystyle 0.200 Ω$ at $\displaystyle 20.0ºC$, how long should it be? Solution $\displaystyle 2.8×10^{−2}m$ 59. Find the ratio of the diameter of aluminum to copper wire, if they have the same resistance per unit length (as they might in household wiring). 60. What current flows through a 2.54-cm-diameter rod of pure silicon that is 20.0 cm long, when $\displaystyle 1.00 × 10^3V$ is applied to it? (Such a rod may be used to make nuclear-particle detectors, for example.) Solution $\displaystyle 1.10×10^{−3}A$ 61. (a) To what temperature must you raise a copper wire, originally at $\displaystyle 20.0ºC$, to double its resistance, neglecting any changes in dimensions? (b) Does this happen in household wiring under ordinary circumstances? 62. A resistor made of Nichrome wire is used in an application where its resistance cannot change more than 1.00% from its value at $\displaystyle 20.0ºC$. Over what temperature range can it be used? Solution $\displaystyle −5ºC$ to $\displaystyle 45ºC$ 63. Of what material is a resistor made if its resistance is 40.0% greater at $\displaystyle 100ºC$ than at $\displaystyle 20.0ºC$? 64. An electronic device designed to operate at any temperature in the range from $\displaystyle –10.0ºC$ to $\displaystyle 55.0ºC$ contains pure carbon resistors. By what factor does their resistance increase over this range? Solution 1.03 65. (a) Of what material is a wire made, if it is 25.0 m long with a 0.100 mm diameter and has a resistance of $\displaystyle 77.7Ω$ at $\displaystyle 20.0ºC$? (b) What is its resistance at $\displaystyle 150ºC$? 66. Assuming a constant temperature coefficient of resistivity, what is the maximum percent decrease in the resistance of a constantan wire starting at $\displaystyle 20.0ºC$? Solution 0.06% 67. A wire is drawn through a die, stretching it to four times its original length. By what factor does its resistance increase? 68. A copper wire has a resistance of $\displaystyle 0.500Ω$ at $\displaystyle 20.0ºC$, and an iron wire has a resistance of $\displaystyle 0.525Ω$ at the same temperature. At what temperature are their resistance equal? Solution $\displaystyle −17ºC$ 69. (a) Digital medical thermometers determine temperature by measuring the resistance of a semiconductor device called a thermistor (which has $\displaystyle α=–0.0600/ºC$) when it is at the same temperature as the patient. What is a patient’s temperature if the thermistor’s resistance at that temperature is 82.0% of its value at $\displaystyle 37.0ºC$ (normal body temperature)? (b) The negative value for α size 12{α} {} may not be maintained for very low temperatures. Discuss why and whether this is the case here. (Hint: Resistance can’t become negative.) 70. Integrated Concepts (a) Redo Exercise taking into account the thermal expansion of the tungsten filament. You may assume a thermal expansion coefficient of $\displaystyle 12×10^{−6}/ºC$. (b) By what percentage does your answer differ from that in the example? Solution (a) $\displaystyle 4.7Ω$ (total) (b) 3.0% decrease 71. Unreasonable Results (a) To what temperature must you raise a resistor made of constantan to double its resistance, assuming a constant temperature coefficient of resistivity? (b) To cut it in half? (c) What is unreasonable about these results? (d) Which assumptions are unreasonable, or which premises are inconsistent? 20.4: Electric Power and Energy 72. What is the power of a $\displaystyle 1.00×10^2MV$ lightning bolt having a current of $\displaystyle 2.00 × 10^4A$? Solution $\displaystyle 2.00×10^{12}W$ 73. What power is supplied to the starter motor of a large truck that draws 250 A of current from a 24.0-V battery hookup? 74. A charge of 4.00 C of charge passes through a pocket calculator’s solar cells in 4.00 h. What is the power output, given the calculator’s voltage output is 3.00 V? (See Figure.) The strip of solar cells just above the keys of this calculator convert light to electricity to supply its energy needs. (credit: Evan-Amos, Wikimedia Commons) 75. How many watts does a flashlight that has $\displaystyle 6.00×10^2C$ pass through it in 0.500 h use if its voltage is 3.00 V? 76. Find the power dissipated in each of these extension cords: (a) an extension cord having a $\displaystyle 0.0600-Ω$ resistance and through which 5.00 A is flowing; (b) a cheaper cord utilizing thinner wire and with a resistance of $\displaystyle 0.300Ω.$ Solution (a) 1.50 W (b) 7.50 W 77. Verify that the units of a volt-ampere are watts, as implied by the equation $\displaystyle P=IV$. 78. Show that the units $\displaystyle 1V^2/Ω=1W $, as implied by the equation $\displaystyle P=V^2/R$. Solution $\displaystyle \frac{V^2}{Ω}=\frac{V^2}{V/A}=AV=(\frac{C}{s})(\frac{J}{C})=\frac{J}{s}=1W$ 79. Show that the units $\displaystyle 1A^2⋅Ω=1W$, as implied by the equation $\displaystyle P=I^2R$. 80. Verify the energy unit equivalence that $\displaystyle 1kW⋅h = 3.60×10^6J$. Solution $\displaystyle 1kW⋅h=(\frac{1×10^3J}{1 s})(1 h)(\frac{3600s}{1h})=3.60×10^6J$ 81. Electrons in an X-ray tube are accelerated through $\displaystyle 1.00×10^2kV$ and directed toward a target to produce X-rays. Calculate the power of the electron beam in this tube if it has a current of 15.0 mA. 82. An electric water heater consumes 5.00 kW for 2.00 h per day. What is the cost of running it for one year if electricity costs $\displaystyle 12.0 cents/kW⋅h$? See Figure. On-demand electric hot water heater. Heat is supplied to water only when needed. (credit: aviddavid, Flickr) Solution $438/y 83. With a 1200-W toaster, how much electrical energy is needed to make a slice of toast (cooking time = 1 minute)? At $\displaystyle 9.0 cents/kW ⋅ h$ , how much does this cost? 84. What would be the maximum cost of a CFL such that the total cost (investment plus operating) would be the same for both CFL and incandescent 60-W bulbs? Assume the cost of the incandescent bulb is 25 cents and that electricity costs $\displaystyle 10 cents/kWh$. Calculate the cost for 1000 hours, as in the cost effectiveness of CFL example. Solution $6.25 85. Some makes of older cars have 6.00-V electrical systems. (a) What is the hot resistance of a 30.0-W headlight in such a car? (b) What current flows through it? 86. Alkaline batteries have the advantage of putting out constant voltage until very nearly the end of their life. How long will an alkaline battery rated at $\displaystyle 1.00 A⋅h$ and 1.58 V keep a 1.00-W flashlight bulb burning? Solution 1.58 h 87. A cauterizer, used to stop bleeding in surgery, puts out 2.00 mA at 15.0 kV. (a) What is its power output? (b) What is the resistance of the path? 88. The average television is said to be on 6 hours per day. Estimate the yearly cost of electricity to operate 100 million TVs, assuming their power consumption averages 150 W and the cost of electricity averages $\displaystyle 12.0cents/kW⋅h$. Solution $3.94 billion/year 89. An old lightbulb draws only 50.0 W, rather than its original 60.0 W, due to evaporative thinning of its filament. By what factor is its diameter reduced, assuming uniform thinning along its length? Neglect any effects caused by temperature differences. 90. 00-gauge copper wire has a diameter of 9.266 mm. Calculate the power loss in a kilometer of such wire when it carries $\displaystyle 1.00×10^2A$. Solution 25.5 W 91. Integrated Concepts Cold vaporizers pass a current through water, evaporating it with only a small increase in temperature. One such home device is rated at 3.50 A and utilizes 120 V AC with 95.0% efficiency. (a) What is the vaporization rate in grams per minute? (b) How much water must you put into the vaporizer for 8.00 h of overnight operation? (See Figure.) This cold vaporizer passes current directly through water, vaporizing it directly with relatively little temperature increase. 92. Integrated Concepts (a) What energy is dissipated by a lightning bolt having a 20,000-A current, a voltage of $\displaystyle 1.00×10^2MV$, and a length of 1.00 ms? (b) What mass of tree sap could be raised from $\displaystyle 18.0ºC$ to its boiling point and then evaporated by this energy, assuming sap has the same thermal characteristics as water? Solution (a) $\displaystyle 2.00×10^9J$ (b) 769 kg 93. Integrated Concepts What current must be produced by a 12.0-V battery-operated bottle warmer in order to heat 75.0 g of glass, 250 g of baby formula, and $\displaystyle 3.00×10^2g$ of aluminum from $\displaystyle 20.0ºC$ to $\displaystyle 90.0ºC$ in 5.00 min? 94. Integrated Concepts How much time is needed for a surgical cauterizer to raise the temperature of 1.00 g of tissue from $\displaystyle 37.0ºC$ to $\displaystyle 100ºC$ and then boil away 0.500 g of water, if it puts out 2.00 mA at 15.0 kV? Ignore heat transfer to the surroundings. Solution 45.0 s 95. Integrated Concepts Hydroelectric generators (see Figure) at Hoover Dam produce a maximum current of $\displaystyle 8.00×10^3A$ at 250 kV. (a) What is the power output? (b) The water that powers the generators enters and leaves the system at low speed (thus its kinetic energy does not change) but loses 160 m in altitude. How many cubic meters per second are needed, assuming 85.0% efficiency? Hydroelectric generators at the Hoover dam. (credit: Jon Sullivan) 96. Integrated Concepts Assuming 95.0% efficiency for the conversion of electrical power by the motor, what current must the 12.0-V batteries of a 750-kg electric car be able to supply: (a) To accelerate from rest to 25.0 m/s in 1.00 min? (b) To climb a $\displaystyle 2.00×10^2-m$-high hill in 2.00 min at a constant 25.0-m/s speed while exerting $\displaystyle 5.00×10^2N$ of force to overcome air resistance and friction? (c) To travel at a constant 25.0-m/s speed, exerting a $\displaystyle 5.00×10^2N$ force to overcome air resistance and friction? See Figure. This REVAi, an electric car, gets recharged on a street in London. (credit: Frank Hebbert) Solution (a) 343 A (b) $\displaystyle 2.17×10^3A$ (c) $\displaystyle 1.10×10^3A$ 97. Integrated Concepts A light-rail commuter train draws 630 A of 650-V DC electricity when accelerating. (a) What is its power consumption rate in kilowatts? (b) How long does it take to reach 20.0 m/s starting from rest if its loaded mass is $\displaystyle 5.30×10^4kg$, assuming 95.0% efficiency and constant power? (c) Find its average acceleration. (d) Discuss how the acceleration you found for the light-rail train compares to what might be typical for an automobile. 98. Integrated Concepts (a) An aluminum power transmission line has a resistance of $\displaystyle 0.0580Ω/km$. What is its mass per kilometer? (b) What is the mass per kilometer of a copper line having the same resistance? A lower resistance would shorten the heating time. Discuss the practical limits to speeding the heating by lowering the resistance. Solution (a) $\displaystyle 1.23×10^3kg$ (b) $\displaystyle 2.64×10^3kg$ 99. Integrated Concepts (a) An immersion heater utilizing 120 V can raise the temperature of a $\displaystyle 1.00×10^2$-g aluminum cup containing 350 g of water from $\displaystyle 20.0ºC$ to $\displaystyle 95.0ºC$ in 2.00 min. Find its resistance, assuming it is constant during the process. (b) A lower resistance would shorten the heating time. Discuss the practical limits to speeding the heating by lowering the resistance. 100. Integrated Concepts (a) What is the cost of heating a hot tub containing 1500 kg of water from $\displaystyle 10.0ºC$ to $\displaystyle 40.0ºC$, assuming 75.0% efficiency to account for heat transfer to the surroundings? The cost of electricity is $\displaystyle 9cents/kW⋅h$. (b) What current was used by the 220-V AC electric heater, if this took 4.00 h? 101. Unreasonable Results (a) What current is needed to transmit $\displaystyle 1.00×10^2MW$ of power at 480 V? (b) What power is dissipated by the transmission lines if they have a $\displaystyle 1.00-Ω$ resistance? (c) What is unreasonable about this result? (d) Which assumptions are unreasonable, or which premises are inconsistent? Solution (a) $\displaystyle 2.08×10^5A$ (b) $\displaystyle 4.33×10^4MW$ (c) The transmission lines dissipate more power than they are supposed to transmit. (d) A voltage of 480 V is unreasonably low for a transmission voltage. Long-distance transmission lines are kept at much higher voltages (often hundreds of kilovolts) to reduce power losses. 102. Unreasonable Results (a) What current is needed to transmit $\displaystyle 1.00×10^2MW$ of power at 10.0 kV? (b) Find the resistance of 1.00 km of wire that would cause a 0.0100% power loss. (c) What is the diameter of a 1.00-km-long copper wire having this resistance? (d) What is unreasonable about these results? (e) Which assumptions are unreasonable, or which premises are inconsistent? 103. Construct Your Own Problem Consider an electric immersion heater used to heat a cup of water to make tea. Construct a problem in which you calculate the needed resistance of the heater so that it increases the temperature of the water and cup in a reasonable amount of time. Also calculate the cost of the electrical energy used in your process. Among the things to be considered are the voltage used, the masses and heat capacities involved, heat losses, and the time over which the heating takes place. Your instructor may wish for you to consider a thermal safety switch (perhaps bimetallic) that will halt the process before damaging temperatures are reached in the immersion unit. 20.5: Alternating Current versus Direct Current 104. (a) What is the hot resistance of a 25-W light bulb that runs on 120-V AC? (b) If the bulb’s operating temperature is $\displaystyle 2700ºC$, what is its resistance at $\displaystyle 2600ºC$`? 105. Certain heavy industrial equipment uses AC power that has a peak voltage of 679 V. What is the rms voltage? Solution 480 V 106. A certain circuit breaker trips when the rms current is 15.0 A. What is the corresponding peak current? 107. Military aircraft use 400-Hz AC power, because it is possible to design lighter-weight equipment at this higher frequency. What is the time for one complete cycle of this power? Solution 2.50 ms 108. A North American tourist takes his 25.0-W, 120-V AC razor to Europe, finds a special adapter, and plugs it into 240 V AC. Assuming constant resistance, what power does the razor consume as it is ruined? 109. In this problem, you will verify statements made at the end of the power losses for Example. (a) What current is needed to transmit 100 MW of power at a voltage of 25.0 kV? (b) Find the power loss in a 1.00 -Ω size 12{1 "." "00"- %OMEGA } {} transmission line. (c) What percent loss does this represent? Solution (a) 4.00 kA (b) 16.0 MW (c) 16.0% 110. A small office-building air conditioner operates on 408-V AC and consumes 50.0 kW. (a) What is its effective resistance? (b) What is the cost of running the air conditioner during a hot summer month when it is on 8.00 h per day for 30 days and electricity costs $\displaystyle 9.00 cents/kW⋅h$? 111. What is the peak power consumption of a 120-V AC microwave oven that draws 10.0 A? Solution 2.40 kW 112. What is the peak current through a 500-W room heater that operates on 120-V AC power? 113. Two different electrical devices have the same power consumption, but one is meant to be operated on 120-V AC and the other on 240-V AC. (a) What is the ratio of their resistances? (b) What is the ratio of their currents? (c) Assuming its resistance is unaffected, by what factor will the power increase if a 120-V AC device is connected to 240-V AC? Solution (a) 4.0 (b) 0.50 (c) 4.0 114. Nichrome wire is used in some radiative heaters. (a) Find the resistance needed if the average power output is to be 1.00 kW utilizing 120-V AC. (b) What length of Nichrome wire, having a cross-sectional area of $\displaystyle 5.00mm^2$, is needed if the operating temperature is $\displaystyle 500º C$? (c) What power will it draw when first switched on? 115. Find the time after $\displaystyle t=0$ when the instantaneous voltage of 60-Hz AC first reaches the following values: (a) $\displaystyle V_0/2$ (b) $\displaystyle V_0$ (c) 0. Solution (a) 1.39 ms (b) 4.17 ms (c) 8.33 ms 116. (a) At what two times in the first period following $\displaystyle t=0$ does the instantaneous voltage in 60-Hz AC equal $\displaystyle V_{rms}$? (b) $\displaystyle −V_{rms}$? 20.6: Electric Hazards and the Human Body 117. (a) How much power is dissipated in a short circuit of 240-V AC through a resistance of $\displaystyle 0.250Ω$? (b) What current flows? Solution (a) 230 kW (b) 960 A 118. What voltage is involved in a 1.44-kW short circuit through a $\displaystyle 0.100-Ω$ resistance? 119. Find the current through a person and identify the likely effect on her if she touches a 120-V AC source (a) if she is standing on a rubber mat and offers a total resistance of $\displaystyle 300 kΩ$; (b) if she is standing barefoot on wet grass and has a resistance of only $\displaystyle 4000 kΩ$. Solution (a) 0.400 mA, no effect (b) 26.7 mA, muscular contraction for duration of the shock (can't let go) 120. While taking a bath, a person touches the metal case of a radio. The path through the person to the drainpipe and ground has a resistance of $\displaystyle 4000Ω$. What is the smallest voltage on the case of the radio that could cause ventricular fibrillation? 121. Foolishly trying to fish a burning piece of bread from a toaster with a metal butter knife, a man comes into contact with 120-V AC. He does not even feel it since, luckily, he is wearing rubber-soled shoes. What is the minimum resistance of the path the current follows through the person? Solution $\displaystyle 1.20×10^5Ω$ 122. (a) During surgery, a current as small as $\displaystyle 20.0 μA$ applied directly to the heart may cause ventricular fibrillation. If the resistance of the exposed heart is $\displaystyle 300Ω$, what is the smallest voltage that poses this danger? (b) Does your answer imply that special electrical safety precautions are needed? 123. (a) What is the resistance of a 220-V AC short circuit that generates a peak power of 96.8 kW? (b) What would the average power be if the voltage was 120 V AC? Solution (a) $\displaystyle 1.00Ω$ (b) 14.4 kW 124. A heart defibrillator passes 10.0 A through a patient’s torso for 5.00 ms in an attempt to restore normal beating. (a) How much charge passed? (b) What voltage was applied if 500 J of energy was dissipated? (c) What was the path’s resistance? (d) Find the temperature increase caused in the 8.00 kg of affected tissue. 125. Integrated Concepts A short circuit in a 120-V appliance cord has a $\displaystyle 0.500-Ω$ resistance. Calculate the temperature rise of the 2.00 g of surrounding materials, assuming their specific heat capacity is $\displaystyle 0.200cal/g⋅ºC$ and that it takes 0.0500 s for a circuit breaker to interrupt the current. Is this likely to be damaging? Solution Temperature increases $\displaystyle 860º C$ . It is very likely to be damaging. 126. Construct Your Own Problem Consider a person working in an environment where electric currents might pass through her body. Construct a problem in which you calculate the resistance of insulation needed to protect the person from harm. Among the things to be considered are the voltage to which the person might be exposed, likely body resistance (dry, wet, …), and acceptable currents (safe but sensed, safe and unfelt, …). 20.7: Nerve Conduction–Electrocardiograms 127. Integrated Concepts Use the ECG in Figure to determine the heart rate in beats per minute assuming a constant time between beats. Solution 80 beats/minute 128. Integrated Concepts (a) Referring to Figure, find the time systolic pressure lags behind the middle of the QRS complex. (b) Discuss the reasons for the time lag. Contributors and Attributions - Paul Peter Urone (Professor Emeritus at California State University, Sacramento) and Roger Hinrichs (State University of New York, College at Oswego) with Contributing Authors: Kim Dirks (University of Auckland) and Manjula Sharma (University of Sydney). This work is licensed by OpenStax University Physics under a Creative Commons Attribution License (by 4.0) .	6,936	common-pile/libretexts_filtered	https://phys.libretexts.org/Bookshelves/College_Physics/College_Physics_1e_(OpenStax)/20%3A_Electric_Current_Resistance_and_Ohm's_Law/20.E%3A_Heat_and_Heat_Transfer_Methods_(Exercise)	libretexts	libretexts-0000.json.gz:666	https://phys.libretexts.org/Bookshelves/College_Physics/College_Physics_1e_(OpenStax)/20%3A_Electric_Current_Resistance_and_Ohm's_Law/20.E%3A_Heat_and_Heat_Transfer_Methods_(Exercise)
Ch708P72q4w08zqK	General Chemistry - Lecture & Lab	88 Energy Basics Learning Objectives By the end of this section, you will be able to: - Define energy, distinguish types of energy, and describe the nature of energy changes that accompany chemical and physical changes - Distinguish the related properties of heat, thermal energy, and temperature - Define and distinguish specific heat and heat capacity, and describe the physical implications of both - Perform calculations involving heat, specific heat, and temperature change Chemical changes and their accompanying changes in energy are important parts of our everyday world (Figure 1). The macronutrients in food (proteins, fats, and carbohydrates) undergo metabolic reactions that provide the energy to keep our bodies functioning. We burn a variety of fuels (gasoline, natural gas, coal) to produce energy for transportation, heating, and the generation of electricity. Industrial chemical reactions use enormous amounts of energy to produce raw materials (such as iron and aluminum). Energy is then used to manufacture those raw materials into useful products, such as cars, skyscrapers, and bridges. Over 90% of the energy we use comes originally from the sun. Every day, the sun provides the earth with almost 10,000 times the amount of energy necessary to meet all of the world’s energy needs for that day. Our challenge is to find ways to convert and store incoming solar energy so that it can be used in reactions or chemical processes that are both convenient and nonpolluting. Plants and many bacteria capture solar energy through photosynthesis. We release the energy stored in plants when we burn wood or plant products such as ethanol. We also use this energy to fuel our bodies by eating food that comes directly from plants or from animals that got their energy by eating plants. Burning coal and petroleum also releases stored solar energy: These fuels are fossilized plant and animal matter. This chapter will introduce the basic ideas of an important area of science concerned with the amount of heat absorbed or released during chemical and physical changes—an area called thermochemistry. The concepts introduced in this chapter are widely used in almost all scientific and technical fields. Food scientists use them to determine the energy content of foods. Biologists study the energetics of living organisms, such as the metabolic combustion of sugar into carbon dioxide and water. The oil, gas, and transportation industries, renewable energy providers, and many others endeavor to find better methods to produce energy for our commercial and personal needs. Engineers strive to improve energy efficiency, find better ways to heat and cool our homes, refrigerate our food and drinks, and meet the energy and cooling needs of computers and electronics, among other applications. Understanding thermochemical principles is essential for chemists, physicists, biologists, geologists, every type of engineer, and just about anyone who studies or does any kind of science. Energy Energy can be defined as the capacity to supply heat or do work. One type of work (w) is the process of causing matter to move against an opposing force. For example, we do work when we inflate a bicycle tire—we move matter (the air in the pump) against the opposing force of the air already in the tire. Like matter, energy comes in different types. One scheme classifies energy into two types: potential energy, the energy an object has because of its relative position, composition, or condition, and kinetic energy, the energy that an object possesses because of its motion. Water at the top of a waterfall or dam has potential energy because of its position; when it flows downward through generators, it has kinetic energy that can be used to do work and produce electricity in a hydroelectric plant (Figure 2). A battery has potential energy because the chemicals within it can produce electricity that can do work. Energy can be converted from one form into another, but all of the energy present before a change occurs always exists in some form after the change is completed. This observation is expressed in the law of conservation of energy: during a chemical or physical change, energy can be neither created nor destroyed, although it can be changed in form. (This is also one version of the first law of thermodynamics, as you will learn later.) When one substance is converted into another, there is always an associated conversion of one form of energy into another. Heat is usually released or absorbed, but sometimes the conversion involves light, electrical energy, or some other form of energy. For example, chemical energy (a type of potential energy) is stored in the molecules that compose gasoline. When gasoline is combusted within the cylinders of a car’s engine, the rapidly expanding gaseous products of this chemical reaction generate mechanical energy (a type of kinetic energy) when they move the cylinders’ pistons. According to the law of conservation of matter (seen in an earlier chapter), there is no detectable change in the total amount of matter during a chemical change. When chemical reactions occur, the energy changes are relatively modest and the mass changes are too small to measure, so the laws of conservation of matter and energy hold well. However, in nuclear reactions, the energy changes are much larger (by factors of a million or so), the mass changes are measurable, and matter-energy conversions are significant. This will be examined in more detail in a later chapter on nuclear chemistry. To encompass both chemical and nuclear changes, we combine these laws into one statement: The total quantity of matter and energy in the universe is fixed. Thermal Energy, Temperature, and Heat Thermal energy is kinetic energy associated with the random motion of atoms and molecules. Temperature is a quantitative measure of “hot” or “cold.” When the atoms and molecules in an object are moving or vibrating quickly, they have a higher average kinetic energy (KE), and we say that the object is “hot.” When the atoms and molecules are moving slowly, they have lower KE, and we say that the object is “cold” (Figure 3). Assuming that no chemical reaction or phase change (such as melting or vaporizing) occurs, increasing the amount of thermal energy in a sample of matter will cause its temperature to increase. And, assuming that no chemical reaction or phase change (such as condensation or freezing) occurs, decreasing the amount of thermal energy in a sample of matter will cause its temperature to decrease. Most substances expand as their temperature increases and contract as their temperature decreases. This property can be used to measure temperature changes, as shown in Figure 4. The operation of many thermometers depends on the expansion and contraction of substances in response to temperature changes. Heat (q) is the transfer of thermal energy between two bodies at different temperatures. Heat flow (a redundant term, but one commonly used) increases the thermal energy of one body and decreases the thermal energy of the other. Suppose we initially have a high temperature (and high thermal energy) substance (H) and a low temperature (and low thermal energy) substance (L). The atoms and molecules in H have a higher average KE than those in L. If we place substance H in contact with substance L, the thermal energy will flow spontaneously from substance H to substance L. The temperature of substance H will decrease, as will the average KE of its molecules; the temperature of substance L will increase, along with the average KE of its molecules. Heat flow will continue until the two substances are at the same temperature (Figure 5). Matter undergoing chemical reactions and physical changes can release or absorb heat. A change that releases heat is called an exothermic process. For example, the combustion reaction that occurs when using an oxyacetylene torch is an exothermic process—this process also releases energy in the form of light as evidenced by the torch’s flame (Figure 6). A reaction or change that absorbs heat is an endothermic process. A cold pack used to treat muscle strains provides an example of an endothermic process. When the substances in the cold pack (water and a salt like ammonium nitrate) are brought together, the resulting process absorbs heat, leading to the sensation of cold. Historically, energy was measured in units of calories (cal). A calorie is the amount of energy required to raise one gram of water by 1 degree C (1 kelvin). However, this quantity depends on the atmospheric pressure and the starting temperature of the water. The ease of measurement of energy changes in calories has meant that the calorie is still frequently used. The Calorie (with a capital C), or large calorie, commonly used in quantifying food energy content, is a kilocalorie. The SI unit of heat, work, and energy is the joule. A joule (J) is defined as the amount of energy used when a force of 1 newton moves an object 1 meter. It is named in honor of the English physicist James Prescott Joule. One joule is equivalent to 1 kg m2/s2, which is also called 1 newton–meter. A kilojoule (kJ) is 1000 joules. To standardize its definition, 1 calorie has been set to equal 4.184 joules. We now introduce two concepts useful in describing heat flow and temperature change. The heat capacity (C) of a body of matter is the quantity of heat (q) it absorbs or releases when it experiences a temperature change (ΔT) of 1 degree Celsius (or equivalently, 1 kelvin): [latex]\displaystyle{C}=\frac{q}{\Delta T}[/latex] Heat capacity is determined by both the type and amount of substance that absorbs or releases heat. It is therefore an extensive property—its value is proportional to the amount of the substance. For example, consider the heat capacities of two cast iron frying pans. The heat capacity of the large pan is five times greater than that of the small pan, because, although both are made of the same material, the mass of the large pan is five times greater than the mass of the small pan. More mass means more atoms are present in the larger pan, so it takes more energy to make all of those atoms vibrate faster. The heat capacity of the small cast iron frying pan is found by observing that it takes 18,150 J of energy to raise the temperature of the pan by 50.0 °C: [latex]{C}_{\text{small pan}}=\frac{\text{18,140 J}}{50.0^{\circ}\text{ C}}=363\text{ J/}^{\circ}\text{C}[/latex] The larger cast iron frying pan, while made of the same substance, requires 90,700 J of energy to raise its temperature by 50.0 °C. The larger pan has a (proportionally) larger heat capacity, because the larger amount of material requires a (proportionally) larger amount of energy to yield the same temperature change: [latex]{C}_{\text{large pan}}=\frac{\text{90,700 J}}{50.0^{\circ}\text{ C}}=1814\text{ J/}^{\circ}\text{C}[/latex] The specific heat capacity (c) of a substance, commonly called its “specific heat,” is the quantity of heat required to raise the temperature of 1 gram of a substance by 1 degree Celsius (or 1 kelvin): [latex]\displaystyle{c}=\frac{q}{\text{m}\Delta\text{T}}[/latex] Specific heat capacity depends only on the kind of substance absorbing or releasing heat. It is an intensive property—the type, but not the amount, of the substance is all that matters. For example, the small cast iron frying pan has a mass of 808 g. The specific heat of iron (the material used to make the pan) is therefore: [latex]\displaystyle{c}_{\text{iron}}=\frac{\text{18,140 J}}{\left(\text{808 g}\right)\left(50.0^{\circ}\text{ C}\right)=\text{0.449 J/g}^{\circ}\text{ C}}[/latex] The large frying pan has a mass of 4040 g. Using the data for this pan, we can also calculate the specific heat of iron: [latex]\displaystyle{c}_{\text{iron}}=\frac{\text{90,700 J}}{\left(\text{4040 g}\right)\left(50.0^{\circ}\text{ C}\right)=\text{0.449 J/g}^{\circ}\text{ C}}[/latex] Although the large pan is more massive than the small pan, since both are made of the same material, they both yield the same value for specific heat (for the material of construction, iron). Note that specific heat is measured in units of energy per temperature per mass and is an intensive property, being derived from a ratio of two extensive properties (heat and mass). The molar heat capacity, also an intensive property, is the heat capacity per mole of a particular substance and has units of J/mol °C (Figure 7). Liquid water has a relatively high specific heat (about 4.2 J/g °C); most metals have much lower specific heats (usually less than 1 J/g °C). The specific heat of a substance varies somewhat with temperature. However, this variation is usually small enough that we will treat specific heat as constant over the range of temperatures that will be considered in this chapter. Specific heats of some common substances are listed in Table 1. \| Table 1. Specific Heats of Common Substances at 25 °C and 1 bar \| \|\| \|---\|---\|---\| \| Substance \| Symbol (state) \| Specific Heat (J/g °C) \| \| helium \| He(g) \| 5.193 \| \| water \| H2O(l) \| 4.184 \| \| ethanol \| C2H6O(l) \| 2.376 \| \| ice \| H2O(s) \| 2.093 (at -10 °C) \| \| water vapor \| H2O(g) \| 1.864 \| \| nitrogen \| N2(g) \| 1.040 \| \| air \| 1.007 \| \| \| oxygen \| O2(g) \| 0.918 \| \| aluminum \| Al(s) \| 0.897 \| \| carbon dioxide \| CO2(g) \| 0.853 \| \| argon \| Ar(g) \| 0.522 \| \| iron \| Fe(s) \| 0.449 \| \| copper \| Cu(s) \| 0.385 \| \| lead \| Pb(s) \| 0.130 \| \| gold \| Au(s) \| 0.129 \| \| silicon \| Si(s) \| 0.712 \| If we know the mass of a substance and its specific heat, we can determine the amount of heat, q, entering or leaving the substance by measuring the temperature change before and after the heat is gained or lost: [latex]\begin{array}{l}q=\left(\text{specific heat}\right)\times \left(\text{mass of substance}\right)\times \left(\text{temperature change}\right)\\ q=c\times m\times \Delta\text{T}=c\times m\times \left({T}_{\text{final}}-{T}_{\text{initial}}\right)\end{array}[/latex] In this equation, c is the specific heat of the substance, m is its mass, and ΔT (which is read “delta T”) is the temperature change, Tfinal – Tinitial. If a substance gains thermal energy, its temperature increases, its final temperature is higher than its initial temperature, Tfinal – Tinitial has a positive value, and the value of q is positive. If a substance loses thermal energy, its temperature decreases, the final temperature is lower than the initial temperature, Tfinal – Tinitial has a negative value, and the value of q is negative. Example 1: Measuring Heat A flask containing 8.0 × 102 g of water is heated, and the temperature of the water increases from 21 °C to 85 °C. How much heat did the water absorb? Show Answer To answer this question, consider these factors: - the specific heat of the substance being heated (in this case, water) - the amount of substance being heated (in this case, 800 g) - the magnitude of the temperature change (in this case, from 20 °C to 85 °C). The specific heat of water is 4.184 J/g °C, so to heat 1 g of water by 1 °C requires 4.184 J. We note that since 4.184 J is required to heat 1 g of water by 1 °C, we will need 800 times as much to heat 800 g of water by 1 °C. Finally, we observe that since 4.184 J are required to heat 1 g of water by 1 °C, we will need 64 times as much to heat it by 65 °C (that is, from 21 °C to 85 °C). This can be summarized using the equation [latex]q=c\times m\times \Delta T=c\times m\times \left({T}_{\text{final}}-{T}_{\text{initial}}\right)[/latex]: [latex]\begin{array}{l} =\left(4.184\text{J/}\cancel{\text{g}}^{\circ}\text{ C}\right)\times \left(800\cancel{\text{g}}\right)\times \left(85-20\right)^{\circ}\text{ C}\\ =\left(4.184\text{J/}\cancel{\text{g}}\cancel{^{\circ}\text{C}}\right)\times \left(800\cancel{\text{g}}\right)\times \left(65\right)\cancel{^{\circ}\text{C}}\\ =\text{220,000 J}\left(=\text{210 kJ}\right)\end{array}[/latex] Because the temperature increased, the water absorbed heat and q is positive. Check Your Learning How much heat, in joules, must be added to a 5.00 × 102-g iron skillet to increase its temperature from 25 °C to 250 °C? The specific heat of iron is 0.451 J/g °C Show Answer 5.05 × 104 J Note that the relationship between heat, specific heat, mass, and temperature change can be used to determine any of these quantities (not just heat) if the other three are known or can be deduced. When the metal piece absorbs 6.64 kJ of heat, its temperature increases from 22.4 °C to 43.6 °C. Determine the specific heat of this metal (which might provide a clue to its identity). Show Answer Since mass, heat, and temperature change are known for this metal, we can determine its specific heat using the relationship: [latex]q=c\times m\times \Delta\text{T}=c\times m\times \left({T}_{\text{final}}-{T}_{\text{initial}}\right)[/latex] Substituting the known values: [latex]\text{6640 J}=c\times \left(\text{348 g}\right)\times \left(43.6-22.4\right)^{\circ}\text{C}[/latex] Solving: [latex]c=\frac{\text{6640 J}}{\left(\text{348 g}\right)\times \left(21.2^{\circ}\text{ C}\right)}=0.900\text{J/g }^{\circ}\text{C}[/latex] Comparing this value with the values in Table 5.1, this value matches the specific heat of aluminum, which suggests that the unknown metal may be aluminum. When the metal piece absorbs 1.43 kJ of heat, its temperature increases from 24.5 °C to 39.1 °C. Determine the specific heat of this metal, and predict its identity. Show Answer c = 0.45 J/g °C; the metal is likely to be iron Exercises Most people find waterbeds uncomfortable unless the water temperature is maintained at about 85 °F. Unless it is heated, a waterbed that contains 892 L of water cools from 85 °F to 72 °F in 24 hours. Estimate the amount of electrical energy required over 24 hours, in kWh, to keep the bed from cooling. Note that 1 kilowatt-hour (kWh) = 3.6 × 106 J, and assume that the density of water is 1.0 g/mL (independent of temperature). What other assumptions did you make? How did they affect your calculated result (i.e., were they likely to yield “positive” or “negative” errors)? Show Answer We assume that the density of water is 1.0 g/cm3(1 g/mL) and that it takes as much energy to keep the water at 85 °F as to heat it from 72 °F to 85 °F. We also assume that only the water is going to be heated. First, find the mass of water in the bed. The volume is 72 in. × 84 in. × 9 in. [latex]=\text{54,432 in.}^{3}{\left(\frac{2.54\text{ cm}}{1\text{ in.}}\right)}^{3}=8.9\times {10}^{5}{\text{ cm}}^{3}\rightarrow 8.9\times {10}^{5}\text{ g}[/latex] second, convert the change of 13 °F to °C: q = cmΔT = 4.184 J/g °C(8.92 × 105 g) × 7.22 °C [latex]^{\circ}\text{C}=\frac{5}{9}^{\circ}\text{F}=\frac{5}{9}\times{13}=7.22^{\circ}\text{ C}=2.69\times10^{7}\text{ J}[/latex] [latex]\displaystyle\text{Energy required}=\frac{2.689\times {10}^{7}\text{J}}{3.6\times {10}^{6}{\text{kWh}}^{-1}}=\text{7.47 kWh}[/latex] Solar Thermal Energy Power Plants The sunlight that reaches the earth contains thousands of times more energy than we presently capture. Solar thermal systems provide one possible solution to the problem of converting energy from the sun into energy we can use. Large-scale solar thermal plants have different design specifics, but all concentrate sunlight to heat some substance; the heat “stored” in that substance is then converted into electricity. The Solana Generating Station in Arizona’s Sonora Desert produces 280 megawatts of electrical power. It uses parabolic mirrors that focus sunlight on pipes filled with a heat transfer fluid (HTF) (Figure 8). The HTF then does two things: It turns water into steam, which spins turbines, which in turn produces electricity, and it melts and heats a mixture of salts, which functions as a thermal energy storage system. After the sun goes down, the molten salt mixture can then release enough of its stored heat to produce steam to run the turbines for 6 hours. Molten salts are used because they possess a number of beneficial properties, including high heat capacities and thermal conductivities. The 377-megawatt Ivanpah Solar Generating System, located in the Mojave Desert in California, is the largest solar thermal power plant in the world (Figure 9). Its 170,000 mirrors focus huge amounts of sunlight on three water-filled towers, producing steam at over 538 °C that drives electricity-producing turbines. It produces enough energy to power 140,000 homes. Water is used as the working fluid because of its large heat capacity and heat of vaporization. Key Concepts and Summary Energy is the capacity to do work (applying a force to move matter). Kinetic energy (KE) is the energy of motion; potential energy is energy due to relative position, composition, or condition. When energy is converted from one form into another, energy is neither created nor destroyed (law of conservation of energy or first law of thermodynamics). Matter has thermal energy due to the KE of its molecules and temperature that corresponds to the average KE of its molecules. Heat is energy that is transferred between objects at different temperatures; it flows from a high to a low temperature. Chemical and physical processes can absorb heat (endothermic) or release heat (exothermic). The SI unit of energy, heat, and work is the joule (J). Specific heat and heat capacity are measures of the energy needed to change the temperature of a substance or object. The amount of heat absorbed or released by a substance depends directly on the type of substance, its mass, and the temperature change it undergoes. Key Equations - [latex]q=c\times m\times \Delta\text{T}=c\times m\times \left({T}_{\text{final}}-{T}_{\text{initial}}\right)[/latex] Exercises - A burning match and a bonfire may have the same temperature, yet you would not sit around a burning match on a fall evening to stay warm. Why not? - Prepare a table identifying several energy transitions that take place during the typical operation of an automobile. - Explain the difference between heat capacity and specific heat of a substance. - Calculate the heat capacity, in joules and in calories per degree, of the following: - 28.4 g of water - 1.00 oz of lead - Calculate the heat capacity, in joules and in calories per degree, of the following: - 45.8 g of nitrogen gas - 1.00 pound of aluminum metal - How much heat, in joules and in calories, must be added to a 75.0–g iron block with a specific heat of 0.449 J/g °C to increase its temperature from 25 °C to its melting temperature of 1535 °C? - How much heat, in joules and in calories, is required to heat a 28.4-g (1-oz) ice cube from -23.0 °C to -1.0 °C? - How much would the temperature of 275 g of water increase if 36.5 kJ of heat were added? - If 14.5 kJ of heat were added to 485 g of liquid water, how much would its temperature increase? - A piece of unknown substance weighs 44.7 g and requires 2110 J to increase its temperature from 23.2 °C to 89.6 °C. - What is the specific heat of the substance? - If it is one of the substances found in Table 1, what is its likely identity? - A piece of unknown solid substance weighs 437.2 g, and requires 8460 J to increase its temperature from 19.3 °C to 68.9 °C. - What is the specific heat of the substance? - If it is one of the substances found in Table 1, what is its likely identity? - An aluminum kettle weighs 1.05 kg. - What is the heat capacity of the kettle? - How much heat is required to increase the temperature of this kettle from 23.0 °C to 99.0 °C? - How much heat is required to heat this kettle from 23.0 °C to 99.0 °C if it contains 1.25 L of water (density of 0.997 g/mL and a specific heat of 4.184 J/g °C)? Show Selected Answers 1. The temperature of 1 gram of burning wood is approximately the same for both a match and a bonfire. This is an intensive property and depends on the material (wood). However, the overall amount of produced heat depends on the amount of material; this is an extensive property. The amount of wood in a bonfire is much greater than that in a match; the total amount of produced heat is also much greater, which is why we can sit around a bonfire to stay warm, but a match would not provide enough heat to keep us from getting cold. 3. Heat capacity refers to the heat required to raise the temperature of the mass of the substance 1 degree; specific heat refers to the heat required to raise the temperature of 1 gram of the substance 1 degree. Thus, heat capacity is an extensive property, and specific heat is an intensive one. 5. The heat capacity for each is as follows: - [latex]45.8\cancel{\text{g}}\times 1.04\text{J/}\cancel{\text{g}}\text{ }^{\circ}\text{C}=47.6\text{J/}^{\circ}\text{C}\text{; }47.6\cancel{\text{g}}\times \text{1.04 J}\cancel{{\text{g}}^{-1}}\text{ }^{\circ}{\text{C}}^{-1}\times \frac{\text{1 cal}}{\text{4.184 J}}=\text{11.38 J}^{\circ}{\text{C}}^{-1}[/latex] - [latex]454\text{ g}\times0.897\text{J/g}^{\circ}\text{C}=407\text{ J/}^{\circ}\text{C}; 454\cancel{\text{g}}\times \text{0.897 J}\cancel{{\text{g}}^{-1}}\text{ }^{\circ}\text{C}^{-1}\times\frac{\text{1 cal}}{\text{4.184 J}}=\text{97.3 cal}\text{ }^{\circ}\text{C}^{-1}[/latex] 7. q = cmΔT; q = 2.093 J/g °C × 28.4 g × [-1 – (-23)] °C = 1308 J (or 1310 with the correct number of significant digits); the conversion factor is 4.184 J = 1 cal; 1308 J × 1 cal / 4.184 J = 881.2 J (881 J with the correct number of significant digits) 9. q = cmΔT 14,500 J = 4.184 J g-1 °C × 4.85 × 102 g × ΔT [latex]\Delta\text{T}=\frac{14,500\text{ }^{\circ}\text{C}}{4.184\times4.85\times {10}^{2}}=7.15\text{ }^{\circ}\text{C}[/latex] 11. The answers are as follows: - q = cmΔT, c = q/(mΔT) = 8460 J / [437.2 g (68.9 – 19.3) °C] = 0.390 J/g °C - Copper is a likely candidate. Glossary calorie (cal): unit of heat or other energy; the amount of energy required to raise 1 gram of water by 1 degree Celsius; 1 cal is defined as 4.184 J endothermic process: chemical reaction or physical change that absorbs heat energy: capacity to supply heat or do work exothermic process: chemical reaction or physical change that releases heat heat (q): transfer of thermal energy between two bodies heat capacity (C): extensive property of a body of matter that represents the quantity of heat required to increase its temperature by 1 degree Celsius (or 1 kelvin) joule (J): SI unit of energy; 1 joule is the kinetic energy of an object with a mass of 2 kilograms moving with a velocity of 1 meter per second, 1 J = 1 kg m2/s and 4.184 J = 1 cal kinetic energy: energy of a moving body, in joules, equal to [latex]\frac{1}{2}m{v}^{2}[/latex] (where m = mass and v = velocity) potential energy: energy of a particle or system of particles derived from relative position, composition, or condition specific heat capacity (c): intensive property of a substance that represents the quantity of heat required to raise the temperature of 1 gram of the substance by 1 degree Celsius (or 1 kelvin) temperature: intensive property of matter that is a quantitative measure of “hotness” and “coldness;” it is related to the average kinetic energy of the atoms or molecules that make up the object thermal energy: kinetic energy associated with the random motion of atoms and molecules thermochemistry: study of measuring the amount of heat absorbed or released during a chemical reaction or a physical change work (w): energy transfer due to changes in external, macroscopic variables such as pressure and volume; or causing matter to move against an opposing force	5,749	common-pile/pressbooks_filtered	https://library.achievingthedream.org/sanjacgeneralchemistry/chapter/energy-basics/	pressbooks	pressbooks-0000.json.gz:64254	https://library.achievingthedream.org/sanjacgeneralchemistry/chapter/energy-basics/
GPxz-xEyezN3gyHN	2.E: The Chemical Foundation of Life (Exercises)	2.E: The Chemical Foundation of Life (Exercises) 2.1: The Building Blocks of Molecules Multiple Choice Magnesium has an atomic number of 12. Which of the following statements is true of a neutral magnesium atom? A. It has 12 protons, 12 electrons, and 12 neutrons. B. It has 12 protons, 12 electrons, and six neutrons. C. It has six protons, six electrons, and no neutrons. D. It has six protons, six electrons, and six neutrons. - Answer - A Atoms that vary in the number of neutrons found in their nuclei are called __________? A. ions B. neutrons C. neutral atoms D. isotopes - Answer - D Which type of bond represents a weak chemical bond? A. hydrogen bond B. ionic bond C. covalent bond D. polar covalent bond - Answer - A An isotope of sodium (Na) has a mass number of 22. How many neutrons does it have? A. 11 B. 12 C. 22 D. 44 - Answer - A Free Response What makes ionic bonds different from covalent bonds? - Answer - Ionic bonds are formed by the strong electrical interaction between ions of opposing charges and are the result of the giving and taking of electrons between atoms. Covalent bonds are formed by the sharing of electrons between atoms and can be either nonpolar (equal sharing) or polar (unequal sharing). Unlike ionic bonds, covalent bonds do not dissociate in water. Why are hydrogen bonds and van der Waals interactions necessary for cells? - Answer - Hydrogen bonds and van der Waals interactions form weak associations between different molecules. They provide the structure and shape necessary for proteins and DNA within cells so that they function properly. Hydrogen bonds also give water its unique properties, which are necessary for life. 2.2: Properties of Water Multiple Choice Which of the following statements is not true? A. Water is polar. B. Water stabilizes temperature. C. Water is essential for life. D. Water is the most abundant atom in Earth’s atmosphere. - Answer - D Which of the following is NOT a property of water essential for life on Earth? A. Water's adhesive and cohesive nature B. The increase in density as water freezes to ice C. Water's high heat capacity D. The ability of polar water molecules to act as a solvent and dissolve other molecules - Answer - B Using a pH meter, you find the pH of an unknown solution to be 8.0. How would you describe this solution? A. weakly acidic B. strongly acidic C. weakly basic D. strongly basic - Answer - C The pH of lemon juice is about 2.0, whereas tomato juice's pH is about 4.0. Approximately how much of an increase in hydrogen ion concentration is there between tomato juice and lemon juice? A. 2 times B. 10 times C. 100 times D. 1000 times - Answer - C Free Response Why can some insects walk on water? - Answer - Some insects can walk on water, although they are heavier (denser) than water, because of the surface tension of water. Surface tension results from cohesion, or the attraction between water molecules at the surface of the body of water [the liquid-air (gas) interface]. Explain why water is an excellent solvent. - Answer - Water molecules are polar, meaning they have separated partial positive and negative charges. Because of these charges, water molecules are able to surround charged particles created when a substance dissociates. The surrounding layer of water molecules stabilizes the ion and keeps differently charged ions from reassociating, so the substance stays dissolved. 2.3: Carbon Chemistry Multiple Choice Each carbon atom can bond with as many as________ other atom(s) or molecule(s)? A. 1 B. 2 C. 4 D. 6 - Answer - C Which of the following is not a functional group that can bond with carbon? A. sodium B. hydroxyl C. phosphase D. carbonyl - Answer - A Free Response What property of carbon makes it essential for organic life? - Answer - Carbon's bonding properties are what make it essential for organic life. Carbon's valence electron configuration (4 electrons in its outer shell) make it possible for carbon to form 4 covalent bonds with up to 4 different atoms or molecules. The resulting diversity in molecular form is critical for making the wide variety of biological molecules necessary for life. Contributors and Attributions Remixed and/or curated from the following works: Fowler, S., Roush, R., & Wise, J. (2013). 2.E Chemistry of Life (Excercises) . In Concepts of Biology . OpenStax (CC BY 4.0; Access for free at https://openstax.org/books/concepts-biology/pages/1-introduction ). Clark, M. A., Douglas, M., & Choi, J. (2018). 1.2.8 Review Questions and 1.2.9 Critical Thinking Questions . In Biology 2e . OpenStax (CC BY 4.0; Access for free at https://openstax.org/books/biology-2e/pages/1-introduction ).	1,029	common-pile/libretexts_filtered	https://bio.libretexts.org/Courses/Citrus_College/Citrus_College_General_Biology_Textbook/02%3A_The_Chemical_Foundation_of_Life/2.E%3A_The_Chemical_Foundation_of_Life_(Exercises)	libretexts	libretexts-0000.json.gz:25112	https://bio.libretexts.org/Courses/Citrus_College/Citrus_College_General_Biology_Textbook/02%3A_The_Chemical_Foundation_of_Life/2.E%3A_The_Chemical_Foundation_of_Life_(Exercises)
Pnl1D6YwGMI37HbH	2.4.3.8: Paint with All the Colors of Perspective	<IP_ADDRESS>: Paint with All the Colors of Perspective - - Last updated - Save as PDF - Robin DeRosa, Abby Goode et al. - Plymouth State University/ The depiction of the colonial encounter in Mary Rowlandson’s A Narrative of the Captivity and Restoration of Mrs. Mary Rowlandson greatly contrasts with the texts we discussed in class on Thursday. Upon close analysis of this narrative it can be seen that Rowlandson is considered the victim of the Native Americans while the other texts paint the colonial encounter in a very different light. Rowlandson describes an experience in which she is held captive. She is treated badly and without much regard for her or her child’s health while traveling with the Native Americans. She says that she has very little to hold on to due to being separated from her family. Her experiences are quite different from those depicted in the other narratives we have analyzed. One major difference between them is not just the experience itself, but whose perspective it is from. Based on the scene viewed in class on Thursday, Pocahontas is a very watered-down depiction of the colonial encounter in order to make way for the romantic relationship that is the main focus of the film. This encounter between John Smith and Pocahontas shows how oversimplified this portrayal of the colonial encounter really is. It creates an illusion that the colonization had a lot less of a negative impact on the Native Americans than what really took place. The Europeans’ role in this film is seen as friendly and inviting whereas the encounter depicted in Rowlandson’s narrative is far from friendly or inviting. The Europeans in The Very Brief Relation of the Devastation of the Indies are depicted as monsters that have invaded the Native Americans’ lands. De Las Casas’ depiction of the colonial encounter describes the cruel and unusually ritualistic “acts of force and violence and oppression” (40). These acts quickly make the Native Americans realize that the Europeans are not the gods from the heavens as they had originally thought, according to the narrative. The experiences of the Native Americans described in this depiction of the colonial encounter do not have much in common with the narrative by Rowlandson. The depiction of the colonial encounter in The Relation of Álvar Núñez Cabeza de Vaca is the closest to the narrative of Mary Rowlandson. Both describe what living among the Native Americans included; Cabeza de Vaca’s experience seems much less atrocious than Rowlandson’s. One is merely for research while the other is out of survival. Rowlandson’s depiction of the colonial encounter only shows one of the many perspectives of these events. If students were to read only this narrative they would develop a biased opinion about what actually took place. Providing various narratives that depict multiple perspectives on the topic of the colonial encounter not only allows students to see these events with a broader view, but also allows them to understand the perspectives of those involved.	648	common-pile/libretexts_filtered	https://human.libretexts.org/Courses/Housatonic_Community_College/American_Literature_Survey/02%3A_Week_X_New_England/2.04%3A_Mary_Rowlandson/2.4.03%3A_Student_Responses_to_Mary_Rowlandson/2.4.3.08%3A_Paint_with_All_the_Colors_of_Perspective	libretexts	libretexts-0000.json.gz:35246	https://human.libretexts.org/Courses/Housatonic_Community_College/American_Literature_Survey/02%3A_Week_X_New_England/2.04%3A_Mary_Rowlandson/2.4.03%3A_Student_Responses_to_Mary_Rowlandson/2.4.3.08%3A_Paint_with_All_the_Colors_of_Perspective
gVF4_OXbGEZeUs3m	1.14.42: L'Hospital's Rule	1.14.42: L'Hospital's Rule In several important cases, analysis of thermodynamic properties of solutions (and liquid mixtures) requires consideration of a term having the general form $x \, \ln (x)$ where $x$ is an intensive composition variable; e.g. molality, concentration or mole fraction. The accompanying analysis requires an answer to the question --- what value does the product $x \, \ln (x)$ take in the limit that $x$ tends to zero. But $\operatorname{limit}(x \rightarrow 0) \ln (x)=-\infty$. The thermodynamic analysis has to take account of the answer to this question. In fact most accounts assume that the answer to the above question is ‘zero’. Confirmation that the latter statement is correct emerges from application of L’Hospital’s Rule (G. F. A. de l’Hospital, 1661-1704, marquis de Saint-Mesme). This rule allows the evaluation of terms having indeterminate forms. Most applications of this method usually involve the ratio of two terms each being a function of $x$. If $\mathrm{f}(\mathrm{x}) / \mathrm{F}(\mathrm{x})$ approaches either [0/0] or $[\infty / \infty]$ when $x$ approaches a , and $\mathrm{f}^{\prime}(\mathrm{x}) / \mathrm{F}^{\prime}(\mathrm{x})$ [where $\mathrm{f}^{\prime}(\mathrm{x})$ and $\mathrm{F}^{\prime}(\mathrm{x})$ are first derivatives of $\mathrm{f}(\mathrm{x})$ and $\mathrm{F}(\mathrm{x})$] approaches a limit as $x$ approaches a , then $\mathrm{f}(\mathrm{x}) / \mathrm{F}(\mathrm{x})$ approaches the same limit. If $f(x)=x^{2}-1$ and $F(x)=x-1$ then $\frac{f(x)}{F(x)}=\frac{x^{2}-1}{x-1}$ and $\frac{f^{\prime}(x)}{F^{\prime}(x)}=\frac{2 \, x^{2}}{1}$ then \[\operatorname{limit}(x \rightarrow 1) \frac{f^{\prime}(x)}{F^{\prime}(x)}=2 \nonumber \] Hence, \[\operatorname{limit}(x \rightarrow 1) \frac{f(x)}{F(x)}=2 \nonumber \] This rule can be proved using three assumptions. - In the neighborhood of $x = a$, $F(x) \neq 0 \text { if } x \neq \mathrm{a}$. - $f(x)$ and $F(x)$ are continuous in the neighbourhood of $x = \mathrm{a}$ except perhaps at $\mathrm{a}$. - $\mathrm{f}^{\prime}(x)$ and $\mathrm{F}^{\prime}(x)$ exist is some neighborhood of $x = \mathrm{a}$ (except perhaps at $x = \mathrm{a}$) and do not vanish simultaneously for $x \neq \mathrm{a}$. In the present context the terms under consideration have a different form. With reference to the term, $x \, \ln (x)$, \[f(x)=\ln (x) \text { and } F(x)=1 / x \nonumber \] Then $\mathrm{f}^{\prime}(\mathrm{x})=1 / \mathrm{x}$ and $\mathrm{F}^{\prime}(\mathrm{x})=-1 / \mathrm{x}^{2}$. Hence, $\mathrm{f}^{\prime}(\mathrm{x}) / \mathrm{F}^{\prime}(\mathrm{x}) = -\mathrm{x}$. Thus \[\operatorname{limit}(x \rightarrow 0) \mathrm{f}^{\prime}(x) / \mathrm{F}^{\prime}(\mathrm{x})=0 \nonumber \] Hence, \[\operatorname{limit}(x \rightarrow 0) x \, \ln (x)=0 \nonumber \]	466	common-pile/libretexts_filtered	https://chem.libretexts.org/Bookshelves/Physical_and_Theoretical_Chemistry_Textbook_Maps/Topics_in_Thermodynamics_of_Solutions_and_Liquid_Mixtures/01%3A_Modules/1.24%3A_Misc/1.14.42%3A_L'Hospital's_Rule	libretexts	libretexts-0000.json.gz:44833	https://chem.libretexts.org/Bookshelves/Physical_and_Theoretical_Chemistry_Textbook_Maps/Topics_in_Thermodynamics_of_Solutions_and_Liquid_Mixtures/01%3A_Modules/1.24%3A_Misc/1.14.42%3A_L'Hospital's_Rule
qwNFz_JHpQj4bjXa	Experimental Pedagogy	1 Using WordPress as a Tool for Teaching and Learning I’ve been using WordPress for about ten years. Before the semester begins, I create a WordPress site with a page for course information, a blog for announcements, and a page with links to students’ sites. (For examples from this semester, see here and here.) Students are asked (1) to follow the blog to receive notification of new posts and (2) to create their own WordPress blogs. Students regularly post written content, videos, podcasts, images, and diagrams onto their blogs. They also comment on their colleagues’ posts. WordPress sites contribute significantly to student engagement, community building, and progress toward course aim because they allow for the option to post video, audio, and diagrams, and support ongoing, asynchronous, dialogue among all members of the students-as-a-learning-community. This semester, students whose eyes are simply tired of staring at a screen have been grateful for the option to use SoundCloud to record and post podcasts. In addition to using MindMupp, an online diagramming tool, students have gone analog: drawing thought maps on paper and posting photos to their blogs. Their use of various media not only expands the students’ engagement with the material, but also fosters relational learning. An example of WordPress at Work For their Archaeological Illustration module, students in Archaeology and Society (fall 2020) posted time-lapse videos of themselves working on their drawings and discussing their experiences. As students drew “heirlooms” from their environs, they shared the stories of these objects and contemplated the meaning of things. In addition to demonstrating that the students were working successfully toward the aims of the module, these posts helped us get to know one another and build community. For example, Pomona Senior Cody Pham posted this wonderful piece, which I’m sharing with permission: Incorporating WordPress into a Syllabus For an example of how I include WordPress in a syllabus, see the following excerpts from my Gender and Sexuality in Ancient Rome (fall 2020) Course Information page: Maintain an on-going, written dialogue with the seminar community via blogs & hypothes.is Each week, you are required to post a video, audio, visual (e.g. diagram or mind-map), or written reflection (equivalent to two pages, double-spaced) on your blog. Unless otherwise directed, please develop a thoughtful question in response to the current material under consideration. These should be questions about which you are genuinely interested to invite further discussion (in the comments section and in class). You may also suggest an answer to your question, but this is not required. Your aim in these posts is to develop a critical eye for things you don’t understand. These posts are your opportunity to discover what you do not know rather than to re-inscribe what you already believe. Approach these posts is as an opportunity to conduct an inquiry of genuine intellectual (and, perhaps, personal) interest to you. You may also discuss the class itself— further developing or commenting on our work together. Critical thinking is expected. Please note that you have the option each week to post content in writing or other media. You are also required to post a comment on one colleague’s blog each week. Comments should be one or two paragraphs long and focus on content, engaging the author and the questions they raise, and should be written as a letter. Remember to sign your name. Blog Posts go up every Friday with comments posting on the Monday of the following week. Note: everyone will either need to approve comments as they come in OR adjust the settings on your site to automatically approve comments. Create and save all posts and comments as documents prior to posting. This not only helps with style and editing, but also prepares your portfolio for submission at the end of the semester. Tips for setting up your WordPress site: If you don’t already have one, please sign up for a free WordPress.com account and launch your own WordPress site. You will use your site throughout the semester to publish regular blog posts, images, video logs, and podcasts. Pomona ITS can offer support if you have trouble with WordPress, and I’ve made a demo video to walk you through creating a free site. - Pro tips: Use a computer, not a tablet or phone, to set up your WordPress account and launch your blog. - Recommended: Use a permanent email address so you can easily keep your WordPress account active. - Important: You do not need pay for anything. Be careful to select only the free options. Option to have fun: Choose a theme, give your blog a name relevant to the course, and add your own name to the byline. - DON’T FORGET: As soon as you have set up your site, send an email with your url so that it can be linked on the “STUDENT SITES” page.	1,049	common-pile/pressbooks_filtered	https://pressbooks.claremont.edu/experimentalpedagogy/chapter/using-wordpress-as-a-tool-for-teaching-and-learning/	pressbooks	pressbooks-0000.json.gz:11226	https://pressbooks.claremont.edu/experimentalpedagogy/chapter/using-wordpress-as-a-tool-for-teaching-and-learning/
DdU1s6Hj9kafwM0b	6.2: Temperature, pH, and Osmotic Requirements	6.2: Temperature, pH, and Osmotic Requirements Learning Outcomes - Recognize the cardinal temperatures of growth for bacteria - State the conditions for classification of psychrophiles, mesophiles, thermophiles, and hyperthermophiles - Recognize the pH requirements for bacteria - Recognize the osmotic requirements for bacteria Environmental Requirements: Temperature How does temperature affect bacterial growth? Organisms grow best over a certain temperature range, and this range has restrictions. The cardinal temperatures are the range of temperatures over which an organism can grow. Every organism has evolved to live at a particular optimum temperature. - Minimum: lowest temp where reproduction occurs - Maximum: highest temp where reproduction occurs - Optimum: highest rate of reproduction Organisms are classified based on the temperature ranges they live in: - Psychrophiles: less than zero - Psychrotrophs: 0-30°C - Mesophiles: middle temperatures 15-45°C - Thermophiles: 40-80°C - Hyperthermophiles: above 65°C Microorganisms require a temperature growth range dictated by the heat sensitivity of its cellular components. As a result, microbial growth has a characteristic temperature dependence with distinct cardinal temperatures ---the minimum, optimum, and maximum, temperatures at which it can grow. The optimum temperature is usually correlated to its natural habitat. Image 1 and 2: General temperature ranges compared to growth rate Environmental Requirements: pH How does pH affect bacterial growth? Hydrogen ions in a solution = pH. Organisms grow best at a specific pH range based, in part, on the environment they have evolved to live in. If bacteria are outside their optimal pH range their proteins can become denatured. Ranges of pH over which an organism can live place them in groups: - Acidophiles: below pH 5.5 - Neutrophiles: pH 5.5 -8.5 - Alkaliphiles: pH above 8.5 - The pH is another environmental condition that dictates microbial growth. pH impacts the activities of enzymes and each microbial species has a pH growth range. Acidophiles have a growth range between pH 0.0-5.5, neutrophiles grow btween 5.5 and 8.5, while alkalophiles do best between 8.5-11.5 (or higher). Generally, different microbial genera have characteristic pH optima ranges. The majority of bacteria are neutrophiles while molds and yeasts tend to prefer slightly acidic environments with a pH range of 4-6. Many bacteria produce acids as part of their metabolism, and this can lower the pH of their environment. One excellent example of this are the Lactic Acid Bacteria (LAB); a large and diverse group of Gram-positive bacteria that produce lactic acid as the major end product of the fermentation of carbohydrates. The lactic acid can inhibit the growth of pathogenic and food spoilage microorganisms in food. Thus the LAB play a significant role in food fermentation, contributing to a wide variety of fermented products (ie. cheese, yogurt, meat, fish, fruit, vegetable and cereal products). Their breakdown of various carbohydrates, proteins, and lipids contribute to the flavor, texture and nutritional value of the fermented foods. Image 3 : pH Classification for microorganisms. Environmental Requirements: Salinity How does osmotic pressure affect bacterial growth? Water is essential to all organisms. The ability to control the movement of water across a membrane is necessary for the survival of all cells. Osmotic pressure is the minimum pressure which needs to be applied to a solution to prevent the inward flow of water across a semi-permeable membrane. The movement of water is controlled by the concentration of solutes contained within the water (usually salt). Bacteria can be classified based upon the salinity they can tolerate: - Halophiles (prefer NaCl concentrations of 3% or higher) - Extreme halophiles (prefer NaCl concentrations of 15%-25%) - Xerophile (prefer low salt concentrations) Image 4: Impact of various salt concentrations on movement of water into/out of a cell. Quantifying Bacterial Growth: How do we quantify bacterial growth? Often in microbiology, we need to determine the number of bacterial cells in a broth. We can do this directly through spread plates (Chapter 5: Enumeration of bacteria) or indirectly by assessing the turbidity (cloudiness) of broth tubes. We measure turbidity using a spectrophotometer which gives us a reading of the light absorbance: - more bacteria = more cloudy = higher absorbance - less bacteria = less cloudy = lower absorbance	890	common-pile/libretexts_filtered	https://bio.libretexts.org/Courses/North_Carolina_State_University/MB352_General_Microbiology_Laboratory_2021_(Lee)/06%3A_Microbial_Physiology/6.02%3A_Temperature_pH_and_Osmotic_Requirements	libretexts	libretexts-0000.json.gz:16380	https://bio.libretexts.org/Courses/North_Carolina_State_University/MB352_General_Microbiology_Laboratory_2021_(Lee)/06%3A_Microbial_Physiology/6.02%3A_Temperature_pH_and_Osmotic_Requirements
wOM1e7QXpaIhEnoK	Foundations of Physics	6 Mass, Weight & Newton’s Second Law Resources Video to Watch: Mechanical Universe: Episode 6 – Newton’s Law Article to Read: Mathematicians solve age-old spaghetti mystery Article to Read: Longest overhaul of scientific units since the French Revolution wins approval Equations Introduced and Used for this Topic: (All equations can be written and solved as both scalar and vector) - [latex]F = ma[/latex] - [latex]w = mg[/latex] Where… - [latex]F[/latex] is force, measured in newtons (N) - [latex]w[/latex] is weight (it is a force), measured in newtons (N) - [latex]m[/latex] is mass, commonly measured in kilograms (kg), grams (g) or tonnes (t) - [latex]a[/latex] is acceleration (deceleration is negative), measured in metres per second squared (m/s2) - [latex]g[/latex] or [latex]a_g[/latex] is the acceleration due to gravity and varies from 9.78 m/s2 (equator) to 9.83 m/s2 (North or South Pole). The average value of gravity is taken to be either 9.80 m/s2 or 9.81 m/s2 Newton’s Laws of Motion - Extra Help: A-Level Physics Tutor - Article to Read: kilogram, ampere, kelvin and mole redefined - Extra Help: Newton’s Laws - Extra Help: The Meaning of Force - Video to Watch: Newton’s 3rd Law of Force – Forklift Driver Causes an Entire Warehouse to Fall like Dominos Sir Isaac Newton worked in many areas of mathematics and physics. He developed the theories of gravitation in 1666, when he was only 23 years old. Some twenty years later, in 1686, he presented his three laws of motion in the “Principia Mathematica Philosophiae Naturalis.” Newton’s first law states that every object will remain at rest or in uniform motion in a straight line unless compelled to change its state by the action of an external force. This is normally accepted as the definition of inertia. The key point here is that if there is no net force acting on an object (if all the external forces cancel each other out) then the object will maintain a constant velocity. If that velocity is zero, then the object remains at rest. If an external force is applied, the velocity will change because of the force. Newton’s second law explains how the velocity of an object changes when it is subjected to an external force. The law defines a force to be equal to change in momentum (mass times velocity) per change in time. Newton also developed the calculus of mathematics, and the “changes” expressed in the second law are most accurately defined in differential forms. (Calculus can also be used to determine the velocity and location variations experienced by an object subjected to an external force.) For an object with a constant mass [latex]m[/latex], the second law states that the force ([latex]F[/latex]) is the product of an object’s mass and its acceleration [latex]a[/latex]: [latex]F = m a[/latex] Newton’s third law states that for every action (force) in nature there is an equal and opposite reaction. In other words, if object A exerts a force on object B, then object B also exerts an equal force on object A. Notice that the forces are exerted on different objects. The third law can be used to explain the generation of lift by a wing and the production of thrust by a jet engine. 6.1 Net Force… The resolution of multiple force vectors - Extra Help: Determining Net Force - Extra Help: Addition of Forces Net Force: the resolutions of multiple forces acting on a body Forces are Vectors … They are added, subtracted and combined according to the direction they take. Quite often, vectors are simply left as the sum of the different vectors and not recombined. Vectors in the same direction are added and vectors in the opposite direction are subtracted. For instance: 10 N right + 5 N right = 15 N right (The vectors are in the same direction so they are added.) 10 N right + 5 N left = 5 N right (The vectors are in the opposite direction so they are subtracted.) Vectors that are angled between two directions are first broken up into the various components for those directions before they are added or subtracted. 10 N right + 5 N down = 10 N right + 5 N down (The vectors are in different directions so they are left alone.) Vectors that are angled between two directions are first broken up into the various components for those directions before they are added or subtracted. For instance: Using right angle trigonometry this 15 N vector would be broken up into the force directed upwards and the force to the left. To find the force upwards use the sine function: [latex]\sin 40^{\circ} = \dfrac{\text{force up}}{15 N}[/latex] To find the force right use the cosine function: [latex]\cos 40^{\circ} = \dfrac{\text{force right}}{15 N}[/latex] Example 6.1.1 Resolve the following multiple force vectors. This means for [latex]F_{\text{Net}} = 0[/latex], [latex]a=0\text{ m/s}^2[/latex]. Therefore, if at rest, it remains at rest ([latex]v = 0 \text{ m/s}[/latex]) or if in motion, then it remains in that constant state of motion ([latex]v = \text{ constant}[/latex]). Newton’s Second Law: for an Unbalanced or Net Force ≠ 0 From Newton’s second law: if the external forces acting on an object are unbalanced ([latex]F_{\text{Net}} \neq 0[/latex]) then the object will experience some amount of acceleration. This means for [latex]F_{\text{Net}} \neq 0[/latex], [latex]a \neq 0 \text{ m/s}^2[/latex]. Therefore, if originally at rest, it will accelerate and begin to move ([latex]v \neq 0 \text{ m/s}[/latex]) or if is already in motion then it will be changing its speed or velocity ([latex]v \neq \text{ constant}[/latex]). Analyzing this change in motion resulting from an unbalanced force acting on an object requires one to use an equation derived from Newton’s second law: [latex]F = m a[/latex] Using Newton’s second law often requires one to share the acceleration measure with the four kinematic equations, as you will see in the following examples. - Four Kinematic Equations: - [latex]d = \dfrac{(v_i + v_f) t}{2}[/latex] - [latex]2ad = v_f^2 - v_i^2[/latex] - [latex]\vec{v_f} = \vec{v_i} + \vec{a}t[/latex] - [latex]\vec{d} = \vec{v_i}t + \frac{1}{2}\vec{a}t^2[/latex] - Newton’s second law - [latex]\vec{F} = m \vec{a}[/latex] Example 6.2.1 Answer the following questions: - A 54 kg diver is standing on a diving board ready to dive. What unbalanced force acts upon him? Solution The weight of the diver is balanced by the support of the diving board. Therefore, the unbalanced force = 0 N. - A 54 kg diver is standing on a diving board ready to dive. What balanced force acts upon him? Solution The weight of the diver is balanced by the support of the diving board. Therefore, the balanced force = weight where [latex]w = m g[/latex].- balanced force = (54 kg)(9.8 m/s2) - balanced force = 529 N - If this 54 kg diver steps off the diving board, what unbalanced force acts upon him? Solution The weight of the diver is not balanced by the support of the diving board. Therefore, the diver is accelerated downwards by gravity where [latex]F = m a_g[/latex].- unbalanced force (F) = (54 kg)(9.8 m/s2) - unbalanced force (F) = 529 N - If this 54 kg diver steps off the diving board, what balanced force acts upon him? Solution The weight of the diver is not balanced by the support of the diving board. Therefore, the balanced force acting on the diver is 0 N. Example 6.2.2 An unbalanced force of 84 N gives an object of unknown mass an acceleration of 4.2 m/s2. What is the mass of this unknown object? Solution Data: - [latex]F = 84 \text{ N}[/latex] - [latex]m = \text{ Find}[/latex] - [latex]a = 4.2 \text{ m/s}^2[/latex] Solution: - [latex]F = m a[/latex] - [latex]84 \text{ N } = m (4.2 \text{ m/s}^2)[/latex] - [latex]m = 20 \text{ kg}[/latex] Example 6.2.3 An unbalanced force of 500 N acts upon a 20 kg object. At what rate does this object accelerate? Solution Data: - [latex]F = 500 \text{ N}[/latex] - [latex]m = 20 \text{ kg}[/latex] - [latex]a = \text{ Find}[/latex] Solution: - [latex]F = m a[/latex] - [latex]500 \text{ N } = (20 \text{ kg})a[/latex] - [latex]a = 25 \text{ m/s}^2[/latex] Example 6.2.4 A 80 tonne passenger jet decelerates at 1.5 gs when landing. What braking force is acting on it? Solution Conversions: - 80 tonnes = 80000 kg - 1.5 g’s = 1.5(9.8 m/s2) = 14.7 m/s2 Data: - [latex]F = \text{ Find}[/latex] - [latex]m = 80 \text{ tonnes}[/latex] - [latex]a = 1.5 \text{ g's}[/latex] Solution: - [latex]F = m a[/latex] - [latex]F = (80000 \text{ kg})(14.7 \text{ m/s}^2)[/latex] - [latex]F =[/latex] 1176000 N (≈ 1.2 × 106 N) Exercise 6.2 - A 62 kg diver is standing on a diving board ready to dive. What unbalanced force acts upon him? - If this 62 kg diver steps off the diving board, what unbalanced force acts upon him? - An unbalanced force of 18 N gives an object of unknown mass an acceleration of 2.5 m/s2. What is the mass of this unknown object? - An unbalanced force of 500 N acts upon a 40 kg object. At what rate does this object accelerate? - What is the force of a spring toy that accelerates a 50 g mass at 2.0 cm/s2? - What is the acceleration of a 75 kg skydiver if the air resistance acting at that part of the fall is 420 N? - Suppose a spring loaded toy is released and accelerates two masses in opposite directions. If the smaller mass of 15 g accelerates at 8.0 cm/s2, at what rate does the larger 35 g mass accelerate in the opposite direction? - A slingshot device is launching an 85 g steel sphere by using two angled forces as shown below. At what rate does the steel sphere accelerate? 6.3 Weight & Mass - Article to Read: Lakes of Melted Snow Are Literally Bending Antarctica’s Ice Shelves in Half - Article to Read: Is this the most massive star in the universe? Equations Introduced or Used for this Section: - [latex]F = ma[/latex] - [latex]w = mg[/latex] - Four Kinematic Equations: - [latex]d = \dfrac{(v_i + v_f) t}{2}[/latex] - [latex]2ad = v_f^2 - v_i^2[/latex] - [latex]\vec{v_f} = \vec{v_i} + \vec{a}t[/latex] - [latex]\vec{d} = \vec{v_i}t + \frac{1}{2}\vec{a}t^2[/latex] - Constant Velocity Equation - [latex]\vec{v} = \dfrac{\vec{d}}{t}[/latex] Weight and mass are concepts that many students confuse in their early studies. The mass of an object refers to the measure of the amount of matter that exists in that object and the SI measure of it is in kilograms (kg)[1]. This amount of matter remains constant anywhere in the universe and is one of the fundamental measurements in physics. At high enough speeds, relativity will increase the mass by an amount called the relativistic mass. The weight of an object is a measure of the force of gravity that acts on the object. This can be tricky to measure as this measure is typically done by placing a scale between the object and the surface it is resting on. If the object the scale in between and the surface the scale is resting on are all in a state of free fall, then the scale can read 0 N since there is no net force holding the object to the surface. One can generally experience this temporary weightlessness in free fall amusement park rides. As such, astronauts in space, along with their spaceship, are weightless in their orbit around the Earth as they are always in that state of free fall. weight = mass × gravity Weight, like other forces, is measured in newtons. When one measures the weight of an object in an elevator, one is required to look at weight as the measure of the sum or difference of the acceleration of gravity and of the surface the object is resting on. Consider the following example, where the acceleration of an elevator is 4.2 m/s2. For an elevator at rest, the weight of the object is a simple measure, specifically, its weight is the product of mass × gravity. [latex]w = m a_g[/latex] & [latex]w = m (9.8 \text{ m/s}^2)[/latex] If we are now trying to measure the weight of an object on a floor that is accelerating downwards we would measure the weight to be less, which is similar to how we can feel lighter in an elevator that starts to accelerate downwards. The measured weight in this case would be the acceleration of gravity minus the acceleration of the falling floor. [latex]w = m (a_g - a_{\text{floor}})[/latex] & [latex]w = m (9.8 \text{ m/s}^2 - 4.2 \text{ m/s}^2)[/latex] or [latex]w = m (5.6 \text{ m/s}^2)[/latex] If we are now trying to measure the weight of an object on a floor that is accelerating upwards we would measure the weight to be greater which is similar to how we can feel heavier in an elevator that starts to accelerate upwards. The measured weight in this case would be the acceleration of gravity plus the acceleration of the falling floor. [latex]w = m (a_g + a_{\text{floor}})[/latex] & [latex]w = m (9.8 \text{ m/s}^2 + 4.2 \text{ m/s}^2)[/latex] or [latex]w = m (14 \text{ m/s}^2)[/latex] The following examples illustrate the difference between of weight and mass. Example 6.3.1 Answer the following questions: - Find the weight of a truck whose mass is 1200 kg. - What is the acceleration of this truck if an unbalanced force of 4200 N is placed on it. Solution Question (i): - Data: - [latex]w = \text{ Find}[/latex] - [latex]m = 1200 \text{ kg}[/latex] - [latex]g = 9.8 \text{ m/s}^2[/latex] - Solution - [latex]w = m g[/latex] - [latex]w = (1200 \text{ kg})(9.8 \text{ m/s}^2)[/latex] - [latex]w = 11760 \text{ N or } 11800 \text{ N}[/latex] Question (ii): - Data: - [latex]F = 4200 \text{ N}[/latex] - [latex]m = 1200 \text{ kg}[/latex] - [latex]a = \text{ Find}[/latex] - Solution: - [latex]F = m a[/latex] - [latex]4200 \text{ N } = (1200 \text{ kg}) a[/latex] - [latex]a = 4200 \text{ N } \div 1200 \text{ kg}[/latex] - [latex]a = 3.5 \text{ m/s}^2[/latex] Example 6.3.2 What is the mass of the 185 kg NASA Mars Rover currently resting on the Martian surface, where the Martian gravity is 3.711 m/s2? Solution The mass of the NASA Mars Rover remains constant at 185 kg no matter where it is. The weight of it will change according to the strength of gravity. Example 6.3.3 A net force of 180 N acts on a 20 kg mass for 4.0 s. If this mass was originally at rest: - What final speed did it reach? - How far did it travel during these 4.0 s? Solution Data: - [latex]a = \text{ need}[/latex] - [latex]v_i = 0 \text{ m/s}[/latex] - [latex]v_f = \text{ Find for Question (i)}[/latex] - [latex]d = \text{ Find for Question (ii)}[/latex] - [latex]t = 4.0 \text{ s}[/latex] - [latex]F = 180 \text{ N}[/latex] - [latex]m = 20 \text{ mg}[/latex] - [latex]a = \text{ Find for Question (i)}[/latex] First, find the acceleration: - [latex]F = m a[/latex] - [latex]180 \text{ N } = (20 \text{ kg}) a[/latex] - [latex]a = 180 \text{ N } \div 20 \text{ kg}[/latex] - [latex]a = 9.0 \text{ m/s}^2[/latex] Question (i): For this question assume that the distance travelled is not asked for. Therefore we will use the equation: - [latex]v_f = v_i + a t[/latex] - [latex]v_f = 0 \text{ m/s } + (9.0 \text{ m/s}^2)(4.0 \text{ s})[/latex] - [latex]v_f = 36 \text{ m/s}[/latex] Question (ii): For this equation assume that the final speed is not asked for. Therefore we will use the equation: - [latex]d = v_i t + \frac{1}{2} a t^2[/latex] - [latex]d = (0 \text{ m/s})(4.0 \text{ s}) + \frac{1}{2}(9.0 \text{ m/s}^2)(4.0 \text{ s})^2[/latex] - [latex]d = 72 \text{ m}[/latex] Exercise 6.3 - Find the weight of an object whose mass is 15 kg and the acceleration of this object if an unbalanced force of 450 N is placed on it. - An unbalanced force of 50 N is placed upon two different bodies; one whose mass is 10 kg and the other whose weight is 10 N. What would be their respective accelerations? - What is the weight of a 55 kg person standing at the Earth’s equator? What would be this same person’s weight at the South pole? - What is the mass of an 76 kg astronaut standing on the surface of a planet where the acceleration due to gravity is 22.5 m/s2? - What unbalanced force is needed to give an object of weight 100 N an acceleration of 2.5 gs? - If a 74 kg skydiver reaches a terminal velocity of 120 km/h, what must be the air resistance acting on this person at this speed? If this diver changes from a spread eagle to a dive position and reaches a terminal velocity of 180 km/h, what is the air resistance acting on this person at this speed? - A 50 kg stunt person is suspended by several fine wires (invisible to the camera) that are exerting a force of 420 N upwards on this person. At what rate is this person accelerating and in what direction? - Suppose a person is using a rope that can only support 95% of their weight. At what rate would this person have to accelerate, sliding down the rope so that it does not break? - A 1200 kg elevator that has a maximum load capacity of 2000 kg is designed to accelerate at 0.15 m/s2. What range in force could the cables running this elevator experience if operated within the 2000 kg load capacity? (Tricky) 6.4 Newton’s Second Law & Accelerated Motion Newton’s second law[2], most commonly seen as [latex]F = ma[/latex] (scalar form) relates the amount of acceleration that results from an unbalanced force that acts on an object. Using this new approach to measure acceleration, we are able to expand the situations where constant acceleration occurs, and in our analysis of these problems while using the four kinematic - Four Kinematic Equations: - [latex]d = \dfrac{(v_i + v_f) t}{2}[/latex] - [latex]2ad = v_f^2 - v_i^2[/latex] - [latex]\vec{v_f} = \vec{v_i} + \vec{a}t[/latex] - [latex]\vec{d} = \vec{v_i}t + \frac{1}{2}\vec{a}t^2[/latex] - Newton’s second law - [latex]\vec{F} = m \vec{a}[/latex] In sorting data we can use something like the following. - - [latex]a =[/latex] accelerated motion - [latex]v_i =[/latex] - [latex]v_f =[/latex] - [latex]d =[/latex] - [latex]t =[/latex] - [latex]F =[/latex] for unbalanced forces - [latex]m =[/latex] - [latex]a =[/latex] In solving these problems one often encounters situations where the measure of acceleration is shared between the kinematic equations and Newton’s second law equation. This means that you might need to find the acceleration from Newton’s second law to use in a kinematic equation, or the reverse. Also, it is common to encounter an increase in the number of conversions required to solve these problems, specifically speed, such as km/h to SI metric m/s, acceleration in gs to its equivalent in m/s2, and in being given the object’s weight, which you then need to convert to a mass in kg. One unique feature of Newton’s second law is that you will encounter various forms of it in other parts in your studies in physics. It is also used as a quick derivation for the equations fundamental to the next chapters covered: Impulse and Momentum. Example 6.4.1 A 25 kg body experiencing an unbalanced force of 100 N accelerates from rest through a distance of 90 m. For what amount of time was the unbalanced force acting on the body? Solution We need to solve this in two parts. First: - Data: - [latex]F = 100 \text{ N}[/latex] - [latex]m = 25 \text{ mg}[/latex] - [latex]a = \text{ Find first}[/latex] - Solution: - [latex]F = m a[/latex] - [latex]100 = \text{ N } = (25 \text{ kg}) a[/latex] - [latex]a = 100 \text{ N } \div 25 \text{ kg}[/latex] - [latex]a = 4.0 \text{ m/s}^2[/latex] Second: - Data: - [latex]a = 4.0 \text{ m/s}^2[/latex] - [latex]v_i = 0 \text{ m/s}[/latex] - [latex]v_f = \text{ Not mentioned}[/latex] - [latex]d = 90 \text{ m}[/latex] - [latex]t = \text{ Find}[/latex] - Solution: - [latex]d = v_i t + \frac{1}{2} a t^2[/latex] - [latex]90 \text{ m } = (0 \text{ m/s}) t + \frac{1}{2} (4.0 \text{ m/s}^2)t^2[/latex] - [latex]90 \text{ m } = (2.0 \text{ m/s}^2)t^2[/latex] - [latex]t^2 = 90 \text{ m } \div 2.0 \text{ m/s}^2[/latex] - [latex]t^2 = 45 \text{ s}^2[/latex] - [latex]t = 6.71 \text{ s}[/latex] (≈ 6.7 s) Example 6.4.2 An unbalanced force acts on a 10 kg object resting on a frictionless surface for 7.5 s. If after 7.5 s the object is traveling at 5.0 m/s from rest, what force acted on it? Solution We need to solve this in two parts. First: - Data: - [latex]a = \text{ Find first}[/latex] - [latex]v_i = 0 \text{ m/s}[/latex] - [latex]v_f = 5.0 \text{ m/s}[/latex] - [latex]d = \text{ Not mentioned}[/latex] - [latex]t = 7.5 \text{ s}[/latex] - Solution: - [latex]v_f = v_i + a t[/latex] - [latex]5.0 \text{ m/s } = 0 \text{ m/s } + a (7.5 \text{ s})[/latex] - [latex]a = 5.0 \text{ m/s } \div 7.5 \text{ s}[/latex] - [latex]a = 0.67 \text{ m/s}^2[/latex] Second: - Data: - [latex]F = \text{ Find}[/latex] - [latex]m = 10 \text{ kg}[/latex] - [latex]a = 0.67 \text{ m/s}^2[/latex] - Solution: - [latex]F = m a[/latex] - [latex]F = (10 \text{ mg})(0.67 \text{ m/s}^2)[/latex] - [latex]F = 6.7 \text{ N}[/latex] Example 6.4.3 A 32000 kg jet has a braking force of 150000 N. What minimum length of runway is needed to bring this jet to a full stop if it lands traveling at 175 km/h? Solution We need to solve this in two parts. First: - Data: - [latex]F = - 150\;000 \text{ N}[/latex] - [latex]m = 32\;000 \text{ kg}[/latex] - [latex]a = \text{ Find first}[/latex] - Solution: - [latex]F = m a[/latex] - [latex]- 150\;000 \text{ N } = (32\;000 \text{ kg}) a[/latex] - [latex]a = -150\;000 \text{ N } \div 32\;000 \text{ kg}[/latex] - [latex]a = - 4.69 \text{ m/s}^2[/latex] Second: - Data: - [latex]a = - 4.69 \text{ m/s}^2[/latex] - [latex]v_i = 48.6 \text{ m/s}[/latex] - [latex]v_f = 0 \text{ m/s}[/latex] - [latex]d = \text{ Find}[/latex] - [latex]t = \text{ Not mentioned}[/latex] - Solution: - [latex]2 a d = v_f^2 - v_i^2[/latex] - [latex]2(-4.69 \text{ m/s}^2) d = (0 \text{ m/s})^2 - (48.6 \text{ m/s})^2[/latex] - [latex](-9.375 \text{ m/s}^2) d = -2362 \text{ m}^2\text{/s}^2[/latex] - [latex]d = -2362 \text{ m}^2\text{/s }^2 \div -9.375 \text{ m/s}^2[/latex] - [latex]d = 252 \text{ m}[/latex] Exercise 6.4 - An unbalanced force of 85 N is applied to a 10 kg mass for 5.0 s. If this mass was originally at rest, what distance did it cover during those 5.0 s - A 5.0 g bullet leaves the barrel of a gun (1.0 m long) with a speed of 500 m/s. What was the average force acting on the bullet? - If a hockey puck (mass of 250 g) was accelerated from rest to a final speed of 56 m/s through a distance of 1.0 m, what unbalanced force acted on this puck? (The maximum puck speed at the NHL level is around 170 km/h or 47 m/s) - A 1200 kg automobile is traveling at 100 km/h. What is the average braking force required to bring this automobile to a full stop in 100 m? - A 10 kg body experiencing an unbalanced force of 50 N accelerates from rest through a distance of 85 m. For what amount of time was the unbalanced force acting on the body? - An unbalanced force of 50 N is applied to a 10 kg object at rest on a frictionless surface for 7.5 s. At what speed would one expect this object to be traveling after 7.5 s? - A 10 000 N race car has an engine that can exert an unbalanced force of 35 000 N. In what amount of time could this car race the quarter mile (400 m)? - A 15 000 kg jet has a braking force of 75 000 N. What minimum length of runway is needed to bring this jet to a full stop if it lands traveling at 325 km/h? 6.5 Calculating the Mass of the Earth’s Atmosphere Exercise 6.5 - Given that the Earth’s atmosphere exerts a force of 101 300 N on each square metre of the Earth’s surface, estimate the mass of the atmosphere. Exercise Answers 6.2 Newton’s Second Law - 7.2 kg - 12.5 m/s2 - 0 N - − 610 N - 0.0010 N or 1.0 mN - 4.2 m/s2 - 0.034 m/s2 or 3.4 cm/s2 - 960 m/s2 6.3 Weight & Mass - - 150 N - 30 m/s2 - - 5.0 m/s2 - 49 m/s2 - - 538 N - 541 N - 76 kg - 250 N - 730 N in both cases - 1.4 m/s2 - 0.49 m/s2 - 9960 N to 36200 N 6.4 Newton’s Second & Accelerated Motion - 106 m - 625 N - 390 N - − 4630 N - 5.8 s - 37.5 m/s - 4.8 s - 815 m 6.5 Calculating the Mass of the Earth’s Atmosphere - 5.3 × 1018 - Chemists measure mass in grams (g) using the cgs system ↵ - Evidence indicates that as the planet continues to warm, we could soon experience Category 6 Hurricanes (proposed). These hurricanes would rival the forces observed in F-4 tornadoes that are capable of picking up small cars, trucks and launching them as projectiles. ↵	5,532	common-pile/pressbooks_filtered	https://opentextbc.ca/foundationsofphysics/chapter/mass-weight-newtons-second-law/	pressbooks	pressbooks-0000.json.gz:44256	https://opentextbc.ca/foundationsofphysics/chapter/mass-weight-newtons-second-law/
Se0YGOnp-Iwzyuf3	1.7: Accuracy assessment	1.7: Accuracy assessment Once we have produced a land cover (or other) classification from a remote sensing image, an obvious questions is “how accurate is that map?” It is important to answer this question because we want users of the map to have an appropriate amount of confidence in it. If the map is perfect, we want people to know this so they can get the maximum amount of use out of it. And if the map is no more accurate that a random assignment of classes to pixels would have been, we also want people to know that, so they don’t use it for anything (except maybe hanging it on the wall or showing it to students as an example of what not to do…). The subject of accuracy assessment also goes beyond classifications to maps of continuous variables, such as the Earth’s surface temperature, near-surface CO 2 concentration, vegetation health, or other variables come in the form of continuous rather than discrete variables. Regardless of what your map shows, you’ll want people to know how good it is, how much they can trust it. While there are similarities between assessing maps of categorical and continuous variables, the specific measures used to quantify accuracy are different between the two, so in this chapter we will treat each in turn. Accuracy assessment for classifications The basic principle for all accuracy assessment is to compare estimates with reality, and to quantify the difference between the two. In the context of remote sensing-based land cover classifications, the ‘estimates’ are the classes mapped for each pixel, and ‘reality’ is the actual land cover in the areas corresponding to each pixel. Given that the classification algorithm has already provided us with the ‘estimates’, the first challenge in accuracy assessment is to find data on ‘reality’. Such data are often called ‘ground-truth’ data, and typically consist of georeferenced field observations of land cover. A technique often used is to physically go into the study area with a GPS and a camera, and take georeferenced photos that in turn allow the land cover to be determined visually from each photo. Because people can visually distinguish between different kinds of land cover with great accuracy, such data can reasonably be considered to represent ‘reality’. In many cases, though, the term ‘ground truth’ oversells the accuracy of this kind of information. People may be good at distinguishing between ‘desert’ and ‘forest’ in a photo, but they are clearly less good at distinguishing between ‘high-density forest’ and ‘medium-density forest’. Especially if the difference between two classes is based on percentage cover (e.g. the difference between medium-density and high-density forest may be whether trees cover more or less than 50% of the surface area) field observations may not always lead to a perfect description of reality. Many remote sensing scientists therefore prefer the term ‘validation data’, suggesting that these data are appropriate as the basis for comparison with remote-sensing based classifications, while at the same time acknowledging the potential that they do not correspond perfectly to the ’truth’. Creating validation data If you want to produce an honest and unbiased assessment of the accuracy of your land cover map (and I assume you do!), there are a couple of things to consider as you create your validation dataset: - You should have validation data covering all the different land cover classes in your map. If you don’t you will really only be able to assess the accuracy of the parts of the map covered by the classes you have data for. - You should also ideally have validation data that are distributed randomly (or more or less evenly) throughout your study area. To produce a set of validation data that both covers all classes and has a good spatial distribution in your study area, a stratified random selection of validation points is often used (i.e. including a number of points from each class, with those points belonging to each class being randomly distributed within the area covered by that class). - The number of data points used for each class should either be the same, or should reflect the relative extent of each class on your map. The former approach is most suitable if you want to compare classes and find out which ones are mapped better than others. The latter approach is most suitable if you want to produce a single accuracy estimate to the entire map. - The more validation data, the better. However, creating validation data can take time and money, so getting ‘enough’ data is often a reasonable objective. Rules of thumb exist about what constitutes ‘enough’ data (e.g. 50 per class), but there are many exceptions to those rules. If you use field observations to create your validation data, it is important to remember that the validation data should be comparable to the classes derived from your image, in several ways: - The definitions used for each class should be the same between the classification and the validation data. For example, if in your classification you considered a ‘water body’ to be at least 0.1 km 2 in size, you need to keep this in mind as you create your validation data, so when you go in the field and one of your data points are in a puddle you do not consider it a ‘water body’ but instead figure out what the land cover around the puddle is. - Related to the above point, keep in mind the spatial resolution of the image used to produce your classification. If you have based your classification on Landsat (TM, ETM+, OLI) imagery without pan-sharpening, each pixel corresponds to an area of approximately 30 x 30 meters on the ground. So when you go in the field, you should be documenting the dominant land cover in 30 x 30 meter areas, rather than the land cover at the exact coordinates of the data point. An alternative approach to creating validation data, useful when going to the study area and collecting field observations is too costly, is visual inspection of high-resolution remote sensing imagery. If you choose this approach, you have to be confident that you can visually distinguish all the different classes, from the image, with high accuracy. People sometimes use imagery from Google Earth for validation, or they use visual interpretation of the same image used for the classification. The latter option seems a bit circular – as in ‘why use a classifier in the first place, if you can confidently assign classes based on visual interpretation of the image?’ However, visual interpretation may be entirely appropriate for accurately defining land cover for a number of validation data points, while doing visual interpretation of an entire image could be an enormously labour-intensive task. The same considerations outlined in bullet points above apply whether the validation data are created using field observations of visual interpretation of imagery. An interesting new approach to creating validation data is to use publicly available geotagged photos, such as those available through Flickr or other sites where people share their photos. Especially for cities and popular tourist sites, the Internet contains a vast repository of geotagged photos that may be used by anyone as field observations. Some quality control is needed though, as not all photos available online are geotagged automatically with GPS (some are manually ‘geotagged’ when posted online), and most photos show land cover conditions at a time that is different from when the remote sensing image was acquired (e.g. winter vs. summer). The confusion matrix Once you have created a set of validation data that you trust, you can use their georeference to pair them up with the corresponding land cover mapped in the classification. You can think of the resulting comparison as a table that looks something like this: \| Mapped land cover (estimate) \| Validation data (reality) \| \| Forest \| Forest \| \| Water \| Water \| \| Forest \| Grassland \| \| Grassland \| Grassland \| \| Grassland \| Bare soil \| \| Bare soil \| Bare soil \| \| … \| … \| With many validation data points, a method is required to summarize all this information, and in remote sensing the method that is used universally, and has been for decades, is called the confusion matrix (also called ‘error matrix’ or ‘contingency table’). Using the four classes listed in the example above, the frame of the confusion matrix would look like this: \| Validation data \| \|\|\|\|\|\| \| Class \| Forest \| Water \| Grassland \| Bare soil \| Total \| \| \| Classification \| Forest \| \|\|\|\|\| \| Water \| \|\|\|\|\|\| \| Grassland \| \|\|\|\|\|\| \| Bare soil \| \|\|\|\|\|\| \| Total \| Read along the rows, each line tells you what the pixels classified into a given class are in reality according to the validation data. Read along the columns, each column tells you what the validation data known to be a given class were classified as. For example: \| Validation data \| \|\|\|\|\|\| \| Class \| Forest \| Water \| Grassland \| Bare soil \| Total \| \| \| Classification \| Forest \| 56 \| 0 \| 4 \| 2 \| 62 \| \| Water \| 1 \| 67 \| 1 \| 0 \| 69 \| \| \| Grassland \| 5 \| 0 \| 34 \| 7 \| 46 \| \| \| Bare soil \| 2 \| 0 \| 9 \| 42 \| 53 \| \| \| Total \| 64 \| 67 \| 48 \| 51 \| 230 \| Reading along the rows, the table above tells you that 56 pixels classified as ‘forest’ were also considered ‘forest’ in the validation data, that 0 pixels classified as ‘forest’ were considered ‘water’ in the validation data, 4 pixels classified as ‘forest’ were considered ‘grassland’ in the validation data, and 2 pixels classified as ‘forest’ were considered ‘bare soil’ in the validation data, for a total of 62 pixels classified as forest. And so on. User, producer, and overall accuracy Using the information in the confusion matrix, we can find answers to reasonable questions concerning the accuracy of the land cover map produced with the classification. There are three kinds of questions typically asked and answered with the confusion matrix. The user accuracy answers a question of the following type: ‘If I have your map, and I go to a pixel that your map shows as class ‘x’, how likely am I to actually find class ‘x’ there?’ Using the example of ‘grassland’ from the table above, we can see that a total of 46 pixels classified as ‘grassland’ were checked against validation data. Of those 46 pixels, 34 were considered to be ‘grassland’ in the validation data. In other words, 34 pixels, out of the 46 pixels classified as ‘grassland’ are actually ‘grassland’. 34 out of 46 is 74%, so the user accuracy of the classification, for the ‘grassland’ class, is 74%. User accuracies vary between classes, as some classes are easier to distinguish from the rest than other classes. Water features tend to be easy to map because they are dark and blueish and not many features found on land look like them. In the example above, the user accuracy for the ‘water’ class is 67 out of 69, or 97%. The producer accuracy answers a question of the following type: ‘If an area is actually class ‘x’, how likely is it to also have been mapped as such?’ Again using the example of ‘grassland’, we see that a total of 48 validation data points were considered to be ‘grassland’, and 34 of those were also classified as such. 34 out of 48 is 71%, so the producer accuracy for the ‘grassland’ class is 71%. While the user and producer accuracies focus on individual classes, the overall accuracy answers the following question: ‘What proportion of the map is correctly classified?’, which can often be interpreted simply as ‘how accurate is the map?’. Looking at the values in the diagonal of the confusion matrix in the above example, we see that 56 pixels were considered ‘forest’ in the validation data and had also been classified as ‘forest’, and we see similar numbers of 67 for ‘water’, 34 for ‘grassland’, and 42 for ‘bare soil’. These sum up to 56+67+34+42=199, out of a total 230 pixels in the validation data set. 199 out of 230 is 87%, so based on the validation data we estimate that 87% of the map is correctly classified. The overall accuracy needs to be reported with care, as the following example will illustrate. Imagine that the image you used for the classification covered a coastal zone, and the sub-orbital track of the satellite had been a bit off-shore, so 80% of the image was covered by ‘water’. The remaining 20% of the image was covered by ‘bare soil’ or ‘vegetation’. If you reflected this uneven distribution in the creation of your validation data, 80% of your validation data would be over water, and since water is relatively easy to distinguish from the other surface types, your confusion matrix might look something like this: \| Validation data \| \|\|\|\|\| \| Class \| Water \| Vegetation \| Bare soil \| Total \| \| \| Classification \| Water \| 82 \| 1 \| 0 \| 83 \| \| Vegetation \| 0 \| 12 \| 2 \| 14 \| \| \| Bare soil \| 0 \| 2 \| 9 \| 11 \| \| \| Total \| 82 \| 15 \| 11 \| 108 \| While the user and producer accuracies for ‘vegetation’ and ‘bare soil’ are not impressive in this scenario, as expected ‘water’ has been classified almost perfectly. The dominance of ‘water’ pixels influences the calculation of the overall accuracy, which ends up as 82+12+9=103 out of 108, an overall accuracy of 95%. If the purpose of the map is to find out where the coastline is, or something else that only truly requires separating water from land, this might be acceptable as an estimate of how good the map is. But if you have made the map for a local government agency tasked with monitoring coastal vegetation, the overall accuracy of 95% may falsely provide the idea that the map should be used with confidence for that purpose, which largely will require separating ‘vegetation’ from ‘bare soil’. In general, as long as you report a) how you produced the map, b) how you produced the validation data, and c) the entire confusion matrix along with any additional accuracy measure derived from it, an intelligent reader will be able to judge whether the map is appropriate for a given purpose, or not. Accuracy assessment for classifications when you are only trying to map one thing A special case of accuracy assessment presents itself when you are making a map of one type of object, like houses, swimming pools, and so on. While this is still rare in remote sensing, it is becoming increasingly necessary with object-based image analysis, which is an effective means of mapping specific object types. We’ll use swimming pools as an example. Imagine that you have created an object-based image analysis workflow that takes a high-resolution satellite image and attempts to detect all swimming pools in the area covered by the image. The product of that workflow is a set of polygons that outlines all swimming pools identified in the image. Similarly, your validation data consist of a set of polygons that outline all swimming pools manually identified in the image, for a small part of the image you are using for validation. So you now have two sets of polygons to compare, one being your ‘estimate’, the other being ‘reality’. Your confusion matrix can be set up to look like this (explanation follows below): \| Validation data \| \|\|\|\| \| Class \| Presence \| Absence \| Total \| \| \| Classification \| Presence \| TP \| FP \| Precision = TP / (TP + FP) \| \| Absence \| FN \| \|\|\| \| Total \| Recall = TP / (TP + FN) \| In this table, ‘presence’ indicates the presence of a swimming pool (in either data set) and absence indicates the absence of a swimming pool (also in either data set). TP is the number of True Positives – swimming pools that exist in the validation data, and that were correctly identified in your map as being swimming pools. FP is the number of False Presences – object identified in your map as being swimming pools, but which are in reality something else. FN is the number of False Negatives – swimming pools that exist in reality, but which your map failed to detect. Note that in this table, there are no True Negatives (objects that are in reality not swimming pools, and were also not identified in the image as swimming pools). This has been omitted because, in the case of an image analysis that aims to find only one thing, no other objects are identified in the image, nor in the validation data. The goal of a good image analysis is, of course, to have a large number of True Presences, and a small number of False Presences and a small number of False Negatives. To quantify how well the image analysis succeeded in this, the value typically calculated is called the F1 score, which is calculated as: F1 = (2PrecisionRecall) / (Precision+Recall). The F1 score has the nice property of having values that range from 0 (worst) to 1 (best), which makes it easy to interpret. Accuracy assessment for continuous variables When dealing with continuous variables, comparing ‘estimates’ and ‘reality’ is no longer a case of checking whether they are identical or not, because when measured with enough detail they never are. For example, you may have mapped a pixel as having a surface temperature of 31.546 °C while your corresponding field observation says that it is in reality 31.543 °C. Despite how the two values are not identical, you would probably not want that to simply be considered ‘no match’. Instead, what we need to do is to provide users of the map with an idea of what the typical difference is between the mapped estimate and reality. Creating validation data As when assessing accuracy of classification, you need a set of validation data that are considered to represent reality. These almost universally come from field measurements, and it is important to remember that, as when assessing accuracy of classifications, the validation data should be comparable to the measures derived from your image. Especially the issue of spatial resolution can be problematic here, because it is difficult to make accurate measurements over large areas with most field equipment. Consider the case of surface temperature, which is typically measured with a handheld infrared thermometer (Figure 62). An infrared thermometer (like the ear thermometers used to check if you have a fever or not) measures radiation coming from a small circular area of the Earth’s surface, wherever the thermometer is pointed at. Satellites essentially measure the same radiation and estimate temperature in the same way as a handheld infrared thermometer, except that they integrate the radiation measured over a larger area (100 x 100 meters, in the case of TIRS on Landsat 8) while the handheld version measures a very small area (e.g. 0.5 x 0.5 meters). Because surface temperature varies with soil moisture, vegetation cover, and surface material, among other things, taking a measurement in the field that is representative of the average surface temperature in a 100 x 100 m area is an almost insurmountable challenge in heterogeneous environments. One way around this is to create all your validation data in areas that are as homogeneous as possible, another is to take multiple measurements and use average values at each site to produce a single validation data point. Whatever your strategy, matching the validation data to the spatial resolution of the image is essential to produce a meaningful accuracy assessment. 62: Handheld infrared thermometer of the kind used to measure surface temperature for a small area. Isometric Medical Digital Non-Contact Infrared Thermometer Temperature Measurement Device blue white by Jernej Furman, Flickr, CC BY 2.0 . Once you have a good set of validation data, the table that is the basis for accuracy assessment is one that compares numerical values, as in the below example of woody biomass per ha in a forest: \| Mapped biomass, tons per ha (estimate) \| Observed biomass, tons per ha (reality) \| \| 10.1 \| 9.2 \| \| 5.7 \| 4.8 \| \| 3.2 \| 4.0 \| \| 6.7 \| 6.6 \| \| 7.8 \| 7.1 \| \| 9.3 \| 9.1 \| \| … \| … \| One of the first things we can quantify with this kind of data is whether the mapped estimates are typically underestimates or overestimates, when compared against the validation data. If this is the case, the workflow (algorithm) that produced the estimates is considered biased, and revising it may be in order. The bias can be calculated as the mean error, i.e. the mean value of the estimate minus the validation. We can calculate that by updating Table 10 to get to Table 11: \| Mapped biomass, tons per ha (estimate) \| Observed biomass, tons per ha (reality) \| Error ( estimate – reality) \| \| 10.1 \| 9.2 \| 0.9 \| \| 5.7 \| 4.8 \| 0.9 \| \| 3.2 \| 4.0 \| -0.8 \| \| 6.7 \| 6.6 \| 0.1 \| \| 7.8 \| 7.1 \| 0.7 \| \| 9.3 \| 9.1 \| 0.2 \| \| … \| … \| \| \| Mean Error: \| 0.33 \| In Table 11, we can see that the estimates have a mean error of 0.33. In other words, on average the biomass estimates in our map overestimate reality by 0.33 tons per ha. This may or may not warrant refining the algorithm used to produce the estimates, but at least it is something worth reporting to potential users of the biomass map that contains the overestimates. Another crucial thing to quantify is how wrong the estimates typically are. This is important because you can imagine having an unbiased map that severely overestimates biomass in one part and severely underestimates it elsewhere. Such a map, unbiased, would still be wrong everywhere! The simplest way to report this is using the Mean Absolute Error, as shown in Table 12: \| Mapped biomass, tons per ha (estimate) \| Observed biomass, tons per ha (reality) \| Error ( estimate – reality) \| Absolute Error \| \| 10.1 \| 9.2 \| 0.9 \| 0.9 \| \| 5.7 \| 4.8 \| 0.9 \| 0.9 \| \| 3.2 \| 4.0 \| -0.8 \| 0.8 \| \| 6.7 \| 6.6 \| 0.1 \| 0.1 \| \| 7.8 \| 7.1 \| 0.7 \| 0.7 \| \| 9.3 \| 9.1 \| 0.2 \| 0.2 \| \| … \| … \| \|\| \| Mean Absolute Error: \| 0.6 \| The MAE tells you what difference you should expect between the estimate and reality, but not whether this difference takes the form of an overestimate or an underestimate. As most algorithms used to map continuous variables are very effective at minimizing bias, the MAE is often used to compare different approaches to mapping a continuous variable, considering the approach that leads to the lowest MAE as the ‘best’ one. An alternative measure of ‘accuracy’ for continuous variables is the Root Mean Squared Error (RMSE), which is calculated as in Table 13: \| Mapped biomass, tons per ha (estimate) \| Observed biomass, tons per ha (reality) \| Error ( estimate – reality) \| Squared Error \| \| 10.1 \| 9.2 \| 0.9 \| 0.81 \| \| 5.7 \| 4.8 \| 0.9 \| 0.81 \| \| 3.2 \| 4.0 \| -0.8 \| 0.64 \| \| 6.7 \| 6.6 \| 0.1 \| 0.01 \| \| 7.8 \| 7.1 \| 0.7 \| 0.49 \| \| 9.3 \| 9.1 \| 0.2 \| 0.04 \| \| … \| … \| \|\| \| Mean Squared Error: \| 0.47 \| \|\| \| Root Mean Squared Error: \| 0.68 \| The RMSE is larger than the MAE (or equal to it, in extremely rare cases) as it weighs large errors more heavily in its calculation. Algorithms that avoid large errors thus benefit when compared using the RMSE, while algorithms that often have very low errors but occasionally have very large errors do not. Finally, another value that is typically reported when mapping continuous variable is the coefficient of determination, or R 2 , which indicates how much of the variance in the validation data values (‘reality’) is predictable from the estimates. While it is important to understand why and how to report on the accuracy of any map you produce, in practical terms it is easier than what it might seem in the above sections. Most software used for image processing has built-in functions for accuracy assessment, and often even provides functionality to help you create the validation data. If the software you use doesn’t let you calculate a specific measure (e.g. the MAE, or the F1 score), it will probably help you export the necessary data to a file that is easily read in Excel, R, or whatever other software you are familiar with and can use to do the rest of the calculations manually.	5,491	common-pile/libretexts_filtered	https://geo.libretexts.org/Bookshelves/Geography_(Physical)/Remote_Sensing_(Knudby)/01%3A_Chapters/1.07%3A_Accuracy_assessment	libretexts	libretexts-0000.json.gz:42937	https://geo.libretexts.org/Bookshelves/Geography_(Physical)/Remote_Sensing_(Knudby)/01%3A_Chapters/1.07%3A_Accuracy_assessment
fSAq-0XFzt5ZYjqs	The Nicomachean Ethics	Book 3: The Will. Chapter 4: We wish for Wish, we have already said, is for the end; but whereas some hold that the object of wish is the good others hold that it is what seems good. Those who maintain that the object of wish is the good have to admit that what those wish for who choose wrongly is not object of wish (for if so it would be good; but it may so happen that it was bad); on the other hand, those who maintain that the object of wish is what seems good have to admit that there is nothing which is naturally object of wish, but that each wishes for what seems good to him—different and even contrary things seeming good to different people. As neither of these alternatives quite satisfies us, perhaps we had better say that the good is the real object of wish (without any qualifying epithet), but that what seems good is object of wish to each man. The good man, then, wishes for the real object of wish; but what the bad man wishes for may be anything whatever; just as, with regard to the body, those who are in good condition find those things healthy that are really healthy, while those who are diseased find other things healthy (and it is just the same with things bitter, sweet, hot, heavy, etc.): for the good or ideal man judges each case correctly, and in each case what is true seems true to him. For, corresponding to each of our trained faculties, there is a special form of the noble and the pleasant, and perhaps there is nothing so distinctive of the good or ideal man as the power he has of discerning these special forms in each case, being himself, as it were, their standard and measure. What misleads people seems to be in most cases pleasure; it seems to be a good thing, even when it is not. So they choose what is pleasant as good, and shun pain as evil.	444	common-pile/pressbooks_filtered	https://pressbooks.library.torontomu.ca/nicomacheanethics/chapter/4-we-wish-for/	pressbooks	pressbooks-0000.json.gz:56892	https://pressbooks.library.torontomu.ca/nicomacheanethics/chapter/4-we-wish-for/
RapmzODg6paYNDDH	Readings for Writing	John Keane, University of Sydney This article is part of the Revolutions and Counter Revolutions series, curated by Democracy Futuresas a joint global initiative between the Sydney Democracy Network and The Conversation. The project aims to stimulate fresh thinking about the many challenges facing democracies in the 21st century. It is also part of an ongoing series from the Post-Truth Initiative, a Strategic Research Excellence Initiative at the University of Sydney. This essay is much longer than most Conversation articles, so will take some time to read. Enjoy! We live in an unfinished revolutionary age of communicative abundance. Networked digital machines and information flows are slowly but surely shaping practically every institution in which we live our daily lives. For the first time in history, thanks to built-in cheap microprocessors, these algorithmic devices and information systems integrate texts, sounds and images in compact, easily storable, reproducible and portable digital form. Communicative abundance enables messages to be sent and received through multiple user points, in chosen time, real or delayed, within global networks that are affordable and accessible to billions of people. My book Democracy and Media Decadence probed the contours of this revolution. It showed why new information platforms, robust muckraking and cross-border publics are among the exciting social and political trends of our time. It proposed that the unfinished revolution is dogged by politically threatening contradictions and decadent counter-trends. The drift toward a world of “post-truth” politics is among these troubling trends. What exactly is meant by the term post-truth? Paradoxically, post-truth is among the most-talked-about yet least-well-defined meme words of our time. Most observers in the English-speaking world cite the 2016 Word of the Year Oxford English Dictionaries entry: post-truth is the public burial of “objective facts” by an avalanche of media “appeals to emotion and personal belief”. In China and in the Spanish-speaking world, respectively, commonplace talk of hòu zhēnxiāng and posverdad pushes in this direction. The popularity of the German postfaktisch (post-factual) usage captures much the same meaning. Selected as word of the year by the German language society Gesellschaft für deutsche Sprache (GfdS), it refers to the growing tendency of “political and social discussions” to be dominated by “emotions instead of facts”. Not the claim to truth, but the expression of the ‘felt truth’ leads to success in the ‘post-factual age’. Post-truth communication A catchword that has gone viral so quickly surely deserves careful attention and crisper definition, especially if we are not to be thrown off balance by a global phenomenon that sets out to do precisely that. We can say that “post-truth” is not simply the opposite of truth, however that is defined; it is more complicated. It is better described as an omnibus term, a word for communication comprising a salmagundi or assemblage of different but interconnected phenomena. Its troubling potency in public life flows from its hybrid qualities, its combination of different elements in ways that defy expectations and confuse its recipients. Post-truth has recombinant qualities. For a start, it is a type of communication that includes old-fashioned lying, where speakers say things about themselves and their world that are at odds with impressions and convictions that they harbour in their mind’s eye. Liars attempt alchemy: when someone tells lies they wilfully say things they “know” not to be true, for effect. An example is when Donald Trump claims there was never a drought in California, or that during his inauguration the weather cleared, when actually light rain fell throughout his address. Post-truth also includes forms of public discourse commonly called bullshit. It comprises communication that displaces and nullifies concerns about veracity. Bullshit is hot air talk, verbal excrement that lacks nutrient. It is shooting off at the mouth, backed by the presumption that it is acceptable to others in the conversation. Post-truth depends as well on buffoonery, bits and pieces of colourful communication designed to attract and distract public attention and to interrupt the background noise of conventional politics and public life. The bric-a-brac component of post-truth includes nonsense moments, jokes and boasting. It embraces clever quips, pedantry and wilful exaggerations (like Marine Le Pen’s description of the European Union as “a huge prison”). There is plenty of rough speech. The contrast with the honey words and smiles of Bill Clinton, Felipe González, Tony Blair and other politicians from yesteryear is striking. The grotesquerie comes in abundance. Geert Wilders specialises in causing trouble, as when he dubs mosques “palaces of hatred”. Disturbingly, there’s abundant talk of the importance of “truth”, by which is usually meant utterances whose veracity is self-confirming, thus proving that truth can attract rogues. There is dog-whistling. There is plain bad taste, as when a newly elected president enters the Houston Astrodome, crammed with traumatised homeless people who have narrowly survived a hurricane, and says: “Thanks for coming.” Hair-splitting and wilfully setting things aside are common. The Israeli consul-general in New York, Dani Dayan, does this well, but the genius of evasion is surely Zoltán Kovács, the Orbán government’s spokesman. When subjected to forensic questioning by reporters about Hungary’s imprisonment and brutal maltreatment of refugees and operations by vigilante citizens’ “hunter patrol” border forces, he likes to say: What you are trying to portray here is non-existent, a gross simplification. Next question. And that’s that. Engineered silence The silencing is not incidental. Post-truth performances feed on their production of silence. They remind us, in the words of Spanish philosopher José Ortega y Gasset, that: … the stupendous reality that is language cannot be understood unless we begin by observing that speech consists above all in silences. The proponents of post-truth communication relish things unsaid. Their bluff and bluster is designed not only to attract public attention. It simultaneously hides from public attention things (such as growing inequalities of wealth, the militarisation of democracy and the accelerating death of non-human species) that it doesn’t want others to notice, or that potentially arouse suspicions of the style and substance of post-truth politics. This engendered silence is not just the aftermath or “leftover” of post-truth communication. Every moment of post-truth communication using words backed by signs and text is actively shaped by what is unsaid, or what is not sayable. The communicative performances of the post-truth champions are thus the marginalia of silence: mere foam and waves on its deep waters. That is why the current hyper-concentration of journalists and other public commentators on “breaking news” stories about “fake news”, “alternative facts” and missing “evidence” is so potentially misleading. Their fetish of breaking news turns them unwittingly into the poodles of post-truth and its silence about things less immediate and less obvious, deeper institutional trends, “slower” events marked by punctuated rhythms. Vaudeville and gaslighting Treating post-truth as a species of pugnacious politics dressed in a coat of many colours, as a bricolage of lies, bullshit, buffoonery and silence, helps us grasp its vaudeville quality. When thought of as a public performance led by a cast of politicians, journalists, public relations agencies, think tanks and other players, post-truth is an updated, state-of-the-art political equivalent of early 20th-century vaudeville performances. Old-fashioned vaudeville featured strongmen and singers, dancers and drummers, minstrels and magicians, acrobats and athletes, comedians and circus animals. It was a show. Post-truth is equally a show. Directed against conventional styles of performance, it is an orchestrated public spectacle designed to invite and entertain millions of people. But post-truth is much more than entertainment, or the “art of contrivance” or the “dictatorship of illusion” mediated by the production and passive consumption of commodities. While the genealogy of post-truth is partly traceable to the world of corporate advertising and market-driven entertainment, it has thoroughly political qualities. In the hands of the powerful, or those bent on climbing the ladders of power over others, the post-truth phenomenon functions as a new weapon of political manipulation. Post-truth is not only about winning votes, siding with friends, or dealing with political foes. It has more sinister effects. It is a gaslighting exercise. Drawn from George Cukor’s award-winning Gaslight, starring Ingrid Bergman and Charles Boyer, the term gaslighting is here defined as a weapon of the will to power. It is the organised effort by public figures to mess with citizens’ identities, to deploy lies, bullshit, buffoonery and silence for the purpose of sowing seeds of doubt and confusion among subjects. Gaslighting is typically a preferred tactic of narcissistic and aggressive personalities bent on doing whatever it takes to gain and maintain a position of advantage over others. Their point is to disorient and destabilise people. They want to harness people’s self-doubts, ruin their capacity for seeing the world ironically, destroy their capacity for making judgements, in order to drive them durably into submission. When (for instance) gaslighters say something, only later to say that they never said such a thing and that they would never have never dreamed of saying such a thing, their aim is gradually to turn citizens into mere playthings of power. When that happens, the victims of gaslighting no longer trust their own judgements. They buy into the tactics of the manipulator. Not knowing what to believe, they give up, shrug their shoulders and fall by default under the spell of the gaslighter. Consider the double act of Philippines President Rodrigo Duterte and his former right-hand gaslighter, Ernesto Abella, in the sequence of events triggered by the murder (in November 2016) of Rolando Espinosa, the elected mayor of Albuera, an island community some 575 kilometres from Manila. When asked by journalists to explain what had happened, Duterte reportedly said: He was killed in a very [questionable way], but I don’t care. The policemen said he resisted arrest. Then I will stick with the story of the police because [they are] under me. Espinosa was in fact shot in detention, inside a police cell. Duterte continued: I might go down in history as the butcher. It’s up to you. And then: Since I have nothing to show, I just use extrajudicial killing. [That’s because] I have no credentials to boast about. The intended meaning of these utterances (to put things mildly) was oracular, so mystifyingly opaque that they served as the cue for Abella to strut his stuff: to go on air and to say that this or that never happened, that Duterte never said what people heard him say, that Bisaya-speaking Duterte got lost in translation when speaking in Tagalog, to affirm at Malacañang press conferences that his intentions are good and that he is utterly sincere, whereas his enemies are wilful dissemblers, fools and toads. Abella insisted he provided not “crumbs”, but “meat, deboned”. Armed with his favourite phrases, “let’s just say” and “let’s put it this way”, he described his job as “completing the sentences” of his leader, to “impart his true intentions”. In this murder case, Abella said, “it is … a matter of the leadership style and the messaging style of the president”. He added: This is his messaging style to underline his intention. He is serious about it [the drug menace]. However, it’s just meant to underline his seriousness in making sure that nobody is corrupt and involved in criminality. What makes post-truth different from the past? The meandering rhetoric is designed to bewitch and beguile, which is why the critics of post-truth are sounding alarms and issuing stern warnings about the dangerous charms of the vaudeville show of political mendacity, nonsense, buffoonery and silence. They emphasise that political lying and bad manners spiced with talk of “fake news” and “alternative facts” are sinister, a frontal challenge to the basic democratic norms of open and plural communication among citizens. Complaints against post-truth are often robust, loud and couched in high moral tones. Post-truth is said to be the beginning of the end of politics as we’ve known it in existing democracies. There is talk of an emergent “post-truth era”. More than a few critics warn that the spread of post-truth is the harbinger of a new “totalitarianism”. Others speak of populist dictatorship or “fascism-lite” government. The descriptors are questionable, and display little understanding of the historical originality of the present drift towards government by gaslighting. Politics as the art of evasion, befuddlement and engineered public silence isn’t new. Lying in politics is an ancient art. Think of Plato’s noble lie, or Machiavelli’s recommendation that a successful prince must be “a great pretender and dissembler”, or Harry Truman’s description of Richard Nixon as: … a no good, lying bastard. He can lie out of both sides of his mouth at the same time, and if he ever caught himself telling the truth, he’d lie just to keep his hand in. Some things don’t change. Still, there are several things that are unusual about the gaslighting trends of our time. Each is bound up with the unfinished communications revolution. The digital merging and melding of text, sound and image, the advent of cheap copying and the growing ease of networked information spreading across vast distances in real time are powerful drivers of post-truth decadence. New techniques and tools of communication are its condition of possibility; they enable its production, rapid circulation and absorption into the body politics of democracies, and well beyond. Think of photoshopped materials and mashups, web applications and pages that recycle content from more than one source to create a single new service displayed in a single graphical interface. Trump’s first campaign advertisement showed migrants allegedly crossing the Mexican border; in fact, it was an image of migrants crossing from Morocco to Melilla in North Africa. Then consider impostor news sites (using URLs such as abc.com.co) and fantasy news sites, such as WTOE 5 News, which created the “Pope Francis Shocks World, Endorses Trump for President” story, built using such tools as Clone Zone and NowThis. Ponder shareable made-up news platforms (Macedonian teenagers making money, Christian fundamentalists peddling the Spirit), meme launch pads (Twitter and Facebook) and parody accounts (The Onion, “America’s Finest News Source”). There are also the devoted fanzine platforms that specialise in hailing heroes and trolling opponents, the platforms that sit for the first time in the White House press briefing room, platforms such as Gateway Pundit, One American News Network, Newsmax, LifeZette and the Daily Caller. Some say none of this is new. From the outset, they insist, daily newspapers printed gossip, rumours and lies. Orson Welles proved that radio could produce scams. Television was a state weapon for mass-producing fabricated illusions; and so on. But the sceptics underestimate the multiple ways in which, in matters of truth and post-truth, the communications revolution is marked by novel dynamics that are producing novel effects. Most obviously, the digital communications revolution tends to undermine space-time barriers so that the raw material of lies, bullshit, buffoonery and silence produced by gaslighters develops long global legs. Post-truth spreads; it knows no borders. So, for instance, many Muslims living in countries as far apart as Britain, Pakistan and Indonesia understand that they are among the targets of the project of attacking “fake news” and making America great again. There’s something else that’s new: post-truth discourse penetrates so deeply into our daily lives that what is commonly called the private sphere ceases to be private. It’s no longer a safe haven or a zone of counter-balance, in the way (say) it functioned as the point of resistance against total power in the age of the typewriter or in George Orwell’s 1984, where Winston was still able to retreat to a corner table to scribble, out of sight of Big Brother. The colonisation of daily life by the so-called Internet of Things, digital robots that collect and spread information, guarantees that the geographic footprint of post-truth is vast and potentially total. There’s yet another novelty of our period: the production and diffusion of post-truth communication by populist leaders, political parties and governments. The historical record shows that our times are no exception to the old rule that populism is a recurrent autoimmune disease of democracy. The present-day political irruption of populism is fuelled by the institutional decay of electoral democracy, combined with growing public dissatisfaction with politicians, political parties and “politics”. Reinforced by the failure of democratic institutions to respond effectively to anti-democratic challenges such as the growing influence of cross-border corporate power, worsening social inequality and the dark money poisoning of elections, the decadence is proving to be a lavish gift to leaders, parties and governments peddling the mantra of “the sovereign people”. Populist figures otherwise as different as Viktor Orbán, Norbert Hofer and Recep Tayyip Erdoğan are oversized vaudeville characters. They are merchants of post-truth, exploiters of trust and confidence artists who take advantage of the communications revolution. They stir up multimedia excitement by calling for a public revolt by millions of people who feel annoyed, powerless and no longer “held” (D.W. Winnicott) in the arms of society: people who are so frustrated or humiliated that they are willing to lash out in support of demagogues promising them dignity and a better future. Some people fall for the promises not because they “naturally” crave leaders, or yield to the inherited “fascism in us all”. Among the strangest and most puzzling features of the post-truth phenomenon is the way it attracts people into voluntary servitude because it raises their hopes and expectations of betterment. Truth is the answer? Don’t believe it The most surprising long-term effect of communicative abundance and the spread of post-truth is arguably their reinforcement of the modern questioning and rejection of arrogant beliefs in truth. The possibility that post-truth politics is party to the “farewell to truth” is poorly understood, especially by critics of post-truth, who invariably rally to the cause of what they casually call truth. Although the term is usually left undefined, their attachment to truth helps explain why many academics, journalists and public commentators typically accuse the “postmodernism” of recent decades of being the unwitting accomplice or active foot servant of post-truth politics. They are convinced that the “relativism” of the postmodernists unhelpfully adds to the confusion surrounding “truth” based on “evidence” and “facts”. What is now urgently needed, they say, is the recovery of truth. But what is truth? Truth is the antidote to post-truth, they reply. It is observable. Truth is saying or writing or visualising, somehow depicting things that correspond to “reality”. The champions of truth understood as adequation sometimes cite the Polish-American mathematician Alfred Tarski, who famously put things this way: the proposition that “snow is white” (“p”) is true if and only if snow is white (“p is true if and only if p”). It’s seeing language as a conveyor belt, as a medium for recording a “reality” that is external to the observer. Tough versions of the orthodoxy insist that evidence is evidence, reality is real and “brute facts” exist independently of anyone’s attitude toward them. It’s not only philosophers who speak in this fashion. Journalists, lawyers, more than a few academics, plenty of environmental activists and data scientists are in the truth trade. Believers in truth, a word that is usually left undefined, they have a habit of supposing that reality is all around them, out there, within arm’s reach or just beyond arm’s length, graspable and catchable through redescription, for instance in the form of data. Such conceptions of “objectivity” fail to rethink the whole idea of truth as a necessary condition of ridding the world of post-truth decadence. Their failure to cast doubt simultaneously upon both post-truth and truth, to see them as partners rather than as opponents, ignores the need for a new geography and history of truth. Truth varies through space and time The geography of truth highlights the spatial dimensions of truth-seeking and attempts to live the truth. What counts as truth varies from place to place. The French Renaissance writer Montaigne famously said that what is truth on one side of the Pyrenees is falsehood on the other side. Foucault repeats the point in his account of the birth of truth-telling (le dire vrai) within clinics and prisons. Scholarly studies of the way cities (Escuela de Salamanca, Chicago School of Economics, Copenhagen School) have shaped what counts as knowledge push in the same direction. The geography of truth equally matters within any given society, at any given time. The Pitjantjatjara peoples of central Australia still today use a family of terms like mula and mula-mulani and mulapa to refer to a “true story” that is inscribed with both connotations of “a long time” and calls for agreement between story tellers and listeners. When Pitjantjatjara peoples speak of truth, they understand they are engaged in efforts to convince others of the rightness of their tradition. They recognise what mainstream white society usually forgets: that truth and trust are twins. A new geography of truth would also note that there are spaces of life that either have little or nothing to do with truth, or where references to truth are simply out of place (Bertolt Brecht once remarked that if someone stood up in front of a group of strikers and said 2+2=4 they would no doubt be jeered), or where telling the truth has dangerous consequences, as when a Rohingya father lies to a Myanmar army patrol hunting women to rape by telling them on his doorstep he has no daughters. What counts as truth varies not only through space but also through time. Truth has a controversial history; truth has never straightforwardly been truth. There is a history of truth that shows that what counts as truth varies through time, but also (the corollary) that what is today taken as truth has not always been so. Ancient Greek understandings of truth as aletheia, a difficult word variously translated as “disclosure” or “un-concealedness”, are evidently different than Christian understandings of “the way and the truth and the life” (John 14:6) and the imperative to tell the truth, shame the devil. The early modern European period was marked by bitter struggles over the meaning of religious “truth”, calls for religious toleration and the deployment, by believers in truth, of such tactics of deception as occultism, the Catholic doctrine of mental reservation and Protestant casuistry. The public controversies about truth among Christians encompassed Luther’s explosive, influential attack on popery as the sole interpreter of scripture in An Open Letter to the Christian Nobility of the German Nation Concerning the Reform of the Christian Estate (1520). They extended to Lessing’s recommendation that we should thank God that we don’t know the truth (“Sage jeder, was ihm Wahrheit dünkt, und die Wahrheit selbst sei Gott empfohlen” [“Let each person say what s/he deems truth, and let truth itself be commended unto God”]); and Tocqueville’s observation that the modern democratic revolution powerfully calls into question so-called public truths about the “natural” inferiority of slaves and women. Democracy doubts both post-truth and ‘the truth’ The public sense that truth claims are contestable and mutable interpretations is undoubtedly bolstered by the multi-media communications revolution, and by the advent of new forms of monitory democracy featuring a plethora of mediated platforms where power is publicly interrogated and chastened. Monitory democracy promotes the growth of public spaces where uncertainty, doubt, scepticism, irony and modesty in the face of arbitrary power are nurtured. Wittgenstein’s recommendation that saying “I know” should be banned so that people would be required to say “I believe I know” makes good sense under these conditions. We could say that post-truth politics is the dark and messy side of an unfinished quantum shift in support of the pluralisation of people’s lived perceptions of the world. Yes, talk of truth is not disappearing, or dead. Just as unbelievers continue to say “Lord help us” and “Jesus Christ”, and despite Copernicus people still speak of the setting sun, so the language of truth lives on in people’s lives. Yet nowadays tropes like “We hold these truths to be self-evident” arouse public suspicions. The truth is out that truth has many faces. What counts as “truthful information” is less and less understood by wise citizens as “hard facts” or as indisputable “evidence” or as chunks of “reality” to be mined from television and radio programs, or from newspapers, digital platforms and “expert” authorities. In the age of communicative abundance and monitory democracy, “reality” is multiple and mutable. “Reality”, including the lies and buffoonery and other forms of gaslighting peddled by the powerful, comes to be understood as always “reported reality”, as “reality” produced by some for others – in other words, as messages that are shaped and reshaped and reshaped again in the process of transmission and reception. This disenchantment of truth has everything to do with democracy. Considered as a universal norm liberated from metaphysical foundations, as a whole way of life committed to the defence of complex equality, freedom and difference, democracy in monitory form is the guardian of a plurality of lived interpretations of life. The radical originality of monitory democracy is its defiant insistence that peoples’ lives are never simply given, that all things human are built on the shifting sands of space-time, and that no person or group, no matter how much “truth” or power they presently enjoy or want to claim, can be trusted permanently, in any given context, to govern other people’s lives. Democracy is thus the best human weapon so far invented for guarding against the “illusions of certainty” and breaking up truth-camouflaged monopolies of power, wherever they operate. Democracy is not a True and Right norm. Just the reverse: the norm of monitory democracy is aware of its own and others’ limits, knows that it doesn’t know everything, and understands that democracy has no meta-historical guarantees. That is why it does not suffer truth-telling dogmatists and fools gladly. Democracy is a living reminder that truths are never self-evident, and that what counts as truth is a matter of interpretation. Recognising that in political life “truth has a despotic character”, democracy stands for a world beyond truth and post-truth. This is not because all women and men are “naturally” created equal. You can read other articles in the series here. The theme of truth, post-truth and the unfinished communications revolution is further explored in a recently published thepaper.cn interview, The Revival of Truth Isn’t the Remedy for Post-Truth (available only in Chinese). John Keane, Professor of Politics, University of Sydney This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.	5,716	common-pile/pressbooks_filtered	https://pressbooks.pub/dunicklm/chapter/reading-post-truth-politics-and-why-the-antidote-isnt-simply-fact-checking-and-truth/	pressbooks	pressbooks-0000.json.gz:86096	https://pressbooks.pub/dunicklm/chapter/reading-post-truth-politics-and-why-the-antidote-isnt-simply-fact-checking-and-truth/
GOabbO0zGVjCVxoo	Nursing Assistant	7.7 Measuring Intake and Output Nursing aides assist with documenting clients’ intake and output. Intake refers to the amount of fluids the client ingests, and output refers to the amount of fluids that leave the body. Total intake should be nearly equal to total output every day, but some fluids, referred to as “insensible losses,” cannot be measured, such as fluids lost through the respiratory system, sweat, and stool. Therefore, urine is the most commonly measured output. Other fluids, like wound drainage in a drainage device, are also measured. Fluids are typically documented as milliliters (mL). See the Chapter 5.7, “Documentation of Food and Fluids” subsection for review of converting ounces to mL and additional information on measuring intake and output. Fluid intake is routinely documented with meal intake. Some clients with certain health conditions also have their output measured and documented every shift. Intake and output are then calculated over a 24-hour period and monitored by the nurse. A client’s intake and output (“I&O”) may be closely monitored by the nurse due to illness, a new medication, or a circulatory or urinary condition. See Figure 7.15[1] for an example of a 24-hour intake and output documentation record. - "Intake and Output Record.PNG" by Chippewa Valley Technical College is licensed under CC BY 4.0 ↵ The amount of fluids the client ingests. The amount of fluids that leave the body. Fluids losses that cannot be measured, such as fluids lost through the respiratory system, sweat, and stool. Fluid intake and output measured and documented every shift.	332	common-pile/pressbooks_filtered	https://wtcs.pressbooks.pub/nurseassist/chapter/7-7-measuring-intake-and-output/	pressbooks	pressbooks-0000.json.gz:82976	https://wtcs.pressbooks.pub/nurseassist/chapter/7-7-measuring-intake-and-output/
iy5CEyaM7Y2QhEqR	Vision [by H.P. Bowditch.	A. VISION. The" Physiology of Vision. — The eye is the organ by means of which certain vibrations of the luminiferous ether are enabled to affect our consciousness, producing the sensation which we call " light." Hence the essential part of an organ of vision is a substance or an apparatus which, on the one hand, is of a nature to be stimulated by waves of light, and, on the other, is so connected with a nerve that its activity causes nerve-impulses to be transmitted to the nerve-centres. Any animal in which a portion of the ectoderm is thus differentiated and connected may be said to possess an eye — i. e. an organ through which the animal may consciously or unconsciously react to the existence of light around it.1 But the human eye, as well as that of all the higher animals, not only informs us of the existence of light, but enables us to form correct ideas of the direction from which the light conies and of the form, color, and distance of the luminous body. To accomplish this result the substance sensitive to light must form a part of a complicated piece of apparatus capable of very varied adjustments. The eye is, in other words, an optical instrument, and its description, like that of all optical instruments, includes a consideration of its mechanical adjustments and of its refracting media. Mechanical Movements. — The first point to be observed in studying the movements of the eye is that they are essentially those of a ball-and-socket joint, the globe of the eye revolving freely in the socket formed by the capsule of Tenon through a horizontal angle of almost 88° and a vertical angle of about 80°. The centre of rotation of the eye (which is not, however, an absolutely fixed point) does not coincide with the centre of the eyeball, but lies a little behind it. It is rather farther forward in hypermetropic than in myopic eyes. The movements of the eye, especially those in a horizontal direction, are supplemented by the movements of the head upon the shoulders. The combined eye and head movements are in most persons sufficiently extensive to enable the individual, without any movement of the body, to receive upon the lateral portion of the retina the image of an object directly behind his back. The rotation of the eye in the socket is of course easiest and most extensive when the eyeball has an approximately spherical shape, as in the normal or emmetropic eye. When the antero-posterior diameter is very much longer than those 1 In certain of the lower orders of animals no local differentiations seem to have occurred, and the whole surface of the body appears to be obscurely sensitive to light. See Nagel : Der Lichtxinn augerdoser Thiere, Jena, 1896. THE SENSE OF VISION. 745 at right angles to it, as in extremely myopic or short-sighted eyes, the rotation of the eyeball may be considerably limited in its extent. In addition to the movements of rotation round a centre situated in the axis of vision, the eyeball may be moved forward and backward in the socket to the-«xtent of about one millimeter. This movement may be observed whenever the eyelids are widely opened, and is supposed to be effected by the simultaneous contraction of both the oblique muscles. A slight lateral movement has also been described. The movements of the eye will be best understood when considered as referred to three axes at right angles to each other and passing through the centre of rotation of the eye. The first of these axes, which may be called the longitudinal axis, is best described as coinciding with the axis of vision when, with head erect, we look straight forward to the distant horizon ; the second, or transverse, axis is defined as a line passing through the centres of rotation of the two eyes ; and the third, or vertical, axis is a vertical line necessarily perpendicular to the other two and also passing through the centre of rotation. When the axis of vision coincides with the longitudinal axis, the eye is said to be in the primary position. When it moves from the primary position by revolving around either the transverse or the vertical axis, it is said to assume seeondary positions. All other positions are called tertiary positions, and are reached from the primary position by rotation round an axis which lies in the same plane as the vertical and horizontal axis — i. e. in the " equatorial plane " of the eye. When the eye passes from a secondary to a tertiary position, or from one tertiary position to another, the position assumed by the eye is identical with that which it would have had if it had reached it from the primary position by rotation round an axis in the equatorial plane. In other words, every direction of the axis of vision is associated with a fixed position of the whole eye — a condition of the greatest importance for the easy and correct use of the eyes. A rotation of the eye round its antero-posterior axis takes place in connection with certain movements, but authorities diifer with regard to the direction and amount of this rotation. Muscles of the Eye. — The muscles of the eye are six in number — viz : the superior, inferior, internal and external recti, and the superior and inferior oblique. This apparent superfluity of muscles (for four muscles would suffice to turn the eye in any desired direction) is probably of advantage in reducing the amount of muscular exertion required to put the eye into any given position, and thus facilitating the recognition of slight differences of direction, for, according to Fechner's psycho-physic law the smallest perceptible difference in a sensation is proportionate to the total amount of the sensation. Hence if the eye can be brought into a given position by a slight muscular effort, a change from that position will be more easily perceived than if a powerful effort were necessary. Each of the eye-muscles, acting singly, tends to rotate the eye round an axis which may be called the axis of rotation of that muscle. Now, none of the muscles have axes of rotation lying exactly in the equator of the eye — i.e. in a plane passing through the centre of rotation perpendicular to the axis of vision.1 But all movements of the eye from the primary position take place, as we have seen, round an axis lying in this plane. Hence all such movements must be produced by more than one muscle, and this circumstance also is probably of advantage in estimating the extent and direction of the movement. In this connection it is interesting to note that the eye-muscles have an exceptionally abundant nerve-supply — a fact which it is natural to associate with their power of extremely delicate adjustment. It has been found by actual count that in the muscles of the human eye each nerve-fibre supplies only two or three muscle-fibres, while in the muscles of the limbs the ratio is as high as 1 to 40-1 25.2 Although each eye has its own supply of muscles and nerves, yet the two eyes are not independent of each other in their movements. The nature of their connections with the nerve-centres is such that only those movements are, as a rule, possible in which both axes of vision remain in the same plane. This oondition being fulfilled, the eyes may be together directed to any desired point above, below, or at either side of the observer. The axes may also be converged, as is indeed necessary in looking at near objects, and to facilitate this convergence the internal recti muscles are inserted nearer to the cornea than the other muscles of the eye. Though in the ordinary use of the eyes there is never any occasion ^to diverge the axes of vision, yet most persons are able to effect a divergence of about four degrees, as shown by their power to overcome the tendency to double vision produced by holding a prism in front of one of the eyes. The nervous mechanism through which this remarkable co-ordination of the muscles of the two eyes is effected, and their motions limited to those which are useful in binocular vision, is not completely understood, but it is supposed to have its seat in part in the tubercula quadrigemina, in connection with the nuclei of origin of the third, fourth, and sixth cranial nerves. Its disturbance by disease, alcoholic intoxication, etc. causes strabismus, confusion, dizziness, and double vision. A nerve termination sensitive to light, and so arranged that it can be turned in different directions, is sufficient to give information of the direction from which the light comes, for the contraction of the various eye-muscles indicates, through the nerves of muscular sense, the position into which the eye is normally brought in order to best receive the luminous rays, or, in other words, the direction of the luminous body. The eye, however, informs us not only of the direction, but of the form of the object from which the light proceeds; and to understand how this is effected it will be necessary to consider the refracting media of the eye by means of which an optical image of the luminous object is thrown upon the expanded termination of the optic nerve — viz. the retina. dioptric system in its simplest form consists of two adjacent media which have different indices of refraction and whose surface of separation is the segment of a sphere. A line joining the middle of the segment with the centre of the sphere and prolonged in either direction is called the axis of the system. Let the line APE in Figure 213 represent in section such a spherical surface the centre of which is at N, the rarer medium being to the left and the denser medium to the right of the line. Any ray of light which, in passing from the rarer to the denser medium, is normal to the spherical surface will be unchanged in its direction — i. e. will undergo no refraction. Such rays are represented by the lines 0 Py MD, and Mf E. If a pencil of rays having its origin in the rarer medium at any point in the axis falls upon the spherical surface, there will be one ray — viz. the one which coincides with the axis of the system, which will pass into the second medium unchanged in its direction. This ray is called the principal ray (OP), and its point of intersection (P) with the spherical surface is called the principal point. The centre of the sphere (N) through which the principal ray necessarily passes is called the nodal point. All the other rays in the pencil are refracted toward the principal ray by an amount which depends, for a given radius of curvature, upon the difference in the refractive power of the media, or, in other words, upon the retardation of light in passing from one medium to the other. If the incident rays have their origin at a point infinitely distant on the axis — /. e. if they are parallel to each other — they will all be refracted to a point behind the spherical surface known as the principal focus , F. There is another principal focus (Ff) in front of the spherical surface — viz. the point from which diverging incident rays will be refracted into parallelism on passing the spherical surface, or, in other words, the point at which parallel rays coming from the opposite direction will be brought to a focus. The position of these two principal foci may be determined by the construction shown in Figure 214. Let CA Cf represent a section of a spherical refracting surface with the axis A N9 the nodal point Nf and the principal point A. The problem is to find the foci of rays parallel to the axis. Erect perpendiculars at A and N. Set off on each perpendicular distances No, Np, A of, Apr proportionate to the rapidity of light in the two media (e. g. 2 : 3). The points where the lines p' o and p o' prolonged will cut the axis are the two principal foci F and F' — i. e. the points at which parallel rays coming from either direction are brought to a focus after passing the spherical refracting surface. If the rays are not parallel, but diverging — i. e. coming from an object at a finite distance — the point where the rays will be brought to a focus, or, in other words, the point where the optical image of the luminous object will be formed, may be determined by a construction which combines any two of the three rays whose course is given in the manner above described. Thus in Figure 215 let AN be the axis, and F and Ff the principal foci of the spherical refracting surface CA Cf, with a nodal point at N. Let B be the origin of a pencil of rays the focus of which is to be determined. Draw the line B C representing the course of an incident ray parallel to the axis. This ray will necessarily be refracted through the focus F, its course being represented by the line CF and its prolongation. Similarly, the incident ray passing through the focus F' and striking the spherical surface at C' will, after refraction, be parallel to the axis — i. e. it will have the direction Cf b. The principal ray of the pencil will of course pass through the spherical surface and the nodal point N without change of direction. These three rays will come together at the same point 6, the position of which may be determined by constructing the course of any two of the three. The points B and b are called conjugate foci, and are related to each other in such a way that an optical image is formed at one point of a luminous object situated at the other. When the rays of light pass through several refracting surfaces in succession their course may be determined by separate calculations for each surface, a process which is much simplified when the surfaces are " centred " — i. e. have their centres of curvature lying in the same axis, as is approximately the case in the eye. are as follows : layer of tears, cornea, aqueous humor, anterior capsule of lens lens, posterior capsule of lens, vitreous humor. The surfaces are those which separate the successive media from each other and that which separates the tear layer from the air. For purposes of practical calculation thejmmber of faces and media may be reduced to three. In the first place, the layer of tears which moistens the surface of the cornea has the same index of refraction as the aqueous humor. Hence the index of refraction of the cornea may be left out of account, since, having practically parallel surfaces and being bounded on both sides by substances having the same index of refraction, it does not influence the direction of rays of light passing through it. reason objects seen obliquely through a window aPI>ear in their true directi the refraction of the rays of light on entering the glass being equal in amount and opposite in direction to that which occurs in leaving it. For purpose optical calculation we may, therefore, disregard the refraction of the cornea (which moreover, does not differ materially from that of the aqueous humor), and imagine the aqueous humor extending forward to the anterior surface of the layer of tears which bathes the corneal epithelium. Furthermore, the capsule of the lens has the same index of refraction as the outer layer of the lens itself, and for optical purposes may be regarded as replaced by it. the optical apparatus of the eye may be regarded as consisting of the : lowing three refracting media: Aqueous humor, index of refraction 1.35 lens, average index of refraction 1.45; vitreous humor, index of refraction 1 33 The surfaces at which refraction occurs are also three in number : Anterior surface of cornea, radius of curvature 8 millimeters; anterior surface of lens radius of curvature 10 millimeters; posterior surface of lens, radius of curvature 6 millimeters. It will thus be seen that the anterior surface < lens is less and the posterior surface more convex than the cornea. To the values of the optical constants of the eye as above given may I added the following : Distance from the anterior surface of the cornea to the anterior surface of the lens, 3.6 millimeters; distance from the posterior surface of the lens to the retina, 15. millimeters ; thickness of lens, 3.6 millimeters. The methods usually employed for determining these constants are the following: The indices of refraction of the aqueous and vitreous humor are determined by filling the space between a glass lens and a glass plate with the fresh humor/ The aqueous or vitreous humor thus forms a convex or concave lens from the form and focal distance of which the index can be calculated. Another method consists in placing a thin layer of the medium between the hypothenuse surfaces of two right-angled prisms and determining the angle which total internal reflection takes place. In the case of the crystalline le the index is found by determining its focal distance as for an ordinary 1 ns and solving the equation which expresses the value of the index in terms of radius of curvature and focal distance, thickness, and focal length, refractive index of the lens increases from the surface toward the centre, a peculiarity which tends to correct the disturbances due to spherical aberration, as well as to increase the refractive power of the lens as a whole. The curvature of the refracting surfaces of the eye is determined by an instrument known as an ophthalmometer, which measures the size of the reflected image of a known object in the various curved surfaces. The radius of curvature of the surface is determined by the following formula : the image, A = distance between the object and the reflecting surface, and r = the radius of the reflecting surface. The distances between the various surfaces of the eye are measured on frozen sections of the organ, or can be determined upon the living eye by optical methods too complicated to be here described. It should be borne in mind that the above values of the so-called "optical constants" of the eye are subject to considerable individual variation, and that the statements of authors concerning them are not always consistent. The refracting surfaces of the eye may be regarded as still further simplified, and a so-called " reduced eye " constructed which is very useful for purposes of optical calculation. This reduced eye, which for optical purposes is the equivalent of the actual eye, is regarded as consisting of a single refracting medium having an index of 1.33, a radius of curvature of 5.017 millimeters, its principal point 2.148 millimeters behind the anterior surface of the cornea, and its nodal point 0.04 millimeter in front of the posterior surface of the lens.1 The principal foci of the reduced eye are respectively 12.918 millimeters in front of and 22.231 millimeters behind the anterior surface of the cornea. Its optical power is equal to 50.8 dioptrics.2 The position of this imaginary refracting surface is indicated by the dotted line in figure 216. The nodal point, n, in this construction may be regarded as the crossing-point of all the principal rays which enter the eye, and, as these rays are unchanged in their direction by refraction, it is evident that the image of the point whence they proceed will be formed at the point where they strike the retina. Hence to determine the size and position of the retinal image of any external object — e. g. the arrow in Figure 216 — it is only necessary to draw lines from various 1 Strictly speaking, there are in this imaginary refracting apparatus which is regarded as equivalent to the actual eye two principal and two nodal points, each pair about 0.4 millimeter apart. The distance is so small that the two points may, for all ordinary constructions, be regarded as coincident. points of the object through the above-mentioned nodal point and to prolong them till they strike the retina. It is evident that the size of the retinal image will be as much smaller than that of the object as the distance of the nodal point from the retina is smaller than its distance from the object^ According to the figures above given, the nodal point is about 7.2 millimeters behind the anterior surface of the cornea and about 15.0 millimeters in front of the retina. Hence the size of the retinal image of an object of known size and distance can be readily calculated — a problem which has frequently to be solved in the study of physiological optics. The construction given. in Figure 216 shows that from all external objects inverted images are projected upon the retina, and such inverted images can actually be seen under favorable conditions. If, for instance, the eye of a white rabbit, which contains no choroidal pigment, be excised and held with the cornea directed toward a window or other source of light, an inverted image of the luminous object will be seen through the transparent sclerotic in the same way that one sees an inverted image of a landscape on the ground-glass plate of a photographic camera. The question is often asked, " Why, if the images are inverted in the retina, do we not see objects upside down ?" The only answer to such a question is that it is precisely because images are inverted on the retina that we do not see objects upside down, for the eye has learned through lifelong practice to associate an impression made upon any portion of the retina with light coming from the opposite portion of the field of vision. Thus if an image falls upon the lower portion of the retina, our experience, gained chiefly through muscular movements and tactile sensations, has taught us that this image must correspond to an object in the upper portion of our field of vision. In whatever way the retina is stimulated the same effect is produced. If, for instance, gentle pressure is made with the finger on the lateral portion of the eyeball through the closed lids a circle of light known as a phosphene immediately appears on the opposite side of the eye. Another good illustration of the same general rule is found in the effect of throwing a shadow upon the retina from an object as close as possible to the eye. For this purpose place a card with a small pin-hole in it in front of a source of light, and three or four centimeters distant from the eye. Then hold some object smaller than the pupil — e. g. the head of a pin — as close as possible to the cornea. Under these conditions neither the pin-hole nor the pin-head can be really seen — i. e. they are both too near to have their image focussed upon the retina. The pin-hole becomes itself a source of light, and appears as a luminous circle bounded by the shadow thrown by the edge of the iris. Within this circle of light is seen the shadow of the pin-head, but the pin-head appears inverted, for the obvious reason that the eye, being accustomed to interpret all retinal impressions as corresponding to objects in the opposite portion of the field of vision, regards the upright shadow of the pin-head as the representation of an inverted object. The course of the rays in this experiment is shown in Figure 217, in which A R represents the card with a pin-hole in it, P the pin, and P' its upright shadow thrown on the retina. Accommodation. — From what has been said of conjugate foci and their relation to each other it is evident that any change in the distance of the object from the refracting media will involve a corresponding change in the position of the image, or, in other words, only objects at a given distance can be focussed upon a plane which has a fixed position with regard to the refracting surface or surfaces. Hence all optical instruments in which the principle of conjugate foci finds its application have adjustments for distance. In the telescope and opera-glass the adjustment is effected by changes in the distance between the lenses, and in the photographic camera by a change in the position of the ground-glass plate representing the focal plane. In the microscope the adjustment is effected by changing the distance of the object to suit the lenses, the higher powers having a shorter " working distance." We must now consider in what way the eye adapts itself to see objects distinctly at different distances. That this power of adaptation, or " accommodation," really exists we can easily convince ourselves by looking at different objects through a network of fine wire held near the eyes. When with normal vision the eyes are directed to the distant objects the network nearly disappears, and if we attempt to see the network distinctly the outlines of the distant objects become obscure. In other words, it is impossible to see both the network and the distant objects distinctly at the same time. It is also evident that in accommodation for distant objects the eyes are at rest, for when they are suddenly opened after having been closed for a short time they are found to be accommodated for distant objects, and we are conscious of a distinct effort in directing them to any near object.1 From the optical principles above described it is clear that the accommodation of the eye for near objects may be conceived of as taking place in three different ways : 1st, By an increase of the distance between the refracting surfaces of the eye and the retina ; 2d, By an increase of the index of refraction of one or more of the media ; 3d, By a diminution of the radius of curvature of one or more of the surfaces. The first of these methods was formerly supposed to be the one actually in use, a lengthening of the eyeball under a pres- 1 It has been shown by Beer (Archivfur die gesammle Physiologie, Iviii. 523) that in fishes the eyes when at rest are accommodated for near objects, and that accommodation for distant objects is effected by the contraction of a muscle for which the name "retractor lentis" is proposed. sure produced by the eye-muscles being assumed to occur. This lengthening would, in the case of a normal eye accommodating itself for an object at a distance of 15 centimeters, amount to not less than 2 millimeters — a change which could hardly be brought about by the action of any muscles connected with the eye. Moreover, accommodation changes can be observed upon electrical stimulation of the excised eye. Its mechanism must, therefore, lie within the eye itself. As for the second of these methods, there is no conceivable way by which a change in the index of refraction of the media can be eifected, and we are thus forced to the conclusion that accommodation is brought about by a change in the curvature of the refracting surfaces — i. e. by a method quite different from any which is employed in optical instruments of human construction. Now, by measuring the curvature of the cornea of a person who looks alternately at near and distant objects it has been shown that the cornea undergoes no change of form in the act of accommodation. By a process of exclusion, therefore, the lens is indicated as the essential organ in this function of the eye, and, in fact, the complicated structure and connections of the lens at once suggest the thought that it is in the surfaces of this portion of the eye that the necessary changes take place. Indeed, from a teleological point of view the lens would seem somewhat superfluous if it were not important to have a transparent refracting body of variable form in the eye, for the amount of refraction which takes place in the lens could be produced by a slightly increased curvature of the cornea. Now, the changes of curvature which occur in the surfaces of the lens when the eye is directed to distant and near objects alternately can be actually observed and measured with considerable accuracy. For this purpose the changes in the form, size, and position of the images of brilliant objects reflected in these two surfaces are studied. If a candle is held in a dark room on a level with and about 50 centimeters away from the eye in which the accommodation is to be studied, an observer, so placed that his own axis of vision makes about the same angle (15°-20°) with that of the observed eye that is made by a line joining the observed eye and the candle, will readily see a small upright image of the candle reflected in the cornea of the observed eye. Near this and within the outline of the pupil are two other images of the candle, which, though much less easily seen than the corneal image, can usually be made out by a proper adjustment of the light. The first of these is a large faint upright image reflected from the anterior surface of the lens, and the second is a small inverted image reflected from the posterior surface of the lens. It will be observed that the size of these images varies with the radius of curvature of the three reflecting surfaces as given on p. 749. The relative size and position of these images having been recognized while the eye is at rest— i. e. is accommodated for distance — let the person who is under observation be now requested to direct his eye to a near object lying in the same direction. When this is done the corneal image and that reflected from the posterior surface of the lens will remain unchanged,1 while that reflected from the anterior surface of the lens will become smaller and move toward the corneal image. This change in the size and position of the reflected image can only mean that the surface from which the reflection takes place has become more convex and has moved forward. Coincident with this change a contraction of the pupil will be observed. An apparatus for making observations of this sort is known as the phakoscope of Helmholtz (Fig. 218). The eye in which the changes due to accommodation are to be observed is placed at an opening in the back of the instrument at C, and directed alternately to a needle placed in the opening D and to a distant object lying in the same direction. Two prisms at B and B' serve to throw the light of a candle on to the observed eye, and the eye of an observer at A sees the three reflected images, each as two small square spots of light. The movement and the change of size of the image reflected from the anterior surface of the lens can be thus much better observed than when a candle-flame is used. The course of the rays of light in this experiment is shown diagrammatically in Figure 219. The observed eye is directed to the point A, while the candle and the eye of the observer are placed symmetrically on either side. The images of the candle reflected from the various surfaces of the eye will be seen projected on the dark background of the pupil in the directions indicated by the dotted lines ending at a, 6, and c. When the eye is accommodated for a near object the middle one of the three images moves nearer the corneal image — i. e. it changes in its direction from b to b', showing that the anterior surface of the lens has bulged forward into the position indi- cated by the dotted line. The change in the appearance of the images is represented diagrammatically in Figure 220. On the left is shown the appearance of the images as seen when the eye is at rest, a representing the corneal image, b that reflected from the anterior, and c that from the posterior surface of the lens when the observing eye and the candle are in the position repre- sented in Figure 219. The images are represented as they appear in the dark background of the pupil, though of course the corneal image may, in certain positions of the light, appear outside of the pupillary region. When the eye is accommodated for near objects the images appear as shown in the circle on the right, the image 6 becoming smaller and brighter and moving toward the corneal image, while the pupil contracts as indicated by the circle drawn round the images. near objects. It will be observed that the iris is pushed forward by the bulging lens and that its free border approaches the median line. In other words, the pupil is contracted in accommodation for near objects. The following explanation of the mechanism by which this change in the shape of the lens is effected has been proposed by Helmholtz, and is still generally accepted. The structure of the lens is such that by its own elasticity it tends constantly to assume a more convex form than the pressure of the capsule and the tension of the suspensory ligaments (s, s, Fig. 221) allow. This pressure and tension are diminished when the eye is accommodated for near vision by the contraction of the ciliary muscles (c, c, Fig. 221), most of whose fibres, having their origin at the point of union of the cornea and sclerotic, extend radially outward in every direction and are attached to the front part of the choroid. The contraction of the ciliary muscle, drawing forward the membranes of the eye, will relax the tension of the suspensory ligament and allow the lens to take the form determined by its own elastic structure. According to another theory of accommodation proposed by Tscherning,1 the suspensory ligament is stretched and not relaxed by the contraction of the ciliary muscle. In consequence of the pressure thus produced upon the lens, the soft external portions are moulded upon the harder nuclear portion in such a way as to give to the anterior (and to some extent to the posterior) surface a hyperboloid instead of a spherical form. A similar theory has been recently brought forward by Schoen,2 who compares the action of the ciliary muscle upon the lens to that of the fingers compressing a rubber ball, as shown in Figure 222. These theories have an advantage over that offered by Helmholtz, inasmuch as they afford au explanation of the presence in the ciliary muscle of circular fibres, which, on the theory of Helmholtz, seem to be superfluous. They also make the fact of so-called " astigFIG. 222.— TO illustrate matic accommodation" comprehensible. This term is than another.4 Whatever views may be entertained as to the exact mechanism by which its change of shape is brought about, there can be no doubt that the lens is the portion of the eye chiefly or wholly concerned in accommodation, and it is accordingly found that the removal of the lens in the operation for cataract destroys the power of accommodation, and the patient is compelled to use convex lenses for distant and still stronger ones for near objects. It is interesting to notice that the act of accommodation, though distinctly voluntary, is performed by the agency of the unstriped fibres of the ciliary muscles. It is evident, therefore, that the term " involuntary " sometimes applied to muscular fibres of this sort may be misleading. The voluntary character of the act of accommodation is not affected by the circumstance that the will needs, as a rule, to be assisted by visual sensations. The fact that most persons cannot affect the necessary change in the eye unless they direct their attention to some near or far object is only an instance of the close relation between sensory impressions and motor impulses, which is further exem- plified by such phenomena as the paralysis of the lip of a horse caused by the division of the trifacial nerve. It is found, moreover, that by practice the power of accommodating the eye without directing it to near and distant objects can be acquired. The nerve-channels through which_accommodation is affected are the anterior part of the nucleus of the third pair of nerves lying in the extreme hind part of the floor of the third ventricle, the most anterior bundle of the nerve-root, the third nerve itself, the lenticular ganglion, and the short ciliary nerves (see diagram p. 769). The mechanism of accommodation is affected in a remarkable way by drugs, the most important of which are atropia and physostigmin, the former paralyzing and the latter stimulating the ciliary muscle. As these drugs exert a corresponding effect upon the iris, it will be convenient to discuss their action in connection with the physiology of that organ. The changes occurring in the eye during the act of accommodation are indicated in the following table, which shows, both for the actual and the reduced eye, the extent to which the refracting media change their form and position, and the consequent changes in the position of the foci : It will be noticed that no change occurs in the curvature of the cornea, and next to none in the posterior surface of the lens, while the anterior surface of the lens undergoes material alterations both in its shape and position. Associated with the accommodative movements above described, two other changes take place in the eyes to adapt them for near vision. In the first place, the axes of the eyes are converged upon the near object, so that the images formed in the two eyes shall fall upon corresponding points of the retinas, as will be more fully explained in connection with the subject of binocular vision. In the second place, the pupil becomes contracted, thus reducing the size of the pencil of rays that enters the eye. The importance of this movement of the pupil will be better understood after the subject of spherical aberration of light has been explained. These three adjustments, focal, axial, and pupillary, are so habitually associated in looking at near objects that the axial can only by an effort be dissociated from the other two, while these two are quite inseparable from one another. This may be illustrated by a simple experiment. On a sheet of paper about 40 centimeters distant from the eyes draw two letters or figures precisely alike and about 3 centimeters apart. (Two letters cut from a newspaper and fastened to the sheet will answer the same purpose.) Hold a small object like the head of a pin between the eyes and the paper at the point of intersection of a line joining the right eye and the left letter with a line joining the left eye and the right letter. If the axes of vision are converged upon the pin-head, that object will be seen distinctly, and beyond it will be seen indistinctly three images of the letter, the central one being formed by the blending of the inner one of each pair of images formed on the two retinas. If now the attention be directed to the middle image, it will gradually become perfectly distinct as the eye accommodates itself for that distance. We have thus an axial adjustment for a very near object and a focal adjustment for a more distant one. If the pupil of the individual making this observation be watched by another person, it will be found that at the moment when the middle image of the letter becomes distinct the pupil, which had been contracted in viewing the pin-head, suddenly dilates. It is thus seen that when the axial and focal adjustments are dissociated from each other the pupillary adjustment allies itself with the latter. The opposite form of dissociation — viz. the axial adjustment for distance and the focal adjustment for near vision — is less easy to bring about. It may perhaps be best accomplished by holding a pair of stereoscopic pictures before the eyes and endeavoring to direct the right eye to the right and the left eye to the left picture — i. e. to keep the axes of vision parallel while the eyes are accommodated for near objects. One who is successful in this species of ocular gymnastics sees the two pictures blend into one having all the appearance of a solid object. The power of thus studying stereoscopic pictures without a stereoscope is often a great convenience to the possessor, but individuals differ very much in their ability to acquire it. Range of Accommodation. — By means of the mechanism above described it is possible for the eye to produce a distinct image upon the retina of objects lying at various distances from the cornea. The point farthest from the eye at which an object can be distinctly seen is called the far-point, and the nearest point of distinct vision is called the near-point of the eye, and the distance between the near-point and the far-point is called the range of distinct vision or the range of accommodation. As the normal emmetropic eye is adapted, when at rest, to bring parallel rays of light to a focus upon the retina, its farpoint may be regarded as at an infinite distance. Its near-point varies with age, as will be described under Presbyopia. In early adult life it is from 10 to 13 centimeters from the eye. For every point within this range there will be theoretically a corresponding condition of the lens adapted to bring rays proceeding from that point to a focus on the retina, but as rays reaching the eye from a point 175 to 200 centimeters distant do not, owing to the small size of the pupil, differ sensibly from parallel rays, there is no appreciable change in the lens unless the object looked at lies within that distance. It is also evident that as an object approaches the eye a given change of distance will cause a constantly increasing amount of divergence of the rays proceeding from it, and will therefore necessitate a constantly increasing amount of change in the lens to enable it to focus the rays on the retina. We find, accordingly, that all objects more than two meters distant from the eye can be seen distinctly at the same time — i. e. without any change in the accommodative mechanism — but for objects within that distance we are conscious of a special effort of accommodation which becomes more and more distinct the shorter the distance between the eye aa<l the object. Myopia and Hypermetropia. — There are two conditions of the eye in which the range of accommodation may differ from that which has just been described as normal. These conditions, which are too frequent to be regarded (except in extreme cases) as pathological, are generally dependent upon the eyeball being unduly lengthened or shortened. In Fig. 223 are shown diagram matically the three conditions known as emmetropia, myopia, and hypermetropia. In the normal or emmetropic eye, A, parallel rays are represented as brought to a focus on the retina; in the short-sighted, or myopic, eye, B, similar rays are focussed in front of the retina, since the latter is abnormally distant; while in the over-sighted, or hypermetropic, eye, C, they are focussed behind the retina, since it is abnormally near. It is evident that when the eye is at rest both the myopic and the hypermetropic eye will see distant objects indistinctly, but there is this important difference : that in hypermetropia the difficulty can be corrected by an effort of accommodation, while in myopia this is impossible, since there is no mechanism by which the radius of the lenticular surfaces can be increased. Hence an individual affected with myopia is always aware of the infirmity, while a person with hypermetropic eyes often goes through life unconscious of the defect. In this case the accomodation is constantly called into play even for distant objects, and if the hypermetropia is excessive, any prolonged use of the eyes is apt to be attended by a feeling of fatigue, headache, and a train of nervous symptoms familiar to the ophthalmic surgeon. Hence it is important to discover this defect where it exists and to apply the appropriate remedy — viz. convex lenses placed in front of the eyes in order to make the rays slightly convergent when they enter the eye. Thus aided, the refractive power of the eye at rest is sufficient to bring the rays to a focus upon the retina and thus relieve the accommoda- shown in Fig. 222, B. The detection and quantitative determination of hypermetropia are best made after the accommodation has been paralyzed by the use of atropia, by ascertaining how strong a convex lens must be placed before the eye to produce distinct vision of distant objects. The range of accommodation varies very much from the normal in myopic and hypermetropic eyes. In myopia the near-point is often 5 or 6 centimeters from the cornea, while the far-point, instead of being infinitely far off, is at a variable but no very great distance from the eye. The range of accommodation is therefore very limited. In hypermetropia the near-point is slightly farther than normal from the eye, and the far-point cannot be said to exist, for the eye at rest is adapted to bring converging rays to a focus on the retina, and such pencils of rays do not exist in nature. Mathematically, the far-point may be said to be at more than an infinite distance from the eye. The range of effective accommodation is therefore reduced, for a portion of the accommodative power is used up in adapting the eye to receive parallel rays. Presbyopia. — The power of accommodation diminishes with age, owing apparently to a loss of elasticity of the lens. The change is regularly progressive, and can be detected as early as the fifteenth year, though in normal eyes it does not usually attract attention until the individual is between forty and forty-five years of age. At this period of life a difficulty is commonly experienced in reading ordinary type held at a convenient distance from the eye, and the individual becomes old-sighted or presbyopia — a condition which can, of course, be remedied by the use of convex glasses. Cases are occasionally reported of persons recovering their power of near vision in extreme old age and discontinuing the use of the glasses previously employed for reading. In these cases there is apparently not a restoration of the power of accommodation, but an increase in the refractive power of the lens through local changes in its tissue. A diminution in the size of the pupil, sometimes noticed in old age, may also contribute to the distinctness of the retinal image, as will be described in connection with spherical aberration. Defects of the Dioptric Apparatus. — The above-described imperfections of the eye — viz. myopia and hypermetropia — being generally (though not invariably) due to an abnormal length of the longitudinal axis, are to be regarded as defects of construction affecting only a comparatively small number of eyes. There are, however, a number of imperfections of the dioptric apparatus, many of which affect all eyes alike. Of these imperfections some affect the eye in common with all optical instruments, while others are peculiar to the eye and are not found in instruments of human construction. The former class will be first considered. Spherical Aberration. — It has been stated that a pencil of rays falling upon a .spherical refracting surface will be refracted to a common focus. Strictly speaking, however, the outer rays of the pencil — i. e. those which fall near the periphery of the refracting surface — will be refracted more than those which lie near the axis and will come to a focus sooner. This phenomenon, which is called spherical aberration, is more marked with diverging than with parallel rays, and tends, of course, to produce an indistinctness of the image which will increase with the extent of the surface through which the rays pass. The effect of a diaphragm used in many optical instruments to reduce the amount of spherical aberration by cutting off the side rays is shown diagrammatically in Fig. 224. aberration. The role of the iris in the vision of near objects is now evident, for when the eye is directed to a near object the spherical aberration is increased in consequence of the rays becoming more divergent, but the contraction of the pupil which accompanies accommodation tends, by cutting off the side rays, to prevent a blurring of the image which otherwise would be produced. It must, however, be remembered that the crystalline lens, unlike any lens of human construction, has a greater index of refraction at the centre than at the periphery. This, of course, tends to correct spherical aberration, and, in so far as it does so, to render the cutting off of the side rays unnecessary. Indeed, the total amount of possible spherical aberration in the eye is so small that its effect on vision may be regarded as insignificant in comparison with that caused by the other optical imperfections of the eye. Chromatic Aberration. — In the above account of the dioptric apparatus of the eye the phenomena have been described as they would occur with monochromatic light — i. e. with light having but one degree of refrangibility. But the light of the sun is composed of an infinite number of rays of different degrees of refrangibility. Hence when an image is formed by a simple lens the more refrangible rays — ?'. e. the violet rays of the spectrum — are brought to a focus sooner than the less refrangible red rays. The image therefore appears bordered by fringes of colored light. This phenomenon of chromatic aberration can be well observed by looking at objects through the lateral portion of a simple lens, or, still better, by observing them through two simple lenses held at a distance apart equal to the sum of their focal distances. The objects will appear inverted (as through an astronomical telescope) and surrounded with borders of colored light. Now, the chromatic aberration of the eve is so slight that it is not easily detected, and the physicists of the eighteenth century, in their efforts to produce an achromatic lens, seem to have been impressed by the fact that in the eye a combination of media of different refractive powers is employed, and to have sought in this circumstance an explanation of the supposed achromatism of the eye. Work directed on this line was crowned with brilliant success, for by combining two sorts of glass of different refractive and dispersive powers it was found possible to refract a ray of light without dispersing it into its different colored rays, and the achromatic lens, thus constructed, became at once an essential part of every first-class optical instrument. Now, as there is not only no evidence that the principle of the achromatic lens is employed in the eye, but distinct evidence that the eye is uncorrected for chromatic aberration, we have here a remarkable instance of a misconception of a physical fact leading to an important discovery in physics. The chromatic aberration of the eye, though so slight as not to interfere at all with ordinary vision, can be readily shown to exist by the simple experiment of covering up one half of the pupil and looking at a bright source of light e. g. a window. If the lower half of the pupil be covered, the cross-bars of the window will appear bordered with a fringe of blue light on the lower and reddish light on the upper side. The explanation usually given of the way in which this result is produced is illustrated in Fig. 225. Owing to the chromatic aberration of the eye all the rays emanating from an object at A are not focussed accurately on the retina, but if the eye is accommodated for a ray of medium refrangibility, the violet rays will be brought to a focus in front of the retina at I7, while the red rays will be focussed behind the retina at R. On the retina itself will be formed not an accurate optical image of the point A, but a small circle of dispersion in which the various colored rays are mixed together, the violet rays after crossing falling upon the same part of the retina as the red rays before crossing. Thus by a sort of compensation, which, however, cannot be equivalent tc- the synthetic reproduction of white light by the union of the spectral colors, the disturbing effect of chromatic aberration is diminished. When the lower half of the pupil is covered by the edge of a card held in front of the cornea at Dy the aberration produced in the upper half of the eye is not compensated by that of the lower half. Hence the image of a point of white light at A will appear as a row of spectral colors on the retina, and all objects will appear bordered by colored fringes. Another good illustration of the chromatic aberration of the eye is obtained by cutting two holes of any convenient shape in a piece of black cardboard and placing behind one of them a piece of blue and behind the other a piece of red glass. If the card is placed in a window some distance (10 meters) from the observer, iu such a position that the white light of the sky may be seen through the colored glasses, it will be found that the outlines of the two holes will generally be seen with unequal distinctness. To most eyes the red outline will appear quite distinct, while the blue figure will seem much blurred. To a few individuals the blue figure appears the more distinct, and these will generally be found to be hypermetropic. Astigmatism. — The defect known as astigmatism is due to irregularities of curvature of the refracting surfaces, in consequence of which all the rays proceeding from a single point cannot be brought to a single focus on the retina. and minimum curvature at right angles to each other, though in each meridians the curvature is regular. When this is the case the rays proceeding from a single luminous point are brought to a focus earliest when they lie in the meridian in which the surface is most convex. Hence the pencil of rays will have two linear foci, at right angles to the meridians of greatest and least curvature separated by a space in which a section of the cone of rays will be first elliptical, then circular, and then again elliptical. This defect exists to a certain extent in nearly all eyes, and is, in some cases, a serious obstacle to distinct vision. The course of the rays when thus refracted is illustrated in Fig. 226, which represents the interior of a box through which black threads are drawn to indicate the course of the rays of light. The threads start at one end of the box from a circle representing the cornea, and converge with different degrees of rapidity in different meridians, so that a section of the cone of rays will be successively an ellipse, a straight line, an ellipse, a circle, etc., as shown by the model represented in Fig. 227. It will be noticed that this and the preced- ing figure are drawn in duplicate, but that the lines are not precisely alike on the two sides. In fact, the lines on the left represent the model as it would be seen with the right eye, and those on the right as it would appear to the left eye, which is just the opposite from an ordinary stereoscopic slide. The figures are drawn in this way because they are intended to produce a " pseudoscopic " effect in a way which will be explained in connection with the subject of binocular vision. For this purpose it is only necessary to cross the axes of vision in front of the page, as in the experiment described on page 758, for studying the relation between the focal, axial, and pupillary adjustments of the eye. As soon as the middle image becomes distinct it assumes a stereoscopic appearance, and the correct relations between the different parts of the model are at once obvious. drawn in various directions through a common point cannot be seen with equal distinctness at the same time, it is evident that the eye is better adapted to focus rays in one meridian than in another — i. e. it is astigmatic. The concentric circles are a still more delicate test. Few persons can look at this figure attentively without noticing that the lines are not everywhere equally distinct, but that in certain sectors the circles present a blurred appearance. Not infrequently it will be found that the blurred sectors do not occupy a constant position, but oscillate rapidly from one part of the series of circles to another. This phenomenon seems to be due to slight involuntary contractions of the ciliary muscle causing changes in accommodation. The direction of the meridians of greatest and least curvature of the cornea of a regularly astigmatic eye, and the difference in the amount of this curvature^ can be very accurately measured by means of the ophthalmometer (see p. 750). These points being determined, the defect of the eye can be perfectly corrected by cylindrical glasses adapted to compensate for the excessive or deficient refraction of the eye in certain meridians. By another method known as " skiascopy," which consists in studying the light reflected from the fundus of the eye when the ophthalmoscopic mirror is moved in various directions, the amount and direction of the astigmatism of the eye as a whole (and not that of the cornea alone) may be ascertained. Astigmatism is said to be irregular when in certain meridians the curvatures of the refracting surfaces are not arcs of circles or ellipses, or when there is a lack of homogeneousness in the refracting media. This imperfection exists to a greater or less extent in all eyes, and, unlike regular astigmatism, is incapable of correction. It manifests itself by causing the outlines of all brilliant objects to appear irregular. It is on this account that the fixed stars do not appear to us like points of light, but as luminous bodies with irregular " star "-shaped outlines. The phenomenon can be conveniently studied by looking at a pinhole in a large black card held at a convenient distance between the eye and a strong light. The hole will appear to have an irregular outline, and to some eyes will appear double or treble. Intraocular Images. — Light entering the eye makes visible, under certain circumstances, a number of objects which lie within the eye itself. These objects are usually opacities in the media of the eye which are ordinarily invisi- ble, because the retina is illuminated by light coming from all parts of the pupil, and with such a broad source of light no object, unless it is a very large one or one lying very near the back of the eye, can cast a shadow on the retina. Such shadows can, however, be made apparent by allowing the media of the eye to be traversed by parallel rays of light. This can be accomplished by holding a small polished sphere — e. g. the steel head of a shawl-pin illuminated by sunlight or strong artificial light — in the anterior focus of the eye — i. e. about 22 millimeters in front of the cornea, or by placing a dark screen with a pin-hole in it in the same position between the eye and a source of uniform diffused light, such as the sky or the porcelain shade of a student lamp. In either case the rays of light diverging from the minute source will be refracted into parallelism by the media of the eye, and will produce the sensation of a circle of diffused light, the size of which will depend upon the amount of dilatation of the pupil. Within this circle of light will be seen the shadows of any opaque substances that may be present in the media of the eye. These shadows, being cast by parallel rays, will be of the same size as the objects themselves, as is shown diagram matically in Figure 229, in which A represents a source of light at the anterior focus of the eye, and b an opacity in the vitreous humor casting a shadow B of the same size as itself upon the retina. It is evident that if the source of light A is moved from side to side the various opacities will be displaced relatively to the circle of light surrounding them by an amount depending upon the distance of the opacities from the retina. A study of these displacements will therefore afford a means of determining the position of the opacities within the media of the eye. Muscae Volitantes. — Among the objects to be seen in thus examining the eye the most conspicuous are those known as the muscce volitantes. These present themselves in the form of beads, either singly or in groups, or of streaks, patches, and granules. They have an almost constant floating motion, which is increased by the movements of the eye and head. They usually avoid the line of vision, floating away when an attempt is made to fix the sight upon them. When the eye is directed vertically, however, they sometimes place themselves directly in line with the object looked at. If the intraocular object is at the same time sufficiently near the back of the eye to cast a shadow which is visible without the use of the focal illumination, some inconvenience may thus be caused in using a vertical microscope. phenomenon is due to small bodies floating in a liquid medium of a little greater specific gravity than themselves. Their movements are chiefly in planes perpendicular to the axis of vision, for when the eye is directed vertically upward they move as usual through the field of vision without increasing the distance from the retina. They are generally supposed to be the remains of the embyronic structure of the vitreous body — i. e. portions of the cells and fibres which have not undergone complete mucous transformation. In addition to these floating opacities in the vitreous body various other defects in the transparent media of the eye may be revealed by the method of focal illumination. Among these may be mentioned spots and stripes due to irregularities in the lens or its capsule, and radiating lines indicating the stellate structure of the lens. Retinal Vessels. — Owing to the fact that the blood-vessels ramify near the anterior surface of the retina, while those structures which are sensitive to light constitute the posterior layer of that organ, it is evident that light entering the eye will cast a shadow of the vessels on the light-perceiving elements of the retina. Since, however, the diameter of the largest blood-vessels is not more than one-sixth of the thickness of the retina, and the diameter of the pupil is one-fourth or one-fifth of the distance from the iris to the retina, it is evident that when the eye is directed to the sky or other broad illuminated surfaces it is only the penumbra of the vessels that will reach the rods and cones, the umbra terminating conically somewhere in the thickness of the retina. But if light is allowed to enter the eye through a pin-hole in a card held a short distance from the cornea, as in the above-described method of focal illumination, a sharply defined shadow of the vessels will be thrown on the rods and cones. Yet under these conditions the retinal vessels are not rendered visible unless the perforated card is moved rapidly to and fro, so as to throw the shadow continually on to fresh portions of the retinal surface. When this is done the vessels appear, ramifying usually as dark lines on a lighter background, but the dark lines are sometimes bordered by bright edges. It will be observed that those vessels appear most distinctly the course of which is at right angles to the direction in which the card is moved. Hence in order to see all the vessels with equal distinctness it is best to move the card rapidly in a circle the diameter of which should not exceed that of the pupil. In this manner the distribution of the vessels in one's own retina may be accurately observed, and in many cases the position of the fovea centralis may be determined by the absence of vessels from that portion of the macula lutea. The retinal vessels may also be made visible in several other ways — e. g., 1. By directing the eye toward a dark background and moving a candle to and fro in front of the eye, but below or to one side of .the line of vision. 2. By concentrating a strong light by means of a lens of short focus upon a point of the sclerotic as distant as possible from the cornea. By either of these methods a small image of the external source of light is formed upon the lateral portion of the eye, and this image is the source of light which throws shadows of the retinal vessels on to the rods and cones. Circulation of Blood in the Retina. — When the eye is directed toward a surface which is uniformly and brightly illuminated — e. g. the sky or a sheet of white paper on which the sun is shining — the field of vision is soon seen to be filled with small bright bodies moving with considerable rapidity in irregular curved lines, but with a certain uniformity which suggests that their movements are confined to definite channels. They are usually better seen when one or more sheets of cobalt glass are held before the face, so that the eyes are bathed in blue light. That the phenomenon depends upon the circulation of the blood globules in the retina is evident from the fact that the moving bodies follow paths which correspond with the form of the retinal capillaries as seen by the methods above described, and also from the correspondence between the rate of movement of the intraocular image and the rapidity of the capillary circulation in those organs in which it can be directly measured under the microscope. The exact way in which the moving j be regarded as an unsettled question. We have thus seen that the eye, regarded from the optician's point of view, has not only all the faults inherent in optical instruments generally, but many others which would not be tolerated in an instrument of human construction. Yet with all its imperfections the eye is perhaps the most wonderful instance in nature of the development of a highly specialized organ to fulfil a definite have been perfected to a degree sufficient to enable it to meet the requirements of the nervous system with which it is connected, and no farther. In the ordinary use of the eye we are unconscious of its various irregularities, shadows, opacities, etc., for these imperfections are all so slight that the resulting inaccuracy of the image does not much exceed the limit which the size of the light-perceiving elements of the retina imposes upon the delicacy of our visual perceptions, and it is only by illuminating the eye in some unusual way that the existence of these imperfections can be detected. In other words, the eye is as good an optical instrument as the nervous system can appreciate and make use of. Moreover, when we reflect upon the difficulty of the problem which nature has solved, of constructing an optical instrument out of living and growing animal tissue, we cannot fail to be struck by the perfection of the dioptric apparatus of the eye as well as by its adaptation to the needs of the organism of which it forms a part. Iris. — The importance of the iris as an adjustable diaphragm for cutting off side rays and thus securing good definition in near vision has been described in connection with the act of accommodation. Its other function of protecting the retina from an excess of light is no less important, and we must now consider how this pupillary adjustment may be studied and by what mechanism it is effected. The changes in the size of the pupil may be conveniently observed in man and animals by holding a millimeter scale in front of the eye and noticing the variations in the diameter of the pupil. It should be borne in mind that the iris, seen in this way, does not appear in its natural size and position, but somewhat enlarged and bulged forward by the magnifying effect of the cornea and the aqueous humor. The changes in one's own pupil may be readily observed by noticing the varying size of the circle of light thrown upon the retina when the eye is illuminated by a point of light held at the anterior focus, as in the method above described for the study of intraocular images. The muscles of the iris are, except in birds, of the unstriped variety, and are arranged concentrically around the pupil. Radiating fibres are also recognized by many observers, though their existence has been called in question by others. The circular or constricting muscles of the iris are under the control of the third pair of cranial nerves, and are normally brought into activity in consequence of light falling upon the retina. This is a reflex phenomenon, the optic nerve being the afferent, and the third pair, the ciliary ganglion, and the short ciliary nerves the efferent, channel, as indicated in Figure 230. This reflex is in man and many of the higher animals bilateral— i. e. light falling upon one retina will cause a contraction of both pupils. This may readily be observed in one's own eye when focally illuminated in the manner above described. Opening the other eye will, under these conditions, cause a diminution, and closing it an increase, in the size of the circle of light. This bilateral character is found to be dependent upon the nature of the decussation of the optic nerves, for in animals in which the crossing is complete the eyes in the head. When the eyes are so placed that they can both be directed to the same object, as in man and many of the higher animals, the fibres of each optic nerve are usually found to be distributed to both optic tracts, while in animals whose eyes are in opposite sides of the head there is complete crossing of the optic nerves. Hence it may be said that animals having binocular vision have in general a bilateral pupillary reflex. The rule is, however, not without exceptions, for owls, though their visual axes are parallel, have, like other birds, a corn- reflex.1 A direct as well as a reflex constriction of the pupil under the influence of light has been observed in the excised eyes of eels, frogs, and some other animals. As the phenomenon can be seen in preparations consisting of the iris alone or of the iris and cornea together, it is evident that the light exerts its influence directly upon the tissues of the iris and not through an intraocular connection with the retina. The maximum effect is produced by the yellowishgreen portion of the spectrum. Antagonizing the motor oculi nerve in its constricting influence on the pupil is a set of nerve-fibres the function of which is to increase the size of the pupil. Most of these fibres seem to run their course from a centre which lies in the floor of the third ventricle not far from the origin of the third pair, through the bulb, the cervical cord, the anterior roots of the upper dorsal nerves, the upper thoracic ganglion, the cervical sympathetic nerve as far as the upper cervical ganglion ; then through a branch which accompanies the internal carotid artery, passes over the Gasserian ganglion and joins the ophthalmic branch of the fifth pair ; then through the nasal branch of the latter nerve and the long ciliary nerves to the eye 2 (see diagram, p. 769). These fibres appear to be in a state of tonic activity, for section of them in any part of their course (most conveniently in the cervical sympathetic) causes a contraction of the pupil which, on stimulation of the peripheral end of the divided nerve, gives place to a marked dilatation. Their activity can be increased in various ways. Thus dilatation of the pupil may be caused by dyspnea, violent muscular efforts, etc. Stimulation of various sensory nerves may also cause reflex dilatation of the pupil, and this phenomenon may be observed, though greatly diminished in intensity, after extirpation of the superior cervical sympathetic ganglion. It is therefore evident that the dilator nerves of the pupil do not have their course exclusively in the cervical sympathetic nerve. Since the cervical sympathetic nerve contains vaso-constrictor fibres for the head and neck, it has been thought that its dilating effect upon the pupil might be explained by its power of causing changes in the amount of blood in the vessels of the iris. There is no doubt that a condition of vascular turgescence or depletion will tend to produce contraction or dilatation of the pupil, but it is impossible to explain the observed phenomena in this way, since the pupillary are more prompt than the vascular changes, and may be observed on a bloodless eye. Moreover, the nerve-fibres producing them are said to have a somewhat different course. Another explanation of the influence of the sympathetic on the pupil is that it acts by inhibiting the contraction of the sphincter muscles,, and that the dilatation is simply an elastic reaction. But since it is posssible to produce local dilatation of the pupil by circumscribed stimulation at or near 1 Steinach : Archiv fur die gesammte Physiologic, xlvii. 313. '2 Langley : Journal of Physiology, xiii. p. 575. For the evidence of the existence of a "cilio-spinal" centre in the cord, see Steil and Langendorff: Archiv fur die gesammte Physioiogif, Iviii. p. 155 ; also Schenck : Ibid., Ixii. p. 494. the outer border of the iris, it seems more reasonable to conclude that the dilator nerves of the pupil act upon radial muscular fibres in the substance of the iris, in spite of the fact that the existence of such fibres has not been universally admitted. Whatever view may be taken of the mechanism by which the sympathetic nerves influence the pupil, there is no doubt that the iris is under the control of two antagonistic sets of nerve-fibres, both of which are, under normal circumstances, in a state of tonic activity. Therefore, when the sympathetic nerve is divided the pupil contracts under the influence of the motor oculi, and section of the motor oculi causes dilatation through the unopposed influence of the sympathetic. The movements of the iris, though performed by smooth muscles, are more rapid than those of smooth muscles found elsewhere — e. g. in 'the intestines and the arteries. The contraction of the pupil when the retina of the opposite eye is illuminated occupies about 0.3' f ; the dilatation when the light is cut off from the eye, about 3" or 4". The latter determination is, however, difficult to make with precision, since dilatation of the pupil takes place at first rapidly and then more slowly, so that the moment when the process is at an end is not easily determined. After remaining a considerable time in absolute darkness the pupils become enormously dilated, as has been shown by flashlight photographs taken under these conditions. In sleep, though the eyes are protected from the light, the pupils are strongly contracted, but dilate on stimulation of sensory nerves, even though the stimulation may be insufficient to rouse the sleeper. Many drugs when introduced into the system or applied locally to the conjunctiva produce effects upon the pupil. Those which dilate it are known as mydriatics, those which contract it as myotics. Of the former class the most important is atropin, the alkaloid of the Atropa belladonna, and of the latter physostigmin, the alkaloid of the Calabar bean. In addition to their action upon the pupil, mydriatics paralyze the accommodation, thus focussing the eye for distant objects, while myotics, by producing a cramp of the ciliary muscle, adjust the eye for near vision. The effect on the accommodation usually begins later and passes off sooner than the affection of the pupil. Atropin seems to act by producing local paralysis of the terminations of the third pair of cranial nerves in the sphincter iridis and the ciliary muscle. In large doses it may also paralyze the muscle-fibres of the sphincter. With this paralyzing action there appears to be combined a stimulating effect upon the dilator muscles of the iris. The myotic action of physostigmin seems to be due to a local stimulation of the fibres of the sphincter of the iris. Although in going from a dark room to a lighter one the pupil at first contracts, this contraction soon gives place to a dilatation, and in about three or four minutes the pupil usually regains its former size. In a similar manner the primary dilatation of the pupil caused by entering a dark room from a lighter one is followed by a contraction which usually restores the pupil to its original size within fifteen or twenty minutes. It is thus evident that the amount of light falling upon the retina is not the only factor in determining the size of the pupil. In fact, if the light acts for a sufficient length of time the pupil may have the same size under the influence of widely different degrees of illumination.1 This so-called " adaptation " of the eye to various amounts of light seems to be connected with the movements of the retinal pigment-granules and with the chemical changes of the visual purple, to be more fully described in connection with the physiology of the retina. The Ophthalmoscope. — Under normal conditions the pupil of the eye appears as a black spot in the middle of the colored iris. The cause of this dark appearance of the pupil is to be found in the fact that a source of light and the retina lie in the conjugate foci of the dioptric apparatus of the eye. Hence any light entering the eye that escapes absorption by the retinal pigment and is reflected from the fundus must be refracted back to the source from which it came. The eye of an observer who looks at the pupil from another direction will see no light coming from it, and it will therefore appear to him black. It is therefore evident that the essential condition for perceiving light coming from the fundus of the eye is that the line of vision of the observing eye shall be in the line of illumination. This condition is fulfilled by means of instruments known as ophthalmoscopes. The principles involved in the construction of the most common form of ophthalmoscope are illustrated diagrammatically in Figure 231. The rays from a source of light Z, after being brought to a focus at a by the concave perforated mirror M M, pass on and are rendered parallel by the lens I. Then, entering the observed eye 5, they are brought to a focus on the retina at a'. Any rays which are reflected back from the part of the retina thus illuminated will follow the course of the entering rays and be brought to a focus at a. The eye of an observer at A, looking through the hole in the mirror, will therefore see at a an inverted image of the retina, the observation of which may be facilitated by a convex lens placed immediately in front of the observer's eye. which the retinal vessels are distinctly visible. Retina. — Having considered the mechanism by which optical images of objects at various distances from the eye are formed upon the retina, we must next inquire what part of the retina is affected by the rays of light, and in what this affection consists. To the former of these questions it will be found possible to give a fairly satisfactory answer, With regard to the latter nothing positive is known. The structure of the retina is exceedingly complicated, but, as very little is known of the functions of the ganglion cells and of the molecular and nuclear layers, it will suffice for the present purpose of physiological description to regard the retina as consisting of fibres of the optic nerve which are connected through various intermediate structures with the layer of rods and cones. Figure 232 is intended to show, diagram matically, the mutual relation of these various portions of the retina in different parts of the eye, and is not drawn to scale. It will be observed that the optic nerve 0, where it enters the eye, interrupts the continuity of the layer of rods and cones R and of the intermediate structures /. Its fibres spread themselves out in all directions, forming the internal layer of the retina N. The central artery of the retina A accompanying the optic nerve ramifies in the layer of nerve-fibres and in the immediately adjacent layers of the retina, forming a vascular layer V. In the fovea centralis F of the macula lutea (the centre of distinct vision) the layer of rods and cones becomes more highly developed, while the other layers of the retina are much reduced in thickness and the blood-vessels entirely disappear. This histological observation points strongly to the conclusion that the rods and cones are the structures which are essential to vision, and that in them are found the conditions for the conversion of the vibrations of the luminiferous ether into a stimulus for a nerve-fibre. This view derives confirmation from the observations on the retinal blood-vessels, for it is found that the distance between the vascular layer of the retina and the layer of rods and cones determined by histological methods corresponds with that which must exist between the vessels and the light-perceiving elements of the retina, as calculated from the apparent displacement of the shadow caused by given movements of the source of light used in studying intraocular images l as described on p. 767. Another argument in favor of this view is found in the correspondence between the size of the smallest visible images on the retina and the diameter of the rods and cones. A double star can be recognized as double by the normal eye when the distance between the components corresponds to a visual angle of 60". Two white lines on a black ground are seen to be distinct when the distance between them subtends a visual angle of 64r/-73r/. These angles correspond to a retinal image of 0.0044, 0.0046, and 0.0053 millimeter. Now, the diameter of the cones in the macula lutea, as determined by Kolliker, is 0.0045-0.0055 millimeter, a size which agrees well with the hypothesis that each cone when stimulated can produce a special sensation of light distinguishable from those caused by the stimulation of the neighboring cones. The existence of the so-called blind spot in the retina at the point of entrance of the optic nerve is sometimes regarded as evidence of the lightperceiving function of the rods and cones, but as the other layers of the retina, as well as the rods and cones, are absent at this point, and the retina here consists solely of nerve-fibres, it is evident that the presence of the blind spot only proves that the optic nerve-fibres are insensible to light. Figure 233 is intended to demonstrate this insensibility. For this purpose it should be held at a distance of about 23 centimeters from the eyes (i. e. about 3.5 times the distance between the cross and the round spot). If the left eye be closed and the right eye fixed upon the cross, the round spot will disappear from view, though it will become visible if the eye be directed either to the right or to the left of the cross, or if the figure be held either a greater or a less distance from the eye. The size and shape of the blind spot may readily be determined as follows : Fix the eye upon a definite point marked upon a sheet of white paper. Bring the black point of a lead pencil (which, except the point, has been painted white or covered with white paper) into the invisible portion of the field of vision and carry it outward in any direction until it becomes visible. Mark upon the paper the point at which it just begins to be seen, and by repeating the process in as many different directions as possible the outline of the blind spot may be marked out. Figure 234 shows the shape of the blind spot determined by Helmholtz in his own right eye, a being d, are due to shadows of the large retinal vessels. During this determination it is of course necessary that the head should occupy a fixed position with regard to the paper. This condition can be secured by holding firmly between the teeth a piece of wood that is clamped in a suitable position to the edge of the table. The diameter of the blind spot, as thus determined, has been found to correspond to a visual angle varying from 3° 39' to 9° 47', the average measurement being 6° 10'. This is about the angle that is subtended by the human face seen at a distance of two meters. Although a considerable portion of the retina is thus insensible to light, we are, in the ordinary use of the eyes, conscious of no corresponding blank in the field of vision. By what psychical operation we " fill up " the gap in our subjective field of vision caused by the blind spot of the retina is a question that has been much discussed without being definitely settled. The above-mentioned reasons for regarding the rods and cones as the lightperceiving elements of the retina seem sufficiently conclusive. Whether there is any difference between the rods and the cones with regard to their lightperceiving function is a question which may be best considered in connection with a description of the qualitative modifications of light. The histological relation between the various layers of the retina is still under discussion. According to recent observations of Cajal,1 the connection between the rods and cones on the one side and the fibres of the optic nerve on the other is established in a manner which is represented diagrammatically in Figure 235. The prolongations of the bipolar cells of the internal nuclear layer E break up into fine fibres in the external molecular (or plexiform) layer C. Here they are brought into contact, though not into anatomical continuity, with the terminal fibres of the rods and cones. The inner prolongations of the same bipolar cells penetrate into the internal molecular (or plexiform) layer F, and there come into contact with the dendrites coming from the layer of ganglion-cells G. from those which perform the same function for the cones. Whatever be the precise mode of connection between the rods and cones and the fibres of the optic nerve, it is evident that each retinal element cannot be connected with the nerve-centres by a separate independent nerve-channel, since the retina contains many millions of rods and cones, while the optic nerve has only about 438,000 nerve-fibres,1 though of course such a connection may exist in the fovea centralis, as Cajal has shown is probably the case in reptiles and birds. Changes Produced in the Retina by Light. — We must now inquire what changes can be supposed to occur in the rods and cones under the influence of light by means of which they are able to transform the energy of the ether vibrations into a stimulus for the fibres of the optic nerve. Though in the present state of our knowledge no satisfactory answer can be given to this question, yet certain direct effects of light upon the retina have been observed which are doubtless associated in some way with the transformation in question. The retina of an eye which has been protected from light for a considerable length of time has a purplish-red color, which upon exposure to light changes to yellow and then fades away. This bleaching occurs also in monochromatic light, the most powerful rays being those of the greenish-yellow portion of the spectrum — i. e. those rays which are most completely absorbed by the purplish-red coloring matter. A microscopic examination of the retina shows that this coloring matter, which has been termed visual purple, is entirely confined to the outer portion of the retinal rods and does not occur at all in the cones. After being bleached by light it is, during life, restored through the agency of the pigment epithelium, the cells of which, under the influence of light, send their prolongations inward to envelop the outer limbs of the rods and cones with pigment. If an eye, either excised or in its natural position, is protected from light for a time, and then placed in such a position that the image of a lamp or a window is thrown upon the retina for a time which may vary with the amount of light from seven seconds to ten minutes, it will be found that the retina, if removed and examined under red light, will show the image of the luminous object impressed upon it by the bleaching of the visual purple. If the retina be treated with a 4 per cent, solution of alum, the restoration of the visual purple will be prevented, and the so-called " optogram " will be, as photographers say, " fixed." 2 Figlll>e 236 shows the appearance of a rabbit's retina on which the optogram of a window has been impressed. Although the chemical changes in the visual purple under the influence of light seem, at first sight, to afford an explanation of the transformation of the vibrations of the luminiferous ether into a stimulation for the optic nerve, yet the fact that vision is most distinct in the fovea centralis of the retina, which,, as it contains no rods, is destitute of visual purple, makes it impossible to regard this coloring matter as essential to vision. The most probable theory of its function is perhaps that which connects it with the adaptation of the eye to varying amounts of light, as described on p. 772. In addition to the above-mentioned movements of the pigment epithelium cells under the influence of light, certain changes in the retinal cones of frogs and fishes have been observed.1 The change consists in a shortening and thickening of the inner portion of the cones when illuminated, but the relation of the phenomenon to vision has not been explained. Like most of the living tissues of the body, the retina is the seat of electrical currents. In repose the fibres of the optic nerve are said to be positive in relation to the layer of rods and cones. When light falls upon the retina this current is at first increased and then diminished in intensity. Sensation of Light. — Whatever view may be adopted with regard to the mechanism by which light is enabled to become a stimulus for the optic nerve, the fundamental fact remains that the retina (and in all probability the layer of rods and cones in the retina) alone supplies the conditions under which this transformation of energy is possible. But in accordance with the " law of specific energy " a sensation of light may be produced in whatever way the optic nerve be stimulated, for a stimulus reaching the visual centres through the optic nerve is interpreted as a visual sensation, in the same way that pressure on a nerve caused by the contracting cicatrix of an amputated leg often causes a painful sensation which is referred to the lost toes to which the nerve was formerly distributed. Thus local pressure on the eyeball by stimulating the underlying retina causes luminous sensations, already described as " phosphenes," and electrical stimulation of the eye as a whole or of the stump of the optic nerve after the removal of the eye is found to give rise to sensations of light. Vibrations of the luminiferous ether constitute, however, the normal stimulus of the retina, and we must now endeavor to analyze the sensation thus produced. In the first place, it must be borne in mind that the so-called ether waves differ among themselves very widely in regard to their rate of oscillation. The slowest known vibrations of the ether molecules have a frequency of about 107,000,000,000,000 in a second, and the fastest a rate of about 40,000,000,000,000,000 in a second — a range, expressed in musical terms, of about eight and one-half octaves. All these ether waves are capable of warming bodies upon which they strike and of breaking up certain chemical combinations, the slowly vibrating waves being especially adapted to produce the former and the rapidly vibrating ones the latter effect. Certain waves of intermediate rates of oscillation — viz. those ranging between 392,000,000,000,000 and 757,000,000,000,000 in a second — not only produce thermic and chemical effects, but have the power, when they strike the retina, of causing changes in the layer of rods and cones, which, in their turn, act as a stimulus to the optic nerve. The ether waves which produce these various phenomena are often spoken of as heat rays, light rays, and actinic or chemical rays, but it must be remembered that the same wave may produce all three classes of phenomena, the effect depending upon the nature of the substance upon which it strikes. It will be observed that the range of vibrations capable of affecting the retina is rather less than one octave, a limitation which obviously tends to reduce the amount of chromatic aberration. In this connection it is interesting to notice that the highest audible note is produced by about 40,000 sonorous impulses in a second. Between the highest audible note and the lowest visible color there is a gap of nearly thirty-four octaves in which neither the vibrations of the air nor those of the luminiferous ether affect our senses. Even if the slowly vibrating heat-rays which affect our cutaneous nerves are taken into account, there still remain over thirty-one octaves of vibrations, either of the air or of the luminiferous ether, which may be, and very likely are, filling the universe around us without in any way impressing themselves upon our consciousness. Qualitative Modifications of Light. — All the ethereal vibrations which are capable of affecting the retina are transmitted with very nearly the same rapidity through air, but when they enter a denser medium the waves having a rapid vibration are retarded more than those vibrating more slowly. Hence when a ray of sunlight composed of all the visible ether waves strikes upon a plane surface of glass, the greater retardation of the waves of rapid vibration causes them to be more refracted than those of slower vibration, and if the glass has the form of a prism, as shown in Figure 237, this so-called " dispersion " of the rays is still further increased when the rays leave the glass, so that the emerging beam, if received upon a spot of white light, produces a band of color known as the solar spectrum. The colors of the spectrum, though commonly spoken of as seven in number, really form a continuous series from the extreme red to the extreme violet, these colors corresponding to ether vibrations have rates of 392,000,000,000,000 and 757,000,000,000,000 in 1 second, and wave lengths of 0.7667 and 0.3970 micromillimeters * respectively. Colors, therefore, are sensations caused by the impact upon the retina of certain ether waves having definite frequencies and wave-lengths, but these are not the only peculiarities of the ether vibration which influence the retinal sensation. The energy of the vibration, or the vis viva of the vibrating molecule, determines the " intensity " of the sensation or the brilliancy of the light.2 Furthermore, the sensation produced by the impact of ether waves of a definite length will vary according as the eye is simultaneously affected by a greater or less amount of white light. This modification of the sensation is termed its degree of " saturation/7 light being said to be completely saturated when it is " monochromatic" or produced by ether vibrations of a single wave-length. The modifications of light which taken together determine completely the character of the sensation are, then, three in number — viz. : 1. Color, dependent upon rate of vibration or length of the ether wave ; 2. Intensity, dependent upon the energy of the vibration ; 3. Saturation, dependent upon the amount of white light mingled with the monochromatic light. These three qualitative modifications of light must now be considered in detail. Color. — In our profound ignorance of the nature of the process by which, in the rods and cones, the movements of the ether waves are converted into a stimulus for the optic nerve-fibres, all that can be reasonably demanded of a color theory is that it shall present a logically consistent hypothesis to account for the sensations actually produced by the impact of ether waves of varying rates, either singly or combined, upon different parts of the retina. Some of the important phenomena of color sensation of which every color theory must take account may be enumerated as follows : 1. Luminosity is more readily recognized than color. This is shown by the fact that a colored object appears colorless when it is too feebly illuminated, and that a spectrum produced by a very feeble light shows variations of intensity with a maximum nearer than normal to the blue end, but no gradations of color. A similar lack of color is noticed when a colored object is observed for too short a time or when it is of insufficient size. In all these respects the various colors present important individual differences which will be considered later, 2. Colored objects seen with increasing intensity of illumination appear more and more colorless, and finally present the appearance of pure white. Yellow passes into white more readily than the other colors. 3. The power of the retina to distinguish colors diminishes from the centre toward the periphery, the various colors, in this respect also, differing materially from each other. Sensibility to red is lost at a short distance from the macula lutea, while the sensation of blue is lost only on the extreme lateral portions of the retina. The relation of this phenomenon to the distribution of the rods and cones in the retina will be considered in connection with the perception of the intensity of light. Color-mixture. — Since the various spectral colors are produced by the dispersion of the white light of the sun, it is evident that white light may be reproduced by the reunion of the rays corresponding to the different colors, and it is accordingly found that if the colored rays emerging from a prism, as in Fig. 237, are reunited by suitable refracting surfaces, a spot of white light will be produced similar to that which would have been caused by the original beam of sunlight. But white light may be produced not only by the union of all the spectral colors, but by the union of certain selected colors in twos, threes, fours, etc. Any two spectral colors which by their union produce white are said to be " complementary " colors. The relation of these pairs of complementary colors to each other may be best understood by reference to Figure 238. Here the spectral colors are supposed to be disposed around a curved line, as indicated by their initial letters, and the two ends of the curve are united by a straight line, thus enclosing a surface having somewhat the form of a triangle with a rounded apex. If the curved edge of this surface be supposed to be loaded with weights proportionate to the luminosity of the different colors, the centre of gravity of the surface will be near the point W. Now, if a straight line be drawn from any point on the curved line through the point JFand prolonged till it cuts the curve again, the colors corresponding to the two ends of this straight line will be complementary colors. Thus in Figure 238 it will be seen that the complementary color of red is bluish-green, and that of yellow lies near the indigo. It is also evident that the complementary color of green is purple, which is not a spectral color at all, but a color obtained by the union of violet and red. The union of a pair of colors lying nearer together than complementary colors produces an intermediate color mixed with an amount of white which is proportionate to the nearness of the colors to the complementary. Thus the union of red and yellow produces orange, but a less saturated orange than the spectral color. The union of two colors lying farther apart than complementary colors produces a color which borders more or less upon purple. the same white surface. 2. By looking obliquely through a glass plate at a colored object placed behind it, while at the same time light from another colored object, placed in front of the glass, is reflected into the eye of the observer, as shown in Figure 239. Here the transmitted light from the colored object A and the reflected light from the colored object B enter the eye at C from the same direction, and are therefore united upon the retina. painted upon different sectors. This is most readily accomplished by using a number of disks, each painted with one of the colors to be experimented with, and each divided radially by a cut running from the centre to the circumference. The disks can then be lapped over each other and rotated together, and in this way two or more colors can be mixed in any desired proportions. This method of mixing colors depends upon the property of the retina to retain an impression after the stimulus causing [V cannot be accomplished by the mixture of pigments or by allowing sunlight to pass successively through glasses of different colors, for in these cases rays corresponding to certain colors are absorbed by the medium through which the white light passes, and the phenomenon is the result of a process of subtraction and not addition. Light reaching the eye through red glass, for instance, looks red because all the rays except the red rays are absorbed, and light coming through green glass appears green for a similar reason. Now, when light is allowed to pass successively through red and green glass the only rays which pass through the red glass will be absorbed by the green. Hence no light will pass through the combination of red and green glass, and darkness results. But when red and green rays are mixed by any of the three methods above described the result of this process of addition is not darkness, but a yellow color, as will be understood by reference to the color diagram on p. 780. In the case of colored pigments similar phenomena occur, for here too light reaches the eye after rays of certain wave-lengths have been absorbed by the medium. This subject will be further considered in connection with color-theories. Color-theories. — From what has been said of color-mixtures it is evident that every color sensation may be produced by the mixture of a number of other color sensations, and that certain color sensations — viz. the purples — can be produced only by the mixture of other sensations, since there is no single wave-length corresponding to them. Hence the hypothesis is a natural one that all colors are produced by the mixture in varying proportions of a certain number of fundamental colors, each of which depends for its production upon the presence in the retina of a certain substance capable of being affected (probably through some sort of a photo-chemical process) by light of a certain definite wave-length. A hypothesis of this sort lies at the basis of both the Young-Helmholtz and the Hering theories of color sensation. The former theory postulates the existence in the retina of three substances capable of being affected by red, green, and violet rays, respectively — i. e. by the three colors lying at the three angles of the color diagram given on p. 780 — and regards all other color sensations as produced by the simultaneous affection of two of these substances in varying proportions. Thus when a ray of blue light falls on the retina it stimulates the violet- and green-perceiving substances, and produces a sensation intermediate between the two, while simultaneous stimulation of the red- and green-perceiving substances produces the sensations corresponding to yellow and orange ; and when the violet- and redperceiving substances are affected at the same time, the various shades of purple are produced. Each of these three substances is, however, supposed to be affected to a slight extent by all the rays of the visible spectrum, a supposition which is rendered necessary by the fact that even the pure spectral colors do not appear to be perfectly saturated, as will be explained in connection with the subject of saturation. Furthermore, the disappearance of color when objects are very feebly or very brightly illuminated or when they are seen with the lateral portions of the retina (as described on p. 779) necessitates the additional hypotheses that these three substances are all equally affected by all kinds of rays when the light is of either very small or very great intensity or when it falls on the extreme lateral portions of the retina, and that they manifest their specific irritability for red, green, and violet rays respectively only in light of moderate intensity falling not too far from the fovea centralis of the retina. The modifications of the Young- Hemholtz theory introduced by these subsidiary hypotheses greatly diminish the simplicity which was its chief claim to acceptance when originally proposed. Moreover, there will always remain a psychological difficulty in supposing that three sensations so different from each other as those of red, green, and violet can by their union produce a fourth sensation absolutely distinct from any of them — viz. white. The fact that in the Hering theory this difficulty is obviated has contributed greatly to its acceptance by physiologists. In this theory the retina is supposed to contain three substances in which chemical changes may be produced by ether vibrations, but each of these substances is supposed to be affected in two opposite ways by rays of light which correspond to complementary color sensations. Thus in one substance — viz. the white-black visual substance — katabolic or destructive changes are supposed to be produced by all the rays of the visible spectrum, the maximum effect being caused by the yellow rays, while anabolic or constructive changes occur when no light at all falls upon the retina. The chemical changes of this substance correspond, therefore, to the sensation of luminosity as distinguished from color. In a second substance red rays are supposed to produce katabolic, and green rays anabolic changes, while a third substance is similarly affected by yellow and blue rays. These two substances are therefore spoken of as red-green and yellow-blue visual substances respectively. It has been sometimes urged as an objection to this theory that the effect of a stimulus is usually katabolic and not anabolic. This is true with regard to muscular contraction, from the study of which phenomenon most of our knowledge of the effect of stimulation has been obtained, but it should be remem- bered that observations on the augmentor and inhibitory cardiac nerves have shown us that nerve-stimulation may produce very contrary effects. There seems to be, therefore, no serious theoretical difficulty in supposing that light rays of different wave-lengths may produce opposite metabolic effects upon the substances in which changes are associated with visual sensations. A more serious objection lies in the difficulty of distinguishing between the sensation of blackness, which, on Bering's hypothesis, must correspond to active anabolism of the white-black substance, and the sensation of darkness (such as we experience when the eyes have been withdrawn for some time from the influence of light), which must correspond to a condition of equilibrium of the white-black substance in which neither anabolism nor katabolism is occurring. Another objection to the Hering theory is to be found in the results of experiments in comparing grays or whites produced by mixing different colored rays under varying intensities of light. The explanation given by Hering of the production of white through the mixture of blue and yellow or of red and green is that when either of these pairs of complementary colors is mixed the anabolic and the katabolic processes balance each other, leaving the corresponding visual substance in a condition of equilibrium. Hence, the whiteblack substance being alone stimulated, the result will be a sensation of white corresponding to the intensity of the katabolic process caused by the mixed rays. Now, it is found that when blue and yellow are mixed in certain proportions on a revolving disk a white can be produced which will, with a certain intensity of illumination, be undistinguishable from a white produced by mixing red and green. If, however, the intensity of the illumination is changed, it will be found necessary to add a certain amount of white to one of the mixtures in order to bring them to equality. On the theory that complementary colors produce antagonistic processes in the retina it is difficult to understand why this should be the case. A color theory which is in some respects more in harmony with recent observations in the physiology of vision has been proposed by Mrs. C. L. Franklin. In this theory it is supposed that, in its earlier periods of development, the eye is sensitive only to luminosity and not to color — i. e. it possesses only a white-black or (to use a single word) a gray-perceiving substance which is affected by all visible light rays, but most powerfully by those lying near the middle of the spectrum. The sensation of gray is supposed to be dependent upon the chemical stimulation of the optic nerve-terminations by some product of decomposition of this substance. In the course of development a portion of this gray visual substance becomes differentiated into three different substances, each of which is affected by rays of light corresponding to one of the three fundamental colors of the spectrum — viz. red, green, and blue. When a ray of light intermediate between two of the fundamental colors falls upon the retina, the visual substances corresponding to these two colors will be affected to a degree proportionate to the proximity of these two colors to that of the incident ray. Since this effect is exactly the same as that which is produced when the retina is acted upon simultaneously by light of two fundamental colors, we are incapable of distinguishing in sensation between an intermediate wave-length and a mixture in proper amounts of two fundamental wave-lengths. When the retina is affected by two or more rays of such wave-lengths that all three of the color visual substances are equally affected, the resulting decomposition will be the same as that produced by the stimulation of the gray visual substance out of which the color visual substances were differentiated, and the corresponding sensation will therefore be that of gray or white. It will be noticed that the important feature of this theory is that it provides for the independent existence of the gray visual substance, while at the same time the stimulation of this substance is made a necessary result of the mixture of certain color sensations. Color-blindness. — The fact that many individuals are incapable of distinguishing between certain colors — i. e. are more or less " color-blind " — is one of fundamental importance in the discussion of theories of color vision. By far the most common kind of color-blindness is that in which certain shades of red and green are not recognized as different colors. The advocates of the Young-Helmholtz theory explain such cases by supposing that either the red or the green perceiving elements of the retina are deficient, or, if present, are irritable, not by rays of a particular wave-length, but by all the rays of the visible spectrum. In accordance with this view these cases of color-blindness are divided into two classes — viz. the red-blind and the green-blind— the basis for the classification being furnished by more or less characteristic curves representing the variations in the luminosity of the visible spectrum as it appears to the different eyes. There are, however, cases which cannot easily be brought under either of these two classes. Moreover, it has been proved in cases of monocular color-blindness, and is admitted even by the defenders of the Helmholtz theory, that such persons see really only two colors — viz. blue and yellow. To such persons the red end of the spectrum appears a dark yellow, and the green portion of the spectrum has luminosity without color. A better explanation of this sort of color-blindness is given in the Hering theory by simply supposing that in such eyes the red-green visual substance is deficient or wholly wanting, but the theory of Mrs. Franklin accounts for the phenomena in a still more satisfactory way ; for, by supposing that the differentiation of the primary gray visual substance has first led to the formation of a blue and a yellow visual substance, and that the latter has subsequently been differentiated into a red and a green visual substance, color-blindness is readily explained by supposing that this second differentiation has either not occurred at all or has taken place in an imperfect manner. It is, in other words, an arrest of development. considerable practical importance, since it renders those affected by it incapable of distinguishing the red and green lights ordinarily used for signals. Such persons are, therefore, unsuitable for employment as pilots, railway engineers, etc., and it is now customary to test the vision of all candidates for employment in such situations. It has been found that no satisfactory results can be reached by requiring persons to name colors which are shown them, and the chromatic sense is now commonly tested by what is known as the " Holmgren method," which consists in requiring the individual examined to select from a pile of worsteds of various colors those shades which seem to him to resemble standard skeins of green and pink. When examined in this way about 4 per \v 1 cent, of the male and one-quarter of 1 per cent, of the female sex are found to^ be more or less color-blind. The defect may be inherited, and the relatives of a color-blind person are therefore to be tested with special care. Although in all theories of color vision the different sensations are supposed to depend upon changes produced by the ether vibrations of varying rates acting upon different substances in the retina, yet it should be borne in mind that we have at present no proof of the existence of any such substances. The visual purple — or, to adopt Mrs. Franklin's more appropriate term, " the rod pigment" — was at one time thought to be such a substance, but for the reasons above given cannot be regarded as essential to vision.1 That a centre for color vision, distinct from the visual centre, exists in the cerebral cortex is rendered probable by the occurrence of cases of hemianopsia for colors, and also by the experiments of Heidenhain and Cohn on the influence of the hypnotic trance upon color-blindness. Intensity. — The second of the above-mentioned qualitative modifications of light is its intensity, which is dependent upon the energy of vibrations of the molecules of the luminiferous ether. The sensation of luminosity is not, however, proportionate to the intensity of the stimulus, but varies in such a way that a given increment of intensity causes a greater difference in sensation with feeble than with strong illuminations. This phenomenon is illustrated by the disappearance of a shadow thrown by a candle in a darkened room on a sheet of white paper when sunlight is allowed to fall on the paper from the opposite direction. In this case the absolute difference in luminosity between the shadowed and unshadowed portions of the paper remains the same, but it becomes imperceptible in consequence of the increased total illumination. Although our power of distinguishing absolute differences in luminosity diminishes as the intensity of the illumination increases, yet with regard to relative differences no such dependence exists. On the contrary, it is found within pretty wide limits that, whatever be the intensity of the illumination, 1 In a recently developed theory by Ebbinghaus (Zeitschrtft fur Psychologie und Physiologic der Sinnesorgane, v. 145) a physiological importance in relation to vision is attached to this substance in connection with other substances of a hypothetical character. it must be increased by a certain constant fraction of its total amount in order to produce a perceptible difference in sensation. This is only a special case of a general law of sensation known as Weber's law, which has been formulated by Foster as follows : " The smallest change in the magnitude of a stimulus which we can appreciate through a change in our sensation always bears the same proportion to the whole magnitude of the stimulus." Luminosity of Different Colors. — When two sources of light having the same color are compared, it is possible to estimate their relative luminosity with considerable accuracy, a difference of about 1 per cent, of the total luminosity being appreciated by the eye. When the sources of light have different colors, much less accuracy is attainable, but there is still a great difference in the intensity with which rays of light of different wave-lengths affect the retina. We do not hesitate to say, for instance, that the maximum intensity of the solar spectrum is found in the yellow portion, but it is important to observe that the position of this maximum varies with the illumination. In a very brilliant spectrum the maximum shifts toward the orange, and in a feeble spectrum (such as may be obtained by narrowing the slit of the spectroscope) it moves toward the green. The curves in Figure 240 illus- trate this shifting of the maximum of luminosity of the spectrum with varying intensities of illumination. The abscissas represent wave-lengths in millionths of a millimeter, and the ordinates the luminosity of the different colors as expressed by the reciprocal values of the width of the slit necessary to give to the color under observation a luminosity equal to that of an arbi- trarily chosen standard. The curves from A to H represent the distribution of the intensity of light in the spectrum with eight different grades of illumination. This shifting of the maximum of luminosity in the spectrum explains the so-called " Purkinje's phenomenon " — viz. the changing relative values of colors in varying illumination. This can be best observed at nightfall, the attention being directed to a carpet or a wall-paper the pattern of which is made up of a number of different colors. As the daylight fades away the red colors, which in full illumination are the most intense, become gradually darker, and are scarcely to be distinguished from black at a time when the blue colors are still very readily distinguished. Function of Rods and Cones. — The layer of rods and cones has thus far been spoken of as if all its elements had one and the same function. There is, however, some reason to suppose that the rods and cones have different functions. That color sensation and accuracy of definition are most perfect in the central portion of the retina is shown by the fact that when we desire to obtain the best possible idea of the form and color of an object we direct our eyes in such a way that the image falls upon the fovea centralis of the retina. The luminosity of a faint object, however, seems greatest when we look not directly at it, but a little to one side of it. This can be readily observed when we look at a group of stars, as, for example, the Pleiades. When the eyes are accurately directed to the stars so as to enable us to count them, the total luminosity of the constellation appears much less than when the eyes are directed to a point a few degrees to one side of the object. Now, an examination of the retina shows only cones in the fovea centralis. In the immediately adjacent parts a small number of rods are found mingled with the cones. In the lateral portions of the retina the rods are relatively more numerous than the cones, and in the extreme peripheral portions the rods alone exist. Hence this phenomenon is readily explained on the supposition that the rods are a comparatively rudimentary form of visual apparatus taking cognizance of the existence of light with special reference to its varying intensity, and that the cones are organs specially modified for the localization of stimuli and for the perception of differences of wave-lengths. The view that the rods are specially adapted for the perception of luminosity and the <x>nes for that of color derives support from the fact that in the retina of certain nocturnal animals — e. g. bats and owls — rods alone are present. This theory has been further developed by Von Kries,1 who in a recent article describes the rods as differing from the cones in the following respects : (1) They are color-blind — i. e. they produce a sensation of simple luminosity whatever be the wave-length of the light-ray falling on them ; (2) they are more easily stimulated than the cones, and are particularly responsive to lightwaves of short wave-lengths ; (3) they have the power of adapting themselves \ to light of varying intensity. colorless light in two different ways : (1) In consequence of the stimulation of the rods by any sort of light-rays, and (2) in consequence of the stimulation of the cones by certain combinations of light-rays — i. e. complementary colors. In this double mode of white perception lies perhaps the explanation of the effect of varying intensity of illumination upon the results of colormixtures which has been above alluded to (see p. 783) as an objection to the Hering theory. The so-called " Purkinje's phenomenon," described on p. 787, is readily explained in accordance with this theory, for, owing to the greater irritability of the rods, the importance of these organs, as compared with the cones, in the production of the total visual sensation is greater with feeble than with strong illumination of the field of vision. At the same time, the power of the rods to respond particularly to light-rays of short wave-length will cause a greater apparent intensity of the colors at the blue than at the red end of the spectrum. In this connection it is interesting to note that the phenomenon is said not to occur when the observation is limited to the fovea centralis, where cones alone are found.1 Saturation. — The degree of saturation of light of a given color depends, as above stated, upon the amount of white light mixed with it. The quality of light thus designated is best studied and appreciated by means of experiments with rotating disks. By gradually increasing the relative size of the red sector the pink color becomes more and more saturated, and finally when the white sector is reduced to zero the maximum of saturation is produced. It must be borne in mind, however, that no pigments represent completely saturated colors. Even the colors of the spectrum do not produce a sensation of absolute saturation, for, whatever theory of color vision be adopted, it is evident that all the color-perceiving elements of the retina are affected more or less by all the rays of light. Thus when rays of red light fall upon the retina they will stimulate not only the red-perceiving elements, but to a slight extent also (to use the language of the Helmholtz theory) the green- and violet-perceiving elements of the retina. The effect of this will be that of mixing a small amount of white with a large amount of red light — i. e. it will produce the sensation of incompletely saturated red light. This dilution of the sensation can be avoided only by previously exhausting the blue- and green-perceiving elements of the retina in a manner which will be explained in connection with the phenomena of after-images. Retinal Stimulation. — Whenever by a stimulus applied to an irritable substance the potential energy there stored up is liberated the following phenomena may be observed : 1. A so-called latent period of variable duration during which no effects of stimulation are manifest ; 2. A very brief period during which the effect of the stimulation reaches a maximum ; 3. A period of continued stimulation during which the effect diminishes in consequence of the using up of the substance containing the potential energy — i. e. a period The curve drawn by a muscle in tetanic contraction, as shown in Figure 241, illustrates this phenomenon. Thus, if A D represents the duration of the stimulation, A B indicates the latent period, B C the period of contraction, C D the period of fatigue under stimulation, and D E the after-effect of stimulation showing itself as a slow relaxation. When light falls upon the retina corresponding phenomena are to be observed. Latent Period. — That there is a period of latent sensation in the retina (i. e. an interval between the falling of light on the retina and the beginning of the sensation) is, judging from the analogy of other parts of the nervous system, quite probable, though its existence has not been demonstrated. Rise to Maximum of Sensation. — The rapidity with which the sensation of light reaches its maximum increases with the intensity of the light and varies with its color, red light producing its maximum sensation sooner than green and blue. Consequently, when the image of a white object is moved across the retina it will appear bordered by colored fringes, since the various constituents of white light do not produce their maximum effects at the same time. This phenomena can be readily observed when a disk on which a black and a white spiral band alternate with each other (as shown in Figure ward or inward over the retinal surface appears bordered with colors which vary with the rate of rotation of the disk and with the amount of exhaustion of the retina. Chromatic effects due to a similar cause are also to be seen when a disk, such as is shown in Figure 242, B (known as Benham's spectrum top), is rotated with moderate rapidity. The concentric bands of color appear in reverse order when the direction of rotation is reversed. The apparent movement of colored figures on a background of a different color when the eye moves rapidly over the object or the object is moved rapidly before the eye seems to depend upon this same retinal peculiarity. The phenomenon may be best observed when small pieces of bright-red paper are fastened upon a bright-blue sheet and the sheet gently shaken before the eyes. The red figures will appear to move upon the blue background. The effect may be best observed in a dimly-lighted room. In this connection should be mentioned the phenomenon of " recurrent images " or " oscillatory activity of the retina." l This may be best observed when a black disk containing a white sector is rotated at a rate of about one revolution in two seconds. If the disk is brightly illuminated, as by sunlight, and the eye fixed steadily upon the axis of rotation, the moving white sector seems to have a shadow upon it a short distance behind its advancing border, and this shadow may be followed by a second fainter, and even by a third still fainter shadow, as shown in Figure 243. The distance of the shadows from each other and from the edge of the sector increases with the rate of rotation of the disk and corresponds to a time FIG. 243,-To illustrate the oscillatory interval of about 0.01 5". It thus appears that wnen light is suddenly thrown upon the retina the sensation does not at once rise to its maximum, but reaches this point by a sort of vibratory movement. The apparent duplication of a single very brief retinal stimulation, as that caused by a flash of lightning, may perhaps be a phenomenon of the same sort. Fatigue of Retina. — When the eye rests steadily upon a uniformly illuminated white surface (e. g. a sheet of white paper), we are usually unconscious of any diminution in the intensity of the sensation, but it can be shown that the longer we look at the paper the less brilliant it appears, or, in other words, that the retina really becomes fatigued. To do this it is only necessary to place a disk of black paper on the white surface and to keep the eyes steadily fixed for about half a minute upon the centre of the disk. Upon removing the disk without changing the direction of the eyes a round spot will be seen on the white paper in the place previously occupied by the disk. On this spot the whiteness of the paper will appear much more intense than on the neighboring portion of the sheet, because we are able in this experiment to bring into direct contrast the sensations produced by a given amount of light upon a fresh and a fatigued portion of the retina.2 2 Although the retina is here spoken of as the portion of the visual apparatus subject to fatigue, it should be borne in mind that we cannot, in the present state of our knowledge, discriminate between retinal fatigue and exhaustion of the visual nerve-centres. The rapidity with which the retina becomes fatigued varies with the color of the light. Hence when intense white light falls upon the retina, as when we look at the setting sun, its disk seems to undergo changes of color as one or another of the constituents of its light becomes, through fatigue, less and less conspicuous in the combination of rays which produces the sensation of white. The After-effect of Stimulation. — The persistence of the sensation after the stimulus has ceased causes very brief illuminations (e. g. by an electric spark) to produce distinct effects. On this phenomenon depends also the above-described method of mixing colors on a revolving disk, since a second color is thrown upon the retina before the impression produced by the first color has had time enough to become sensibly diminished. The interval at which successive stimulations must follow each other in order to produce a uniform sensation (a process analogous to the tetanic stimulation of a muscle) may be determined by rotating a disk, such as represented in Figure 244, and ascertaining at what speed the various rings produce a uniform sensation of gray. The interval varies with the intensity of the illumination from 0.1 " to 0.033". The duration of the after-effect depends also upon the length of the stimulation and upon the color of the light producing it, the most persistent effect being produced by the FIG. 244,-Disk to illustrate the persistence permanent impression. After-images. — When the object looked at is very brightly illuminated the impression upon the retina may be so persistent that the form and color of the object are distinctly visible for a considerable time after the stimulus has ceased to act. This appearance is known as a " positive after-image," and can be best observed when we close the eyes after looking at the sun or other bright source of light. Under these circumstances we perceive a brilliant spot of light which, owing to the above-mentioned difference in the persistence of the impressions produced by the various colored rays, rapidly changes its color, passing generally through bluish green, blue, violet, purple, and red, and then disappearing. This phenomenon is apt to be associated with or followed by another effect known as a " negative after-image." This form of after-image is much more readily observed than the positive variety, and seems to depend upon the fatigue of the retina. It is distinguished from the positive after-image by the fact that its color is always complementary to that of the object causing it. If a colored disk be placed upon a sheet of white paper, looked at attentively for a few seconds, and then withdrawn, the eye will perceive in its place a spot of light of a color complementary to that of the disk. If, for example, the disk be yellow, the yellow-perceiving elements of the retina become fatigued in looking at it. Therefore when the mixed rays constituting white light are thrown upon the portion of the retina which is thus fatigued, those rays which produce the sensation of yellow will produce less effect than the other rays for which the eye has not been fatigued. Hence white light to an eye fatigued for yellow will appear blue. If the experiment be made with a yellow disk resting on a sheet of blue paper, the negative after-image will be a spot on which the blue color will appear (1) more intense than on the neighboring portions of the sheet, owing to the blue-perceiving elements of that portion of the retina not being fatigued ; (2) more saturated, owing to the yellow-perceiving elements being so far exhausted that they no longer respond to the slight stimulation which is produced when light of a complementary color is thrown upon them, as has been explained in connection with the subject of saturation. Contrast. — As the eye wanders from one part of the field of vision to another it is evident that the sensation produced by a given portion of the field will be modified by the amount of fatigue produced by that portion on which the eye has last rested, or, other words, the sensation will be the result of the stimulation by the object looked at combined with the negative afterimage of the object previously observed. The effect of this combination is to produce the phenomenon of successive contrast, the principle of which may be thus stated : Every part of the field of vision appears lighter near a darker part and darker near a lighter part, and its color seen near another color approaches the complementary color of the latter. A contrast phenomenon similar in its effects to that above described may be produced under conditions in which negative after-images can play no part. This kind of contrast is known as simultaneous contrast, and may perhaps be explained on the theory that a stimulation of a given portion of the retina produces in the neighboring portions an effect to some extent antagonistic to that caused by direct stimulation. A good illustration of the phenomenon of contrast is given in Figure 245, in which black squares are separated by white bands which at their points of intersection appear darker than where they are bordered on either side by the black squares. around it appears blue. The phenomenon of colored shadows also illustrates the principle of contrast. These may be observed whenever an object of suitable size and shape is placed upon a sheet of white paper and illuminated from one direction by daylight and from another by gaslight. Two shadows will be produced, one of which will appear yellow, since it is illuminated only by the yellowish gaslight, while the other, though illuminated by the white light of day, will appear blue in contrast to the yellowish light around it. Space-perception. — Rays of light proceeding from every point in the field of vision are refracted to and stimulate a definite point on the surface of the retina, thus furnishing us with a local sign by which we can recognize the position of the point from which the light proceeds. Hence the size and shape of an optical image upon the retina enable us to judge of the size of the corresponding object in the same way that the cutaneous terminations of the nerves of touch enable us to judge of the size and shape of an object brought in contact with the skin. This spatial perception is materially aided by the muscular sense of the muscles moving the eyeball, for we can obtain a much more accurate idea of the size of an object if we let the eye rest in succession upon its different parts than if we gaze fixedly at a given point upon its surface. The conscious effort associated with a given amount of muscular motion gives, in the case of the eye, a measure of distance similar to that secured by the hand when we move the fingers over the surface of an object to obtain an idea of its size and shape. The perception of space by the retina is limited to space in two dimensions — i. e. in a plane perpendicular to the axis of vision. Of the third dimension in space — i. e. of distance from the eye — the retinal image gives us no knowledge, as may be proved by the study of after-images. If an after-image of any bright object — e. g. a window — be produced upon the retina in the manner above described and the eye be then directed to a sheet of paper held in the hand, the object will appear outlined in miniature upon the surface of the paper. If, however, the eye be directed to the ceiling of the room, the object will appear enlarged and at a distance corresponding to that of the surface looked at. Hence one and the same retinal image may, under different circumstances, give rise to the impression of objects at different distances. We must therefore regard the perception of distance not as a direct datum of vision, but, as will be later explained, a matter of visual judgment. When objects are of such a shape that their images may be thrown successively upon the same part of the retina, it is possible to judge of their relative size with considerable accuracy, the retinal surface serving as a scale to which the images are successively applied. When this is not the case, the error of judgment is much greater. We can compare, for instance, the relative length of two vertical or of two horizontal lines with a good deal of precision,, but in comparing a vertical with a horizontal line we are liable to make a considerable error. Thus it is difficult to realize that the vertical and the horizontal lines in Figure 246 are of the same length. The error consists in an over-estimation of the length of the vertical lines relatively to horizontal ones, and appears to depend, in part at any rate, upon the small size of the superior rectus muscle relatively to the other muscles of tKeTeye. The difference amounts to 30-45 per cent, in weight and 40-53 per cent, in area of cross section. It is evident, therefore, that a given motion of the eye in the upward direction will require a more powerful contraction of the weaker muscle concerned in the movement moving the eye laterally to an equal amount. Hence we judge the upward motion of the eye to be greater because to accomplish it we make a greater effort than is required for a horizontal movement of equal extent. The position of the vertical line bisecting the horizontal one (in Fig. 246) aids the illusion, as may be seen by turning the page through 90°, so as to bring the bisected line into a vertical position, or by looking at the lines in Figure 247, in which the illusion is much less marked than in Figure 246. The tendency to over-estimate the length of vertical lines is also illustrated by the error commonly made in supposing the height of the crown of an ordinary silk hat to be greater affect the accuracy of the spatial perception of the retina. One of the most important of these is the intensity of the illumination. All brilliantly illuminated objects appear larger than feebly illuminated ones of the same size, as is well shown by the ordinary incandescent electric lamp, the delicate filament of which is scarcely visible when cold, but when intensely heated by the electric current glows as a broad band of light. The phenomenon is known as " irradiation/7 and seems to depend chiefly upon the above-described imperfections in the dioptric apparatus of the eye, in consequence of which points of light produce small circles of dispersion on the retina and bright objects produce images with imperfectly defined outlines. To illustrate the phenomenon of irradiation. defined, and the white surfaces consequently appear to encroach upon the darker portions of the field of vision. Hence the white square looks larger than the black one, the difference in the apparent size depending upon the intensity of the illumination and upon the accuracy with which the eye can be accommo- dated for the distance at which the objects are viewed. The effect of irradiation is most manifest when the dark portion of the field of vision over which the irradiation takes place has a considerable breadth. Thus the circular white spots in Figure 249, when viewed from a distance of three or four meters, appear hexagonal, since the irradiation is most marked into the triangular dark space between three adjacent circles. A familiar example of the effect of irradiation is afforded by the appearance of the new moon, whose sun-illuminated •crescent seems to be part of a much larger circle than the remainder of the disk, which shines only by the light reflected upon it from the surface of the Subdivided Space. — A space subdivided into smaller portions by intermediate objects seems more extensive than a space of the same size not so subdivided. Thus the distance from A to B (Fig. 250) seems longer than that from B to C, though both are of the same length, and for the same reason the square D seems higher than it is broad, and the square E broader than it is high, the illusion being more marked in the case of D than in the case of E, because, as above explained, vertical distances are, as a rule, over-estimated. The explanation of this illusion seems to be that the eye in passing over a subdivided line or area recognizes the number and size of the subdivisions, and thus gets an impression of greater total size than when no subdivisions are present. cocks.1 The relations of lines to each other gives rise to numerous illusions of spatial perception, among the most striking of which are those afforded by the so-called " Zollner's lines," an example of which is given in Figure 251. Here not the sole cause of, the illusion. Our estimate of the size of given lines, angles, and areas is influenced by neighboring lines, angles, and areas with which they are compared. This influence is sometimes exerted in accordance with the principle of contrast, and tends to make a given extension appear larger in presence of a smaller, and smaller in presence of a larger extension. This effect is illustrated in Figure 253, in which the middle portion of the shorter line appears larger than the corresponding portion of the longer line, in Figure 254, in which a similar effect is observed in the case of angles, and in Figure 255, in which exerted, as is shown in Figure 256, in which the middle one of three parallel lines seems longer when the outside lines are longer, and shorter when they are shorter than it is itself, and in Figure 257, where a circle appears larger than when it is small, as is shown in Figure 258. This influence of the included angle affords a partial explanation of the illusion shown in Figure 259, where the horizontal line at B seems longer than at A ; but the distance between the extremities of the oblique lines seems also to affect our estimate of the horizontal line in the same way as the outside lines in Figure 256 influence our judgment of the length of the line between them. knowledge is, however, quite as important as that of position in a plane perpendicular to the line of vision, and we must now consider in what way it is obtained. The first fact to be noted is that there is a close connection between the judgments of distance and of actual size. A retinal image of a given size may be produced by a small object near the eye or by a large one at a distance from it. Hence when we know the actual size of any object (as, for example, a, human figure) we judge of its distance by the size of its image on the retina. Conversely, our estimate of the actual size of an object will depend upon our judgment of its distance. The fact that children constantly misjudge both the size and distance of objects shows that the knowledge of this relation is acquired only by experience. If circumstances mislead us with regard to the distance of an object, we necessarily make a corresponding error with regard to its size. The familiar fact that the moon seems to be larger when near the horizon than when near the zenith is also an illustration of this form of illu- sion. When the raoon is high above our heads we have no means of estimating its distance from us, since there are no intervening objects with which we can compare it. Hence we judge it to be nearer than when, seen on the horizon, it is obviously farther off than all terrestrial objects. Since the size of the retinal image of the moon is the same in the two cases, we reconcile the sensation with its apparent greater distance when seen on the horizon by attributing to the moon in this position a greater actual size. If the retinal image have the form of a familiar object of regular shape — e. g. a house or a table — we interpret its outlines in the light of experience and distinguish without difficulty between the nearer and more remote parts of the object. Even the projection of the outlines of such an object on to a plane surface (i. e. a perspective drawing) suggests the real relations of the different parts of the picture so strongly that we recognize at once the relative distances of the various portions of the object represented. How powerfully a familiar outline can suggest the form and relief usually associated with it is well illustrated by the experiment of looking into a mask painted on its interior to resemble a human face. In this case the familiar outlines of a human face are brought into unfamiliar association with a receding instead of a projecting form, but the ordinary association of these outlines is strong enough to force the eye to see the hollow mask as a projecting face.1 rThe fact that the projecting portions of an object are usually more brightly illuminated than the receding or depressed portions is of great assistance in determining their relative distance. This use of shadows as an aid to the perception of relief presupposes a knowledge of the direction from which the light falls on an object, and if we are deceived on the latter we draw erroneous conclusions with regard to the former point. Thus, if we look at an embossed letter or figure through a lens which makes it appear inverted the accompanying reversal of the shadows will cause the letter to appear depressed. The influence of shadows on our judgment of relief is, however, not so strong as that of the outline of a familiar object. In a case of conflicting testimony the latter usually prevails, as, for example, in the above-mentioned experiment with the mask. Aided by these peculiarities of the retinal picture, the mind interprets it as corresponding in its different parts to points at different distances from the eye, and it is interesting to notice that painters, whose work, being on a plane surface, is necessarily in all its parts at the same distance from the eye, use similar devices in order to give depth to their pictures. Distant hills are painted with indistinct outlines to secure what is called " aerial perspective." Figures of men and animals are introduced in appropriate dimensions to suggest the distance between the foreground and the background of the picture. Landscapes are painted preferably by morning and evening light, since at these hours the marked shadows aid materially in the suggestion of distance. The eye, however, can aid itself in the perception of depth in ways which the painter has not at his disposal. By the sense of effort associated with the act of accommodation we are able to estimate roughly the relative distance of objects before us. This aid to our judgment can, of course, be employed only in the case of objects comparatively near the eye. Its effectiveness is greater for objects not far from the near-point of vision, and diminishes rapidly as the distance is increased, and disappears for distances more than two or three meters from the eye. When the head is moved from side to side an apparent change in the relative position of objects at different distances is produced, and, as the extent of this change is inversely proportional to the distance of the objects, it serves as a measure of distance. This method of obtaining the " parallax " of objects by a motion of the head is often noticeable in persons whose vision in one eye is absent or defective. Binocular Vision. — The same result which is secured by the comparison of retinal images seen successively from slightly different points of view is obtained by the comparison of the images formed simultaneously by any object in the two eyes. In binocular vision we obtain a much more accurate idea of the shape and distance of objects around us than is possible with monocular vision, as may be proved by trying to touch objects in our neighborhood with a crooked stick, first with both eyes open and then with one eye shut. Whenever we look at a near solid object with two eyes, the right eye sees farther round the object on the right side and the left eye farther round on the left. The mental comparison of these two slightly different images produces the perception of solidity or depth, since experience has taught us that those objects only which have depth or solidity can affect the eyes in this way. Conversely, if two drawings or photographs differing from each other in the same way that the two retinal images of a solid object differ from each other are presented, one to the right and the other to the left eye, the two images will become blended in the mind and the perception of solidity will result. Upon this fact depends the effect of the instrument known as the( stereoscope^ the slides of which are generally pairs of photographs of natural objects taken simultaneous- ly with a double camera, of which the lenses are at a distance from each other equal to or slightly exceeding that between the two axes of vision. The principle of the stereoscope can be illustrated in a very simple manner by drawing circles such as are represented in Figure 260 on thin paper, and fastening each pair across the end of a piece of brass tube about one inch or more in diameter and ton inches long. Let the tubes be held one in front of each eye with the distant ends nearly in contact with each other, as shown in Figure 261. If the tubes are in such a position that the small circles are brought as near to Jeach other as possible, as shown in Figure 260, th§ retinal images will blend, the smaller circle will seem to be much nearer than the larger one, and the eyes will appear to be looking down upon a truncated cone, such as is shown in Figure 262, since a solid body of this form is the only one bounded by circles related to each other as those shown in this experiment. Stereoscopic slides often serve well to illustrate the superiority of binocular over monocular vision. If the slide represents an irregular mass of rocks or ice, it is often very difficult by looking at either of the pictures by itself to determine the relative distance of the various objects represented, but if the slide is placed in the stereoscope the true relation of the different parts of the picture becomes at once apparent. Since the comparison of two slightly dissimilar images received on the two retinas is the essential condition of stereoscopic vision, it is evident that if the two pictures are identical no sensation of relief can be produced. Thus, when two pages printed from the same type or two engravings printed from the same plate are united in a stereoscope, the combined picture appears as flat as either of its components. If, however, one of the pictures is copied from the other, «ven if the copy be carefully executed, there will be slight differences in the distances between the lines or in the spacing of the letters which will cause apparent irregularities of level in the different portions of the combined picture. Thus, a suspected banknote may be proved to be a counterfeit if, when placed in a stereoscope by the side of a genuine note, the resulting combined picture shows certain letters lying apparently on different planes from the rest. obtained with the outlines of geometrical solids, photographs of corns or medals or of objects 'which may readily exist ir^ an inyerted fo^m. ..IKfafifff the photographs represent objects which cannot be thus inverted, such as buildings and landscapes, the pseudoscopic effect is not readily produced— another example of the power (see p. 800) of the outline of a familiar object to outweigh other snrfo of A pseudoscopic effect may be readily obtained without the use of a stereoscope by simply converging the visual axes so that the right eye looks at the left and the left eye at the right picture of- a stereoscopic slide. The eyes may hfi_aided in. assuming the right degree of convergence, by looking at a small object like the head of a pin held between the eyes and the slide in the manner described on p. 758. Figure 260, viewed in this way, will present the appearance of a hollow truncated cone with the base turned toward the observer. A stereoscopic slide with its pictures reversed will, of courser when viewed in this way, present not a pseudoscopic, but a true stereoscopic, appearance, as shown by Figures 226 and 227. Binocular Combination of Colors. — The effect of binocnlarly combining two different colors varies with the difference in wave-length of the colors. Colors lying near each other in the spectrum will generally blend together and produce the sensation of a mixed color, such as would result from the union of colors by means of the revolving disk or by the method of reflected and transmitted light, as above described. Thus a red and a yellow disk placed in a stereoscope may be generally combined to produce the sensation of orange. If, however, the colors are complementary to each other, as blue and yellow, no such mixing occurs, but the field of vision seems to be occupied alternately by a blue and by a yellow color. This so-called " rivalry of the fields of vision " seems to depend, to a certain extent, upon the fact that in order to see the different colors with equal distinctness the eyes must be differently accommodated, for it is found that if the colors are placed at different distances from the eyes (the colors with the less refrangible rays being at the greater distance), the rivalry tends to disappear and the mixed color is more easily produced. An interesting effect of the stereoscopic combination of a black and a white object is the production of the appearance of a metallic lustre or polish. If, for instance, the two pictures of a stereoscopic slide represent the slightly different outlines of a geometrical solid, one in black upon white ground and the other in white upon black ground, their combination in the stereoscope will produce the effect of a solid body having a smooth lustrous surface. The explanation of this effect is to be found in the fact that a polished surface reflects the light differently to the two eyes, a given point appearing brilliantly illuminated to one eye and dark to the other. Hence the stereoscopic combination of black and white is interpreted as indicating a polished surface, since it is by means of a polished surface that this effect is usually produced. separated parts of the nervous system. Yet but a single object is perceived. The phenomenon is the same as that which occurs when a grain of sand is held between the thumb and finger. In both cases we have learned (chiefly through the agency of muscular movements and the nerves of muscular sense) to interpret the double sensation as produced by a single object. Any two points, lying one in each retina, the stimulation of which by rays of light gives rise to the sensation of light proceeding from a single object are said to be " corresponding points." Now, it is evident that thefovece centrales of the two eyes must be corresponding points, for an object always appears single when both eyes are fixed upon it. That double vision results when the images are formed on points which are not corresponding may be best illustrated by looking at three pins stuck in a straight rod at distances of 35, 45, and 55 centimeters from the end. If the end of the rod is held against the nose and the eyes directed to each of the three pins in succession, it will be found that, while the pin looked at appears single, each of the others appears double, and that the three pins therefore look like five. The two fovece centrales are not, of course, the only corresponding points. In fact, it may be said that the two retinas correspond to each other, point for point, almost as if they were superposed one upon the other with the fovese together. The exact position of the points in space which are projected on to corresponding points of the two retinas varies with the position of the eyes. The line or surface in which such points lie is known as the " horopter." A full discussion of the horopter would be out of place in this connection, but one interesting result of its study may be pointed out — viz. the demonstration that when, standing upright, we direct our eyes to the horizon the horopter is approximately a plane coinciding with the ground on which we stand. It is of course important for security in walking that all objects on the ground should appear single, and, as they are known by experience to be single, the eye has apparently learned to see them so. Since the vertical meridians of the two eyes represent approximately rows of corresponding points, it is evident that when two lines are so situated that their images are formed each upon a vertical meridian of one of the eyes, the impression of a single vertical line will be produced, for such a line seen binocularly is the most frequent cause of this sort of retinal stimulation. This is the explanation commonly given of the singular optical illusion which is produced when lines drawn as in Figure 263 are looked at with both eyes fixed upon the point of intersection of the lines and with the plane in which the visual axes lie forming an angle of about 20° with that of the paper, the distance of the lines from the eyes being such that each line will lie approximately in the same vertical plane with one of the visual axes. Under these circumstances each line will form its image on a vertical meridian of one of the eyes, and the combination of these images results in the perception of a third line, not lying in the plane of the paper, but apparently passing through it more or less vertically, and swinging round its middle point with every movement of the head or the paper. In this experiment it will be found that the illusion C. L. Franklin has pointed out,1 a strong tendency to regard lines which form their images approximately on the vertical meridian of the eye as themselves vertical. This tendency is well shown when a number of short lines converging toward a point outside of the paper on which they are drawn, as in Figure 264, are looked at with one eye held a short distance above the point of convergence. Even when the lines are not convergent, but parallel, so that their images cannot fall upon the vertical meridian of the eye, the illusion is not entirely lost. It will be found, for instance, that when the Zollner lines, as given in Figure 251, are looked at obliquely with one eye from one corner of the FIG. 263.— Binocu- figure, the short lines which lie nearly in a plane with the ticanine visual axis appear to stand vertically to the plane of the paper. In this connection it may be well to allude to the optical illusion in consequence of which certain portraits seem to follow the beholder with the eyes. This depends upon the fact that the face is painted looking straight out from the canvas — i. e. with the pupil in the middle of the eye. The painting being upon a flat surface, it is evident that, from whatever direction the picture is viewed, the pupil will always seem to be in the middle of the eye, and the eye will consequently appear to be directed upon the observer. The phenomenon is still more striking in the case of pictures of which the one represented in Figure 265 may be taken as an example. Here the soldier's rifle foreshortening is the same in all positions of the observer, it is evident that when such a picture is hung upon the wall of a room the soldier will appear to be aiming directly at the head of every person present. In concluding this brief survey of some of the most important subjects connected with the physiology of vision it is well to utter a word of caution with regard to a danger connected with the study of the subject. This danger arises in part from the fact that in the scientific study of vision it is often necessary to use the eyes in a way quite different from that in which they are habitually employed, and more likely, therefore, to cause nervous and muscular fatigue. We have seen that in any given position of the eye distinct definition is limited to an area which bears a very small proportion to the whole field of vision. Hence in order to obtain an accurate idea of the appearance of any large object our eyes must wander rapidly over its whole surface, and we use our eyes so instinctively and unconsciously in this way that, unless our attention is specially directed to the subject, we find it difficult to believe that the power of distinct vision is limited to such a small portion of the retina. In most of the experiments in physiological optics, however, this rapid change of direction of the axis of vision must be carefully avoided, and the eye-muscles held immovable in tonic contraction. Our eyes, moreover, like most of our organs, serve us best when we do not pay too much attention to the mechanism by which their results are brought about. In the ordinary use of the eyes we are accustomed to neglect afterimages, intraocular images, and all the other imperfections of our visual apparatus, and the usefulness of our eyes depends very much upon our ability thus to neglect their defects. Now, the habit of observing and examining these defects that is involved in the scientific study of the eye is found to interfere with our ability to disregard them. A student of the physiology of vision who devotes too much attention to the study of after-images, for instance, may render his eyes so sensitive to these phenomena that they become a decided obstacle to ordinary vision.	36,288	common-pile/pre_1929_books_filtered	visionbowditchhp00bowdrich	public_library	public_library_1929_dolma-0004.json.gz:3379	https://archive.org/download/visionbowditchhp00bowdrich/visionbowditchhp00bowdrich_djvu.txt
6zsMimo6ClQcI4EX	11.1: Academic Style	11.1: Academic Style Academic Style Many students enter their first year college reading-writing course thinking that academic style means using "big words," never using I, and making their sentences as long as possible. Student may have read academic readings in which the style sounded "overblown" or wordy. A lot of academic writing exists that does read this way, but such writing is not necessarily good academic writing. Some writers come into college already writing in what they feel is academic writing style, and others don't know how to write in that way, but think that is the goal. In reality, academic style involves using clear, specific word choice and sentence constructions (including active voice as much as possible); staying focused on the topic at hand; generally using third person voice to build your argument and incorporate your sources; and generally avoiding personal experience or discussing your process of writing the paper. Some of these parts of academic style are discussed elsewhere in this e-book (see " Word Choice "). Here, we will focus on some of the sentence level conventions that academic style involves. Example of Good Academic Style The following example by Professor Peter Bowler from publicdomainreview.org demonstrates good academic style in humanities writing: H. G. Wells worried constantly about the future of humanity. While he hoped for progress in human affairs, he was only too well aware that it was not inevitable and might not be sustained. Throughout his career he celebrated the technological developments that were revolutionizing life but feared they might lead to eventual degeneration or, as came to pass in 1914, a catastrophic war. He was also aware that there were disagreements over what would actually count as progress. Providing everyone with the benefits of modern industry might not be enough, especially as continued technological innovation would require the constant remodeling of society. Progressive steps introducing entirely new functions were episodic, open-ended and unpredictable, in both biological and social evolution. These uncertainties were compounded by a realization that, where technological innovation was concerned, it was virtually impossible to predict future inventions or what their long-term consequences might be. Even if progress continued, it would be much more open-ended than advocates of the traditional idea of progress had imagined. For Wells the most basic level of uncertainty arose from the fear that the human race might not sustain its current rate of development. In his 1895 story “The Time Machine” he imagined his time traveler projected through eras of future progress: “I saw great and splendid architecture rising about me, more massive than any buildings of our time, and yet, as it seemed, built of glimmer and mist" (27). But the time traveler ends up in a world brought down by social division and degeneration. The brutal Morlocks are the descendants of the industrial workers, while the childlike Eloi are the remnants of the leisured upper classes. This prediction was based on his zoologist friend E. Ray Lankester’s extension of the Darwinian theory. Lankester argued that because evolution works by adapting populations to their environment, progress is not inevitable and any species that adapts itself to a less active and hence less challenging way of life will degenerate (Lankester 127 and 198-202). Here was the model for a more complex vision of progress in which any advance would depend on the circumstances of the time and could not be predicted on the basis of previous trends. While a couple of uses of the passive voice are present (paragraph 1, sentence 7 and paragraph 2, sentence 4), the uses are acceptable because the author wanted to focus on the object of the sentences and needed them to cohere well with the previous sentences. However, all of the other sentences are in active voice. The paragraphs focus on the topic at hand and what others say about topic. The author uses many types of descriptive phrases and clauses, uses specific and meaningful word choice, and varies the sentence length depending on what he wants to empahsize. In addition, when writing about an event within a book, he uses simple present tense ("But the time traveler ends up in a world brought down by social division and degeneration.") Some Academic Style Recommendations What to Avoid 1. Avoid using "I" unless writing about personal experience or actively comparing your opinion to another author's. Do not write: I think greed is the principal cause of Americans’ debt. Do write: Greed is the principal cause of Americans’ debt. (It will be clear that the opinion is yours simply by the fact that you are writing the paper. If the opinion is someone else's, say whose opinion it is. Otherwise, the focus will move from the topic you are writing about to you.) 2. Avoid “you” (or “your” or “yours”) unless you are seeking to address the reader directly. Do not write: If you shop too much, you can become addicted. Do write: People who shop too much can become addicted. Your audience is a general academic audience, and one's purpose in writing a paper is not generally to give personal advice. "You" addresses one person, but an academic essay's audience is multiple people. 3. Avoid (unanswered) questions, especially if they occur where you should be writing analysis. Do not write: How can children know how to resist advertising? Do write: Children do not have the maturity to resist advertising. Just say what you mean to say because questions can prevent a writer from getting their point across with precision. It is occasionally acceptable to use a question as a hook or transition, but avoid using them more than once or twice in an essay. 4. Avoid using casual language or slang unless it contributes to the effect you want. Do not write: The author talks about how corporations pollute. Do write: The author explains that, without regulation, corporations pollute. Do not write: The authors describe this family, the Joneses… Do write: The authors describe a family, the Joneses… casual tone might undermine your authority. A casual tone may undermine your authority and is not the usual accepted tone for academic writing. 5. Avoid sweeping, obvious, vague, or clichéd phrases and statements: - Nowadays - In today’s society - This proves that no one cares about anyone but himself. - Everyone is addicted to shopping. - Pollution affects everyone and everything. - Pollution must end today or everyone will die soon. - In society, many things happen that are connected to each other. To correct these kinds of statements, refine your thinking and decide what specifically you mean – and can reasonably claim. What to Do 1. Use simple present verb tense, rather than past tense, when writing about what you read. Do not write: The author wrote about the need to reduce vaping among people of all ages. Write: The author writes about the need to reduce vaping among people of all ages. Using simple present tense is academic convention because of the idea that once something is written on paper (or recorded on film or video), it always exists and lives in an "eternal present." 2. Vary your sentence length. Review the example at the top of the page and notice how having short sentences after long sentences helps to keep your attention and move you forward while you read. 3. Use strong, descriptive words -- especially verbs. Avoid weak verbs that no longer have much meaning, such as "get," "have", "being," "make," and their variants. Also try to avoid verbs that have a preposition (but no prepositional phrase) after them. Do not write: I ate up my food quickly. Do write: I gobbled my food. Depending on your meaning, the following table includes some stronger words for these notoriously weak verbs. \| Get \| Have (as a main verb) \| Be(ing) \| Make \| \| obtain \| possess \| exist \| cause \| \| understand \| keep \| am \| require \| \| fetch \| own \| feel \| produce \| \| receive \| contract (as a disease) \| are \| create \| 4. Write with focused sentence; this includes active voice. - Use active voice wherever possible. The situations in which using passive voice is acceptable are when: - A writer needs to begin with the object of the sentence so that the sentence flows well from the previous sentence (cohesion) - A writer needs to describe a process they followed (such as might appear in the methodology section of a scientific research paper or lab report) - The subject or agent of the sentence is unknown.Other guidelines for writing focused sentences can be found here. The following videos can reinforce what you just read. While they refer to APA style, all of the tips here are relevant for MLA also. Writing in an Academic Style Part 1 and 2 . Authored by: JMU Writing Center. License: All Rights Reserved. License Terms: Standard YouTube License. Practice with Academic Style Exercise 1 Rewrite these sentences in a clear, academic style using the above guidelines. 1. You will never be happy if you don’t spend time with your friends and family. - How can communities regulate corporations without the help of the government? - In my opinion, I think that people nowadays are materialistic. - There was this guy who was talking in this book called Good Jobs, Bad Jobs – I think his name was Arne – saying that women only entered the workforce in the 70s because men were deadbeat earners. - Who do you think will make you happy if not yourself? - There are all these advertisements that try to get kids to buy things. - I believe that advertising damages women. - The authors of “Iron Maiden” say that you will have lower self-esteem if you read too many fashion magazines. Exercise 2 Rewrite the following paragraph in a clear, academic style using the above guidelines. Food stamps have recently been proposed to be restricted by the U.S. government. To write this paper, I examine five sources that discussed the topic of food stamps. All of the sources look at the topic of food stamps from the federal level, rather than from the perspective of a particular state. Almost all of the sources acknowledge that some people will no longer receive food stamps. In fact, only those with great need could receive help! Food banks will all be inundated with new people who need help, or children will go hungry. And hungry children don't learn as well as those who have had a good breakfast. Food stamps should not be restricted to only the most needy because, in our gig-based economy, many people go hungry some of the time. It's just offloading the problem onto the private sector. Contributors - Adapted from Writing for Success . Provided by: The Saylor Foundation. License: CC-NC-SA 3.0 .	2,351	common-pile/libretexts_filtered	https://human.libretexts.org/Courses/City_College_of_San_Francisco/Writing_Reading_and_College_Success%3A_A_First-Year_Composition_Course_for_All_Learners_(Kashyap_and_Dyquisto)/11%3A_Clarity_Conciseness_and_Style/11.01%3A_Academic_Style	libretexts	libretexts-0000.json.gz:12421	https://human.libretexts.org/Courses/City_College_of_San_Francisco/Writing_Reading_and_College_Success%3A_A_First-Year_Composition_Course_for_All_Learners_(Kashyap_and_Dyquisto)/11%3A_Clarity_Conciseness_and_Style/11.01%3A_Academic_Style
qirbckej23Xe7CbP	14.1: Introduction	14.1: Introduction California is the most populous state in the United States, and if it were an independent country, it would rank 34th in population in the world. The state has had a long history of immigration, with the first major wave occurring during the California Gold Rush of 1848-1849. This event attracted miners, businessmen, farmers, loggers, and their supporters from all over the world. The Gold Rush also led to a significant gender imbalance in California, as there were far fewer women than men in the state. In 1850, there were only about 10,000 females in a total population of 120,000 residents. This imbalance persisted for over a century, as immigration from other states continued to favor men due to the nature of the labor force present. In recent years, California's demographics have changed significantly. The state is now home to a large and growing Hispanic population, and in 2000, it became the second state in U.S. history (after Hawaii) to have a non-white majority when excluding Hispanic whites. In 2014, California also became the first state to have a Latino plurality, meaning that Latinos made up the largest single ethnic group in the state. The future of California's demographics is uncertain, but the state will continue to be a diverse and dynamic place. The state's history of immigration has shaped its culture and identity, and it is likely that this trend will continue in the years to come.	312	common-pile/libretexts_filtered	https://geo.libretexts.org/Bookshelves/Geography_(Physical)/California_Geography_(Patrich)/14%3A_The_Shades_of_California/14.01%3A_INTRODUCTION	libretexts	libretexts-0000.json.gz:15511	https://geo.libretexts.org/Bookshelves/Geography_(Physical)/California_Geography_(Patrich)/14%3A_The_Shades_of_California/14.01%3A_INTRODUCTION
0awgHlt12GNU-Or2	Child and Adolescent Developmental Psychology	That expanding understanding of themselves and others develops with age. Here is a table of social and emotional milestones that children typically experience during early childhood. Table 9.1 – Social and Emotional Milestones \| Typical Age \| What Most Children Do by This Age \| \| 3 years \| - Copies adults and friends - Shows affection for friends without prompting - Takes turns in games - Shows concern for a crying friend - Dresses and undresses self - Understands the idea of “mine” and “his” or “hers” - Shows a wide range of emotions - Separates easily from mom and dad - May get upset with major changes in routine \| \| 4 years \| - Enjoys doing new things - Is more and more creative with make-believe play - Would rather play with other children than by self - Cooperates with other children - Plays “mom” or “dad” - Often can’t tell what’s real and what’s make-believe - Talks about what she likes and what she is interested in \| \| 5 years \| - Wants to please friends - Wants to be like friends - More likely to agree with rules - Likes to sing, dance, and act - Is aware of gender - Can tell what’s real and what’s make-believe - Shows more independence - Is sometimes demanding and sometimes very cooperative \| \| \| Many things influence how children develop those milestones as how they view themselves and how they interact with those around them changes. Let’s look more at these.	332	common-pile/pressbooks_filtered	https://openfl.pressbooks.pub/childandadol/chapter/social-and-emotional-milestones/	pressbooks	pressbooks-0000.json.gz:40105	https://openfl.pressbooks.pub/childandadol/chapter/social-and-emotional-milestones/
cwYNdo67vjNOaIxn	International cultivators.	The Corn Crop and International Cultivators The cultivator has much to do with favorable growing conditions for the corn. Thorough stirring of the soil around the corn roots and between the rows is what makes the corn grow. Moisture is therebj^ conserved, weeds are kept out, and the corn receives the full benefit of both rain and sun. Corn comes on rapidly when once above the ground — so do the weeds. It is therefore ■essential in a cultivator that it stirs the soil thoroughly to the right depth and plows out the weeds. It must also have staying qualities. It must be easy to handle and adjust so that cultivator, man and team can keep going steadily throughout the day, and day after day, without loss of time. good crop yield. You will find that International cultivators stir the soil right. Various adjustments for plow depth and a variety of gang equipments provide the right outfit for the many cultivating conditions to be met in the field. International cultivators are constructed with careful regard for the work ahead of them as the following pages of this catalog will show. No. 1 International Pivot Pole Cultivators The International pivot pole cultivators are favorites with the corn belt farmers, because they are constructed free from cumbersome parts; they are easy to handle; they are strong and durable ; their service in the field has proved their worth. Simple Construction The axle forms the main part of the frame and is reinforced and supported by steel bar braces, extending to the tongue. The high arched frame leaves a clear, open space for the corn row. Tall corn may be cultivated without breaking it over. Two Types These cultivators are manufactured in two types — straddle seat and hammock seat. With the straddle seat, the cultivator may be operated as a pivot pole or a rigid pole cultivator. With the hammock seat, the cultivator is operated as a rigid pole cultivator. The rigid pole is secured by inserting a steel pin at the end of the pole. The frame of the cultivator is in no way altered when changing from one type to the other. Gangs The gang beams are one-piece steel tubes. The shovel standards are made from steel, and the shanks from malleable iron. The gangs are set well forward and operate in line with the tread of the wheels. An even depth of cultivation is secured, and especially so when working on uneven ground or crossing dead furrows. This feature also makes it easy for the driver to watch the corn row, because his work is all in front of him. Parallel Movement of Gangs This means that the gangs are always parallel, whether spread apart or working close together. When the gangs are shifted, the front ends move exactly the same distance as the rear, regardless of whether they are working next to the com row or close to the wheels, or whether they are moved apart or together. On account of this parallel motion, the shovels always cultivate to their full width, that is, the width of the strip of soil from the front shovel to the rear shovel that is cultivated is always the same. Bail Rods Insure Parallel Gang Movement The bail rods as shown in the cut are the rods to which the front end of the gang beams are hung. They run vertically up to and through an adjustable bracket attached to the steel frame bars and then horizontally back over the frame and axle and down through loops, which are attached to the gang beams near to the middle shovel standards. With this construction, both the front and rear ends of the gang beams are controlled by the bail rods; therefore, when the gang beams are shifted the whole gang must move— the front end an equal distance with the rear end. The bail rod control of the parallel gang movement is an exclusive feature on International cultivators. The Rear End of Gangs Suspended by Mast Rods in the cut it may be seen that the gangs at the rear are suspended by long rods which are called mast rods. The V-shaped supports for the rods are known as masts. It is thus seen that the gangs are hung at both rear and front ends. The mast rods pivot at the top where they are attached to the masts, allowing perfect freedom for shifting the gangs. The steel masts also provide the means by which the shovels are thrown into and raised out of the ground. At the base of the V-shaped masts are levers attached to cushion springs which regulate the plow depth. The levers can be adjusted instantly and when the desired depth is secured can be set. The mast rods then act simply as a pivot on which the gangs swing, and as a means for raising and lowering the gangs. Gangs Are Pushed by Crank Rods The crank rods which push the gangs run directly from the axle to the V-shaped boxes at the front end of the gangs. Tractive power is thus transmitted directly from the axle to the gangs. There is no lost power or any down pulling upon the horses' necks. Further- jre, the crank rods being lower than the axle, the Key for Gang Equipment "A" belore the number stands for four-shovel gangs. "B" before the number stands for six-shovel gangs. "C" before the number stands for eight-shovel gangs. "D" before the number stands for two-shovel gangs. The first figure " 1 " indicates that the equipment is for the No. 1 cultivator. Balanced Frame A convenient feature of the International combination cultivator is the balanced frame. The action is controlled by a lever. The lever operates two cranks on the front part of the frame which are connected to rods running directly to the axles. The wheels thus are moved forward or backward with the raising or lowering of the lever. The lever is forward and to the right hand side of the cultivator, out of the way while cultivating, but within easy reach when wanted. Telescoping Axle The telescoping axle provides for various widths of tread from 42 to 54 inches. The crank portions of the axle, or the wheel portions, telescope into the arch, which is a heavy steel pipe. These portions of the axle are solid steel and are held into place oy large set screws, one at either side. Gangs The cultivator has a large assortment of gangs and gang equipment. Four, 6, or 8 shovels may be used. With the exception of the special 4-shovel gang, the gang beams are constructed from I-beam bar steel. Gang Combinations With the gang which is described above, six combinations are possible. First, the 3-shovel diagonal combination; second, the 4-shovel diagonal combination; and third, the 4-shovel eagle claw, or zigzag combination. These combinations are illustrated in the cut on page 12, and also in the cuts showing the gang equipment. In addition to the three combinations mentioned above, this gang also has three 2-shovel combinations with sweeps and scrapers, as shown in tear them off or break the stalks over. The Gang Couplings have adjustable cone bearings. Any looseness or play in the coupling can be quickly taken up. The couplings are also so constructed that they may be adjusted up or down for plow depth, or sideways for a wider or narrower spread of the gangs. Plow Depth IS controlled by two levers. The springs are connected with the raising and lowering chains. The springs allow additional plow depth by pressing down on the handles or foot stirrups. Trash or grass can be cleaned from the shovel points in this way. The additional plow depth is also convenient for tearing out large weeds. The Gang Sustaining Springs are located directly on the axle. They carry the weight of the gangs and make the shifting and handling of the gangs an easy task. Being attached directly to the axle, the weight and strain is carried directly back to the axle. The tension of the springs is controlled by large hand screws, which are within easy reach of the operator. Adjustable Seat The seat can be moved backward or forward on the seat bars to suit the convenience of the operator. When the cultivator is used for walking, the seat can be folded forward on the frame. This is also a convenience in adjusting the shovels — the seat is thrown forward out of the way. Adjustable Handles The handles can be adjusted to any position desired on the gangs. They can be moved forward so that when the operator is riding he can use the handles to assist in guiding the gangs. When wanted for walking, they can be quickly moved back and turned to the side so that the operator will clear the corn row in walking. The shields are made extra long to prevent the second shovel on side hills from covering the corn. Wheels All steel wheels are used on this cultivator. The spokes are large and oval. They are cast into the hub and riveted into and upset in the tires. The boxes are extra long and dust proof, with grease cups on the ends of the hubs. The tires are concave. end of the eveners is connected directly to the gang coupling head. Gang Equipment— There are 16 gang combinations for use on these cultivators. The various equipment consists of round or slotted shanks, and with pin breaks or spring trips. The 8-shovel gangs are of two types— the diagonal, 4 shovels to the gang, or the zigzag, 4 shovels to the gang. The leverless cultivator is liked because of its few parts. It is open; a clear view of the row ahead can be had. The operator has an exceptionally open view of the corn row immediatelv in front of the shovels. "C" before the number stands for eight-shovel gangs. The first figure "2" indicates the equipment is for the No. 2 and No. 22 cultivators. The second number in each instance indicates the kind of equipment, for instance, in A-21 the second figure indicates the equipment is round shank, pin break. Gang Beams The gang beams are made of one-piece steel tubing. The handles are long enough so that the corn row and the rear shovels do not hinder the operator's walking freely. They are adjustable for height or for side movement. Gangs Placed Well Forward The gangs are attached to the front arch forward on the tongue from the axle. This brings the shovels closely in line with the tread of the wheels, making possible even cultivation. Light draft is also insured, since the load is nearer to the horses. Adjustable Cone Bearings are used in the gang couplings. They are durable, simple, strong and easily adjusted. They can be moved both up and down for plow depth and sideways for a wide or narrow spread of the gangs. the tongue and frame. The Wheels are steel with large oval spokes. These are cast into the hub and riveted into and upset within the tires. The tires are oval. The wheel boxes are dust proot, with grease cups on the end of the hubs. The Gang Equipment consists of 4, 6 and 8 shovel gangs. They may be fitted with round or slotted shanks, with pin breaks or spring trips. The cuts of the various gang equipments follow on the succeeding pages. "C" before the number stands for eight-shovel gangs. The first figure "3" indicates the equipment is for the No. 3 Walking Cultivator. The second number in each instance indicates the kind of equipment. For example — in A-31, the second figure indicates the equipment is round shank, pin break. steel gangs have several different adjustments of shovels, which make them adaptable to special crops, such as beans and garden truck, or to the regular field crops of corn. The gangs and standards are heavy, with plenty of clearance, and will do their work successfully in rough or uneven ground. the hubs of the wheels. The Axle Arms Form the Axles for the Wheels and extend forward to the malleable iron support brackets, as pointed out in the arrow cut on page 24 and through which the draw bar for the gangs extends. Gangs Have a Parallel Movement They move together. They are controlled by the foot pedals by which the wheels are pivoted. The action is all one— the wheels are pivoted and the gangs are moved at the same time. Dodging of irregular hills can be accomplished very quickly and easily. The side motion is extreme, with only a slight angle of the wheels. On this cultivator tlie gangs are not compelled to follow the wheels— making the dodging of irregular hills very slow work — they move with the wheels. Wheel Axle Foot Pedals are connected to these malleable support brackets by rods. By pushing the pedals the wheels are piivoted, and at the same time the drag bar to which the gangs are attached is moved sideways, carrying the gangs with it and giving the parallel movement. The Drag Bar to Which the Gang Heads Are Attached is made from cold drawn steel. The gang heads are malleable iron, and are about six inches long. They are rimmed, so that they slide easily on the drag bar. Since the gang bars are parallel able heads, the gangs are held rigid and side swing is prevented. The drag bar contains a series of bolt holes at either end to correspond with the adjustments of the telescoping axle. of Shovel Arrangements There are 6 and 8-shovel gangs, disk attachments, moldboards, right and left hand square shovels, spring teeth, etc. On the 8-shovel gangs the shovels can be set in a diagonal arrangement and spaced so as to give good clearance between the shovels, or they can be set in a zigzag form so as to give a wider clearance between the shovels for working in ground full of grass, loose sods, or trash. first. The outside shovels are set to work outside of the wheels and next to the outside row, the rear shovels covering these. Two rows of beans are thus cultivated at a time, every other row adapted, is hard on wheels. However, the wheels of this cultivator will last as long as any part of the cultivator, and that is saying a good deal. There are eighteen spokes Jig of an inch in diameter and staggered. The spokes are upset and riveted into the malleable hub, and also are upset and riveted into the channel shaped steel rim. The hub is provided with a closely fitting sleeve. The sleeve is fitted with sand bands, making the bearing dust proof. Hard oil grease cups are placed in the center of the hubs between the spokes, and deliver the oil into the center of the hub. The wheel is held in place by a take-up washer and steel pin on the end of the axle arm. A cap is screwed on to the end of the sleeve over this washer, which makes the hub of the wheel absolutely dust proof. This cut shows the No. 4 adjusted for extreme width of tread. Note the high, wide arch, and the clear view the operator has of the road. It is equipped with gang-s B-45 — 6-shovel, pin break, slotted shank. A Choice of Pin Break or Spring Trip SlianliS may be had. The spring trip shank allows the shovel to tilt at an extreme angle, so that it will positively free itself from any solid obstruction it might catch. The spring is long and is on an adjustable rod. The spring trip construction is simple and positive in action. Tiie Pivot Axle Construction is such that when the rows are straight and the ground fairly level the cultivator will travel straight and hold to the row without guiding by the operator. This exceptional feature in a pivot axle cultivator is due to the pivot of the axle arm being forward of the "C" before the number stands for eight-shovel gangs. The first figure "1" indicates the equipment is for the No. 4 Pivot Axle Cultivator. The second number in each instance indicates the kind of equipment. For example, in B-45, the second figure indicates the equipment is pin break, slotted shank.	3,593	common-pile/pre_1929_books_filtered	internationalcul00inte	public_library	public_library_1929_dolma-0004.json.gz:1032	https://archive.org/download/internationalcul00inte/internationalcul00inte_djvu.txt
dQ5aXj8TAvkgYzQ7	0.1.0: Three Modes of Communication	0.1.0: Three Modes of Communication How do you measure proficiency? The ACTFL (American Council on the Teaching of Foreign Languages) Proficiency Guidelines has the following proficiency levels: - Novice - Intermediate - Advanced - Superior - Distinguished Each of these levels are defined in three subsets of communications skills: Interpersonal, Interpretive, and Presentational. Understanding the three modes of communication will help you understand the variety of activities you will complete in Spanish class this semester. Watch the short video on the three modes of communication. \| Interpersonal \| Interpretive \| Presentational \| \|---\|---\|---\| \| Active negotiation of meaning among individuals \| Interpretation of what the author, speaker, or producer wants the receiver of the message to understand \| Creation of messages to inform, explain, persuade, or narrate \| \| Participants observe and monitor one another to see how their meanings and intentions are being communicated \| One-way communication with no recourse to the active negotiation of meaning with the writer, speaker, or producer \| One-way communication intended to facilitate interpretation by members of the other culture where no direct opportunity for the active negotiation of meaning between members of the two cultures exists \| \| Adjustments and clarifications are made accordingly \| Interpretation differs from comprehension and translation in that interpretation implies the ability to read (or listen or view) “between the lines,” including understanding from within the cultural mindset or perspective \| To ensure the intended audience is successful in its interpretation, the “presenter” needs knowledge of the audience’s language and culture \| \| Speaking and listening (conversation); reading and writing (text messages or via social media) \| Reading (websites, stories, articles), listening (speeches, messages, songs), or viewing (video clips) of authentic materials \| Writing (messages, articles, reports), speaking (telling a story, giving a speech, describing a poster), or visually representing (video or PowerPoint) \| ACTFL Modes of Communication Because of the very nature of each mode of communication, you will feel the most comfortable with the interpretive mode right away in your language journey. Receiving a message will be easier than creating your own message in the beginning. You might feel like your proficiency is skewed like the image below: That's ok! Interpersonal communication is spontaneous and can therefore be the most difficult when called to use Spanish in action. In class this semester, you will be asked to participate in activities that will strengthen your communication skills. Can you describe and give examples of the three different modes of communication? - Interpersonal: - Interpretive: - Presentational: Works Cited: The American Council on the Teaching of Foreign Languages. "ACTFL Performance Descriptors for Language Learners." ACTFL , 2015, www.actfl.org/uploads/ files/general/ACTFLPerformance_Descriptors.pdf . Accessed 22 Dec. 2023. “Unfinished Horse Drawing / Flaming Horse Rating.” Know Your Meme , 18 Mar. 2019, https://knowyourmeme.com/memes/unfinished-horse-drawing-flaming-horse-rating . Accessed 29 Jun. 2024. UO Center for Applied Second Language Studies. "The ACTFL Modes of Communication." Youtube , 6 Jan. 2021, www.youtube.com/watch?v=fEW-eSKTQ20 . Accessed 22 Dec. 2023.	635	common-pile/libretexts_filtered	https://human.libretexts.org/Courses/Butler_County_Community_College/FL108%3A_Voces_en_camino_-_Voces_en_marcha_(Beginning_Spanish_2)/00%3A_Unidad_Introductoria/0.01%3A_What_is_Proficiency/0.1.00%3A_Three_Modes_of_Communication	libretexts	libretexts-0000.json.gz:1089	https://human.libretexts.org/Courses/Butler_County_Community_College/FL108%3A_Voces_en_camino_-_Voces_en_marcha_(Beginning_Spanish_2)/00%3A_Unidad_Introductoria/0.01%3A_What_is_Proficiency/0.1.00%3A_Three_Modes_of_Communication
_D_4J_ORZYbVG6Y3	Good Health and Well-Being	2 When Eating Hurts Heather Maher; Lourdes Vasquez; and Koffi Kouadio What is IBS? IBS stands for Irritable Bowel Syndrome. It is a large intestine disorder known as a gastrointestinal disorder, which causes stomach pain and discomfort. It is a common disorder, and the signs and symptoms include: - Cramping - Abdominal pain - Bloating - Gas - Vomiting and diarrhea or constipation (sometimes both) The symptoms and severity can vary from person to person. However, what is the same for all is that the symptoms and signs are, for the most part, present for a long time. Meaning this is a chronic condition that needs to be treated long term. Having IBS can create a poor quality of life. This can lead to mood disorders, such as depression and anxiety, if not treated. TEST YOUR KNOWLEDGE ______________________________________________________________ What Causes It? The causes of this disorder are still not very well known. Usually, unhealthy food and stressful situations trigger it, making it worse. Nonetheless, they do not cause it. What has been noted is that females under the age of 50, people with a family history of IBS, and a history of abuse or trauma tend to be more susceptible to the disorder. Other factors that may play a role are gut microbes changes due to a severe infection, antibiotics, or unhealthy eating habits. This diminishes your gastrointestinal flora, the healthy bacteria, which helps keep you healthy and increases the disease-causing bacteria. It is not easy to enjoy life with constant pain, discomfort, and such symptoms. The pain might come from uncontrolled contractions in the muscles of the colon. And discomfort can be due to abnormalities in the nerves of your digestive system. Since the brain and the gut are interconnected, stress is a trigger for pain and discomfort. If not properly treated and kept under control, it can lead to more severe issues. TEST YOUR KNOWLEDGE ______________________________________________________________ Why is it Important that I treat it? Chronic constipation or diarrhea can cause hemorrhoids. Hemorrhoids are blood vessels within the lower rectum that become enlarged due to excessive pressure. This can be painful and cause bleeding, which can lead to more severe complications. Diarrhea and vomiting increase liquid and nutrient loss, which can lead to dehydration and nutrient deficiencies. Being deficient in one or more nutrients results in your immune system being at risk and susceptible to infectious bacteria. IBS can also affect your body’s digestion and how you absorb nutrients from foods. This can lead to malnutrition, which can cause more severe diseases. At this point, your immune response and your immune system become weak, not able to fight off infectious or chronic diseases, heal wounds, or protect you from developing cancer. Do you feel IBS symptoms creep up more during finals, exams, or stressful situations? Luckily it can be managed with: - Proper diet - Lifestyle - Keeping stress under control. Focus on lowering your stress levels. Chronic high levels of stress are hard on your whole body, including your gut. - Get enough sleep. - Eat foods rich in prebiotics and probiotics. - These can be foods high in fiber, kombucha, miso soup, kimchi yogurt, and sauerkraut. - Eat plenty of fruits and vegetables. - Stay hydrated. - You can also follow a FODMAP diet. It is a temporary diet, which helps figure out which foods are causing your IBS. TEST YOUR KNOWLEDGE ______________________________________________________________ However, if you have kept a great diet, lifestyle, and stress under control, yet the symptoms persist or worsen, you should see a doctor. Especially if you experience: - Rapid weight loss - Rectal bleeding - Difficulty swallowing - A persistent change in bowel movements - Unexplained vomiting For further information and community support on IBS, visit https://www.ibspatient.org/. Food Allergies and Intolerances Sometimes the most delicious and nutritious foods can cause a range of physical problems from GI pain and discomfort to severe immune reactions that can be life-threatening. What do we do when faced with these issues? Can a healthy diet be maintained if someone is allergic to a whole grain like wheat or has a dairy intolerance? Let’s first begin by defining both food allergy and food intolerance. Food Intolerances Food intolerance is defined by Janice Thompson in The Science of Nutrition as “gastrointestinal discomfort caused by a digestive problem and not an immune system reaction.” When we eat certain foods, and our body does not make the proper digestive enzymes break down all the food item components, our GI tract can become inflamed or irritated. Food intolerances are also linked to recurring stress or psychological issues, irritable bowel syndrome, and sensitivity to food additives. Generally, food intolerances are less serious than a food allergy, and typically the pain and discomfort reside once the offending food has passed through the individuals’ system. Lactose intolerance is very common and includes a range of GI problems: - gas - indigestion - diarrhea - cramping - bloating As we age, our bodies make less and less of the enzyme lactase, which is needed to breakdown lactose (the primary carbohydrate of dairy products), so it is typical to see more lactose intolerance as people make their way through the middle and later parts of their life. It is uncommon to see lactose intolerance in children. Food Allergies Food allergies are an immune hypersensitivity reaction to certain foods. Usually, a protein in the food causes the immune cells to respond by releasing chemicals that cause inflammation throughout the body or in certain areas. The inflammation can be life-threatening if it impacts your airway and causes the trachea or bronchioles to swell shut, a reaction known as anaphylaxis. Anaphylaxis left untreated can lead to shock and maybe even death. Skin rashes, swelling of the tongue, lips, or face can occur in an allergic reaction to food. Wheezing and difficulty breathing are also signs of a food allergy and should be addressed with medical attention as soon as possible. Food allergies are less common than food intolerances but are often more problematic and typically require medication to recover fully. The eight most common food allergens in the United States are milk, egg, wheat, soy, peanut, tree nuts, fish, and shellfish. Management of Intolerances and Allergies Now that we know the differences between a food allergy and intolerance, how can we be sure we don’t consume the offending food items? What happens if we do so accidentally? The best way to avoid an allergic reaction or episode of GI distress is not to eat the food item, which may be easier said than done. While it may be easy to avoid cheese that causes lactose intolerance symptoms, it can be more challenging to avoid wheat or soy, common components of many food products. Become familiar with and used to reading food labels, sometimes a seemingly safe product may have a hidden ingredient. The Food Allergy Labeling and Consumer Protection Act of 2004 mandates that all packed foods produced in the US must identify easily to understand terms if there are any of the eight most common food allergens. Even if the allergen is only an incidental ingredient, such as in the flavoring, it must be listed. If you accidentally consume something you have a true allergy to, it is helpful to have medications like antihistamines on hand or an auto-injector of epinephrine for severe allergies that cause anaphylaxis. Severe reactions should be managed at the hospital, and the epinephrine shot will typically allow enough time to get to the emergency department. For accidental consumption of food intolerances, the symptoms should pass once the problematic food is out of the body. Where Do These Problems Come From? How Do I Maintain A Healthy Diet? It is important to be aware of your family history regarding food allergies and intolerances; allergies, in particular, can run in families. Monitor what children eat and gauge their physical reactions to new foods since most food allergies develop in childhood. If you suspect a food allergy, a visit to an allergist can help determine which particular foods you may have immune reactions to. A healthy diet can still be maintained if someone has a food intolerance or a limited number of allergies. Still, individuals with complex allergies and severe reactions should work with a registered dietician to ensure that they consume the macro and micronutrients they need while avoiding the allergens. For further information about food allergies, visit https://www.fda.gov/food/food-labeling-nutrition/food-allergies. Resources for Phoenix-area families can be found at http://www.phoenixallergynetwork.org/. Disordered Eating and Psychological Issues What are Disordered Eating and Psychological Issues? Disordered eating is a condition where one adopts unhealthy eating habits based on the outside world. This means that the obsession with size, weight, diet, and exercise is taken to an unhealthy level. Disordered eating manifests itself through many eating disorders. All of it has a psychological aspect of its own. People suffering from an eating disorder are often exposed to much bigger pressure from society. The fear of gaining weight, constantly running through their minds, gets them to take drastic measures. Those people are often diagnosed with Anorexia Nervosa (AN) or Bulimia Nervosa (BN). This chapter will discuss the two main eating disorders linked to disordered eating and their psychological impact on the person over time. We will also be discussing the symptoms and treatments of those conditions. Anorexia Nervosa Definition Anorexia Nervosa or commonly called Anorexia, is an extremely uncommon fear of gaining weight. It is characterized as abnormally low body weight and a different perception of weight. It was a time when weight was associated with being in a good position in life. Not being rich but being happy and being able to provide enough food for oneself. Society changed to the point where eating is almost being prohibited. “Prohibited” is exactly the feeling that people suffering from Anorexia feel. They are trapped in this box where eating is almost seen as a sin. They could be bereaved themselves from food even though their weight is acceptable. This is not really food-related; it is more of a coping mechanism. Coping is used differently depending on the person. Some people cope by isolating themselves; some people cope by partying more, some cope with eating, and some cope with not eating. It is most of the time to deal with trauma. People suffering from Anorexia have sometimes been bullied in their childhood about their weight. The only way they know to avoid being bullied is to lose weight, which is not bad, but this disorder turns it into an unhealthy habit. Its consequences can even be life-threatening. Symptoms Many symptoms can characterize anorexia Nervosa. Those symptoms can easily be divided into two categories: The physical symptoms and the behavioral symptoms. As there are plenty of those symptoms, we will show the six more frequent of each category. The physical symptoms: - Extreme weight loss - Thin appearance - Abnormal blood counts - Dry or yellow skin - Dehydration The behavioral symptoms: - Preoccupation with food - Frequently skipping meals - Denial of hunger - Adopting eating rituals such as spitting food after chewing - Lying about the quantity of food eaten - Frequently checking in the mirror for perceived flaws. Treatment As mentioned above, Anorexia Nervosa can be life-threatening, and one might need a few trips to the hospital and even be hospitalized. There is no medication to treat this condition. The fastest way to fight against it is to get back to a healthy weight as soon as possible. This recovery may need to be supervised by your primary caregiver and a dietician to prevent any abnormal conditions throughout the process. Remember that psychological issues firstly trigger this condition; like the disorder itself, the recovery is also psychological. The family and a psychiatrist’s support plays a big role in the road back to a healthy life. Bulimia Nervosa Bulimia Nervosa is an eating disorder that might potentially be life-threatening. People who have bulimia will eat in substantial quantities (bingeing) and then go through unhealthy ways of getting rid of the extra calories. They will tend to make themselves vomit, use laxatives, or even abuse weight-loss supplements. They will tend to restrict themselves from food after eating an enormous quantity. They see themselves as overly big and try to get back to “normal” any way possible. They give a lot of importance to what society can think about them. This psychological pressure makes them “normal” sometimes and “abnormal” some other times. Like Anorexia Nervosa, this disorder is really not about food; it is about the perception and the need to belong. Symptoms Some symptoms of Bulimia Nervosa might seem similar to those of Anorexia Nervosa. Symptoms include: - Being preoccupied with your body shape and weight - Living in fear of gaining weight - Repeated episodes of eating abnormally large amounts of food in one sitting - Feeling a loss of control during bingeing. - Using dietary supplements or herbal products excessively for weight loss - Forcing yourself to vomit to keep from gaining weight after bingeing Treatment Contrary to Anorexia Nervosa, bulimia nervosa can actually be treated with some medication. Bulimia Nervosa is often linked to depression; thus, the most effective treatment would be to combine antidepressants with psychotherapy. Sources IBS: Herndon J. Healthline. March 7/2019. Everything you want to know about IBS. Access 11/2020 https://www.healthline.com/health/irritable-bowel-syndrome Irritable bowel syndrome. Mayo Clinic. 1998-2020. Mayo Foundation for Medical Education and Research. Access 11/2020 https://www.mayoclinic.org/diseases-conditions/irritable-bowel-syndrome/symptoms-causes/syc-20360016 Medical Express. Health. October, 7/2010. The University of Cincinnati. Access 11/2020 https://medicalxpress.com/news/2010-10-hemorrhoid-treatment-doesnt-involve-surgery.html What’s causing your IBS. Harvard Health Publishing. 2010-2020 Harvard University. Healthbeat. Access 11/2020 https://www.health.harvard.edu/healthbeat/whats-causing-your-ibs Allergies and Intolerances: Li, James. Mayo Clinic. April 3, 2020. What’s The Difference Between A Food Intolerance and a Food Allergy? Accessed: 11/18/2020. https://www.mayoclinic.org/diseases-conditions/food-allergy/expert-answers/food-allergy/faq-20058538#:~:text=A%20true%20food%20allergy%20causes,often%20limited%20to%20digestive%20problems. West, Helen. Healthline. June 24, 2017. Lactose Intolerance 1010-Causes, Symptoms, and Treatment. Accessed: 11/20/2020. https://www.healthline.com/nutrition/lactose-intolerance-101#TOC_TITLE_HDR_3 American College of Allergy, Asthma, & Immunology. 2014. Food Allergy. Accessed: 11/16/2020. https://acaai.org/allergies/types/food-allergy US Food & Drug Administration. November 10 2020. Food Allergies. Accessed: 11/22/2020. https://www.fda.gov/food/food-labeling-nutrition/food-allergies Disordered Eating and Psychological Issues: https://www.mayoclinic.org/diseases-conditions/anorexia-nervosa/symptoms-causes/syc-20353591 https://www.mayoclinic.org/diseases-conditions/anorexia-nervosa/diagnosis-treatment/drc-20353597 https://www.mayoclinic.org/diseases-conditions/bulimia/symptoms-causes/syc-20353615 https://www.mayoclinic.org/diseases-conditions/bulimia/diagnosis-treatment/drc-20353621 https://www.psypost.org/2017/07/young-women-suffering-anorexia-nervosa-tend-better-sense-smell-49378 https://www.medicalnewstoday.com/articles/325874#raynauds-disease https://www.steadfastnutrition.in/blogs/news/bulimia-nervosa-bn https://www.hypnosisondemand.com/overcome-pocrescophobia-obesophobia-fear-gaining-weight/ Media Attributions - stomach-3532098_1920 © Image by mohamed Hassan from Pixabay is licensed under a Public Domain license - Irritable_bowel_syndrome © By http://www.scientificanimations.com - http://www.scientificanimations.com/wiki-images/, CC BY-SA 4.0, https://commons.wikimedia.org/w/index.php?curid=81575725 is licensed under a Public Domain license - books-4118058_1920 © Image by silviarita from Pixabay is licensed under a Public Domain license - Sad Vegetables © Viktoria Slowikowska is licensed under a Public Domain license	3,127	common-pile/pressbooks_filtered	https://open.maricopa.edu/scgb/chapter/when-eating-hurts/	pressbooks	pressbooks-0000.json.gz:31398	https://open.maricopa.edu/scgb/chapter/when-eating-hurts/
PBxTAAmUsXlcxnhN	3.8: Antiprotozoals	3.8: Antiprotozoals - - Last updated - Save as PDF - Ernstmeyer & Christman (Eds.) - Chippewa Valley Technical College via OpenRN Antiprotozoal drugs target infectious protozoans such as Giardia, an intestinal protozoan parasite that infects humans and other mammals, causing severe diarrhea (see Figure 3.14 for a microscopic image of Giardia). [1] Indications: Metronidazole is an example of an antiprotozoal antibacterial medication gel that is commonly used to treat acne rosacea, bacterial vaginosis, or trichomonas. Metronidazole IV is used to treat Giardia and also serious anaerobic bacterial infections such as Clostridium difficile (C-diff). Mechanism of Action: Many antiprotozoal agents work to inhibit protozoan folic acid synthesis, subsequently impairing the protozoal cell. [2] Special Administration Considerations: It can be administered PO, parenterally, or topically. Orally is the preferred route for GI infections. The nurse should monitor the patient carefully for side effects such as seizures, peripheral neuropathies, and dizziness. Psychotic reactions have been reported with alcoholic patients taking disulfiram. Patient Teaching & Education Patients taking antiprotozoal medications should receive education regarding the need for medication compliance and prevention of reinfection. They should be advised that the medication may cause dizziness and dry mouth. Additionally, the medication may cause darkening of the urine. They should also avoid alcoholic beverages during medication therapy to prevent a disulfiram-like reaction. If patients are being treated for protozoal infections such as trichomoniasis, they should be advised that sexual partners might be sources of reinfection even if asymptomatic. Partners should also receive treatment. [3] Patients teaching should include the avoidance of alcohol during therapy. Now let’s take a closer look at the medication grid in Table 3.17. [4] \| Class/Subclass \| Prototype/Generic \| Administration Considerations \| Therapeutic Effects \| Side/Adverse Effects \| \|---\|---\|---\|---\|---\| \| Antiprotozoal-antibacterial \| metrogel metronidazole IV \| Check for allergies Topical, vaginal, PO, or IV Don’t give by IV push. Infuse over 30 to 60 minutes Contraindications: pregnancy, hypersensitivity, use of alcohol or disulfiram during therapy Use cautiously with hepatic impairment, blood dyscrasias or CNS diseases \| Improvement of symptoms \| Seizures Peripheral neuropathy Psychotic reactions Hepatotoxicity \| Critical Thinking Activity 3.17a Using the above grid information, consider the following clinical scenario question: A patient develops C-diff after taking multiple antibiotics for a non-healing wound. What medication is commonly used to treat C-diff, and what route is used? Note: Answers to the Critical Thinking activities can be found in the “Answer Key” sections at the end of the book. - "Giardia lamblia SEM 8698 lores.jpg" by CDC/ Janice Haney Carr is licensed under CC0 ↵ - This work is a derivative of Microbiology by OpenStax licensed under CC BY 4.0 . Access for free at https://openstax.org/books/microbiology/pages/1-introduction ↵ - uCentral from Unbound Medicine. https://www.unboundmedicine.com/ucentral ↵ - Daily Med, dailymed.nlm.nih.gov/dailymed/index.cfm, used for hyperlinked medications in this module. Retrieved June 27, 2019 ↵	607	common-pile/libretexts_filtered	https://med.libretexts.org/Courses/Monterey_Peninsula_College/Nursing_Pharmacology_(OpenRN)/03%3A_Antimicrobials/3.08%3A_Antiprotozoals	libretexts	libretexts-0000.json.gz:19526	https://med.libretexts.org/Courses/Monterey_Peninsula_College/Nursing_Pharmacology_(OpenRN)/03%3A_Antimicrobials/3.08%3A_Antiprotozoals
XzHEhNxut3XkqaSP	Science in Short Chapters	Produced by Chris Curnow, Charlie Howard, and the Online Transcriber’s Note: Boldface is indicated by =equals signs=, italics by _underscores_. SCIENCE IN SHORT CHAPTERS. BY W. MATTIEU WILLIAMS, F.R.A.S., F.C.S. AUTHOR OF “_The Fuel of the Sun_,” “_Through Norway with a Knapsack_,” “_A Simple Treatise on Heat_,” _etc._ NEW YORK: JOHN B. ALDEN, PUBLISHER. 1883. PREFACE. I am not aware that this reprint of some of my scattered notes and essays demands any apology. The practice of making such collections and selections by the author himself has now become very general, and is much better done thus than by friends after his death. Besides this, it supplies a growing want of these busy times, when so many of us are prevented by the struggles of business from sitting down to the consecutive systematic study of a formal treatise. I have kept this demand steadily in view throughout, by selecting subjects which are likely to be interesting to all readers who are sufficiently intelligent to prefer sober fact to sensational fiction, but who, at the same time, do not profess to be scientific specialists. In the writing of these papers my highest literary ambition has always been to combine clearness and simplicity with some attempt at philosophy. W. M. W. WILLESDEN, _September, 1882_. CONTENTS. PAGE The Fuel of the Sun 7 Dr. Siemens’ Theory of the Sun 38 Another World Down Here 41 The Origin of Lunar Volcanoes 50 Note on the Direct Effect of Sun-Spots on Terrestrial Climates 56 The Philosophy of the Radiometer and its Cosmical Revelations 59 On the Social Benefits of Paraffin 65 The Solidity of the Earth 72 A Contribution to the History of Electric Lighting 75 The Formation of Coal 88 The Solar Eclipse of 1871 93 Meteoric Astronomy 104 The “Great Ice Age” and the Origin of the “Till” 112 The Barometer and the Weather 140 The Chemistry of Bog Reclamation 159 Aerial Exploration of the Arctic Regions 170 The Limits of our Coal Supply 189 “The Englishman’s Fireside” 213 “Baily’s Beads” 221 The Coloring of Green Tea 223 “Iron Filings” in Tea 227 Concert-Room Acoustics 231 Science and Spiritualism 237 Mathematical Fictions 251 World-Smashing 257 The Dying Trees in Kensington Gardens 261 The Oleaginous Products of Thames Mud: Where they Come from and Where they Go 266 Luminous Paint 269 The Origin and Probable Duration of Petroleum 273 The Origin of Soap 281 Oiling the Waves 285 On the so-called “Crater Necks” and “Volcanic Bombs” of Ireland 290 Travertine 296 The Action of Frost in Water-Pipes and on Building Materials 300 The Corrosion of Building Stones 308 Fire-Clay and Anthracite 312 Count Rumford’s Cooking-Stoves 320 The “Consumption of Smoke” 327 The Air of Stove-Heated Rooms 332 Ventilation by Open Fireplaces 337 Domestic Ventilation 341 Home Gardens for Smoky Towns 351 Solids, Liquids, and Gases 367 Murchison and Babbage 386 Atmosphere _versus_ Ether 389 A Neglected Disinfectant 392 Another Disinfectant 393 Ensilage 394 The Fracture of Comets 396 The Origin of Comets 398 SCIENCE IN SHORT CHAPTERS. THE FUEL OF THE SUN. I offer the following sketch of the main argument which is worked out more fully in the essay I published in January, 1870, under the above title, hoping that many who hesitate to plunge into a presumptuous speculative work of more than 200 octavo pages may read this article, and reflect upon the subject. The book has been handled in a most courteous and indulgent spirit by all the reviewers who have noticed it, but none have ventured to grapple with the argument it contains, although every possible opportunity and provocation for doing so is designedly afforded. It all rests upon the question which is discussed in the first three chapters, viz., whether the atmosphere which surrounds our earth is limited or unlimited in extent? If my reasoning upon this fundamental question is refuted, all that follows necessarily falls to the ground. If I am right, all our standard treatises on pneumatics and meteorology, which repeat the arguments contained in Dr. Wollaston’s celebrated paper, must be remodeled. At the outset, I reprint that paper, and point out a very curious and monstrous fallacy which, for half a century, remained undetected, and had been continually repeated. As the main point of issue between myself and Dr. Wollaston is merely a question of very simple arithmetic and geometry, nothing can be easier than to set me right if I am wrong; and, as the philosophical consequences depending upon this issue are of vast and fundamental importance, the question cannot be ignored by those who stand before the world as scientific authorities, without a practical abdication of their philosophical responsibilities. Any man who publishes an astronomical or meteorological treatise without discussing this question, which stands before him at the threshold of his subject, is unfit for the task he has undertaken, and unworthy of public confidence. This may appear a strong conclusion just now, but a few years will be sufficient to graft it firmly into the growth of scientific public opinion.[1] “The Fuel of the Sun” is simply an attempt to trace some of the consequences which must of necessity result from the existence of an universal atmosphere, and it differs from other attempts to explain the great solar mystery, by making no demands whatever upon the imagination, _inventing_ nothing,—no outside meteors, no new forces or materials. It supposes nothing whatever to exist but the known facts of the laboratory—the familiar materials of the earth and its atmosphere. It is shown that these materials and the forces residing within them must of necessity produce a sun, and manifest eternally all the observed solar phenomena, provided only they are aggregated in the quantities which our own central luminary presents, and are surrounded by attendant planets, such as his. Nothing is assumed or taken for granted beyond the simple fundamental hypothesis that the laws of nature are uniform throughout the universe. The argument thus conducted leads us step by step to a natural and connected explanation of the following important phenomena:— 1. The sources of solar and stellar heat and light. 2. The means by which the present amount of solar heat and light must be maintained so long as the solar system continues in existence. 3. The origin of the general and particular phenomena of the sun-spots. 4. The cause of the varying splendor of the photosphere, including such details as the “faculæ,” “mottling,” “granulations,” etc., etc. 5. The forces which upheave the solar prominences. 6. The origin of the corona and zodiacal light. 7. The origin of the meteorites and the asteroids. 8. The meteorological phenomena of the planets. 9. The origin of the rings of Saturn. 10. The origin of the special structure of the nebulæ. 11. The source of terrestrial magnetism, and its connection with solar activity. The first and second chapters are devoted to an examination of the limits of atmospheric expansibility. The experimental investigations of Dr. Andrews, Mr. Grove, Mr. Gassiot, and M. Geissler are cited to prove that the expansibility of the atmosphere is unlimited, and other cosmical evidence is adduced in support of this conclusion. As this, which is really the foundation of the whole argument, is directly opposed to the views expressed by Dr. Wollaston, in his celebrated paper on “The Finite Extent of the Atmosphere,” published in 1822, and generally accepted as established science, this paper is reprinted in the second chapter, and carefully examined. Dr. Wollaston says “that air has been rarefied so as to sustain 1-100th of an inch of barometrical pressure,” and further, that “beyond this limit we are left to conjectures founded on the supposed divisibility of matter; if this be infinite, so also must be the extent of our atmosphere.” I contend that our knowledge of the whole subject is fundamentally altered since these words were written. We are no longer “left to conjectures founded on the supposed divisibility of matter” to determine the possibility of further expansibility than that indicated by 1-100th of an inch of barometrical pressure, as we now have means of obtaining ten times, a hundred times, a thousand times, or even an infinitely greater rarefaction than Wollaston’s supposed limit, an apparently absolute vacuum being now obtainable; and although the transmission of electricity affords a means of testing the existence of atmospheric matter with a degree of delicacy of which Wollaston had no conception, we are still unable to detect any indication of any limit to its expansibility. The most remarkable part of Dr. Wollaston’s paper is the _reductio ad absurdum_ by which he seeks to finally demonstrate the finite extent of our atmosphere. He maintains, as I do, that if the elasticity of our atmosphere is unlimited, its extension must be commensurate with the universe, that every orb in space will, by gravitation, gather around itself an atmosphere proportionate to its gravitating power, and that, by taking the known quantity of the earth’s atmosphere as our unit, we may calculate the amount of atmosphere possessed by any heavenly body of which the mass is known. On this basis Dr. Wollaston calculates the atmosphere of the sun, and concludes that its extent will be so great as to visibly affect the apparent motions of Mercury and Venus, when their declination makes its nearest approach to that of the sun. No such disturbance being actually observable, he concludes that such an atmosphere as he has calculated cannot exist. In like manner he calculates the atmosphere of Jupiter, and finds it to be so great, that its refraction would be sufficient “to render the fourth satellite visible to us when behind the centre of the planet, and consequently to make it appear on both (or all) sides at the same time.” On examining these calculations, I have discovered the very curious error above referred to. As this is a matter of figures that cannot be abridged, I must refer the reader to the original calculations. I will here merely state that Wollaston’s method of calculating the solar gravitation atmosphere and that of Jupiter and the moon leads to the monstrous conclusion that, in ascending from the surface of the given orb, we always have the same limited amount of atmospheric matter above as that with which we started, although we are continually leaving a portion of it below. Wollaston’s mistake is based on the assumption that, under the circumstances supposed, the atmospheric pressure and density, at any given distance from the centre of the given orb, will vary inversely with the square of that distance. As the area of the base upon which such pressure is exerted varies _directly_ with the square of the distance, the total atmosphere above every imaginable starting-distance would thus be ever the same. That this assumption, so utterly at variance with the known laws of atmospheric distribution, should have remained unchallenged for half a century, and that the conclusions based upon it should be accepted by the whole scientific world, and repeated in standard treatises, such as those of the “Encyclopedia Britannica,” etc., etc., is, I think, one of the most remarkable curiosities presented by the history of science. If it were merely a little cobweb in some obscure corner of philosophy, there would be nothing surprising in its escape from the besom of scientific criticism; but this is so far from being the case, that it has hung, since 1822, like a dark veil obscuring another, a wider, and more interesting view of the universe which the idea of an universal atmosphere opens out. But I must now proceed to the next stage of the argument. Starting from the conclusion reached in the previous chapters, that the atmosphere of our earth is but a portion of an universal elastic medium which it has attached to itself by its gravitation, and that all the other orbs of space must, in like manner, have obtained their proportion, I take the earth’s mass, and its known quantity of atmospheric envelope as units, and calculating by the simple rule I have laid down in opposition to Wollaston’s, I find that the total weight of the sun’s atmosphere should be at least 117,681,623 times that of the earth’s, and the pressure at its base equal, at least, to 15,233 atmospheres. What must be the results of such an atmospheric accumulation? The experiment of compressing air in the condensing syringe, and thereby lighting a piece of German tinder, is familiar to all who have studied even the rudiments of physical science. Taking the formulæ of Leslie and Dalton, and applying them to the solar pressure of 15,233 atmospheres, we arrive according to Leslie, at the inconceivable temperature of 380,832° C., or 685,529° F., as that due to this amount of compression, or, according to Dalton, at 761,665° F. What will be the effects of such a degree of heat upon materials similar to those of which our earth is composed? Let us first take the case of water, which, for reasons I have stated, should be regarded as atmospheric, or universally diffused matter. This brings us to a subject of the highest and widest philosophical and practical importance. I refer to the antagonism between the force of heat and that of chemical combination, to which the French chemists have given the name “dissociation.” Having myself been unable to find any satisfactory English account of this subject at a time when it had already been well treated by French and German authors, in the form of published lectures and cyclopædia articles, I assume that others may have encountered a similar difficulty, and therefore dwell rather more fully upon this part of my present summary. It appears that all chemical compounds may be decomposed by heat, and that, at a given pressure, there is a definite and special temperature at which the decomposition of each compound is effected. For the absolute and final establishment of the universality of this law further investigations are necessary, actual investigations having established it as far as they have gone, but these have not been exhaustive. There appears to be a remarkable analogy between dissociation and evaporation. When a liquid is vaporized, a certain amount of heat is “rendered latent,” and this quantity varies with the liquid and with the pressure, but is definite and invariable for each liquid at a given pressure. In like manner, when a compound is dissociated, a certain amount of heat is “rendered latent,” or converted into dissociating force, and this varies with each compound and with the pressure, but is definite and invariable for each compound at a given pressure. Further, when condensation occurs, an amount of heat is evolved, as temperature, exactly equal to that which was rendered latent in the evaporation of the same substance under the same pressure; and, in like manner, when chemical re-combination of dissociated elements occurs, an amount of heat is evolved, as temperature, exactly equal to that which disappeared when the compound was dissociated by heat _alone_ under the same pressure. According to the recently adopted figures of M. Deville, the temperature at which the vapor of water becomes dissociated under ordinary atmospheric pressure is 2800° C., and the, quantity of heat which disappears, as temperature, in the course of dissociation is 2153 _calorics_, _i.e._, sufficient to raise 2153 times its own weight of _liquid_ water 1° C.; but, as the specific heat of aqueous vapor is to that of liquid water as 0·475 to 1, that latent heat expressed in the temperature it would have given to aqueous vapor is = 4532° C., or 8158° F. In order to render the analogy between the ebullition and dissociation of water more evident and intelligible, I will state it as follows:— To commence the ebullition of To commence the dissociation of water under ordinary pressure, aqueous vapor under ordinary a temperature of 100° C., or pressures, a temperature of 212° F., must be attained. 2800° C., or 5072° F., must be attained. To complete the ebullition of a To complete the dissociation of given quantity of water, an a given quantity of aqueous amount of heat must be applied, vapor, an amount of heat must sufficient to have raised be applied sufficient to have the water 537° C., or 968° F., raised the vapor 4532° C., or above its boiling-point, had it 8158° F., above its dissociation- not evaporated. point had it not decomposed. In order that a given quantity of In order that a given quantity of vapor of water shall condense, the elements of water may combine, it must give off sufficient heat they must give off sufficient to raise its own weight of water heat to raise their own 537° C., or 968° F. weight of aqueous vapor 4532° C., or 8158° F. I have expressed these generalizations and analogies rather more definitely than they have been hitherto stated, but those who are acquainted with the researches of Deville, Cailletet, Bunsen, etc., will perceive that I am justified in doing so.[2] With the general laws of the dissociation of water thus before us, we may follow out the necessary action of the above-stated pressure and consequent evolution of heat in the lower regions of the solar atmosphere upon the large proportion of aqueous vapor which I have shown that it should contain. It is evident that the first result will be separation of this water into its elements, accompanied with a loss of temperature corresponding to the latent heat of dissociation. We may assume that in the lower regions of the solar atmosphere the free heat evolved by mechanical compression will be more than sufficient to dissociate the whole of the aqueous vapor, and thus the dissociated gases will be left at a higher temperature than was necessary to effect their dissociation. Their condition will thus be analogous to that of superheated steam: they will have to give off some heat before they can _begin_ to combine.[3] There will, however, be somewhere an elevation at which the heat evolved by the joint compression of the elementary and combined gases will be just sufficient to dissociate the latter, and here will be the meeting surface of the combined and the uncombined constituents of water. There will be a sphere containing combined oxygen and hydrogen surrounded by an atmospheric envelope containing large quantities of aqueous vapor, and the temperature at this limiting surface will be equal to that of the oxyhydrogen flame under a corresponding pressure. What will occur under these conditions? Will the “detonating gases” behave as in the laboratory? Obviously not, as a glance at the third of the above parallel propositions will show. The dissociated gases cannot combine without giving off their 4532° of latent heat as actual temperature. This can only be effected by communication with matter which is cooler than itself. If a bubble of steam is surrounded by water maintained at the boiling temperature, it will not condense at all, because any effort of condensation would be accompanied with an evolution of heat exactly sufficient to evaporate its own result. If, however, the surrounding water is slowly radiating, or otherwise losing its heat, the enclosed bubble of steam will condense proportionately, by giving off to its envelope an amount of its latent heat just sufficient to maintain the water at the boiling-point. For further illustration, let us conceive the case of a certain quantity of the elements of water heated exactly to the temperature of dissociation, and confined in a vessel the sides of which are maintained externally at precisely the same temperature as the gases within, so that no heat can be added or taken away from them. No sensible amount of combination can take place, as the first infinitesimal effort of combustion, or combination, would set free just the amount of heat required to decompose its own result. Let us now suppose a modification of these conditions, viz., that the vessel containing the dissociated gases, at the temperature of dissociation, shall be surrounded with bodies cooler than itself, _i.e._, capable of receiving more heat from it than they radiate towards it; there would then take place just so much combustion as would set free the amount of heat required to maintain the temperature of the vessel at the dissociation-point; or, in other words, combustion would go on to the extent of setting free just so much heat as the gaseous mass was capable of radiating, or otherwise transmitting to surrounding bodies; and this amount of combustion would continue till all the gases had combined. We have only to give this hypothetical vessel a spherical form and an internal diameter of 853,380 miles—to construct its enveloping sides of a thick shell of aqueous vapor, etc., and then, by placing in the midst of the contained dissociated gases a nucleus of some kind, we are hypothetically supplied with, the main conditions which I suppose to exist in the sun. A little reflection upon the application of the above-stated laws to these conditions will show that the stupendous ocean of explosive gases would constitute an enormous stock of fuel capable, by its combustion, of setting free exactly the same quantity of heat as had previously been converted into decomposing or separating force; the amount of combustion would always be limited by the possible amount of radiation, and the radiation would again be limited by the resisting envelope of aqueous vapor produced by this combustion. If these conditions existed in a perfectly calm and undisturbed solar atmosphere, there would be a continually increasing external envelope of aqueous vapor, and a continually diminishing inner atmosphere of combustible gases; there would be a gradual diminution of the amount of solar radiation, and a slow and perpetually retarding progress towards solar extinction. It should be noted that, according to this explanation, the _supply_ of heat is originally derived from atmospheric condensation due to gravitation, that the _storage_ of surplus heat is effected by dissociation, and its _evolution_ mainly by recombination or combustion. The great difficulty, that of the perpetual renewal of the solar fuel, still remains unsolved; the fact that during the millions of years of geological history we find no indications of any declining average of solar energy is so far still unexplained by this, as by every other, attempt to account for the origin of solar and stellar light and heat. In his inaugural address to the British Association Meeting of 1866, Mr. Grove put the following very suggestive question:—“Our sun, our earth, and planets are constantly radiating heat into space; so, in all probability, are the other suns, the stars, and their attendant planets. What becomes of the heat thus radiated into space? If the universe has no limit—and it is difficult to conceive one—there is a constant evolution of heat and light; and yet more is given off than is received by each cosmical body, for otherwise night would be as light and as warm as day. What becomes of the enormous force thus apparently non-recurrent in the same form?” This is a grand question, a philosophical thought worthy of the author of “The Correlation of Physical Forces.” Most philosophical thinkers will, I believe, agree with me in concluding that a sound reply to it will solve the great mystery of the everlasting radiations of our sun and all the other suns of the universe. So long as we regard these suns as the _sources_ of continually expended forces of light and heat, their everlasting and unabated renewal becomes a mystery utterly inscrutable to the human intellect, since the creation of new force, or any addition to the total forces of the universe, is as inconceivable to us as any addition to the total matter of the universe. The great solar question assumes a far more hopeful shape when we admit that all the forces of past radiations are somewhere diffused in space, and we ask whether a sun contains any mechanism by which it may collect and concentrate this diffused force, and thus perpetually gather from surrounding suns as much as it radiates towards them. The next part of my work is an attempt to show that such a mechanism does exist in our solar system, and to explain its action. We know that if atmospheric air is compressed it becomes heated, that if this heat is allowed to radiate and the air is again expanded to its original dimensions, it will be cooled below its original temperature to an extent precisely equal to the heat which it gave out when compressed. On this principle I endeavor to explain the everlasting maintenance of the solar and stellar radiations. The sun is attended by his train of planets whose orbital motion he controls, but they in return react upon him as the moon does upon the earth. If this reaction were regular, like that of the moon upon the earth, a regular atmospheric tide would result; but the great irregularity of the dimensions, distances, and velocities of the planets produces a result equivalent to a number of clashing irregular tides in the solar atmosphere; or, otherwise stated, the centre of motion and centre of gravity of the whole system will be perpetually varying with the varying relative positions of the planets, and thus the solar nucleus and solar atmosphere will be subject to irregularities of motion, which, though very small relatively to the enormous magnitude of the sun, must be sufficient to produce mighty vortices, and thus effect a continual commingling between the outer and inner atmospheric strata. It must be remembered that, according to the preceding, the inner or lower strata of the solar atmosphere should consist of our ordinary atmospheric mixture of oxygen and nitrogen, and the dissociated elements of water and carbonic acid, besides some of the more volatile elements of the solar nucleus. Outside of this there should be a boundary limit where the dissociated gases are combining as rapidly as their latent heat can be evolved by radiation; this will form a shell or sphere of flame,—the photosphere,—and above or beyond this will be the sphere of vapors resulting from this combustion, which, by their resistance to radiation, will limit the evolution of heat and consequent combustion. Now the vortices above referred to will break through the shell of combustion, and drag down more or less of the outer vapor into the lower and hotter regions of dissociated gases. As there can be no action without equal and contrary reaction, there can be no vortices, either in the solar atmosphere or a terrestrial stream, without corresponding upheavals. These upheavals will eject the lower dissociated gases more or less completely through the vaporous jacket which restrains their normal radiations, and, thus liberated, they will rush into combination with an explosive energy comparable to that which they display in our laboratories; not, however, with an instantaneous flash, but with a continuous rocket-like combustion, the rapidity of which will be determined by the possibility of radiation. The heat evolved by this combustion, acting simultaneously with the diminution of pressure, will effect a continually augmenting expansion of these upheaved gases, and as the rapidity of combustion will be accelerated in proportion to elevation above the restraining vapors, an outspreading far in excess of that which would be due to the original upheaving force, is to be expected. The reader who is acquainted with the phenomena of the solar prominences will at once perceive how all these expectations are fulfilled by actual observations, especially by the more recent observations of Zöllner, Secchi, etc., which exhibit the typical solar prominence as a stem or jet rushing upwards through some restraining medium, and then expanding into a cloud-like or palm-tree form after escaping from this restraint. I need scarcely add that the clashing tide waves are the _faculæ_, and the vortices the sun-spots. My present business, however, is to show how these vortices and eruptions—this down-rush in one part of the solar atmosphere and up-rush in another—contribute to the permanent maintenance of the solar light and heat. It must be understood that these outbursts are only visible to us as luminous prominences during the period of their explosive outburst, and while still subject to great expansive tension. Long after they have ceased to be visible to us their expansion must continue, until they finally and fully mingle with the medium into which they are flung, and attain a corresponding degree of rarefaction. This must occur at tens and hundreds of thousands of miles above the photosphere, according to the magnitude of the ejection. The spectroscopic researches of Frankland and Lockyer having shown that the atmospheric pressure at about the outer surface of the photosphere does not far exceed that of our atmosphere, I may safely regard all the upper portion of these solar ejections as having left the solar atmosphere proper, and become commingled with the general interstellar medium. If the sun were stationary, or merely rotating, in the midst of this universal atmosphere, the same material that is ejected to-day would in the course of time return, and be whirled into the great sun-spot eddies; but such is not the case; the sun is driving through the ether with a velocity of about 450,000 miles per twenty four hours. What must be the consequence of this motion? The sun will carry its own special atmospheric matter with it; but it cannot thus carry the whole of the interstellar medium. There must be a limit, graduated no doubt, but still a practical limit, at which its own atmosphere will leave behind, or pass through, the general atmospheric matter. There must be a heaping or condensation of this matter in the front, a rarefaction or wake in the rear, and a continuous bow of newly encountered atmosphere around the boundaries in the opposite direction to that of the sun’s motion. The result of this must be that a great portion of the ejected atmospheric matter of the prominences will be swept permanently to the rear, and its place supplied by the material occupying the space into which the sun is advancing. We are thus presented with a mighty machinery of solar respiration; some of this newly arriving atmospheric matter must be stirred into the vortices, its quantity being exactly equivalent to that of the old material expired by the explosive eruptions, and left in the rear. Now, the new atmospheric matter which is thus encountered and inspired, is the recipient of the everlasting radiations whose destination is the subject of Mr. Grove’s inquiry; and these, when thus encountered and compressed, will of necessity evolve more or less of the heat which, through millions of millions of centuries they have been gradually absorbing; while, on the other hand, the expired or ejected matter of the gaseous eruptions will, like the artificially compressed air above referred to, have lost all the heat which during its solar existence it had by compression, dissociation, and re-combination contributed to the solar radiations. Therefore, when again fully expanded, it will be cooler than the general medium from which it was originally inspired by the advancing sun. The daily supply of fresh atmospheric fuel will be a cylinder of ether of the same diameter as the sun, and 450,000 miles in length! I have calculated the weight of this cylinder of ether on the assumption (which of course is purely arbitrary) that the density of the interstellar medium is one ten-thousandth part of that of our atmosphere. It amounts to 14,313,915,000,000,000,000 tons, affording a supply of 165 millions of millions of tons per second; or, if we assume the interstellar medium to have a density of only one-millionth of that of our atmosphere, the supply would be rather more than one and a half millions of millions of tons per second. The proportion of this which is effective in the manner above stated is that which becomes stirred into the lower regions of the sun in exchange for the ejected matter of the prominences. I will not here dwell upon the bombardment hypothesis, beyond observing that my explanation of solar phenomena supplies a continuous bombardment of the above-stated magnitude without adding anything to the magnitude of the sun. So far, then, I answer Mr. Grove’s question, by showing that the heat radiated into space by each of the solid orbs that people its profundities, is received by the universal atmospheric medium; is gathered again by the breathing of wandering suns, who inspire as they advance the breath of universal heat and light and life; then by impact, compression, and radiation, they concentrate and re-distribute its vitalizing power; and after its work is done, expire it in the broad wake of their retreat, leaving a track of cool exhausted ether—the ash-pits of the solar furnaces—to reabsorb the general radiations, and thus maintain the eternal round of life. But ere this, a great difficulty has probably presented itself to the mind of the reader. He will refer to the calculations that have been made in order to determine the actual temperature of the solar surface and the intensity of its luminosity. Both of these are vastly in excess of those obtained in our laboratory experiments by the combustion of the elements of water. Even taking into consideration the dissociated carbonic acid whose elements should be burning in the photosphere with those of water, and adding to these the volatile metals of the solar nucleus whose dissociated vapors must, under the circumstances stated, be commingled with those of the solar atmosphere, and therefore contribute to the luminosity by their combustion, still by burning here on the earth a jet of such mixed gases and vapors we should not obtain any approach to either the luminosity or the temperature which is usually attributed to the sun. I have made a very few simple experiments, the results of which remove these difficulties. They were conducted with the assistance of Mr. Jonathan Wilkinson, the official gas examiner to the Sheffield Corporation, using his photometric and gas-measuring apparatus. We first determined the amount of light radiated by a single fish-tail gas-burner consuming a measured quantity of gas per hour. We found when another was placed behind this, so that all the light of the second had to pass through the first, that the light of the two (measured by the illuminating intensity of their radiations upon a screen just as the solar luminosity has been measured) was just double that of one flame, three flames (still presenting to the photometric screen only the surface of one) gave it three times the amount of illumination, and so on with any number of flames we were able to test. Mr. Wilkinson has since arranged 100 flames on the same, principle, _i.e._, so that the 99 hinder flames shall all radiate through the one presented to the screen, thus affording the same surface as a single flame, but having 100 times its _thickness_ or _depth_, and he finds that the law indicated by our first experiments is fully verified; that the 100 flames thus arranged illuminate the screen 100 times as intensely as the single flame. Other modifications of these experiments, described in Chapter vii. of “The Fuel of the Sun,” establish the principle that a common hydrocarbon gas flame is transparent to its own radiations, or, in other words, that the amount of light radiated from such a flame, and its apparent intensity of luminosity, is proportionate to its thickness; therefore the luminosity of the sun may be produced by a photosphere having no greater intrinsic brilliancy than the flame of a tallow candle, provided the flame is of sufficient depth or thickness. I see good reasons for inferring that its intrinsic brilliancy is less than that of a candle—somewhere between that and a Bunsen’s burner. A similar series of experiments upon the radiation of the _heat_ of flames through each other, indicated similar results; but my apparatus for these experiments was not so delicate and reliable as in the experiments on light, and, therefore, I cannot so decidedly affirm the absolute diathermancy of flame to its own radiations. Within the limits of error of these experiments, I found that with the same radiant surface presented to the thermometer, every addition to the thickness of the flame produced a proportionate increase of radiation. This important law, though hitherto unnoticed by philosophers, is practically understood and acted upon by workmen who are engaged in furnace operations. Present space will not permit me to illustrate this by examples, but in passing I may mention the “mill furnaces,” where armor-plates and other large masses of iron are raised to a welding temperature by radiant heat, and the ordinary puddling furnace, where iron is melted by radiant heat. In both of these special arrangements are made to obtain a “body” or thickness of radiant flame, while _intensity_ of combustion is neglected and even carefully avoided. According to this there are two factors engaged in producing the radiant effect from a given surface, _intensity_ and _quantity_, _i.e._, _brilliancy_ and _thickness_ in the case of light, and _temperature_ and _thickness_ in the case of heat. In the Bude light, for example, consisting of concentric rings of coal-gas, we have small intensity with great quantity, in the lime-light we have a mere surface of great brilliancy but no thickness. If I am right, the surface of the moon maybe brighter than the luminous surface of the sun, the peculiarities of moonlight depending upon intensity, those of sunlight upon quantity of light. The flame that roars from the mouth of a Bessemer converter has but small intrinsic brilliancy, far less than that of an ordinary gas flame, as may be seen by observing the thin waifs that sometimes project beyond the body of the flame. Nevertheless, its radiations are so effective that it is a painfully dazzling object even in the midst of sunny daylight; but then we have here not a hollow flame fed only by outside oxygen, but a solid body of flame several feet in thickness. Even the pallid carbonic acid flame which accompanies the pouring of the spiegeleisen has marvellous illuminating power. The reader will now be able to understand my explanation of the sun-spots, of their nucleus, umbra, and penumbra. From what I have stated respecting the planetary disturbances or the solar rotation, the photosphere should present all the appearances due to the movements of a fiery ocean, raging and seething in the maddest conceivable fury of perpetual tempest. If the surface of a river flowing peacefully between its banks is perforated with conical eddies whenever it meets with a projecting rock or obstacle, or other agency which disturbs the regularity of its course, what must be the magnitude of the eddies in this ocean of flame and heated gases, when stirred to the lowest depths of its vast profundity by the irregular reeling of the solar nucleus within? Obviously, nothing less than the sunspots; those mighty maelströms into which a world might be dropped like a pea into an egg-cup. When the photosphere or shell of combining gases is thus ripped open, the telescopic observer looks down the vortex, which, if deep enough, reveals to him the inner regions of dissociated gases and vapors. But these have the opposite property to that which I have shown to belong to flame; they are opaque to their own special radiations, while the flame is transparent to the light of the inner portions of itself. Thus, the dissociated interior of the solar envelope, though absolutely white-hot, will be comparatively dark (direct experiment has proved that the darkness of the spots is only relative). The sides of the vortex funnel will consist of a mixture of dissociated gases, flaming gases, and combined gases, and will thus present various thicknesses of flame, and thereby display the various shades of the penumbra. Space will not permit me here to follow up the details of this subject, as I have done in the original work, where it is shown that if the telescope had not yet been invented, all the telescopic details of spot phenomena might have been described _à priori_ as necessary consequences of the constitution I have above ascribed to the sun. Not merely the great spot phenomena, but all the minor irregularities of the photosphere follow with similarly demonstrable necessity. Thus the many interfering solar tides must throw up great waves, literally mountainous in their magnitude, the summits and ridges of which, being raised into higher regions of the absorbing vaporous atmosphere that envelopes the photosphere, will radiate more freely, its dissociated matter will combine more abundantly, and will thicken the photosphere immediately below; this thicker flame will be more luminous than the normal surface, and thus produce the phenomena of the _faculæ_. Besides these great ground-swells of the flaming ocean of the photosphere, there must be lesser billows, and ripples upon these, and mountain tongues of flame all over the surface. The crests of these waves, and the summits of these flame-alps, presenting to the terrestrial observer a greater depth of flaming matter, must be brighter than the hollows and valleys between; and their splendor must be further increased by the fact, that such upper ridges and summits are less deeply immersed in the outer ocean of absorbing vapors, which limits the radiation of the light as well as the heat of the photosphere. The effect of looking upon the surface of such a wild fury of troubled flame, with its confused intermingling of gradations of luminosity, must be very puzzling and difficult to describe; and hence the “willow leaves,” “rice grains,” “mottling,” “granules,” “things,” “flocculi,” “bits of white thread,” “cumuli of cotton wool,” “excessively minute fragments of porcelain,” “untidy circular masses,” “ridges,” “waves,” “hill knolls,” etc., etc., to which the luminous irregularities have been compared. At the time I wrote, the means of examination of the edge of the sun by the spectroscope was but newly discovered, and the results then published referred chiefly to the prominences proper. Since that, a new term has been introduced to solar technology, the “sierra,” and the observations of the actual appearances of this sierra precisely correspond to my theoretical description of the limiting surface of the photosphere, which was written before I was acquainted with these observed facts. This will be seen by reference to Chapter x., the subject of which is, “The Varying Splendor of Different Portions of the Photosphere.”[4] But I must not linger any further upon this part of the subject, but proceed to another, where subsequent discoveries have strongly confirmed my speculations. The mean specific gravity of the sun is not quite 1½ times that of water. The vapors of nickel, cobalt, copper, iron, chromium, manganese, titanium, zinc, cadmium, aluminium, magnesium, barium, strontium, calcium, and sodium, have been shown by the spectroscope to be floating on the outer regions of the sun. None of these could constitute the body of the sun in a solid or liquid state, and be subjected to the enormous pressure which such a mass must exert upon itself without raising the mean specific gravity vastly above this; nor is there any other kind of matter with which we are acquainted which could exist within so large a mass in a liquid or solid state, and retain so low a density. I must confess that my faith in the logical acumen of mathematicians has been rudely shaken by the manner in which eminent astronomers have described the umbra or nucleus of the sun-spots as the solid body of the sun seen through his luminous atmosphere, and the solid surface of Jupiter seen through his belts, and have discussed the habitability of Jupiter, Saturn, Uranus, and Neptune always on the assumption of their solidity, while the specific-gravity of all of these renders this surface solidity a demonstrable physical impossibility. If the sun (or either of these planets) has a solid or liquid nucleus, it must be a mere kernel in the centre of a huge orb of gaseous matter, and though I have spoken rather definitely of the solar atmosphere in order to avoid complication, I must not, therefore, be understood to suppose that there exists in the sun any such definite boundary to the base of the atmospheric matter as we find here on the earth. The temperature, the density, and all we know of the chemistry of the sun justify the conclusion that in its outer regions, to a considerable depth below the photosphere, there must be a commingling of the atmospheric matter with the vapors of the metals whose existence the spectroscope has revealed. Some of these must be upheaved together with the dissociated elements of water. They are all combustible, and, with a few exceptions, the products of their combustion would solidify after they were projected beyond the photosphere. Much of the iron, nickel, cobalt, and copper might pass through the fiery ordeal of such projection, and solidify without oxidation, especially when more or less enveloped in uncombined hydrogen. It is obvious that, under these circumstances, there must occur a series of precipitations analogous to those from the aqueous vapor of our atmosphere. These gaseous metals, or their oxides, must be condensed as clouds, rain, snow, and hail, according to their boiling and metal points, and the conditions of their ejection. We know that sudden and violent atmospheric disturbance, accompanied with fierce electrical discharges, especially favor the formation of hailstones in our terrestrial atmosphere. All such violence must be displayed on a hugely exaggerated scale in the solar outbursts, and therefore the hailstone formation should preponderate, especially as the metallic vapors condense more rapidly than those of water on account of the much smaller amount of their specific heat, and of the latent heat of their vapors. What will become of these volleys of solid matter thus ejected with the furious and protracted explosions forming the solar prominences? In order to answer this question, we must remember that the spectroscope, as recently applied, merely displays the gaseous, chiefly the hydrogen, ejections; that these great gaseous flames bear a similar relation to the solid projectiles that the flash of a gun does to the grape-shot or cannon-ball. Mr. Lockyer says: “In one instance I saw a prominence 27,000 miles high change enormously in the space of ten minutes; and, lately, I have seen prominences much higher born and die in an hour.” He has recently measured an actual velocity of 120 miles per second in the movements of this _gaseous_ matter of the solar eruptions, the initial velocity of which must have been much greater.[5] If such is the velocity of the gaseous ejections, what must be that of the solid projectiles, and where must they go? A cosmical cannonade is a necessary result of the conditions I have sketched, and as prominence-ejections are continually in progress, there must be a continual outpouring from the sun of solid fragments, which must be flung far beyond the limits of the gaseous prominences. As the luminosity of these glowing particles must be very small compared with that of the photosphere, they will be invisible in the glare of ordinary sunshine; but if our eyes be protected from this, they may then be rendered visible, both by their own glow and the solar light they are capable of reflecting. They should be seen during a total eclipse, and should exhibit radiant streams proceeding irregularly from different parts of the sun, but most abundantly from the neighborhood of the spot regions. As these spot regions occupy the intermediate latitudes between the poles and the equator of the sun, the greatest extensions of the outstreamings should be N.E. and S.W., and S.E. and N.W., while to the N., S., E., and W.—that is, opposite the poles and equator of the sun—there should be a lesser extension. The result of this must be an approximation to a quadrilateral figure, the diagonals of which should extend in a N.E. and S.W., and a S.E. and N.W. direction, or thereabouts. I say “thereabouts,” because the zone of greatest activity is not exactly intermediate between the poles and the equator, but lies nearer to the solar equator. Examined with the polariscope, these radiant streams should display a mixture of reflected light and self-luminosity. Examined with the spectroscope, a faint continuous spectrum due to such luminosity of solid particles should be exhibited, with possibly a few lines due to the small amount of vapor which, in their glowing condition, they might still give off. Besides this, there should appear the spectroscope indications of violent electrical discharges, which must occur as a necessary concomitant of the furious ejections of aqueous vapor and solid particles. All these metallic hailstones must be highly charged, like the particles of vesicular vapor ejected from the hydro-electric machine, or the vapors and projectiles of a terrestrial volcanic eruption. I need scarcely add that this exactly describes the actually-observed results of the recent observations on the corona, and that all the phenomena of this great solar mystery are but necessary and predicable results of the constitution I ascribe to the sun. There is a method of manufacturing hypotheses which has become rather prevalent of late, especially among mathematicians, who take observed phenomena, and then arbitrarily and purely from the raw material of their own imagination construct explanatory atoms, media, and actions, which are shaved and pared, scraped and patched, lengthened and shortened, thickened and narrowed, till they are made to fit the phenomena with mathematical accuracy. These laborious creations are then put forth as philosophical truths, and, _afterwards_, the accuracy of their fitting to the phenomena is quoted as evidence of the positive reality of the ethers, atoms, undulations, gyrations, collisions, or whatever else the mathematician may have thus skilfully created and fitted. It appears to me that such fitness only proves the ingenuity of the fitter—the skill of the mathematician—and that all such hypotheses belong to the poetry of science; they should be distinctly labelled as products of mathematical imagination, and nowise be confounded with objective natural truths. Such products of the imagination of the expert may assist the imagination of the student in comprehending some phenomena, just as “Jack Frost” and “Billy Wind” may represent certain natural forces to babies; but if Jack Frost, Billy Wind, electric and magnetic fluids, ultimate atoms, interatomic ethers, nervous fluids, etc., are allowed to invade the intellect, and are accepted as actual physical existences, they become very mischievous philosophical superstitions. I make this digression in order to repudiate any participation in this kind of speculation. Though “The Fuel of the Sun” is avowedly a very bold attempt to unravel majestic mysteries, I have not sought _to elucidate the known by means of the unknown_, as do these inventors of imaginary agents, but have scrupulously followed the opposite principle. I have invented nothing, but have started from the experimental facts of the laboratory, the demonstrated laws of physical action, and have followed up step by step what I understand to be the necessary consequences of these. Many years ago I convinced myself that our atmosphere is but a portion of universal atmospheric matter; that Dr. Wollaston was wrong, and that the compression of this universal atmospheric matter is possibly the source of solar light and heat; but as this was long before M. Deville had investigated the subject of dissociation by heat,[6] I was unable to work out the problem at all satisfactorily. When I subsequently resumed the subject, I knew nothing about the corona, and had only read of the “red prominences” as possible lunar appendages, or solar clouds, or optical illusions. I had worked out the necessity of the gaseous eruptions, and their action in effecting an interchange of solar and general atmospheric matter, as the means of maintaining the solar light and heat, with no idea of proceeding further with the problem, when the announcement that the prominences were not merely unquestionable solar appendages, but were actually upheaved mountains of glowing hydrogen, suddenly and unexpectedly suggested their identity with my required atmospheric upheavals. It is true that their observed magnitude far exceeded my theoretical anticipations, and in this respect I have made some _à posteriori_ adaptations, especially with the aid of a clearer understanding of the laws of dissociation which almost simultaneously became attainable. In like manner, the necessity of the solid ejections presented themselves before I knew anything of the recently discovered details of the coronal phenomena—when I had merely read of a luminous halo which had been seen around the sun, and relying upon Mr. Lockyer, vaguely supposed it to be an effect of atmospheric illumination. I inferred that streams of solid particles must be pouring from the sun, and showering back again, but had no idea that such streams and showers were actually visible until I was rather startled on learning that the corona, instead of being, as I had loosely supposed, a mere uniform filmy halo, had been described by Mr. De la Rue, in his Bakerian Lecture on the Eclipse of 1860, as “softening off with very irregular outline, and sending off some _long streams_,” etc. I was then living on the sides of a Welsh mountain far away from public libraries, and being no astronomer, my own books kept me better acquainted with the current progress of experimental than with astronomical science. Even when “The Fuel of the Sun” was published I knew nothing of the American observations of the quadrangular figure of the corona, or should certainly have then quoted them, nor of the fact revealed by the Eclipse of December, 1870, that, “wherever on the solar disc a large group of prominences was seen on Mr. Seabroke’s map, there a corresponding bulging out of the corona was chronicled on Professor Watson’s drawing; and at the positions where no prominences presented themselves, there the bright portions of the corona extended to the smallest distances from the sun’s limb;” and that Mr. Brothers’s photographs _all_ show the corona extending much further towards the west than towards the east, the west being “the region richest in solar prominences.” I am sorry that the limits of this paper will not permit me to enter more fully into the bearings of the recent studies of the corona and the prominences upon my explanations of solar phenomena, especially as the differences between the inner and outer corona, which still appear to puzzle astronomers, are exactly what my explanation demands. I must make this the subject of a separate paper, and proceed at once to the next step of the general argument. Assuming that such ejections of solid matter are poured from the prominences, to what distances may they travel? In attempting to answer this question, I avowedly ventured upon dangerous ground, for at the time of writing I only knew that the force of upheaval of the prominences must be enormous, _probably_ sufficient to eject solid matter beyond the orbit of the earth and even beyond that of Mars. Actual measurements of the eruptive velocity of the solar prominences have since been made, and they are so great as to relieve me of my quantitative difficulty, and show that I was quite justified in the bold inference that these eruptions may account for the zodiacal light, the zones of meteors into which our earth is sometimes plunged, and even the outer zone of larger bodies, the asteroids. But how, the reader will ask, can such solids, ejected from the sun, acquire orbital paths around him? “We have been taught that the parabola is the necessary path of such ejections.” Mr. Proctor has evidently reasoned in this manner, for in last April number of “Fraser’s Magazine” he says that some of my ideas are “opposed to any known laws, physical or dynamical,” that “there is nothing absolutely incredible in the conception that masses of gaseous, liquid, or solid matter should be flung to a height exceeding manifold that of the loftiest of the colored prominences; whereas it is not only incredible, but impossible, that such matter should in any case come to circle in a closed orbit round the sun.” More careful reading would have shown Mr. Proctor that I have considered other conditions besides those of the textbooks, that the case is by no means one of simple radial projection from a fixed body into free space and undisturbed return. I distinctly stated that “the recent ejections may have any form of orbit within the boundaries of the conic sections,” from a straight line returning upon itself, due to absolutely vertical projection, to a circular orbit produced by the tangential projection of such curving prominences _as the ram’s horn_, etc. The outline of the zodiacal light would be formed by the termination or aphelion portion of these excursions, or of such a number of them as should be sufficient to produce a visible result. Again, speaking of the asteroids, in Chapter xiv., I state that “I should have expected a still greater elongation and eccentricity in some of them, and such orbits may have existed; but an asteroid with an orbit of cometary eccentricity that would in the course of each revolution cross the paths of Mercury, Venus, the Earth, and Mars in nearly the same plane, and dive through the thickly scattered zodiacal cluster, both in going to the sun and returning from it, would be subject to disturbances which would continue until one of two things occurred. Its tangential force might become so far neutralized and its orbit so much elongated, that finally its perihelion distance should not exceed the solar radius, when it would finish its course by returning to the sun. On the other hand, its tangential velocity might be increased by heavy pulls from Jupiter, when slowly turning its aphelion path, and be similarly influenced by friendly jerks in crossing the orbits of the inferior planets; and thus its orbit might be widened, until it ceased periodically to cross the path of any of the planets by establishing itself in an orbit constantly intermediate between any two. Having once settled into such a path, it would remain there with comparative stability and permanency. If I am right in this view of the dynamical history of these older ejections, all the long elliptical paths of zodiacal particles, meteorites, or asteroids, would thus in the course of ages become eliminated, and the remaining orbits would be of planetary rather than cometary proportions.” A little reflection on the above-stated laws of dissociation will show that the maximum violence of hydrogen explosion will not occur at the birth of the ejections, but afterwards, when the dissociated gases have been already hurled beyond the sphere of restraining vapors. If my explanation is correct, the typical form of a solar prominence should be that of a spreading tree with a tall stem. At first the least resistence to radiation and consequent explosive combination must be in the vertical direction, as this will afford the shortest line that can be drawn through the thickness of the surrounding jacket of resisting vapor; but when raised above this envelope, the dissociated gases, cooled by their own expansion and comparatively free to radiate in all directions except downwards, will explode laterally as well as vertically, and thus spread out into a head. My theoretical prominence will be, in short, a monster rocket proceeding steadily upwards to a certain extent, and then gradually bursting and projecting its missiles in every direction from the vertical to the absolutely horizontal. Should the latter acquire a velocity of about 300 miles per second, not merely a closed but even an absolutely circular orbit would be possible. These and the multitude of weaker lateral ejections, reaching the sun by short parabolic paths, explain the mystery of the inner corona. I need only refer Mr. Proctor to his own recently published book on the Sun, where he will find on plates 4, 5, and 6 a number of drawings from Zöllner and Respighi, which so thoroughly confirm my necessary theoretical deductions that they might be a series of fancy sketches of my own. When we consider that the base of a prominence is only visible when it happens to start exactly from the limb of the sun, while the vastly greater proportion of those which are observed, and have been drawn, have much of the stem cut off from view by the solar rotundity, the evidence afforded by such drawings in support of my theoretical deduction, that the typical form of the solar prominences is that of a palm-tree or bursting rocket, is greatly strengthened.[7] In a paper by P. Secchi, dated Rome, March 20, 1871, and published in the “Comptes Rendus,” March 27, this veteran solar observer speaks of the prominences as composed of jets, which, “upon reaching a certain elevation, stop and whirl upon themselves, giving birth to a brilliant cloud.” This cloud is represented as spreading out on all sides from the summit of the combined jets. Again he says, “It is very common to see a little jet spot at a certain elevation above the chromosphere, and there spread itself out into a _wide hat_ (“_un large chapeau_”) of an absolutely nebulous constitution.” This outspreading nebulosity is the flash of the incandescent vapors produced by the explosion which is theoretically demanded by my explanation to occur exactly in the manner and place described. These expanded incandescent gases will be rendered visible by the spectroscopic dilution of the continuous spectrum of the denser photosphere, while the solid projectiles that must proceed from them in every direction can only be seen during a solar eclipse. The observations and drawings of Zöllner and Respighi were, for the most part, made while my book was in the press, and, like those of Secchi above quoted, were unknown to me when I wrote; I was then only able to quote, in support of my theoretical requirements, the evidences of actually observed tangential ejection afforded by Sir John Herschel’s account of the great solar storm of September 1, 1859. Besides this direct tangential projection there are other elements of motion contributing to the same result, such as the whirl of the prominences on themselves, their motion of translation on the sun’s disk, and the rotation of the sun itself. I must now bring this sketch to a close by stating that, in order to submit the fundamental question of an universal atmosphere to an _experimentum crucis_ analogous to that by which Pascal tested the atmospheric theory of Torricelli, I have calculated the theoretical density of the atmosphere of the moon and of each of the planets, and compared the results as severely as I could with the observed facts. As Jupiter is 27,100 times heavier than the moon, and between these wide extremes there are six planets presenting great variations of mass, the probabilities of accidental coincidence are overwhelmingly against me, and a close concurrence of observed telescopic refraction and other phenomena with the theoretical atmospheric density must afford the strongest possible confirmation of the soundness of the basis of my whole argument. Such a concurrence exists, and some new and very curious light is unexpectedly thrown upon the meteorology of Mars and the constitution of the larger planets. The latter, if I am right, must be miniature suns, _permanently_ red or white-hot, must be something like a photosphere, surrounded by a sphere of vapor (the outside of which we see), must have mimic spot vortices and prominences, and in the case of Saturn must eject volleys of meteoric matter, some of which should finally settle down into orbital paths, and thus produce the rings. These are startling conclusions, and when I reached them they were utterly at variance with general astronomical opinion, but I find since their publication that some astronomers have already shown considerable readiness to adopt them. In my case this view of the solar constitution of the larger planets is not a matter of mere opinion, or guessing, or probability, but it follows of necessity, and as stated on page 200, “the great mystery of Saturn’s rings is resolved into a simple consequence, a demonstrable and necessary result of the operation of the familiar forces, whose laws of action have been demonstrated here upon the earth by experimental investigation in our laboratories. No strained hypotheses of imaginary forces are required, no ethers or other materials are demanded, beyond those which are beneath our feet and around our heads here upon our own planet; all that is necessary is to grant that the well-known elements and compounds of the chemist, and the demonstrated forces of the experimental physicist, exist and operate in the places, and have the quantities and modes of distribution described by the astronomer; this simple postulate admitted, these wondrous appendages spring into rational existence, and like the eternal fires of the sun, the barren surface of the moon, the dry valleys of Mercury, the hazy equivocations of Venus, the seas and continents and polar glaciers of Mars, and the cloud-covered face of Jupiter, follow as necessary consequences of an universal atmosphere.” If I am right in ascribing a gaseous condition to the sun and the larger planets, and tracing the maintenance of this condition to the disturbing gravitation of the attendant planets or satellites, a solution of the riddle of the nebulæ at once presents itself. We have only to suppose a star cluster or group composed of orbs of solar or great planetary dimensions, and that these act mutually upon each other as the planets on our sun, or the satellites upon Saturn, but in a far more violent degree owing to the far greater relative masses of the reacting elements, and we obtain the conditions under which great gaseous orbs would be not merely pitted on their surface, but riven to their very centres, moulded and shaped throughout by the whirling hurricane of their whole substance. When thus in the centre of a tornado of opposing gravitations the tortured orb would be twisted bodily into a huge vorticose crater, into the bowels of which the aqueous vapor would be dragged and dissociated, and then, entangled with the inner matter of the riven sphere, would be hurled upwards, again to burst forth in an explosion of such magnitude that the original body would be measurably presented as a mere appendage, the rocket case of the flood of fire it had vomited forth. The reader must complete the picture. If he will take a little trouble in doing so he will find that it becomes a portrait of one or the other of the nebulæ, according to the kind of intergravitating star-cluster from which he starts. I have endeavored to work out some of the details of the nebular conditions in Chapter xx. In Chapter xxi. I have concluded by showing the analogy between a sun and the hydro-electric machine, the sun being the cylinder and the prominences the steam jets. If issuing jets of high-pressure steam have the same properties at a distance of 93 millions of miles from the earth as upon its surface, the body of the sun and the issuing steam must be in opposite electrical conditions, and furious electrical excitation must result; and if the laws of electrical induction are constant throughout the universe, the earth must be as necessarily subject to solar electrical influence as to his thermal radiations. Thus the same reasoning which explains the origin and maintenance of the solar heat and light, the sun-spots, the photosphere, the chromosphere, the sierra, the prominences, the zodiacal light, the aerolites and asteroids; the meteorology of the planets and the rings of Saturn, also shows how the electrical disturbances which produce the aurora borealis and direct the needle may originate. Electrical theories of the corona and zodiacal light, and their connection of some kind with the aurora borealis, have been put forth in many shapes, but so far as I have learned none afford any explanation of the _origin_ of the electrical disturbance. Without this they are like the vortices of Descartes, which explained the movements of the planets by supposing another kind of motion still more incomprehensible. Explanations which are more difficult to explain than the phenomena they propose to elucidate only obscure the light of true science, and stand as impedimente to the progress of sound philosophy. DR SIEMENS’ THEORY OF THE SUN. A paper was read on March 2, 1882, by Dr. C. W. Siemens at the Royal Society, and he published an article on “A New Theory of the Sun” in the April number of the _Nineteenth Century_. All who have read my essay on “The Fuel of the Sun” are surprised at the statement with which the magazine article opens, viz.: that this “may be termed a first attempt to open for the sun a debtor and creditor account, inasmuch as he has hitherto been regarded only as a great almoner pouring forth incessantly his boundless wealth of heat, without receiving any of it back.” Some of my friends suppose that Dr. Siemens has wilfully ignored the most important element of my theory, and have suggested indignation and protest on my part. I am quite satisfied, however, that they are mistaken. I see plainly enough that although Dr. Siemens quotes my book, he had not read it when he did so; that in stating that “Grove, Humboldt, Zoellner, and Mattieu Williams have boldly asserted the existence of a space filled with matter,” he derived this information from the paper of Dr. Sterry Hunt which he afterward quotes. This inference has been confirmed by subsequent correspondence with Dr. Siemens, who tells me that he saw the book some years since but _had not read it_. My contributions to the philosophy of solar physics would have been far more widely known and better appreciated had I followed the usual course of announcing firstly “a working hypothesis,” to warn others off the ground, then reading a preliminary paper, then another and another, and so on during ten or a dozen years, instead of publishing all at once an octavo volume of 240 pages, which has proved too formidable even to many of those who are specially interested in the subject. I am compelled to infer that this is the reason why so many of the speculations, which were physical heresies when expounded therein, have since become so generally adopted, without corresponding acknowledgment. This is not the place for specifying the particulars of such adoptions, but I may mention that in due time “An Appendix to the Fuel of the Sun,” including the whole history of the subject, will be published. The materials are all in hand, and only await arrangement. In the meantime I will briefly state some of the points of agreement and difference between Dr. Siemens and myself. In the first place, we both take as our fundamental basis of speculation the idea of an universal extension of atmospheric matter, and we both regard this as the recipient of the diffused solar radiations, which are afterwards recovered and recondensed, or concentrated. Thus our “fuel of the sun” is primarily the same, but, as will presently be seen, our machinery for feeding the solar furnace is essentially different. Certain desiccated pedants have sneered at my title, “The Fuel of the Sun,” as “sensational,” and have refused to read the book on this account; but Dr. Sterry Hunt has provided me with ample revenge. He has disentombed an interesting paper by Sir Isaac Newton, dated 1675, in which the same sensationalism is perpetrated with very small modification, Sir Isaac Newton’s title being “Solary Fuel.” Besides this, his speculations are curiously similar to my own, his fundamental idea being evidently the same, but the chemistry of his time was too vague and obscure to render its development possible. This paper was neglected and set aside, was not printed in the Transactions of the Royal Society, and remained generally unknown till a few months ago, when the energetic American philosopher brought it forth, and discussed its remarkable anticipations. Dr. Siemens supposes that the rotation of the sun effects a sort of “fan action,” by throwing off heated atmospheric matter from his equatorial regions, which atmospheric matter is afterwards reclaimed and passed over to the polar regions of the sun. This interchange he describes as effected by the differences of pressure on the fluid envelope of the sun; the portion over the polar regions being held down by the whole force of solar gravitation, while the equatorial atmosphere is subject to this pressure, or attraction, minus the centrifugal impulse due to solar rotation. He maintains that this “centrifugal action, however small in amount as compared with the enormous attraction of the sun, would destroy the balance, and determine a motion towards the sun as regards the mass opposite the polar surface, and into space as regards the equatorial mass.” He adds that “the equatorial current so produced, owing to its mighty proportions, would flow outwards into space, to a practically unlimited distance.” I will not here discuss the dynamics of this hypothesis; whether the reclaiming action of the superior polar attraction would occur at the vast distances from the sun supposed by Dr. Siemens, or much nearer home, and produce an effect like the recurving of the flame of his own regenerative gas-burner; or, whether he is right in comparing the centrifugal force at the solar equator with that of the earth, by simply measuring the relative velocity of translation irrespective of angular velocity. I will merely suggest that in discussing these, it is necessary, in order to do justice to Dr. Siemens, to always keep in mind the assumed condition of an universal and continuous atmospheric medium, and not to reason, as some have done already, upon the basis of a limited solar atmosphere with a definite boundary, from beyond which particles of atmospheric matter are to be flung away into vacuous space, without the intervention of all-pervading fluid pressure. It is evident that _if_ such fan action can bring back _all_ the material that has received the solar radiations, and which holds them either as temperature or otherwise, the restoration and perpetuation of solar energy will be complete, for even the heat received by our earth and its brother and sister planets would still remain in the family, as they would radiate it into the interplanetary atmospheric matter supposed to be reclaimed by the sun. But, as Mr. Proctor has clearly shown, the rays of the sun cannot do all the work thus required for his own restoration without becoming extinguished as regards the outside universe; and if the other suns—_i.e._, the stars—do the same they could not be visible to us. Thus Dr. Siemens’ theory removes our sun from his place among the stars, and renders the great problem of stellar radiation more inscrutable than ever by thus putting the evidence of our great luminary altogether out of court. My theory, on the contrary, demands only a gradual absorption of solar and stellar rays, such as actual observation of their varying splendor indicates. If space were absolutely transparent, and its infinite depths peopled throughout, the firmament would present to our view one continuous blazing dome, as all the spaces between the nearer stars would be filled by the infinity of radiations from the more distant. ANOTHER WORLD DOWN HERE. What a horrible place must this world appear when regarded according to our ideas from an insect’s point of view! The air infested with huge flying hungry dragons, whose gaping and snapping mouths are ever intent upon swallowing the innocent creatures for whom, according to the insect, if he were like us, a properly constructed world ought to be exclusively adapted. The solid earth continually shaken by the approaching tread of hideous giants—moving mountains—that crush out precious lives at every footstep, an occasional draught of the blood of these monsters, stolen at life-risk, affording but poor compensation for such fatal persecution. Let us hope that the little victims are less like ourselves than the doings of ants and bees might lead us to suppose; that their mental anxieties are not proportionate to the optical vigilance indicated by the four thousand eye-lenses of the common house-fly, the seventeen thousand of the cabbage butterfly and the wide-awake dragon-fly, or the twenty-five thousand possessed by certain species of still more vigilant beetles. Each of these little eyes has its own cornea, its lens, and a curious six-sided, transparent prism, at the back of which is a special retina spreading out from a branch of the main optic nerve, which, in the cockchafer and some other creatures, is half as large as the brain. If each of these lenses forms a separate picture of each object rather than a single mosaic picture, as some anatomists suppose, what an awful army of cruel giants must the cockchafer behold when he is captured by a schoolboy! The insect must see a whole world of wonders of which we know little or nothing. True, we have microscopes, with which we can see one thing at a time if carefully laid upon the stage; but what is the finest instrument that Ross can produce compared to that with twenty-five thousand object-glasses, all of them probably achromatic, and each one a living instrument, with its own nerve-branch supplying a separate sensation? To creatures thus endowed with microscopic vision, a cloud of sandy dust must appear like an avalanche of massive rock-fragments, and everything else proportionally monstrous. One of the many delusions engendered by our human self-conceit and habit of considering the world as only such as we know it from our human point of view, is that of supposing human intelligence to be the only kind of intelligence in existence. The fact is, that what we call the lower animals have special intelligence of their own as far transcending our intelligence as our peculiar reasoning intelligence exceeds theirs. We are as incapable of following the track of a friend by the smell of his footsteps as a dog is of writing a metaphysical treatise. So with insects. They are probably acquainted with a whole world of physical facts of which we are utterly ignorant. Our auditory apparatus supplies us with a knowledge of sounds. What are these sounds? They are vibrations of matter which are capable of producing corresponding or sympathetic vibrations of the drums of our ears or the bones of our skull. When we carefully examine the subject, and count the number of vibrations that produce our world of sounds of varying pitch, we find that the human ear can only respond to a limited range of such vibrations. If they exceed three thousand per second, the sound becomes too shrill for average people to hear it, though some exceptional ears can take up pulsations or waves that succeed each other more rapidly than this. Reasoning from the analogy of stretched strings and membranes, and of air vibrating in tubes, etc., we are justified in concluding that the smaller the drum or the tube the higher will be the note it produces when agitated, and the smaller and the more rapid the aerial wave to which it will respond. The drums of insect ears, and the tubes, etc., connected with them, are so minute that their world of sounds probably begins where ours ceases; that the sound which appears to us as continuous is to them a series of separated blows, just as vibrations of ten to twelve per second appear to us. We begin to hear such vibrations as continuous sounds when they amount to about thirty per second. The insect’s continuous sound probably begins beyond three thousand. The blue-bottle may thus enjoy a whole world of exquisite music of which we know nothing. There is another very suggestive peculiarity in the auditory apparatus of insects. Its structure and position are something between those of an ear and of an eye. Careful examination of the head, of one of our domestic companions—the common cockroach or black-beetle—will reveal two round white points, somewhat higher than the base of the long outer antennæ, and a little nearer to the middle line of the head. These white projecting spots are formed by the outer transparent membrane of a bag or ball filled with fluid, which ball or bag rests inside another cavity in the head. It resembles our own eye in having this external transparent tough membrane, which corresponds to the cornea or transparent membrane forming the glass of our eye-window; which, like the cornea, is backed by the fluid in an ear-ball corresponding to our eye-ball, and the back of this ear-ball appears to receive the outspreadings of a nerve, just as the back of our eye is lined with that outspread of the optic nerve forming the retina. There does not appear to be in this or other insects a tightly stretched membrane which, like the membrane of our ear-drum, is fitted to take up bodily air-waves and vibrate responsively to them. But it is evidently adapted to receive and concentrate some kind of vibration, or motion, or tremor. What kind of motion can this be? What kind of perception does this curious organ supply? To answer these questions we must travel beyond the strict limits of scientific induction and enter the fairyland of scientific imagination. We may wander here in safety, provided we always remember where we are, and keep a true course guided by the compass-needle of demonstrable facts. I have said that the cornea-like membrane of the insect’s ear-bag does not appear capable of responding to _bodily_ air-waves. This adjective is important, because there are vibratory movements of matter that are not bodily but molecular. An analogy may help to render this distinction intelligible. I may take a long string of beads and shake it into wavelike movements, the waves being formed by the movements of the whole string. We may now conceive another kind of movement or vibration by supposing one bead to receive a blow pushing it forward, this push to be communicated to the next, then to the third, and so on, producing a minute running tremor passing from end to end. This kind of action may be rendered visible by laying a number of billiard balls or marbles in line and bowling an outside ball against the end one of the row. The impulse will be rapidly and invisibly transmitted all along the line, and the outer ball will respond by starting forward. Heat, light, and electricity are mysterious internal movements of what we call matter (some say “ether,” which is but a name for imaginary matter). These internal movements are as invisible as those of the intermediate billiard balls; but if there be a line of molecules acting thus, and the terminal one strikes an organ of sense fitted to receive its motion, some sort of perception may follow. When such movements of certain frequency and amplitude strike our organs of vision, the sensation of light is produced. When others of greater amplitude and smaller frequency strike the terminal outspread of our common sensory nerves, the sensation of heat results. The difference between the frequency and amplitude of the heat waves and the light waves is but small, or, strictly speaking, there is no actual line of separation lying between them; they run directly into each other. When a piece of metal is gradually heated, it is first “black-hot;” this is while the waves or molecular tremblings are of a certain amplitude and frequency; as the frequency increases and amplitude diminishes (or, to borrow from musical terms, as the pitch rises), the metal becomes dull red-hot; greater rapidity, cherry red; greater still, bright red; then yellow-hot and white-hot: the luminosity growing as the rapidity of molecular vibration increases. There is no such gradation between the most rapid undulations or tremblings that produce our sensation of sound and the slowest of those which give rise to our sensations of gentlest warmth. There is a huge gap between them, wide enough to include another world or several other worlds of motion, all lying between our world of sounds and our world of heat and light, and there is no good reason whatever for supposing that matter is incapable of such intermediate activity, or that such activity may not give rise to intermediate sensations, provided there are organs for taking up and sensifying (if I may coin a desirable word) these movements. As already stated, the limit of audible tremors is three to four thousand per second, but the smallest number of tremors that we can perceive as heat is between three and four millions of millions per second. The number of waves producing red light is estimated at four hundred and seventy-four millions of millions per second; and for the production of violet light, six hundred and ninety-nine millions of millions. These are the received conclusions of our best mathematicians, which I repeat on their authority. Allowing, however, a very large margin of possible error, the world of possible sensations lying between those produced by a few thousands of waves and any number of millions is of enormous width. In such a world of intermediate activities the insect probably lives, with a sense of vision revealing to him more than our microscopes show to us, and with his minute eye-like ear-bag sensifying material movements that lie between our world of sounds and our other far-distant worlds of heat and light. There is yet another indication of some sort of intermediate sensation possessed by insects. Many of them are not only endowed with the thousands of lenses of their compound eyes, but have in addition several curious organs that have been designated “ocelli” and “stemmata.” These are generally placed at the top of the head, the thousand-fold eyes being at the sides. They are very much like the auditory organs above described—so much so that in consulting different authorities for special information on the subject I have fallen into some confusion, from which I can only escape by supposing that the organ which one anatomist describes as the ocelli of certain insects is regarded as the auditory apparatus when examined in another insect by another anatomist. All this indicates a sort of continuity of sensation connecting the sounds of the insect world with the objects of their vision. But these ocular ears or auditory eyes of the insect are not his only advantage over us. He has another sensory organ to which, with all our boasted intellect, we can claim nothing that is comparable, unless it be our olfactory nerve. The possibility of this I will presently discuss. I refer to the _antennæ_, which are the most characteristic of insect organs, and wonderfully developed in some, as may be seen by examining the plumes of the crested gnat. Everybody who has carefully watched the doings of insects must have observed the curiously investigative movements of the antennæ, which are ever on the alert, peering and prying to right and left and upwards and downwards. Huber, who devoted his life to the study of bees and ants, concluded that these insects converse with each other by movements of the antennæ, and he has given to the signs thus produced the name of “antennal language.” They certainly do communicate information or give orders by some means; and when the insects stop for that purpose, they face each other and execute peculiar wavings of these organs that are highly suggestive of the movements of the old semaphore telegraph arms. The most generally received opinion is that these antennæ are very delicate organs of touch, but some recent experiments made by Gustav Hansen indicate that they are organs of smelling or of some similar power of distinguishing objects at a distance. Flies deprived of their antennæ ceased to display any interest in tainted meat that had previously proved very attractive. Other insects similarly treated appear to become indifferent to odors generally. He shows that the development of the antennæ in different species corresponds to the power of smelling which they seem to possess. I am sorely tempted to add another argument to those brought forward by Hansen, viz.: that our own olfactory nerves, and those of all our near mammalian relations, are curiously like a pair of antennæ. There are two elements in a nervous structure—the gray and the white; the gray, or ganglionic portion, is supposed to be the centre or seat of nervous power, and the white medullary or fibrous portion merely the conductor of nervous energy. The nerves of the other senses have their ganglia seated internally, and bundles of tubular white threads spread outwards therefrom; but not so with the olfactory nervous apparatus. These present two horn-like projections that are thrust forward from the base of the brain, and have white or medullary stems that terminate outwardly or anteriorly in ganglionic bulbs resting upon what I may call the roof of the nose; these bulbs throw out fibres that are composed, rather paradoxically, of more gray matter than white. In some quadrupeds with great power of smell, the olfactory nerves extend so far forward as to protrude beyond the front of the hemispheres of the brain, with bulbous terminations relatively very much larger than those of man. They thus appear like veritable antennæ. In some of our best works on anatomy of the brain (Solly, for example) a series of comparative pictures of the brains of different animals is shown, extending from man to the cod-fish. As we proceed downwards, the horn-like projection of the olfactory nerves beyond the central hemispheres goes on extending more and more, and the relative magnitude of the terminal ganglia or olfactory lobes increases in similar order. We have only to omit the nasal bones and nostrils, to continue this forward extrusion of the olfactory nerves and their bulbs and branches, to coat them with suitable sheaths provided with muscles for mobility, and we have the antennæ of insects. I submit this view of the comparative anatomy of these organs as my own speculation, to be taken for what it is worth. There is no doubt that the antennæ of these creatures are connected by nerve-stalks with the anterior part of their supra-œsophageal ganglia, _i.e._, the nervous centres corresponding to our brain. But what kind and degree of power must such olfactory organs possess? The dog has, relatively to the rest of his brain, a much greater development of the olfactory nerves and ganglia than man has. His powers of smell are so much greater than ours that we find it difficult to conceive the possibility of what we actually see him do. As an example, I may describe an experiment I made upon a bloodhound of the famous Cuban breed. He belonged to a friend whose house is situated on an eminence commanding an extensive view. I started from the garden and wandered about a mile away, crossed several fields by sinuous courses, climbing over stiles, and jumping ditches, always keeping the house in view; I then returned by quite a different track. The bloodhound was set upon the beginning of my track. I watched him from a window galloping rapidly, and following all its windings without the least halting or hesitation. It was as clear to his nose as a gravelled path or a luminous streak would be to our eyes. On his return I went down to him, and without approaching nearer than five or six yards, he recognized me as the object of his search, proving this by circling round me, baying deeply and savagely though harmlessly, as he always kept at about the same distance.[8] If the difference of development between the human and canine internal antennæ produces all this difference of function, what a gulf may there be between our powers of perceiving material emanations and those possessed by insects! If my anatomical hypothesis is correct, some insects have protruding nasal organs or out-thrust olfactory nerves as long as all the rest of their bodies. The power of movement of these in all directions affords the means of sensory communication over a corresponding range, instead of being limited merely to the direction of the nostril openings. In some insects, such as the plumed gnat, the antennæ do not appear to be thus moveable, but this want of mobility is more than compensated by the multitude of branchings of these wonderful organs, whereby they are simultaneously exposed in every direction. This structure is analogous to the fixed but multiplied eyes of insects, which, by seeing all round at once, compensate for the want of that mobility possessed by others that have but a single eyeball mounted on a flexible and mobile stalk; that of the spider, for example. Such an extension of such a sensory function is equivalent to living in another world of which we have no knowledge and can form no definite conception. We, by our senses of touch and vision, know the shapes and colors of objects, and by our very rudimentary olfactory organs form crude ideas of their chemistry or composition, through the medium of their material emanations; but the huge exaggeration of this power in the insect should supply him with instinctive perceptive powers of chemical analysis, a direct acquaintance with the inner molecular constitution of matter far clearer and deeper than we are able to obtain by all the refinements of laboratory analyses or the hypothetical formulating of molecular mathematicians. Add this to the other world of sensations producible by the vibratory movements of matter lying between those perceptible by our organs of hearing and vision, then strain your imagination to its cracking point, and you will still fail to picture the wonderland in which the smallest of our fellow-creatures may be living, moving, and having their being. THE ORIGIN OF LUNAR VOLCANOES. Many theoretical efforts, some of considerable violence, have been made to reconcile the supposed physical contradiction presented by the great magnitude and area of former volcanic activity of the Moon, and the present absence of water on its surface. So long as we accept the generally received belief that water is a necessary agent in the evolution of volcanic forces, the difficulties presented by the lunar surface are rather increased than diminished by further examination and speculation. We know that the lava, scoriæ, dust and other products of volcanic action on this earth are mainly composed of mixed silicates—those of alumina and lime preponderating. When we consider that the solid crust of the Earth is chiefly composed of silicic acid, and of basic oxides and carbonates which combine with silicic acid when heated, a natural necessity for such a composition of volcanic products becomes evident. If the Moon is composed of similar materials to those of the Earth, the fusion of its crust must produce similar compounds, as they are formed independently of any atmospheric or aqueous agency. This being the case, the phenomena presented by the cooling of fused masses of mixed silicates in the absence of water become very interesting. Opportunities of studying such phenomena are offered at our great iron-works, where fused masses of iron cinder, composed mainly of mixed silicates, are continually to be seen in the process of cooling under a variety of circumstances. I have watched the cooling of such masses very frequently, and have seen abundant displays of miniature volcanic phenomena, especially marked where the cooling has occurred under conditions most nearly resembling those of a gradually cooling planet or satellite; that is, when the fused cinder has been enclosed by a solid resisting and contracting crust. The most remarkable that I have seen are those presented by the cooling of the “tap cinder” from puddling furnaces. This, as it flows from the furnace, is received in stout iron boxes (“cinder-bogies”) of circular or rectangular horizontal section. The following phenomena are usually observable on the cooling of the fused cinder in a circular bogie. First a thin solid crust forms on the red-hot surface. This speedily cools sufficiently to blacken. If pierced by a slight thrust from an iron rod, the red-hot matter within is seen to be in a state of seething activity, and a considerable quantity exudes from the opening. If a bogie filled with fused cinder is left undisturbed, a veritable spontaneous volcanic eruption takes place through some portion, generally near the centre, of the solid crust. In some cases, this eruption is sufficiently violent to eject small spurts of molten cinder to a height equal to four or five diameters of the whole mass. The crust once broken, a regular crater is rapidly formed, and miniature streams of lava continue to pour from it; sometimes slowly and regularly, occasionally with jerks and spurts due to the bursting of bubbles of gas. The accumulation of these lava-streams forms a regular cone, the height of which goes on increasing. I have seen a bogie about 10 or 12 inches in diameter, and 9 or 10 inches deep, thus surmounted by a cone above 5 inches high, with a base equal to the whole diameter of the bogie. These cones and craters could be but little improved by a modeler desiring to represent a typical volcano in miniature. Similar craters and cones are formed on the surface of cinder which is not confined by the sides of the bogie. I have seen them well displayed on the “running-out beds” of refinery furnaces. These, when filled, form a small lake of molten iron covered with a layer of cinder. This cinder first skins over, as in the bogies, then small crevasses form in this crust, and through these the fused cinder oozes from below. The outflow from this chasm soon becomes localized, so as to form a single crater, or a small chain of craters; these gradually develop into cones by the accumulation of outflowing lava, so that when the whole mass has solidified, it is covered more or less thickly with a number of such hillocks. These, however, are much smaller than in the former case, reaching to only one or two inches in height, with a proportionate base. It is evident that the dimensions of these miniature volcanoes are determined mainly by the depth of the molten matter from which they are formed. In the case of the bogies, they are exaggerated by the overpowering resistance of the solid iron bottom and sides, which force all the exudation in the one direction of least resistance, viz., towards the centre of the thin upper crust, and thus a single crater and a single cone of the large relative dimensions above described are commonly formed. The magnitude and perfection of these miniature volcanoes vary considerably with the quality of the pig-iron and the treatment it has received, and the difference appears to depend upon the evolution of gases, such as carbonic oxide, volatile chlorides, fluorides, etc. I mention the fluorides particularly, having been recently engaged in making some experiments on Mr. Henderson’s process for refining pig-iron, by exposing it when fused to the action of a mixture of fluoride of calcium and oxides of iron, alumina, manganese, etc. The cinder separated from this iron displayed the phenomena above described very remarkably, and jets of yellowish flame were thrown up from the craters while the lava was flowing. The flame was succeeded by dense white vapors as the temperature of the cinder lowered, and a deposit of snow-like, flocculent crystals was left upon and around the mouth or crater of each cone. The miniature representation of cosmical eruptions was thus rendered still more striking, even to the white deposit of the haloid salts which Palmieri has described as remaining after the recent eruption of Vesuvius. The gases thus evolved have not yet been analytically examined, and the details of the powerful reactions displayed in this process still demand further study; but there can be no doubt that the combination of silicic acid with the base of the fluor spar is the fundamental reaction to which the evolution of the volatile fluorides, etc., is mainly due. A corresponding evolution of gases takes place in cosmical volcanic action, whenever silicic acid is fused in contact with limestone or other carbonate, and a still closer analogy is presented by the fusion of silicates in contact with chlorides and oxides, in the absence of water. If the composition of the Moon is similar to that of the Earth, chlorides of sodium, etc., must form an important part of its solid crust; they should correspond in quantity to the great deposit of such salts that would be left behind if the ocean of the Earth were evaporated to dryness. The only assumptions demanded in applying these facts to the explanation of the surface configuration of the Moon are, 1st, that our satellite resembles its primary in chemical composition; 2d, that it has cooled down from a state of fusion; and 3d, that the magnitude of the eruptions, due to such fusion and cooling, must bear some relation to the quantity of matter in action. The first and second are so commonly made and understood, that I need not here repeat the well-known arguments upon which they are supported, but may remark that the facts above described afford new and weighty evidence in their favor. If the correspondence between the form of a freely suspended and rotating drop of liquid and that of a planet or satellite is accepted as evidence of the exertion of the same forces of cohesion, etc., on both, the correspondence between the configuration of the lunar surface, and that of small quantities of fused and freely cooled earth-crust matter, should at least afford material support to the otherwise indicated inference, that the materials of the Moon’s crust are similar to those of the Earth’s, and that they have been cooled from a state of fusion. I think I may safely generalize to the extent of saying, that no considerable mass of fused earthy silicates can cool down under circumstances of free radiation without first forming a heated solid crust, which, by further radiation, cooling, and contraction, will assume a surface configuration resembling more or less closely that of the Moon. Evidence of this is afforded by a survey of the spoil-banks of blast furnaces, where thousands of blocks of cinder are heaped together, all of which will be found to have their upper surfaces (that were freely exposed when cooling) corrugated with radiating miniature lava streams, that have flowed from one or more craters or openings that have been formed in the manner above described. The third assumption will, I think, be at once admitted, inasmuch as it is but the expression of a physical necessity. According to this, the Earth, if it has cooled as the Moon is supposed to have done, should have displayed corresponding irregularities, and generally, the magnitude of mountains of solidified planets and satellites should be on a scale proportionate to their whole mass. In comparing the mountains of the Moon and _Mercury_ with those of the Earth, a large error is commonly made by taking the customary measurements of terrestrial mountain-heights from the sea-level. As those portions of the Earth which rise above the waters are but its upper mountain slopes, and the ocean bottom forms its lower plains and valleys, we must add the greatest ocean depths to our customary measurements, in order to state the full height of what remains of the original mountains of the Earth. As all the stratified rocks have been formed by the wearing down of the original upper slopes and summits, we cannot expect to be able to recognize the original skeleton form of our water-washed globe. If my calculation of the atmosphere of _Mercury_ is correct, viz., that its pressure is equal to about one seventh of the Earth’s, or 4¼ inches of mercury, there can be no liquid water on that planet, excepting perhaps over a small amount of circumpolar area, and during the extremes of its aphelion winter. Thus the irregularities of the terminator, indicating mountain elevations calculated to reach to 1/253 of the diameter of the planet, are quite in accordance with the above-stated theoretical consideration. There is one peculiar feature presented by the cones of the cooling cinder which is especially interesting. The flow of fused cinder from the little crater is at first copious and continuous; then it diminishes and becomes alternating, by a rising and falling of the fused mass within the cone. Ultimately the flow ceases, and then the inner liquid sinks, more or less, below the level of the orifice. In some cases, where much gas is evolved, this sinking is so considerable as to leave the cone as a mere hollow shell; the inner liquid having settled down and solidified with a flat or slightly rounded surface, at about the level of the base of the cone, or even lower. These hollow cones were remarkably displayed in some of the cinder of the Henderson iron, and their formation was obviously promoted by the abundant evolution of gas. If such hollow cones were formed by the cooling of a mass like that of the Moon, they would ultimately and gradually subside by their own weight. But how would they yield? Obviously by a gradual hinge-like bending at the base towards the axis of the cone. This would occur with or without fracture, according to the degree of viscosity of the crust, and the amount of inclination. But the sides of the hollow-cone shell, in falling towards the axis, would be crushing into smaller circumferences. What would result from this? I think it must be the formation of fissures, extending, for the most part, radially from the crater towards the base, and a crumpling up of the shell of the cone by foldings in the same direction. Am I venturing too far in suggesting that in this manner may have been formed the mysterious rays and rills that extend so abundantly from several of the lunar craters? The upturned edges or walls of the broken crust, and the chasms necessarily gaping between them, appear to satisfy the peculiar phenomena of reflection which these rays present. These edges of the fractured crust would lean towards each other, and form angular chasms; while the foldings of the crust itself would form long concave troughs, extending radially from the crater. These, when illuminated by rays falling upon them in the direction of the line of vision, must reflect more light towards the spectator than does the general convex lunar surface, and thus they become especially visible at the full Moon. Such foldings and fractures would occur after the subsidence and solidification of the lava-forming liquid—that is, when the formation of new craters had ceased in any given region; hence they would extend across the minor lateral craters formed by outbursts from the sides of the main cone, in the manner actually observed. The fact that the bottoms of the great walled craters of the Moon are generally lower than the surrounding plains must not be forgotten in connection with this explanation. I will not venture further with the speculations suggested by the above-described resemblances, as my knowledge of the details of the telescopic appearances of the Moon is but second-hand. I have little doubt, however, that observers who have the privilege of direct familiarity with such details, will find that the phenomena presented by the cooling of iron cinder, or other fused silicates, are worthy of further and more careful study. NOTE ON THE DIRECT EFFECT OF SUN-SPOTS ON TERRESTRIAL CLIMATES. Professor Langley determines quantitatively the effects respectively produced by the radiations from the solar spots, penumbra, and photosphere upon the face of a thermopile, and infers that these effects measure their relative influence on terrestrial climate. In thus assuming that the heat communicated to the thermopile measures the solar contribution to terrestrial climate, Professor Langley omits an important factor, viz., the amount of heat absorbed in traversing the earth’s atmosphere; and in measuring the relative efficiency of the spots, penumbra, and photosphere, he has not taken into account the variations of diathermancy of the intervening atmospheric matter, which are due to the variations in the source of heat. Speaking generally, it may be affirmed that the radiations of obscure heat are more largely absorbed by the gases and vapors of our atmosphere than those of luminous heat, and the great differences in the mere luminosity of the spots, penumbra, and photosphere justify the assumption that the radiations of a sun-spot will (to use the expressive simile of Tyndall) lose far more by atmospheric sifting than will those from the photosphere. But the spot areas will be none the less effective on terrestrial climate on that account. A given amount of heat arrested by the earth’s atmosphere will have even greater climatic efficiency than if received upon its solid surface, inasmuch as the gases are worse radiators than the rocks, and will therefore, _cæteris paribus_, retain a larger proportion of the heat they receive. I have long ago endeavored to show[9] that the depth of the photosphere, from the solar surface inwards, is limited by dissociation; that the materials of the Sun within the photosphere exist in a dissociated, elementary condition; that at the photosphere they are, for the most part, combined. This view has since been adopted by many eminent solar physicists, and if correct, demands a much higher temperature within the depths revealed by that withdrawal of the photospheric veil which constitutes a sun-spot. If I am right in this, and also in supposing the spot-radiations to be so much more abundantly absorbed than those of the photosphere, and if in spite of this higher temperature of the spots, the _surface_ of the earth receives from them the lower degree of heat measured by Professor Langley, another interesting consequence must follow. The excess of spot-heat directly absorbed by the atmosphere, and mainly by the water dissolved or suspended in its upper regions, must be especially effective in dissipating clouds and checking or modifying their formation. The meteorological results of this may be important, and are worthy of careful study. In thus venturing to question some of Professor Langley’s inferences I am far from underrating the interest and importance of his researches. On the contrary, I regard the quantitative results he has obtained as especially valuable and opportune, in affording means of testing the above-named and other speculations in solar physics. Similar observations repeated at different elevations would decide, so far as the lower regions are concerned, whether or not there is any difference in the quantity of heat imparted by the bright and obscure portions of the Sun to our atmosphere. If the differences already observed by Professor Langley vary in ascending, a new means will be afforded of studying the constitution of the interior of the Sun and its relations to the photosphere. Direct evidence of selective absorption by our atmosphere may thus be obtained, which would go far towards solving one of the crucial solar problems, viz., whether the darker regions are hotter or cooler than the photosphere. The obscure radiations from the moon must be absorbed by our atmosphere like those from the sun-spot, and may be sufficiently effective to account for the alleged dissipation of clouds by the full moon. In both cases the climatic influence is greatly heightened by the fact that all the heat thus absorbed is directly effective in raising the temperature of the air. The action of the absorbed heat in reference to cloud-formation is directly opposite to that of the transmitted solar heat, as this reaching the surface of the earth evaporates the superficial water, and thereby produces the material of clouds. On the other hand, the heat which is absorbed by the air increases its vapor-holding capacity, and thus prevents the formation of clouds, or even effects the dissolution of clouds already formed. THE PHILOSOPHY OF THE RADIOMETER AND ITS COSMICAL REVELATIONS. So much speculation, and not a little extravagant speculation, has been devoted to the dynamics of the radiometer, that I feel some compunction in adding another stone to the heap, my only apology and justification for so doing being that I propose to regard the subject from a very unsophisticated point of view, and with somewhat heretical directness of vision—_i.e._, quite irrespective of atoms, molecules, or ether, or any other specific preconceptions concerning the essential kinetics of radiant forces, beyond that of regarding such forces as affections or conditions of matter which are transmitted radially in constant quantity, and therefore obey the necessary law of radial diffusion or inverse squares. The primary difficulty which appears to have generally been suggested by the movements of the radiometer, is the case which it seems to present of mechanical action without any visible basis of corresponding reaction: a visible tangible object pushed forward, without any visible pushing agent or resisting fulcrum against which the moving body reacts. This difficulty has been met by the invocation of obedient and vivacious molecules of residual atmospheric matter, which have been called upon to bound and rebound between the vanes and the inner surfaces of the glass envelope of the instrument. How is it that the advocates of these activities have not sought to verify their speculations by modifying the shape and dimensions of the exhausted glass bulb or receiver?[10] If the motion of the radiometer is due to such excursions and collisions, the length of excursion and the angles of collision must modify its motions; and such modification under given conditions would form a fine subject for the exercise of the ingenuity of molecular mathematicians. If their hypothetical data are sound, they should be able to predict the relative velocities or torsion-force of a series of radiometers of similar construction in all other respects, but with variable shapes and diameters of enclosing vessels. If we divest our minds of all visions of hypothetical atoms, molecules, ethers, etc., and simply look at the facts of radiation with the same humility of intellect as we usually regard gravitation, this primary difficulty of the radiometer at once vanishes. The force of gravitation is a radiant force acting somehow between, or upon, or by distant bodies; and these bodies, however far apart, act and react upon each other with mutual forces, precisely equal and exactly contrary. We conceive the sun pulling the earth in a certain direction, and receiving from the earth an equal pull in a precisely contrary direction, and we have hitherto demanded no ethereal or molecular link for the transmission of these mutually attractive forces. Why, then, should we not regard radiant repulsive energy in the same simple manner? If we do this there is no difficulty in finding the ultimate reaction fulcrum of the radiometer vanes. It is simply the radiating body, the match, the candle, the lamp, the sun, or whatever else may be the source of the impelling radiations. According to this view, the radiant source must be repelled with precisely the same energy as the arms or pendulum of the radiometer; and it would move backward or in opposite direction if equally free to move. If, by any means, we cause the glass envelope of the radiometer to become the radiant source, it should be repelled, and may even rotate in opposite direction to the vanes, or _vice versâ_. This has been done with floating radiometers. Viewed thus as simple matter of fact, irrespective of any preconceived kinetics of intervening media, the net result of Mr. Crookes’s researches become nothing less than the discovery of a new law of nature of great magnitude and the broadest possible generality, viz., that the sun and all other radiant bodies—_i.e._, all the materials of the universe—exert a mechanical repulsive force, in addition to the calorific, luminous, actinic, and electrical forces with which they have hitherto been credited. He has shown that this force is refrangible and dispersible, that it is outspread with the spectrum, but is most concentrated, or active, in the region of the ultra-red rays, and progressively feeblest in the violet; or, otherwise stated, it exists in closer companionship with heat than with light, and closer with light than with actinism. According to the doctrine of exchanges, which has now passed from the domain of theory to that of demonstrated law, all bodies, whatever be their temperature, are perpetually radiating heat-force, the amount of which varies, _cæteris paribus_, with their temperature. If we now add to this generalization that all bodies are similarly radiating mechanical force and suffering corresponding mechanical reaction, the theoretical difficulties of the radiometer vanish. What must follow in the case of a freely suspended body unequally heated on opposite sides? It must be repelled in a direction perpendicular to the surface of its hottest side. If two rockets were affixed to opposite sides of a pendant body, and were to exert unequal ejective forces, the reaction of the stronger rocket would repel the body in the opposite direction to its preponderating ejection. This represents the radiometer vane with one side blackened and the other side bright. When exposed to luminous rays the black side becomes warmer than the bright side by its active absorption and conversion of light into heat, and thus the blackened face radiates in excess and recedes. We may regard it thus as acting by its own radiations, or otherwise as acted upon by the more powerful radiant whose rays are differentially received by the black and bright sides. These different modes of regarding the action are perfectly consistent with each other, and analogous to the two different modes of regarding gravitation, when we describe the sun as attracting the earth, or, otherwise, the earth as gravitating to the sun. Strictly speaking, neither of these descriptions is correct, as the gravitation is mutual, and the total quantity exerted between the sun and the earth is equal to the sum of their energies, but it is sometimes convenient to regard the action from a solar standpoint, and at others from a terrestrial. So with the radiometer and the strictly mutual repulsions between it and the predominating radiant. It appears to me that this unsophisticated conception of radiant mechanical repulsive force, and its necessary mechanical reaction on the radiant body, meets all the facts at present revealed by the experiments of Mr. Crookes and others. The attraction which occurs when the disc of the radiometer is surrounded with a considerable quantity of atmospheric matter is probably due to inequality of atmospheric pressure. The absorbing face of the disc becomes heated above the temperature of the opposite face, the film of air in contact with the warmer face rises, leaving a relatively vacuous space in front. This produces a rush of air from back to front which carries the radiometer vane with it. When the exhaustion of the radiometer is carried so far that the residual air is only just sufficiently dense to neutralize the direct repulsion of radiation, the neutral point is reached. When exhaustion is carried beyond this, repulsion predominates. Taking Mr. Crookes’s estimate of the mechanical energy of solar radiation at 32 grains per square foot, 2 cwts. per acre, 57 tons per square mile, etc., and accepting these as they are offered, _i.e._, merely as provisional and approximate estimates, we are led to a cosmical inference of the highest importance, one that must materially modify our interpretations of some of the grandest phenomena of the universe. Although the estimated sunlight pressure upon the earth, the three thousand millions of tons, is too small a fraction of the earth’s total weight to effect an easily measurable increase of the length of our year, the case is quite otherwise with the asteroids and the zones of meteoric matter revolving around the sun. The mechanical repulsion of radiation is a superficial action, and must, therefore, vary with the amount of surface exposed, while that of gravitation varies with the mass. Thus the ratio of radiant repulsion to the attraction of gravitation goes on increasing with the subdivison of masses, and becomes an important fraction in the case of the smaller bodies of the solar system. A zone of meteorites traveling around the sun would be broken up, sifted, and sorted into different orbits, according to their diameters, if this superficial repulsion operated against gravitation without any compensating agency. Gravitation would be opposed in various degrees, neutralized, and, in the case of cosmic dust, even reversed. Comets presenting so large a surface in proportion to their mass would either be driven away altogether or forced to move in orbits utterly disobedient to present calculations. This would occur if the inter-planetary spaces were as nearly vacuous as the torsion instrument with which Mr. Crookes made his measurements. Regarding the properties of our atmosphere only in the light of experimental data, irrespective of imaginary molecules, and their supposed gyrations or oscillations, we see at once that an inter-planetary or inter-stellar vacuum must act like a Sprengel pump upon our atmosphere, upon the atmosphere of other planets, and upon those of the sun and the stars, and would continue such action until an equilibrium between the repulsive energy of the gas and the gravitation of the solid orbs had been established. Atmospheric matter would thus be universally diffused, with special accumulations around solid orbs, varying in quantity with their respective gravitating energy. Such a universal atmosphere would accelerate orbital motion, and this acceleration would vary with the surface of bodies. Its action being thus exactly opposed to that of radiant repulsion, it must, at a certain density, exactly neutralize it. That it does this is evident from the obedience of all the elements of the solar system to the calculated action of gravitation; and thus Mr. Crookes’s researches not only confirm the idea of universal atmospheric diffusion, but they afford a means by which we may ultimately measure the actual density of the universal atmosphere. If, as I have endeavored to show in my essay on “The Fuel of the Sun,” the initial radiant energy of every star depends upon its mass, and its consequent condensation of atmospheric matter, the density of inter-planetary atmosphere sufficient to neutralize the radiant mechanical energy of our sun may be the same as is demanded to perform the same function for all the stars of the universe, and all their attendant worlds, comets, and meteors. In order to prevent misunderstanding of the above, I must add that I have therein studiously assumed a negative position in reference to all hypothetical conceptions of the nature of heat, light, etc., and their modes of transmission, simply because I feel satisfied that the subject has hitherto been obscured and complicated by overstrained efforts to fit the phenomena to the excessively definite hypotheses of modern molecular mathematicians. The atoms invented by Dalton for the purpose of explaining the demonstrated laws of chemical combination performed this function admirably, and had great educational value, so long as their purely imaginary origin was kept in view; but when such atoms are treated as facts, and physical dogmas are based upon the assumption of their actual existence, they become dangerous physical superstitions. Regarding matter as continuous, _i.e._, supposing it to be simply as it appears to be, and co-extensive with the universe, in accordance with the experimental evidences of the unlimited expansibility of gaseous matter, we need only assume that our sensations of heat, light, etc., are produced by active conditions of such matter analogous to those which are proved to produce our sensations of sound. On this basis there is no difficulty in conceiving the rationale of the reaction which produces the repulsion of the radiometer. I may even go further, and affirm that it is impossible to rationally conceive radiation producing any mechanical effects without mechanical reaction. If heat be motion, and actual motion of actual matter, mechanical force must be exerted to produce it, and a body which is warmer on one side than the other, _i.e._, which is exerting more outward motion-producing force on one side than on the other, must be subject to proportionally unequal reaction, and, therefore, if free to move, must retreat in a direction contrary to that of its greater activity. Regarded thus, the residual air of the radiometer does act, not by collisions of particles between the vane and inside of the glass vessel, but by the direct reaction of the radiant energy which would operate irrespective of vessels, _i.e._, upon naked radiometer vanes if carried halfway to the moon, or otherwise freed from excess of atmospheric embarrassment. The recent experiments of Mr. Crookes, showing retardation of the radiometer with extreme exhaustion, seem to indicate that heat-rays, like the electric discharge, demand a certain amount of atmospheric matter as their carrier. I cannot conclude these hasty and imperfect notes, written merely with suggestive intent, without quoting a passage from the preface to the “Correlation of Physical Forces,” which, though written so long ago, appears to me worthy of the profoundest present consideration. “It appears to me that heat and light maybe considered as affections; or, according to the undulatory theory, vibrations of matter itself, and not of a distinct ethereal fluid permeating it: these vibrations would be propagated just as sound is propagated by vibrations of wood or as waves by water. To my mind all the consequences of the undulatory theory flow as easily from this as from the hypothesis of a specific ether; to suppose which, namely, to suppose a fluid _sui generis_ and of extreme tenuity penetrating solid bodies, we must assume, first, the existence of the fluid itself; secondly, that bodies are without exception porous; thirdly, that these pores communicate; fourthly, that matter is limited in expansibility. None of these difficulties apply to the modification of this theory which I venture to propose: and no other difficulty applies to it which does not equally apply to the received hypothesis.” ON THE SOCIAL BENEFITS OF PARAFFIN. To the inhabitants of Jupiter, who have always one, two, or three of their four moons in active and efficient radiation, or of Saturn displaying the broad luminous oceans of his mighty rings in addition to the minor lamps of his eight ever-changeful satellites, the relative merits of rushlights, candles, lamps, and gaslights may be a question of indifference; but to us, the residents of a planet which has but one small moon that only displays her nearly full face during a few nights of each month, the subject of artificial light is only second in importance to those of food and artificial heat, and every step that is made in the improvement of our supplies of this primary necessary must have a momentous influence on the physical comfort, and also upon the intellectual and moral progress, of this world’s human inhabitants. If a cockney Rip Van Winkle were to revisit his old haunts, the changes produced by the introduction of gas would probably surprise him the most of all he would see. He would be astonished to find respectable people, and even unprotected females, going alone, unarmed and without fear, at night, up the by-streets which in his days were deemed so dangerous, and he would soon perceive that the bright gaslights had done more than all the laws, the magistrates, and the police, to drive out those crimes which can only flourish in darkness. The intimate connection between physical light and moral and intellectual light and progress is a subject well worthy of an exhaustive treatise. We must, however, drop the general subject and come down to our particular paraffin lamp. In the first place, this is the cheapest light that has ever been invented—cheaper than any kind of oil lamp—cheaper than the cheapest and nastiest of candles, and, for domestic purposes, cheaper than gas. For large warehouses, shops, streets, public buildings, etc., it is not so cheap as gas should be, but is considerably cheaper than gas actually is at the price extorted by the despotism of commercial monopoly. The reason why it is especially cheaper for domestic purposes is, first, because the small consumer of gas pays a higher price than the large consumer; and secondly, because a lamp can be placed on a table or wherever else its light is required, and therefore a small lamp flame will do the work of a much larger gas flame. We must remember that the intensity of light varies inversely with the square of the distance from the source of light; thus the amount of light received by this page from a light at one foot distance is four times as great as if it were two feet distant, nine times as great as at three feet, sixteen times as great as at four feet, one hundred times as great as at ten feet, and so on. Hence the necessity of two or three great flames in a gas chandelier suspended from the ceiling of a moderate-sized room. In a sitting-room lighted thus with gas, we are obliged, in order to read comfortably by the distant source of light, to burn so much gas that the atmosphere of the room is seriously polluted by the products of this extravagant combustion. A lamp at a moderate distance—say eighteen inches or two feet, or thereabouts—will enable us to read or work with one-tenth to one-twentieth the amount of combustion, and therefore with so much less vitiation of the atmosphere, and, if we use a paraffin lamp, at much less expense. But the chief value of the paraffin lamp is felt where gas is not obtainable—in the country mansion or villa, the farmhouse, and, most of all, in the poor man’s cottage. We have Bible Societies for providing cheap Bibles; we have cheap standard works, cheap magazines, cheap newspapers, etc.; but all these are unavailable to the poor man until he can get a good and cheap light wherewith to read them at the only time he has for reading, viz., in the evenings, when his work is done. One shilling’s worth of cheap literature will require two shillings’ worth of dear candles to supply the light necessary for reading it. Therefore, the cheapening of light has quite as much to do with the poor man’s intellectual progress as the cheapening of books and periodicals. For a man to read comfortably, and his wife to do her needlework, they must have a candle for each, if dependent on tallow dips. They may, and do, struggle on with one such candle, but the inconvenience soon sickens them of their occupation; the man lolls out for an idle stroll, soon encounters a far more bright and cheerful room than the gloomy one he has just left, and, moth-like, he is attracted by the light, and finishes up his evening in the public-house. We may preach, we may lecture, we may coax, wheedle, or anathematize, but no amount of words of any kind will render a gloomy ill-lighted cottage so attractive as the bright bar and tap-room; and human nature, irrespective of conventional distinctions of rank and class, always seeks cheerfulness after a day of monotonous toil. Fifty years ago the middle classes were accustomed to spend their evenings in taverns, but now they prefer their homes, simply because they have learned to make their homes more comfortable and attractive. We have not yet learned how to supply the working millions with suburban villas, but if their small rooms can be made bright and cheerful during the long evenings, a most important step is made towards that general improvement of social habits which necessarily results from a greater love of home. We may safely venture to predict that the paraffin lamp will have as much influence in elevating the domestic character of the poorer classes as the street lamps have had in purging the streets of our cities from the crimes of darkness that once infested them. A great deal has been said about the poisonous character of paraffin works. I admit that they have much to answer for in reference to trout—that the clumsy and wasteful management of certain ill-conducted works has interfered with the sport of the anglers of one or two of the trout streams of the United Kingdom—but all the assertions that have been made relative to injury to human health are quite contrary to truth. The fact is that the manufacture of mineral oils from cannel and shale is an unusually healthful occupation. The men certainly have dirty faces, but are curiously exempt from those diseases which are most fatal among the poor. I allude to typhus fever, and all that terrible catalogue of ills usually classed under the head of zymotic diseases. This has been strikingly illustrated in the Flintshire district. The very sudden development of the oil trade in the neighborhood of Leeswood caused that little village and the scattered cottages around to be crowded to an extent that created the utmost alarm among all who are familiar with the results of such overcrowding in poor, ill-drained, and ill-ventilated cottages. Rooms were commonly filled with lodgers who economized the apartments on the Box and Cox principle, the night workers sleeping during the day, and the day workers during the night, in the same beds. The extent to which this overcrowding was carried in many instances is hardly credible. Mr. R. Platt, who is surgeon to most of the collieries and oilworks of this district, reports that Leeswood has enjoyed a singular immunity from typhus and fever—that, during a period when it was prevalent as a serious epidemic among the agricultural population living on the slopes of the surrounding mountains, no single case occurred among the oil-making population of Leeswood, though its position and overcrowding seemed so directly to court its visitation. If space permitted I might give further illustrations in reference to allied diseases. There is no difficulty in accounting for this. Carbolic acid, one of the most powerful of our disinfectants, is abundantly produced in the oilworks, and this is carried by the clothes of the men, and with the fumes of the oil, into the dwellings of the workmen and through all the atmosphere of the neighborhood, and has thereby counteracted some of the most deadly agencies of organic poisons. Besides this, the paraffin oil itself is a good disinfectant. Even the mischief done to the trout is more than counterbalanced by the destruction of those mysterious fungoid growths which result from the admixture of sewage matter with the water of our rivers, and are so destructive to human health and life. The carbolic acid and paraffin oil, in destroying these as well as the trout, are really acting as great purifiers of the river, so that, after all, the only interest that has suffered is the sporting interest. This same interest has otherwise suffered. The old haunts of the snipe and woodcock, of partridges, hares, and pheasants, are being ruthlessly and barbarously destroyed, and—horrible to relate—hundreds of cottages, inhabited by vulgar, hard-handed, thick-booted human beings, are taking their place. Churches are being extended, school-houses and chapels built; penny readings, lectures, concerts, etc., are in active operation, and even drinking fountains are in course of construction; but the trout have suffered and the woodcocks are gone. We may thus measure the good against the evil as it stands here in the headquarters of oil-making, and should add to one side the advantages which the cheap and brilliant light affords—advantages which we might continue to enumerate, but they are so obvious that it is unnecessary to go further. There is one important and curious matter which must not be omitted. This, like the moral and intellectual advantages of the cheap paraffin light, has hitherto remained unnoticed, viz., that the introduction of mineral oils and solid paraffin for purposes of illumination and lubrication has largely increased the world’s supply of food. This may not be generally obvious at first sight; but to him, who, like the writer, has had many a supper at an Italian osteria with peasants and carbonari, it is obvious enough. He will remember how often he has seen the lamp that has lighted himself and companions to their supper filled from the same flask as supplied the salad which formed so important a part of the supper itself. Throughout the South of Europe salads are most important elements of national food, and when thus abundantly eaten the oil is quite necessary, the oil is also used for many of the cookery operations where butter is used here, and this same olive oil has hitherto been the chief, and in some places the sole, illuminating agent. The poor peasant of the South looks jealously at his lamp, and feeds its stingily, for it consumes his richest and choicest food, and, if well supplied, would eat as much as a fair-sized baby. The Russian peasant and other Northern people have a similar struggle in the matter of tallow. It is their choicest dainty, and yet, to their bitter grief, they have been compelled to burn it. Hundreds and thousands of tons of this and of olive oil have been annually consumed for the lubrication of our steam engines and other machines. A better time is approaching now that paraffin lamps are so rapidly becoming the chief illuminators of the whole civilized world, superseding the crude tallow candle and the antique olive-oil lamp, while, at the same time, the tallow candle is gradually being replaced by the beautiful sperm-like paraffin candle; and, in addition to this, the greedy engines that have consumed so much of the olive oil and the tallow are learning to be satisfied with lubricators made from minerals kindred to themselves. The peasants of the sunny South will feed upon salads made doubly unctuous and nutritious by the abundant oil; their fried meats, their pastry, omelettes, and sauces will be so much richer and better than heretofore, and the Russian will enjoy more freely his well-beloved and necessary tallow, when the candle is made and the engine lubricated with the fat extracted from coals and stones which no human stomach can envy. I might travel on to China and tell of the work that paraffin and paraffin oils have yet to do among the many millions there and in other countries of the East. The great wave of mineral light has not yet fairly broken upon their shores; but when it has once burst through the outer barriers, it will, without doubt, advance with great rapidity, and with an influence whose beneficence can scarcely be exaggerated. (The above was written in the early days of paraffin lamps, and while the writer was engaged in the distillation of paraffin oils, etc., from the Leeswood cannel. These are now practically superseded by American petroleum of similar composition, but distilled in Nature’s oilworks. The anticipations that appeared Utopian at the time of writing have since been fully realized, or even exceeded, as the wholesale price of mineral oil has fallen from two shillings per gallon to an average of about eightpence, and lamps have been greatly improved. At this price the cost of maintaining a light of given power in an ordinary lamp is about equal to that of ordinary London gas, if it were supplied at one shilling per thousand cubic feet. The mineral oil, being a fine hydrocarbon, does far less mischief than gas by its combustion, as may be proved by warming a conservatory with a paraffin stove and another with a stove. In the latter all the delicate plants will be killed; in the first they scarcely suffer at all. If these facts were generally understood we should be in a better position for battle with the gas monopolies. The importation of petroleum to the United Kingdom during the first five months of 1882 amounted to 26,297,346 gallons.) THE SOLIDITY OF THE EARTH. In his opening address to the Mathematical and Physical Section of the British Association, Sir William Thomson affirmed, “with almost perfect certainty, that, whatever may be the relative densities of rock, solid and melted, or at about the temperature of liquefaction, it is, I think, quite certain that cold solid rock is denser than hot melted rock; and no possible degree of rigidity in the crust could prevent it from breaking in pieces and sinking wholly below the liquid lava,” and that “this process must go on until the sunk portions of the crust build up from the bottom a sufficiently close-ribbed skeleton or frame, to allow fresh incrustations to remain bridged across the now small areas of lava-pools or lakes.”[11] This would doubtless be the case if the material of the earth were chemically homogeneous or of equal specific gravity throughout, and if it were chemically inert in reference to its superficial or atmospheric surroundings. But such is not the case. All we know of the earth shows that it is composed of materials of varying specific gravities, and that the range of this variation exceeds that which is due to the difference between the theoretical internal heat of the earth and its actual surface temperature. We know by direct experiment that these materials, when fused together, arrange themselves according to their specific gravities, with the slight modification due to their mutual diffusibilities. If we take a mixture of the solid elements of which the earth, so far as we know it, is composed, fused them, and leave them exposed to atmospheric action, what will occur? The heavy metals will sink, the heaviest to the bottom, the lighter metals (_i.e._, those that we call the metals of the earths, because they form the basis of the earth’s superficial crust) will rise along with the silicon, etc., to the surface; these and the silicon will oxidize and combine, forming silicates, and with a sufficient supply of carbonic acid, some of them, such as calcium, magnesium, etc., will form carbonates when the temperature sinks below that of the dissociation of such compounds. The scoria thus formed will float upon the heavy metals below and protect them from cooling by resisting their radiation; but if in the course of contraction of this crust some fissures are formed reaching to the melted metals below, the pressure of the floating solid will inject the fluid metal upwards into these fissures to a height corresponding to the flotation depth of the solid, and thus form metallic veins permeating the lower strata of the crust. I need scarcely add that this would rudely but fairly represent what we know of the earth. But it may be objected that I only describe an imaginary experiment. This is true as regards the whole of the materials united in a single fusion. Nobody has yet produced a complete model with platinum and gold in the centre, and all the other metals arranged in theoretical order with the oxidized, silicated, and carbonated crust outside; but with a limited number of elements this has been done, is being done daily, on a scale of sufficient magnitude to amply refute Sir William Thomson’s description of a fused earth solidifying from the centre outwards. This refutation is to be seen in our blast furnaces, refining furnaces, puddling furnaces, Bessemer ladles, steel melting-pots, cupels, foundry crucibles; in fact, in almost every metallurgical operation down to the simple fusion of lead or solder in a plumber’s ladle, with its familiar floating crust of dross or oxide. As an example I will, on account of its simplicity, take the open hearth finery and the refining of pig-iron. Here a metallic mixture of iron, silicon, carbon, sulphur, etc., is simply fused and exposed to the superficial action of atmospheric air. What is the result? Oxidation of the more oxidizable constituents takes place, and these oxides at once arrange themselves according to their specific gravities. The oxidized carbon forms atmospheric matter and rises above all as carbonic acid, then the oxidized silicon, being lighter than the iron, floats above that, and combines with aluminium or calcium that may have been in the pig and with some of the iron; thus forming a silicious crust closely resembling the predominating material of the earth’s crust. When the oxidation in the finery is carried far enough, the melted material is tapped out into a rectangular basin or mould, usually about 10 feet long and about 3 feet wide, where it settles and cools. During this cooling the silica and silicates—_i.e._, the rock matter—separate from the metallic matter and solidify on the surface as a thin crust, which behaves in a very interesting and instructive manner. At first a mere skin is formed. This gradually thickens, and as it thickens and cools becomes corrugated into mountain chains and valleys much higher and deeper, in proportion to the whole mass, than the mountain chains and valleys of our planet. After this crust has thickened to a certain extent volcanic action commences. Rifts, dykes, and faults are formed by the shrinkage of the metal below, and streams of lava are ejected. Here and there these lava streams accumulate around their vent and form insulated conical volcanic mountains with decided craters, from which the eruption continues for some time. These volcanoes are relatively far higher than Chimborazo. The magnitude of these actions varies with the quality of the pig-iron. The open hearth finery is now but little used, but probably some are to be seen at work occasionally in the neighborhood of Glasgow, and I am sure that Sir William Thomson will find a visit to one of them very interesting. Failing this, he may easily make an experiment by tapping into a good-sized “cinder bogie” some melted pig-iron from a pudding furnace (taking it just before the iron “comes to nature”), and leaving the melted mixture to cool slowly and undisturbed. The cinder of the blast furnace, which in like manner floats on the top of the melted pig-iron, resembles still more closely the prevailing rock-matter of the earth, on account of the larger proportion, and the varied compounds, of earth-metals it contains. For the volcanic phenomena alone he need simply watch what occurs when in the ordinary course of puddling the cinder is run into a large bogie, and the bogie is left to cool standing upright. I need scarcely add that these phenomena strikingly illustrate and confirm Mr. Mallett’s theory of earthquakes, volcanoes, and mountain-formation. In merely passing through an iron-making district one may see the results of what I have called the volcanic action, by simply observing the form of those oyster-shaped or cubical blocks of cinder that are heaped in the vicinity of every blast furnace that has been at work for some time. Radial ridges or consolidated miniature lava-streams are visible on the exposed face of nearly, if not quite all of these. They were ejected or squeezed up from below while the mass was cooling, when the outer crust had consolidated but the inner portion still remained liquid. Many of these are large enough, and sufficiently well-marked, to be visible from a railway carriage passing a cinder heap near the road.[12] A CONTRIBUTION TO THE HISTORY OF ELECTRIC LIGHTING. As the subject of lighting by electricity is occupying so much public attention, and the merits of various inventors and inventions are so keenly discussed, the following facts may have some historical interest in connection with it. In October, 1845, I was consulted by some American gentlemen concerning the construction of a large voltaic battery for experimenting upon an invention, afterwards described and published in the specification of “King’s Patent Electric Light” (Letters Patent granted for Scotland, November 26, 1845; enrolled March 25, 1846; English Patent sealed November 4, 1845). Mr. King was not the inventor, but he and Mr. Dorr supplied capital, and Mr. Snyder also held a share, which was afterwards transferred to myself. The inventor was Mr. Starr, a young man about twenty-five years of age, and one of the ablest experimental investigators with whom I have ever had the privilege of near acquaintance. He had been working for some years on the subject, commencing with the ordinary arc between charcoal points. His first efforts were directed to maintaining constancy, and he showed me, in January of 1846, an arrangement by which he succeeded in effecting an automatic renewal of contact by means of an electro-magnet, the armature of which received the electric flow, when the arc was broken, and which thus magnetized brought the carbons together and then allowed them to be withdrawn to their required separation, when the flow returned. This device was almost identical with that subsequently re-invented and patented by Mr. Staite (quite independently, I believe), and which, with modifications, has since been rather extensively used. Although successful so far, he was not satisfied. He reasoned out the subject, and concluded that the electric spark between metals, the electric arc between the carbons, and other luminous electric phenomena are secondary effects due to the heating and illumination of electric carriers; that the electric spark of the conductors of ordinary electrical machines is simply a transfer of incandescent particles of metal, which effect a kind of electric convection, known as the disruptive discharge; and that the more brilliant arc between the carbon points is simply due to the use of a substance which breaks up more readily, and gives a longer, broader, and more continuous stream of incandescent convection particles. This is now readily accepted, but at that time was only dawning upon the understanding of electricians. I am satisfied that Mr. Starr worked out the principle quite originally. He therefore concluded that, the light being due to solid particles heated by electric disturbance, it would be more advantageous—as regards steadiness, economy, and simplicity—to place in the current a continuous solid barrier, which should present sufficient resistance to its passage to become bodily incandescent without disruption. This was the essence of the invention specified in King’s Patent as “a communication from abroad,” which claims the use of continuous metallic and carbon conductors, intensely heated by the passage of a current of electricity, for the purposes of illumination. The metal selected was platinum, which, as the specification states, “though not so infusible as iridium, has but little affinity for oxygen, and offers a great resistance to the passage of the current.” The form of thin sheets known by the name of leaf-platinum is described as preferable. These to be rolled between sheets of copper in order to secure uniformity, and to be carefully cut in strips of equal width, and with a clean edge, in order that one part may not be fused before the other parts have obtained a sufficiently high temperature to produce a brilliant light. This strip to be suspended between forceps. I need not describe the arrangement for regulating the distance between the forceps, for directing the current, etc., as we soon learned that this part of the invention was of no practical value, on account of the narrow margin between efficient incandescence and the fusion of the platinum. The experiments with the large battery that I made—consisting of 100 Daniell cells, with two square feet of working surface of each element in each cell, and the copper-plates about three-quarters of an inch distant from the zinc—satisfied all concerned that neither platinum nor any available alloy of platinum and iridium could be relied upon; especially when the grand idea of subdividing the light by interposing several platinum strips in the same circuit, and working with a proportionally high power, was carried out. This drove Mr. Starr to rely upon the second part of the specification, viz., that of using a small stick of carbon made incandescent in a Torricellian vacuum. He commenced with plumbago, and, after trying many other forms of carbon, found that which lines gas-retorts that have been long in use to be the best. The carbon stick of square section, about one tenth of an inch thick and half an inch working length, was held vertically, by metallic forceps at each end, in a barometer tube, the upper part of which, containing the carbon, was enlarged to a sort of oblong bulb. A thick platinum wire from the upper forceps was sealed into the top of the tube and projected beyond; a similar wire passed downwards from the lower forceps, and dipped into the mercury of the tube, which was so long that when arranged as a barometer the enlarged end containing the carbon was vacuous. Considerable difficulty was at first encountered in supporting this fragile stick. Metallic supports were not available, on account of their expansion; and, finally, little cylinders of porcelain were used, one on each side of the carbon stick, and about three eighths of an inch distant. By connecting the mercury cup with one terminal of the battery, and the upper platinum-wire with the other, a brilliant and perfectly steady light was produced, not so intense as the ordinary disruption arc between carbons, but equally if not more effective, on account of the magnitude of brilliant radiating surface. Some curious phenomena accompanied this illumination of the carbon. The mercury column fell to about half its barometric height, and presently the glass opposite the carbon stick became slightly dimmed by the deposition of a thin film of sooty deposit. At first the depression of the mercury was attributed to the formation of mercurial vapor, and is described accordingly in the specification; but further observation refuted this theory, for no return of the mercury took place when the tube was cooled. The depression was permanent. The formation of vaporous carbon was suggested by one of the capitalists; but neither Mr. Starr nor myself was satisfied with this, nor with any other surmise we were able to make during Mr. Starr’s lifetime, nor up to the period of final abandonment of the enterprise. When this occurred the remaining apparatus was assigned to me, and I retained possession of the finally arranged tube and carbon for many years, and have shown it in action worked by a small Grove’s battery in the Town Hall of Birmingham, and many times to my pupils at the Birmingham and Midland Institute. These exhibitions suggested an explanation of the mysterious gaseous matter, which I believe to be the correct one, and also of the carbon deposit. It is this:—That the carbon contains occluded oxygen; that when the carbon is heated some of this oxygen combines with the carbon, forming carbonic oxide and carbonic acid, and a little smoke. I proved the presence of carbonic acid by the usual tests, but did not quantitatively determine its proportion of the total atmosphere. If I were fitting up another tube on this principle I should wash it with a strong solution of caustic potash before filling with mercury, and allow some of the potash solution to float on the mercury surface, by filling the tube while the glass remained moistened with the solution. My object would be to get rid of the carbonic acid as soon as formed, as the observations I have made lead me to believe that—when the carbon stick is incandescent in an atmosphere of carbonic acid or carbonic oxide—a certain degree of dissociation and re-combination is continually occurring, which weakens and would ultimately break up the carbon stick, and increases the sooty deposit. The large battery was arranged for intensity, but even then it was found that the quantity (I use the old-fashioned terms) of electricity was excessive, and that it worked more advantageously when the cells were but partially filled with acid and sulphate. A larger stick of carbon might have been used with the whole surface in full action. After working the battery in various ways, and duly considering the merits of the other forms of battery then in use, Mr. Starr was driven to the conclusion that for the purposes of practical illumination the voltaic battery is a hopeless source of power, and that magneto-electric machinery driven by steam-power must be used. I fully concurred with him in this conclusion, so did Mr. King, Mr. Dorr, and all concerned. Mr. Starr then set to work to devise a suitable dynamo-electric machine, and, following his usual course of starting from first principles, concluded that all the armatures hitherto constructed were defective in one fundamental element of their arrangement. The thick copper wire surrounding the soft iron core necessarily follows a spiral course, like that of a coarse screw-thread; but the electric current or lines of force, which it is designed to pick up and carry, circulate at right angles to the axis of the core, and extend to some distance beyond its surface. The problem thus presented is to wind around the soft iron a conductor that shall be broad enough to grasp a large proportion of this outspread force, and yet shall follow its course as nearly as possible by standing out at right angles to the axis of the armature. This he endeavored to effect by using a core of square section, and winding round it a broad ribbon of sheet copper, insulated on both sides by cementing on its surfaces a layer of silk ribbon. This armature was laid with one edge against one side of the core, and carried on thus to the angle; then turned over so that its opposite edge should be presented to the next side of the core; this side to be followed in like manner, the ribbon similarly turned again at the next corner, and so on till the core became fully enclosed or armed with the continuous ribbon, which thus encircled the core with its edges outwards, and nearly at right angles to the axis, in spite of its width, which might be increased to any extent found by experiment to be desirable. At this stage my direct co-operation and confidential communication with Mr. Starr ceased, as I remained in London while he went to Birmingham in order to get his machinery constructed, and to apply it at the works of Messrs. Elkington, who had then recently introduced the principle of dynamo-electric motive-power for electro-plating, etc., and were, I believe, using Woolrich’s apparatus, the patent for which was dated August 1, 1842, and enrolled February 1, 1843. I am unable to state the results of his efforts in Birmingham. I only heard the murmurs of the capitalists, who loudly complained of expenditure without results. They had dreamed the same dream that Mr. Edison has recently re-dreamed, and has told the world so loudly. They supposed that the mechanically excited current might be carried along great lengths of wire, and the carbons interposed wherever required, and that the same electricity would flow on and do the duty of illumination over and over again as a river may fall over a succession of weirs and turn water-wheels at each. Mr. Starr knew better; his scepticism was misinterpreted; he was taunted with failure and non-fulfilment of the anticipations he had raised, and with the fruitless expenditure of large sums of other people’s money. He was a high-minded, honorable, and very sensitive man, suffering already from overworked brain before he went to Birmingham. There he worked again still harder, with further vexation and disappointment, until one morning he was found dead in his bed. Having, during my short acquaintance with him, enjoyed his full confidence in reference to all his investigations, I have no hesitation in affirming that his early death cut short the career of one who otherwise would have largely contributed to the progress of experimental science, and have done honor to his country. His martyrdom, for such it was, taught me a useful lesson I then much needed, viz., to abstain from entering upon a costly series of physical investigations without being well assured of the means of completing them, and, above all, of being able to afford to fail. There are many others who sorely need to be impressed with the same lesson, especially at this moment and in connection with this subject. The warning is the most applicable to those who are now misled by a plausible but false analogy. They look at the progress made in other things, the mighty achievements of modern Science, and therefore infer that the electric light—even though unsuccessful hitherto—may be improved up to practical success, as other things have been. A great fallacy is hidden here. As a matter of fact the progress made in electric lighting since Mr. Starr’s death, in 1846, has been very small indeed. As regards the lamp itself no progress whatever has been made. I am satisfied that Starr’s continuous carbon stick, properly managed in a true vacuum, or an atmosphere free from oxygen, carbonic oxide, carbonic acid, or other oxygen compound, is the best that has yet been placed before the public for all purposes where exceptionally intense illumination (as in lighthouses) is not demanded.[13] Comparing electric with gas-lighting, the hopeful believers in progressive improvement appear to forget that gas-making and gas-lighting are as susceptible of further improvement as electric lighting, and that, as a matter of fact, its practical progress during the last forty years is incomparably greater than that of the electric light. I refer more particularly to the practical and crucial question of economy. The bi-products, the ammoniacal salts, the liquid hydrocarbons, and their derivatives, have been developed into so many useful forms by the achievements of modern chemistry, that these, with the coke, are of sufficient value to cover the whole cost of manufacture, and leave the gas itself as a volatile residuum that costs nothing. It would actually and practically cost nothing, and might be profitably delivered to the burners of gas consumers (of far better quality than now supplied in London) at one shilling per thousand cubic feet, if gas-making were conducted on sound commercial principles,—that is, if it were not a corporate monopoly, and were subject to the wholesome stimulating influence of free competition and private enterprise. As it is, our gas and the price we pay for it are absurdities; and all calculations respecting the comparative cost of new methods of illumination should be based not on what we _do_ pay per candle-power of gas-light, but what we _ought_ to pay and _should_ pay if the gas companies were subjected to desirable competition, or visited with the national confiscation I consider they deserve. Having had considerable practical experience in the commercial distillation of coal for the sake of its liquid and solid hydrocarbons, I speak thus plainly and with full confidence. There is yet another consideration, and one of vital importance, to be taken into account, viz., that—whether we use the electric light derived from a dynamo-electric source, or coal-gas—our primary source of illuminating power is coal, or rather the chemical energy derivable from the combination of its hydrogen and carbon with oxygen. Now this chemical energy is a limited quantity, and the progress of Science can no more increase this quantity than it can make a ton of coal weigh 21 cwts. by increasing the quantity of its gravitating energy. The demonstrable limit of scientific possibilities is the economical application of this limited store of energy, by converting it into the demanded form of force without waste. The more indirect and roundabout the method of application, the greater must be the loss of power in the course of its transfer and conversion. In heating the boiler that sets the dynamo-electric machine to work, about one-half the energy of the coal is wasted, even with the best constructed furnaces. This merely as regards the quantity of water evaporated. In converting the heat-force into mechanical power—raising the piston, etc., of the steam-engine—this working half is again seriously reduced. In further converting this residuum of mechanical power into electrical energy, another and considerable loss is suffered in originating and sustaining the motion of the dynamo-electric machine, in the dissipation of the electric energy that the armature cannot pick up, and in overcoming the electrical resistances to its transfer. I am unable to state the amount of this loss in trustworthy figures, but should be very much surprised to learn that, with the best arrangements now known, more than one-tenth of the original energy of the coal is made practically available. This small illuminating residuum may, and doubtless will, be increased by the progress of practical improvement; but from the necessary nature of the problem, the power available for illumination at the end of the series must always be but a small portion of that employed at the beginning. In burning the gas derived from coal we obtain its illuminating power _directly_, and if we burn it properly we obtain nearly all. The coke residuum is also directly used as a source of heat. The chief waste of the original energy in the gas-works is represented by that portion of the coke that is burned under the retorts, and in obtaining the relatively small amount of steam-power demanded in the works. These are far more than paid for by the value of the liquid hydrocarbons and the ammonia salts, when they are properly utilized. In concluding my narrative, I may add that after Mr. Starr’s death the patentees offered to engage me on certain terms to carry on his work. I declined this, simply because I had seen enough to convince me of the impossibility of any success at all corresponding to their anticipations. During the intervening thirty years I have abstained from further meddling with the electric light, because all that I had seen then, and have heard of since, has convinced me that—although as a scientific achievement the electric light is a splendid success—its practical application to all purposes where cost is a matter of serious consideration is hopeless, and must of necessity continue to be so. Whoever can afford to pay some shillings per hour for a single splendid light of solar completeness can have it without difficulty, but not so where the cost in pence per hour per burner has to be counted. I should add that before the publication of King’s specification, Mr. (now Sir William) Grove proposed the use of a helix or coil of platinum, made incandescent by electricity, as a light to be used for certain purposes. This was shown at the Royal Society on or about December 1, 1845. Since the publication of the above in 1879, I have learned, from a paper in the “Quarterly Journal of Science,” by Professor Ayrton, that in 1841 an English patent was granted to De Moylens for electric lighting by incandescence. THE FORMATION OF COAL. In the course of a pedestrian excursion made in the summer of 1855 I came upon the Aachensee, one of the lakes of North Tyrol, rarely visited by tourists. It is situated about 30 miles N.E. of Innispruck, and fills the basin of a deep valley, the upper slopes of which are steep and richly wooded. The water of this lake is remarkably transparent and colorless. With one exception, that of the Fountain of Cyane—a deep pool forming the source of the little Syracusan river—it is the most transparent body of water I remember to have seen. This transparency revealed a very remarkable sub-aqueous landscape. The bottom of the lake is strewn with branches and trunks of trees, which in some parts are in almost forest-like profusion. As I was alone in a rather solitary region, and carrying only a satchel of luggage, my only means of further exploration were those afforded by swimming and diving. Being an expert in these, and the July summer day very calm and hot, I remained a long time in the water, and, by swimming very carefully to avoid ripples, was able to survey a considerable area of the interesting scene below. The fact which struck me the most forcibly, and at first appeared surprising, was the upright position of many of the large trunks, which are of various lengths—some altogether stripped of branches, others with only a few of the larger branches remaining. The roots of all these are more or less buried, and they present the appearance of having grown where they stand. Other trunks were leaning at various angles and partly buried, some trunks and many branches lying down. On diving I found the bottom to consist of a loamy powder of gray color, speckled with black particles of vegetable matter—thin scaly fragments of bark and leaves. I brought up several twigs and small branches, and with considerable difficulty, after a succession of immersions, succeeded in raising a branch about as thick as my arm and about eight feet long, above three-fourths of which was buried, and only the end above ground in the water. My object was to examine the condition of the buried and immersed wood, and I selected this as the oldest piece I could reach. I found the wood very dark, the bark entirely gone, and the annual layers curiously loosened and separable from each other, like successive rings of bark. This continued till I had stripped the stick to about half of its original thickness, when it became too compact to yield to further stripping. This structure apparently results from the easy decomposition of the remains of the original cambium of each year, and may explain the curious fact that so many specimens of fossilized wood exhibit the original structure of the stem, although all the vegetable matter has been displaced by mineral substances. If this stem had been immersed in water capable of precipitating or depositing mineral matter in very small interstices, the deposit would have filled up the vacant spaces between these rings of wood as the slow decomposition of the vegetable matter proceeded. At a later period, as the more compact wood became decomposed, it would be substituted by a further deposit, and thus concentric strata would be formed, presenting a mimic counterpart of the vegetable structure. The stick examined appeared to be a branch of oak, and was so fully saturated with water that it sank rapidly upon being released. On looking around the origin of this sub-aqueous forest was obvious enough. Here and there the steep wooded slopes above the lake were broken by long alleys or downward strips of denuded ground, where storm torrents, or some such agency, had cleared away the trees and swept most of them into the lake. A few uprooted trees lying at the sides of these bare alleys told the story plainly enough. Most of these had a considerable quantity of earth and stones adhering to their roots: this explains the upright position of the trees in the lake. Such trees falling into water of sufficient depth to enable them to turn over must sink root downwards, or float in an upright position, according to the quantity of adhering soil. The difference of depth would tend to a more rapid penetration of water in the lower parts, where the pressure would be greatest, and thus the upright or oblique position of many of the floating trunks would be maintained till they absorbed sufficient water to sink altogether. It is generally assumed that fossil trees which are found in an upright position have grown on the spot where they are found. The facts I have stated show that this inference is by no means necessary, not even when the roots are attached and some soil is found among them. In order to account for the other surroundings of these fossil trees a very violent hypothesis is commonly made, viz., that the soil on which they grew sank down some hundreds of feet without disturbing them. This demands a great strain upon the scientific imagination, even in reference to the few cases where the trees stand perpendicular. As the majority slope considerably the difficulty is still greater. I shall presently show how trees like those immersed in Aachensee may have become, and are now becoming, imbedded in rocks similar to those of the Coal Measures. In the course of subsequent excursions on the fjords of Norway I was reminded of the sub-aqueous forest of the Aachensee, and of the paper which I read at the British Association meeting of 1865, of which the above is an abstract—not by again seeing such a deposit under water, for none of the fjords approach the singular transparency of the lake, but by a repetition on a far larger scale of the downward strips of denuded forest ground. Here, in Norway, their magnitude justifies me in describing them as vegetable avalanches. They may be seen on the Sognefjord, and especially on those terminal branches of this great estuary, of which the steep slopes are well wooded. But the most remarkable display that I have seen was in the course of the magnificent, and now easily made, journey up the Storfjord and its extension and branches, the Slyngsfjord, Sunelvsfjord, Nordalsfjord, and Geirangerfjord. Here these avalanches of trees, with their accompaniment of fragments of rock, are of such frequent occurrence that sites of the farm-houses are commonly selected with reference to possible shelter from their ravages. In spite of this they do not always escape. In the October previous to my last visit a boat-house and boat were swept away; and one of the most recent among the tracks that I saw reached within twenty yards of some farm-buildings. What has become of the millions of trees that are thus falling, and have fallen, into the Norwegian fjords during the whole of the present geological era? In considering this question we must remember that the mountain slopes forming the banks of these fjords continue downwards under the waters of the fjords which reach to depths that in some parts are to be counted in thousands of feet. It is evident that the loose stony and earthy matter that accompanies the trees will speedily sink to the bottom and rest at the foot of the slope somewhat like an ordinary sub-aerial talus, but not so the trees. The impetus of their fall must launch them afloat and impel them towards the middle of the estuary, where they will be spread about and continue floating, until by saturation they become dense enough to sink. They will thus be pretty evenly distributed over the bottom. At the middle part of the estuary they will form an almost purely vegetable deposit, mingled only with the very small portion of mineral matter that is held in suspension in the apparently clear water. This mineral matter must be distributed among the vegetable matter in the form of impalpable particles having a chemical composition similar to that of the rocks around. Near the shores a compound deposit must be formed consisting of trees and fragments of leaves, twigs, and other vegetable matter mixed with larger proportions of the mineral _débris_. If we look a little further at what is taking place in the fjords of Norway we shall see how this vegetable deposit will ultimately become succeeded by an overlying mineral deposit which must ultimately constitute a stratified rock. All these fjords branch up into inland valleys down which pours a brawling torrent or a river of some magnitude. These are more or less turbid with glacier mud or other detritus, and great deposits of this material have already accumulated in such quantity as to constitute characteristic modern geological formations bearing the specific Norsk name of _ören_, as _Laerdalsören_, _Sundalsören_, etc., describing the small delta plains at the mouth of a river where it enters the termination of the fjord, and which, from their exceptional fertility, constitute small agricultural settlements bearing these names, which signify the river sands of _Laerdal_, _Sundal_, etc. These deposits stretch out into the fjord, forming extensive shallows that are steadily growing and advancing further and further into the fjord. One of the most remarkable examples of such deposits is that brought by the Storelv (or Justedals Elv), which flows down the Justedal, receiving the outpour from its glaciers, and terminates at Marifjören. When bathing here I found an extensive sub-aqueous plain stretching fairly across that branch of the Lyster fjord into which the Storelv flows. The waters of the fjord are whitened to a distance of two or three miles beyond the mouth of the river. These deposits must, if the present conditions last long enough, finally extend to the body, and even to the mouth, of the fjords, and thus cover the whole of the bottom vegetable bed with a stratified rock in which will be entombed, and well preserved, isolated specimens of the trees and other vegetable forms corresponding to those accumulated in a thick bed below, but which have been lying so long in the clear waters that they have become soddened into homogeneous vegetable pulp or mud, only requiring the pressure of solid superstratum to convert them into coal. The specimens of trees in the upper rock, I need scarcely add, would be derived from the same drifting as that which produced the lower pulp; but these coming into the water at the period of its turbidity and of the rapid deposition of mineral matter, would be sealed up one by one as the mineral particles surrounding it subsided. Fossils of estuarine animals would, of course, accompany these, or of fresh-water animals where, instead of a fjord, the scene of these proceedings is an inland lake. In reference to this I may state that at the inner extremities of the larger Norwegian fjords the salinity of the water is so slight that it is imperceptible to taste. I have freely quenched my thirst with the water of the Sörfjord, the great inner branch of the Hardanger, where pallid specimens of bladder wrack were growing on its banks. In the foregoing matter-of-fact picture of what is proceeding on a small scale in the Aachensee, and on a larger in Norway, we have, I think, a natural history of the formation, not only of coal seams, but also of the Coal Measures around and above them. The theory which attributed our coal seams to such vegetable accumulations as the rafts of the Mississippi is now generally abandoned. It fails to account for the state of preservation and the position of many of the vegetable remains associated with coal. There is another serious objection to this theory that I have not seen expressed. It is this: rivers bringing down to their mouths such vegetable deltas as are supposed, would also bring considerable quantities of earthy matter in suspension, and this would be deposited with the trees. Instead of the 2 or 3 per cent of incombustible ash commonly found in coal, we should thus have a quantity more nearly like that found in bituminous shales which may thus be formed, viz., from 20 to 80 per cent. The alternative hypothesis now more commonly accepted—that the vegetation of our coal-fields actually grew where we find it—is also refuted by the composition of coal-ash. If the coal consisted simply of the vegetable matter of buried forests its composition should correspond to that of the ashes of plants; and the refuse from our furnaces and fireplaces would be a most valuable manure. This we know is not the case. Ordinary coal-ash, as Bischof has shown, nearly corresponds to that of the rocks with which it is associated; and he says that “the conversion of vegetable substances into coal has been effected by the agency of water;” and also that coal has been formed, not from dwarfish mosses, sedges, and other plants which now contribute to the growth of our peat-bogs, but from the stems and trunks of the forest trees of the Carboniferous Period, such as _Sigillariæ_, _Lepdodendra_, and _Coniferæ_.[14] All we know of these plants teaches us that they could not grow in a merely vegetable soil containing but 2 or 3 per cent of mineral matter. Such must have been their soil for hundreds of generations in order to give a depth sufficient for the formation of the South Staffordshire ten-yard seam. All these and other difficulties that have stood so long in the way of a satisfactory explanation of the origin of coal appear to me to be removed if we suppose that during the Carboniferous Period Britain and other coal-bearing countries had a configuration similar to that which now exists in Norway, viz., inland valleys terminating in marine estuaries, together with inland lake basins. If to this we superadd the warm and humid climate usually attributed to the Carboniferous Period, on the testimony of its vegetable fossils, all the conditions requisite for producing the characteristic deposits of the Coal Measures are fulfilled. We have first the under-clay due to the beginning of this state of things, during which the hill slopes were slowly acquiring the first germs of subsequent forest life, and were nursing them in their scanty youth. This deposit would be a mineral mud with a few fossils and that fragmentary or fine deposit of vegetable matter that darkens the carboniferous shales and strips the sandstones. Such a bed of dark consolidated mud, or fine clay, is found under every seam of coal, and constitutes the “floor” of the coal pit. The characteristic striped rocks—the “linstey” or “linsey” of the Welsh colliers—is just such as I found in the course of formation in the Aachensee near the shore, as described above. The prevalence of estuarine and lacustrine fossils in the Coal Measures is also in accordance with this: the constitution of coal-ash is perfectly so. Its extreme softness and fineness of structure; its chemical resemblance to the rocks around, and above, and below; and oblong basin form common to our coal seams; the apparent contradiction of such total destruction of vegetable structure common to the true coal seams, while immediately above and below them are delicate structures well preserved, is explained by the more rapid deposition of the latter, and the slow soddening of the former as above described. I do not, however, offer this as an explanation of the formation of _every kind of coal_. On the contrary, I am satisfied that cannel coal, and the black shales usually associated with it, have a different origin from that of the ordinary varieties of bituminous coal. The fact that the products of distillation of cannel and these shales form different series of hydrocarbons from those of common coal, and that they are nearly identical with those obtained by the distillation of peat, is suggestive of origin in peat-bogs, or something analogous to them. To the above I may add the concluding sentences of the chapter on Coal in Lyell’s “Elements of Geology.” Speaking of fossils in the Coal Measures, he says: “The rarity of air-breathers is a very remarkable fact when we reflect that our opportunities of examining strata _in close connection with ancient land_ exceed in this case all that we enjoy in regard to any other formations, whether primary, secondary, or tertiary. We have ransacked hundreds of soils replete with the fossil roots of trees, have dug out hundreds of erect trunks and stumps which stood in the position in which they grew, have broken up myriads of cubic feet of fuel still retaining its vegetable structure, and, after all, we continue almost as much in the dark respecting the invertebrate air-breathers of this epoch, _as if the coal had been thrown down in mid-ocean_. The early date of the carboniferous strata cannot explain the enigma, because we know that while the land supported a luxuriant vegetation, the contemporaneous seas swarmed with life—with Articulata, Mollusca, Radiata, and Fishes. We must, therefore, collect more facts if we expect to solve a problem which, in the present state of science, cannot but excite our wonder; and we must remember how much the conditions of this problem have varied within the last twenty years. We must be content to impute the scantiness of our data and our present perplexity partly to our want of diligence as collectors, and partly to our want of skill as interpreters. We must also confess that our ignorance is great of the laws which govern the fossilization of land animals, whether of low or high degree.” The explanation of the origin of coal which I have given in the foregoing meets all these difficulties. It shows how vast accumulations of vegetable matter may have been formed “in close connection with the ancient land,” and yet “as if the coal had been thrown down in mid-ocean” as far as the remains of terrestrial animals are concerned. It explains the nearly total absence of land shells, and of the remains of other animals that must have lived in the forests producing the coal, and which would have been buried there with the coal had it been formed on land as usually supposed. It also meets the cases of the rare and curious exceptions, seeing that occasionally a land animal would here and there be drowned in such fjords under circumstances favorable to its fossilization. THE SOLAR ECLIPSE OF 1871. THE FIRST TELEGRAMS. This time we may fairly expect some approach to a solution of the riddle of the corona, as the one essential which neither scientific skill nor Government liberality could secure to the eclipse observers, has been afforded, viz., fine weather. The telegraph has already informed us of this, and also that good use has been made of the good weather. From one station we are told: “Thin mist; spectroscope satisfactory; reversion of lines entirely confirmed; six good photographs.” From another: “Weather fine; telescopic and camera photographs successful; ditto polarization; good sketches; many bright lines in spectrum.” This is very different from the gloomy accounts of the expedition of last year; when we consider that the different observers are far apart, and that if all or some of them are similarly favored we shall have in the photographs a series of successive pictures taken at intervals of time sufficiently distant to reveal any progressive changes that may have occurred in the corona while the moon’s shadow was passing from one station to the other. I anticipate some curious revelations from these progressive photographs, that may possibly reconcile the wide differences in the descriptions that competent observers have given of the corona of former eclipses, which they had seen at stations distant from each other. Barely two years have elapsed since I suggested, in “The Fuel of the Sun,” that the great solar prominences and the corona are due to violent explosions of the dissociated elements of water; that the prominences are the gaseous flashes, and the corona the ejected scoria, or solidified metallic matter belched forth by the furious cannonade continually in progress over the greater portion of the solar surface. This explanation at first appeared extravagant, especially as it was carried so far as to suggest that not merely the corona, but the zodiacal light, the zone of meteors which occasionally drop showers of solid matter upon the earth, and even the “pocket-planets” or asteroids so irregularly scattered between the orbits of Mars and Jupiter, consist of solid matter thus ejected by the great solar eruptions. Even up to the spring of the present year, when Mr. Lockyer and other leaders of the last year’s expeditions reported their imperfect results, and compared them with various theories, this one was not thought worthy of their attention. Since that time—during the past six or eight months—a change has taken place which strikingly illustrates the rapid progress of solar discovery. Observations and calculations of the force and velocity of particular solar eruptions have been made, and the results have proved that they are amply sufficient to eject solid missiles even further than I supposed them to be carried. Mr. Proctor, basing his calculations upon the observations of Respighi, Zöllner, and Professor Young, has concluded that it is even possible that meteoric matter may be ejected far beyond the limits of our solar system into the domain of the gravitation of other stars, and that other stars may in like manner bombard the sun. This appears rather startling; but, as I have already said, the imagination of the poet and the novelist is beggared by the facts revealed by the microscope, so I may now repeat the assertion, and state it still more strongly, in reference to the revelations of the telescope and the spectroscope. As a sample of these, I take the observations of Professor Young, made on September 7th last, and described fully in “Nature” on October 19. He first observed a number of the usual flame-prominences having the typical form which has been compared to a “banyan grove.” One of these banyans was greater than the rest. This monarch of the solar flame-forest measured _fifty-four thousand miles in height_, and its outspreading measured in one direction about _one hundred thousand miles_. It was a large eruption-flame, but others much larger have been observed, and Professor Young would probably have merely noted it among the rest, had not something further occurred. He was called away for twenty-five minutes, and when he returned “the whole thing had been literally blown to shreds by some inconceivable uprush from beneath.” The space around “was filled with flying _débris_—a mass of detached vertical fusiform filaments, each from 10 sec. to 30 sec. long by 2 sec. or 3 sec. wide, brighter and closer together where the pillars had formerly stood, _and rapidly ascending_.” Professor Young goes on to say, that “When I first looked, some of them had already reached a height of 100,000 miles, and while I watched they rose, with a motion almost perceptible to the eye, until in ten minutes the uppermost were 200,000 miles above the solar surface. This was ascertained by careful measurement.” Here, then, we have an observed velocity of 10,000 miles per minute, and this is the gaseous matter, merely the flash of the gun by which the particles of solidified solar matter are supposed to be projected. The reader must pause and reflect, in order to form an adequate conception of the magnitudes here treated—100,000 miles long and 54,000 miles high! What does this mean? Twelve and a half of our worlds placed side by side to measure the length, and six and three quarters, piled upon each other, to measure the height! A few hundred worlds as large as ours would be required to fill up the whole cubic contents of this flame-cloud. The spectroscope has shown that these prominences are incandescent hydrogen. Most of my readers have probably seen a soap-bubble or a bladder filled with the separated elements of water, and then exploded, and have felt the ringing in their ears that has followed the violent detonation. Let them struggle with the conception of such a bubble or bladder magnified to the dimensions of only one such a world as ours, and then exploded; let them strain their power of imagination even to the splitting point, and still they must fail most pitifully to picture the magnitude of this solar explosion observed on September 7th last, which flashed out to a magnitude of more than five hundred worlds, and then expanded to the size of more than five thousand worlds, even while Professor Young was watching it. Professor Young concludes his description by stating that “it seems far from impossible that the mysterious coronal streamers, if they turn out to be truly solar, as now seems likely, may find their origin and explanation in such events.” This, and a number of similar admissions, suggestions, and conclusions from the leading astronomers, indicate that the eruption theory of the corona will not be passed over in silence by the observers of this eclipse, and it is to this that I have referred in the above remarks respecting the interest attaching to a series of photographs showing successive states of this outspreading enigma. Father Secchi’s spectroscopic observations on the uneclipsed sun led him to assert the existence of a stratum of glowing metallic vapors immediately below the envelope connected with the hydrogen of the eruptions. This is just what is required by my eruption theory to supply the solid materials of the ejections forming the corona. Professor Young’s announcement of the reversal of the spectroscopic lines at the moment when the stratum was seen independently of the general solar glare, startled Mr. Lockyer and others who had disputed the accuracy of the observations of the great Italian observer, as it confirmed them so completely. Scepticism still prevailed, and Young’s observation was questioned; but now even our slender telegraphic communication from Colonel Tenant to Dr. Huggins indicates that the question must be no longer contested. “Reversion of lines entirely confirmed” is a message so important that if the expeditions had done no more than this, all their cost in money and scientific labor would be amply repaid in the estimation of those who understand the value of pure truth. A few more fragments of intelligence respecting the Eclipse Expedition have reached us, the last Indian mail having started just after the eclipse occurred. They fully confirm the first telegraphic announcement, rather strengthening than otherwise the expectations of important results, especially in reference to the photographs of the corona. I have read in the Ceylon newspapers some full descriptions by amateur observers, in which the general magnificence of the phenomena is described. From these it is evident that the corona must have been displayed in its full grandeur; but as the writers do not attempt to describe those features which have at the present moment a special scientific interest, I shall not dwell upon them, but await the publication of the official report of the chief, and of the more important collateral observing expeditions. The unsophisticated reader may say “Are not one man’s eyes as good as another’s, and why should the observations of the learned men of the expeditions be so much better than those of any other clear-sighted persons?” This is a perfectly fair question, and admits of a ready answer. All that can be known by mere unprepared naked-eye observation is tolerably well known already; the questions which await solution can only be answered by putting the sun to torture by means of instruments specially devised for that purpose; and by a skillful organization, and division of labor among the observers. There is so much to be seen during the few seconds of total obscuration that no one human being, however well trained in the art of observing, could possibly see all. Therefore it is necessary to pre-arrange each observer’s part, to have careful rehearsals of what is to be done by each during the precious seconds; and each man must exercise a vast amount of self-control in order to confine his attention to his own particular bit of observation, while he is surrounded with such marvellous phenomena as a total eclipse presents. The grandeur of the gloomy landscape, the sudden starting out of the greater stars, the seeming falling of the vault of heaven, the silence of the animal world, the closing of the flowers, and all that the ordinary observer would regard with so much awe and wondering delight, must be sacrificed by the philosopher, whose business is to confine his gaze to a narrow slit between two strips of metal, and to watch nothing else but the exact position and appearance of a few bright or dark lines across what appears but a strip of colored riband. He must resist the temptation to look aside and around with the stubbornness of self-denial of another St. Antonio. Besides this, he must thoroughly understand exactly what to look for, and how to find it. By combining the results of his observations with those of the others, who in like manner have undertaken to work with another instrument, or upon another part of the phenomena, we get a scientific result comparable to that which in a manufactory we obtain by the division of labor of many skilled workmen, each doing only that which by his training he has learned to do the best and the most expeditiously. FURTHER DETAILS BY POST. Although the formal official reports of the Eclipse Expedition are not yet published, and may not be for some weeks or months, we are able from the letters of Lockyer, Jannsen, Respighi, Maclear, etc., to form some idea of the general results. We may already regard two or three important questions as fairly answered. The reversal of the dark solar lines of the spectrum which was first announced by the great Roman observer, Father Secchi, and seen by him without an eclipse, may now be considered as established. It is true that all the observers of 1871 did not witness this. Some were doubtful, but others observed it positively and distinctly. In such a case negative results do not refute the positive observations of qualified men, especially when several of such observations have been made independently; the phenomenon is but instantaneous, a mere flash of bright stripes in place of dark lines across the colored riband of the spectroscope, which happens just at the moment before and after totality, and is presented only when the instrument is accurately directed to the delicate curved vanishing thread of light which is the last visible fragment of the solar outline, and that which makes the first flash of his re-appearance. A little explanation is necessary to render the significance of this “reversal” intelligible to those who have not specially studied the subject. 1st. When the spectroscope is directed to a luminous solid a simple rainbow-band or “continuous spectrum” is seen. When, on the other hand, the object is a luminous gas or vapor of moderate density, the spectrum is not a continuous band with its colors actually blending; it consists only of certain luminous stripes with blank spaces between them, each particular gas or vapor showing its own particular set of stripes of certain colors, and always appearing at exactly the same place, so invariably and certainly, that, by means of such luminous stripes, the composition of the gas or vapor may be determined. If, however, the gas be much compressed, the stripes widen as the condensation proceeds; they may even spread out sufficiently to meet and form a continuous spectrum like that from a solid. Liquids also produce continuous spectra. 2d. When a luminous solid or liquid, or very dense gas, capable of producing a continuous spectrum, is viewed through an intervening body of other gas or vapor of moderate or small density, fine _dark lines_ cross the spectrum in precisely the same places as the bright stripes would appear if this intervening gas or vapor were luminous and seen by itself. When the spectroscope is directed to the face of the sun under ordinary circumstances, it presents a brilliant continuous spectrum, striped with a multitude of the dark lines. From this it has been inferred that the luminous face of the sun is that of an incandescent solid or liquid, and that it is surrounded by the gases and vapors whose bright stripes, when artificially produced, occupy precisely the same places as the dark lines of the solar spectrum. This was the theory of Kirchoff and others in the early days of spectrum analysis, when it was only known that solids and liquids were capable of producing a continuous spectrum. The important discovery that gases and vapors, if sufficiently condensed, will also produce a continuous spectrum, opened another speculation, far more consistent with the other known facts concerning the constitution of the sun, viz., that the sun may be a great gaseous orb, blazing at its surface and gradually increasing in density from the surface towards the centre. According to this, the metals sodium, calcium, barium, magnesium, iron, chromium, nickel, copper, zinc, strontium, cobalt, manganese, aluminium, and titanium, whose vapors, with those of some few other substances, give the dark lines that cross the solar spectrum, should exist neither as solids nor liquids on the solar surface, but as blazing gases. But such blazing gases, according to what I have stated above, should give us bright stripes instead of dark lines. Why, then, are not such bright stripes seen under ordinary circumstances? This is easily answered. These blazing gases must, as we proceed from the surface of the sun downwards, become so condensed by the pressure of their own superincumbent strata, as to produce a continuous spectrum of great brilliancy. With such a background the bright stripes would be confounded and lost to sight. Besides this, the outer film of cooler vapor through which our vision must necessarily penetrate before reaching the luminous solar surface, will produce the dark lines exactly where the bright stripes should be, and thus effectually obliterate them; or, in other words, the intervening non-luminous vapors are opaque to the particular rays of light which the bright vapors of the same substance emits. Therefore, according to this theory, if we could sweep away these outside darkening vapors, and screen off the inner layers of denser blazing matter which produces the continuous background, we should have a spectrum displaying a multitude of bright stripes exactly where the black lines of the ordinary solar spectrum appear. Secchi announced that these bright lines were to be seen under favorable circumstances, when, by skillful management, the rays from the edge of the sun were so caught by the slit of the spectroscope as to exhibit only the spectrum of the superficial layer of the sun’s bright surface. This was disputed at the time by Mr. Lockyer, who, I suspect, omitted to consider the atmospheric difficulties under which English astronomers work, and the fact that the atmosphere of Italy is exceptionally favorable for delicate astronomical observation. If he had fairly considered this I think he would agree with me in concluding that an observation of this kind, avowedly made with great difficulty and questionable distinctness by so skillful a spectroscopic observer as Father Secchi, could not possibly be seen by any human eyes through a London atmosphere. Subsequently Professor Young startled the astronomical world by the announcement that, at the moment when the thinnest perceptible thread of the sun’s edge was alone displayed during the eclipse which he observed, the whole of the dark lines of the solar spectrum flashed out as bright stripes in a most unmistakable manner. This observation is now fully confirmed. The first telegrams from Mr. Pogson, the Government astronomer of Madras, and from Colonel Tennant, both announce this most positively, Colonel Tennant’s words being, “the reversion of the lines fully confirmed.” A similar result was obtained by some, but not by all, of the Ceylon observers. To understand this clearly, we must consider the fact that what appears to us as the outline of a flat disc is really that part of the sun which we see by looking horizontally athwart his rotundity, just as we look at the ocean surface of our own earth when we stand upon the shore and see its horizon outline. When the moon obscures all but the last film of this solar edge, we see only the surface of the supposed gaseous orb, just that portion of the blazing gases which are not greatly compressed by those above them, and which accordingly should, if they consist of the vapors or the gases above named, display a bright-striped spectrum, provided the intervening non-luminous vapors of the same metals are not sufficiently abundant to obscure them—at this particular moment, when only the absolute horizon-line is seen, and the body of the moon cuts off all the intervening solar surface, and the lower or denser portion of the intervening super-solar vapors, though, of course, these are not so entirely cut off as the continuous background. The reversion of the dark lines therefore reveals to us the stupendous fact that the surface of the mighty sun, which is as big as a million and a quarter of our worlds, consists of a flaming ocean of hydrogen and of the metals above-named in a gaseous condition, similar to that of the hydrogen itself. This fact, coupled with the other revelations of the spectroscope, which, without the help of an eclipse, reveals the surface outline of the sun, the “sierra” and the “prominences” tell us that this flaming ocean is in a state of perpetual tempest, heaving up its billows and flame-Alps hundreds and thousands of miles in height, and belching forth above all these still taller pillars of fire that even reach an elevation of more than a hundred thousand miles, and then burst out into mighty clouds of flame and vapor, bigger than five hundred worlds. What does the last eclipse teach us in reference to the corona? Firstly and clearly, that Lockyer’s explanation which attributed it to an illumination of the upper regions of the earth’s atmosphere must be now forever abandoned. This theory has died hard, but, in spite of Mr. Lockyer’s proclamation of “victory all along the line,” it is now past galvanizing. There can be no further hesitation in pronouncing that the corona actually belongs to the sun itself, that it is a marvelous solar appendage extending from the sun in all directions, but by no means regularly. The immensity of this appendage will be best understood by the fact that the space included within the outer limits of the visible corona is at least twenty times as great as the bulk of the sun itself, that above twenty-five millions of our worlds would be required to fill it. Jannsen says: “I believe the question whether the corona is due to the terrestrial atmosphere is settled, and we have before us the prospect of the study of the extra-solar regions, which will be very interesting and fertile.” The spectroscope, the polariscope, and ordinary vision all concur in supporting the explanation that the corona is composed of solid particles and gaseous matter intermingled. It fulfils exactly all the requirements of the hypothesis which attributes it to the same materials as those which in a gaseous state cause the reversion of the dark lines above described, but which have been ejected with the great eruptions forming the solar prominences, and have become condensed into glowing metallic hailstones as their distance from the central heat has increased. These must necessarily be accompanied by the vapors of the more volatile materials, and should give out some of the lighter gases, such as hydrogen, which, under greater pressure, would be occluded within them, just as the hydrogen gas occluded within the substance of the Lenarto meteor (a mass of iron which fell from the sky upon the earth) was extracted by the late Master of the Mint by means of his mercurial air-pump. The rifts or gaps between the radial streamers, which have been so often described and figured, but were regarded by some as optical illusions, are now established as unquestionable facts. Mr. Lockyer, the last to be convinced, is now compelled to admit this, which overthrows the supposition that this solar appendage is a luminous solar atmosphere of any kind. If it were gaseous or true vapor, it must obey the law of gaseous diffusion, and could not present the phenomena of bright radial streamers, with dark spaces between them, unless it were in the course of very rapid radial motion either to or from the sun. The photographs have not yet been published. When they have all arrived, and can be compared, we shall learn something that I anticipate will be extremely interesting respecting the changes of the corona, as they have been taken at the different stations at different times. I alluded to this subject before, when it was only a matter of possibility that such a succession of pictures might have been taken. We now have the assurance that such pictures have been obtained. There can be no question about optical illusion in these; they are original affidavits made by the corona itself, signed, sealed, and delivered as its own act and deed. METEORIC ASTRONOMY. The number of the _Quarterly Journal of Science_ for May, 1872, contains some articles of considerable interest. The first is by the indefatigable Mr. Proctor, on “Meteoric Astronomy,” in which he embodies a clear and popular summary of the researches which have earned for Signor Schiaparelli this year’s gold medal of the Astronomical Society. Like all who venture upon a broad, bold effort of scientific thought, extending at all into the regions of philosophical theory, Schiaparelli has had to wait for recognition. A simple and merely mechanical observation of a bare fact, barely and mechanically recorded without the exercise of any other of the intellectual faculties than the external senses and observing powers, is at once received and duly honored by the scientific world; but any higher effort is received at first indifferently, or sceptically, and is only accepted after a period of probation, directly proportionate to its philosophical magnitude and importance, and inversely proportionate to the scientific status of the daring theorist. At first sight this appears unjust, it looks like honoring the laborers who merely make the bricks, and despising the architect who constructs the edifice of philosophy from the materials they provide. Many a disappointed dreamer, finding that his theory of the universe has not been accepted, and that the expected honors have not been showered upon him, has violently attacked the whole scientific community as a contemptible gang of low-minded mechanical plodders, void of imagination, blind to all poetic aspirations, and incapable of any grand and comprehensive flight of intellect. Had these impulsive gentlemen been previously subjected to the strict discipline of inductive scientific training, their position and opinions would have been very different. Their great theories would either have had no existence, or have been much smaller, and they would understand that philosophic caution is one of the characteristic results of scientific training. Simple facts, which can be immediately proved by simple experiments and simple observations, are at once accepted, and their discoverers duly honored, without any hesitation or delay, but the grander efforts of generalization require careful thought and laborious scrutiny for their verification, and therefore the acknowledgment of their merits is necessarily delayed; but when it does arrive full justice is usually done. Thus Grove’s “Correlation of the Physical Forces,” the greatest philosophical work on purely physical science of this generation, was commenced in 1842, when its author occupied but a humble position at the London Institution. The book was but little noticed for many years, and, had Mr. Grove (now Sir William Grove) not been duly educated by the discipline above referred to, he might have become a noisy cantankerous martyr, one of those “ill-used men” who have been made familiar to so many audiences by Mr. George Dawson. Instead of this, he patiently waited, and, as we have lately seen, the well-deserved honors have now been liberally awarded. In a very few years hence we shall be able to say the same of the once diabolical Darwin, and eight or nine other theorists, who must all be content to take their trial and patiently await the verdict; the time of waiting being of necessity proportionate to the magnitude of the issue. The theories of Schiaparelli, which, as Mr. Proctor says, “after the usual term of doubt have so recently received the sanction of the highest astronomical tribunal of Great Britain,” are not of so purely speculative a character as to demand a very long “term of doubt.” They are directly based on observations and mathematical calculations which bring them under the domain of the recognized logic of mathematical probability. Those who are specially interested in the modern progress of astronomy should read this article in the _Quarterly Journal of Science_, which is illustrated with the diagrams necessary for the comprehension of the researches and reasoning of Schiaparelli and others who have worked on the same ground. I can only state the general results, which are that the meteors which we see every year, more or less abundantly, on the nights of the 10th and 11th of August, and which always appear to come from the same point in the heavens, are then and thus visible because they form part of an eccentric elliptical zone of meteoric bodies which girdle the domain of the sun; and that our earth, in the course of its annual journey around the sun, crosses and plunges more or less deeply into this ellipse of small attendant bodies, which are supposed to be moving in regular orbits around the sun. Schiaparelli has compared the position, the direction, and the velocity of motion of the August meteors with the orbit of the great comet of 1862, and infers that there is a close connection between them, so close that the meteors may be regarded as a sort of trail which the comet has left behind. He does not exactly say that they are detached vertebræ of the comet’s tail, but suggests the possibility of their original connection with its head. Similar observations have been made upon the November meteoric showers, which by similar reasoning, are associated with another comet; and further yet, it is assumed upon analogy that other recognized meteor systems, amounting to nearly two hundred in number, are in like manner associated with other comets. If these theories are sound, our diagrams and mental pictures of the solar system must be materially modified. Besides the central sun, the eight planets and the asteroids moving in their nearly circular orbits, and some eccentric comets traveling in long ellipses, we must add a countless multitude of small bodies clustered in elliptical rings, all traveling together in the path marked by their containing girdle, and following the lead of a streaming vaporous monster, their parent comet. We must count such comets, and such rings filled with attendant fragments, not merely by tens or hundreds, but by thousands and tens of thousands, even by millions; the path of the earth being but a thread in space, and yet a hundred or two are strung upon it. In this article Mr. Proctor seems strongly disposed to return to the theory which attributes solar heat and light to a bombardment of meteors from without, and the solar corona and zodiacal light as visible presentments of these meteors. Still, however, he clings to the more recent explanation which regards the corona, the zodiacal light, and the meteors as matter ejected from the sun by the same forces as those producing the solar prominences. For my own part I shall not be at all surprised if we find that, ere long, these two apparently conflicting hypotheses are fully reconciled. The progress of solar discovery has been so great since January, 1870, when my ejection theory was published, that I may now carry it out much further than I then dared, or was justified in daring to venture. Actual measurement of the projectile forces displayed in some of the larger prominences renders it not merely possible, but even very probable, that some of the exceptionally great eruptive efforts of the sun may be sufficiently powerful to eject solar material beyond the reclaiming reach of his own gravitating power. In such a case the banished matter must go on wandering through the boundless profundity of space until it reaches the domain of some other sun, which will clutch the fragment with its gravitating energies, and turn its straight and ever onward course into the curved orbit. Thus the truant morsel from our sun will become the subject of another sun—a portion of another solar system. What one sun may do, another and every other may do likewise, and, if so, there must be a mutual bombardment, a ceaseless interchange of matter between the countless suns of the universe. This is a startling view of our cosmical relations, but we are driving rapidly towards a general recognition of it. The November star showers have perpetrated some irregularities this year. They have been very unpunctual, and have not come from their right place. We have heard something from Italy, but not the tidings of the Leonides that were expected. Instead of the great display of the month occurring on the 13th and 14th, it was seen on the 27th. We have accounts from different parts of England, Ireland, Scotland, and Wales, also from Italy, Greece, Egypt, etc. Mr. Slinto, in a letter to the _Times_, estimates the number seen at Suez as reaching at least 30,000, while in Italy and Athens about 200 per minute were observed. They were not, however, the Leonides, that is, they did not radiate from a point in the constellation Leo, but from the region of Andromeda. Therefore they were distinct from that system of small wanderers usually designated the “November meteors,” were not connected with Tempel’s comet (comet 1, 1866), but belong to quite another set. The question now discussed by astronomers is whether they are connected with any other comet, and, if so, with which comet? In the “Monthly Notices” of the Royal Astronomical Society, published October 24th last, is a very interesting paper by Professor Herschel, on “Observations of Meteor Showers,” supposed to be connected with “Biela’s comet,” in which he recommends that “a watch should be kept during the last week in November and the first week in December,” in order to verify “the ingenious suggestions of Dr. Weiss,” which, popularly stated, amount to this, viz., that a meteoric cloud is revolving in the same orbit as Biela’s comet, and that in 1772 the earth dashed through this meteoric orbit on December 10th. In 1826 it did the same, on December 4th; in 1852 the earth passed through the node on November 28th, and there are reasons for expecting a repetition at about the same date in 1872. The magnificent display of the 27th has afforded an important verification of these anticipations, which become especially interesting in connection with the curious history of Biela’s comet, which receives its name from M. Biela, of Josephstadt, who observed it in 1826, calculated its orbit, and considered it identical with the comets of 1772, 1805, etc. It travels in a long eccentric ellipse, and completes its orbit in 2410 days—about 6¾ years. It appeared again, as predicted, in 1832 and 1846. Its orbit very nearly intersects that of the earth, and thus affords a remote possibility of that sort of collision which has excited so much terror in the minds of many people, but which an enthusiastic astronomer of the present generation would anticipate with something like the sensational interest which stirs the soul of a London street-boy when he is madly struggling to keep pace with a fire-engine. The calculations for 1832 showed that this comet should cross the earth’s orbit a little before the time of the earth’s arrival at the same place; but as such a comet, traveling in such an orbit, is liable to possible retardations, the calculations could only be approximately accurate, and thus the sensational astronomer was not altogether without hope. This time, however, he was disappointed; the comet was punctual, and crossed the critical node about a month before the earth reached it. As though to compensate for this disappointment, the comet at its next appearance exhibited some entirely new phenomena. It split itself into two comets, in such a manner that the performance was visible to the telescopic observer. Both of these comets had nuclei and short tails, and they alternately varied in brightness, sometimes one, then the other, having the advantage. They traveled on at a distance of about 156,000 miles from each other, with parallel tails, and with a sort of friendly communication in the form of a faint arc of light, which extended as a kind of bridge, from one to the other. Besides this, the one which was first the brighter, then the fainter, and finally the brighter again, threw out two additional tails, one of which extended lovingly towards its companion. The time of return in 1852 was of course anxiously expected by astronomers, and careful watch was kept for the wanderers. They came again at the calculated time, still separated as before. They were again due in 1859, in 1866, and, finally, at about the end of last November, or the beginning of the present month. Though eagerly looked for by astronomers in all parts of the civilized world, they have been seen no more since 1852. What, then, has become of them? Have they further subdivided? Have they crumbled into meteoric dust? Have they blazed or boiled into thin air? or have they been dragged by some interfering gravitation into another orbit? The last supposition is the most improbable, as none of the visible inhabitants of space have come near enough to disturb them. The possibility of a dissolution into smaller fragments is suggested by the fact that, instead of the original single comet, or the two fragments, meteoric showers have fallen towards the earth at the time when it has crossed the orbit of the original comet, and these showers have radiated from that part of the heavens in which the comet should have appeared. Such was the case with the magnificent display of November 27th, and astronomers are inclining more and more to the idea that comets and meteors have a common origin—the meteors are little comets, or comets are big meteors. In the latest of the “Monthly Notices,” of the Royal Astronomical Society, published last week, is a paper by Mr. Proctor, in which he expands the theory expounded three years ago by an author whom your correspondent’s modesty prevents him from naming, viz., that the larger planets—Jupiter, Saturn, Uranus, and Neptune—are minor suns, ejecting meteoric matter from them by the operation of forces similar to those producing the solar prominences. Mr. Proctor subjects this bold hypothesis to mathematical examination, and finds that the orbit of Tempel’s comet and its companion meteors correspond to that which would result from such an eruption occurring on the planet Uranus. An eruptive force effecting a velocity of about thirteen miles per second, which is vastly smaller than the actually measured velocity of the matter of the solar eruptions, would be sufficient to thrust such meteoric or cometary matter beyond the reclaiming reach of the gravitation of Uranus, and hand it over to the sun, to make just such an orbit as that of Tempel’s comet and the Leonides meteors. He shows that other comets and meteoric zones are similarly allied to other planets, and thus it may be that the falling stars and comets are fragments of Jupiter, Saturn, Uranus, or Neptune. Verily, if an astronomer of the last generation were to start up among us now, he would be astounded at modern presumption. The star shower of November 27th, and its connection with Biela’s broken and lost comet, referred to in my last letter, are still subjects of research and speculation. On November 30th Professor Klinkerfues sent to Mr. Pogson, of the Madras Observatory, the following startling telegram: “Biela touched earth on 27th. Search near Theta Centauri.” Mr. Pogson searched accordingly from comet-rise to sunrise on the two following mornings, but in vain; for even in India they have had cloudy weather of late. On the third day, however, he had “better luck,” saw something like a comet through an opening between clouds, and on the following days was enabled to deliberately verify this observation and determine the position and some elements of the motion of the comet, which displayed a bright nucleus, and faint but distinct tail. This discovery is rather remarkable in connection with the theoretical anticipation of Professor Klinkerfues; but the conclusion directly suggested is by no means admitted by astronomers. Some, have supposed that it is not the primary Biela, but the secondary comet, or offshoot, which grazed the earth, and was seen by Mr. Pogson; others that it was neither the body, the envelope, nor the tail of either of the comets which formed the star shower, but that the meteors of November 27th were merely a trail which the comet left behind. A multitude of letters were read at the last and previous meeting of the Astronomical Society, in which the writers described the details of their own observations. As these letters came from nearly all parts of the world, the data have an unusual degree of completeness, and show very strikingly the value of the work of amateur astronomical observers. By the collation and comparison of these, important inductions are obtainable. Thus Professor A. S. Herschel concludes that the earth passed through seven strata of meteoric bodies, having each a thickness of about 50,000 miles—in all about 350,000 miles. As the diameter of the visible nebulosity of Biela’s comet was but 40,000 miles when nearest the earth in 1832, the great thickness of these strata indicates something beyond the comet itself. Besides this, Mr. Hind’s calculation for the return of the primary comet shows that on November 27th it was 250 millions of miles from the earth. Those, however, who are determined to enjoy the sensation of supposing that they really have been brushed by the tail of a comet, still have the secondary comet to fall back upon. This, as already described, was broken off the original, from which it was seen gradually to diverge, but was still linked to it by an arch of nebulous matter. If this divergence has continued, it must now be far distant—sufficiently far to afford me an opportunity of safely adding another to the numerous speculations, viz., that we may, on November 27th, have plunged obliquely through this connecting arm of nebulous matter, which was seen stretching between the parent comet and its offshoot. The actual position of the meteoric strata above referred to is quite consistent with the hypothesis. THE “GREAT ICE AGE” AND THE ORIGIN OF THE “TILL.” The growth of science is becoming so overwhelming that the old subdivisions of human knowledge are no longer sufficient for the purpose of dividing the labor of experts. It is scarcely possible now for any man to become a naturalist, a chemist, or a physicist in the full sense of either term; he must, if he aims at thoroughness, be satisfied with a general knowledge of the great body of science, and a special and a full acquaintance with only one or two of its minor subdivisions. Thus geology, though but a branch of natural history, and the youngest of its branches, has now become so extensive that its ablest votaries are compelled to devote their best efforts to the study of sections which but a few years ago were scarcely definable. Glaciation is one of these, which now demands its own elementary text-books over and above the monographs of original investigators. This demand has been well supplied by Mr. James Geikie in the “The Great Ice Age,”[15] of which a second edition has just been issued. Every student of glacial phenomena owes to Mr. Geikie a heavy debt of gratitude for the invaluable collection of facts and philosophy which this work presents. It may now be fairly described as a standard treatise on the subject which it treats. One leading feature of the work offers a very aggressive invitation to criticism. Scotchmen are commonly accused of looking upon the whole universe through Scotch spectacles, and here we have a Scotchman treating a subject which affects nearly the whole of the globe, and devoting about half of his book to the details of Scottish glacial deposits; while England has but one-third of the space allowed to Scotland, Ireland but a thirtieth, Scandinavia less than a tenth, North America a sixth, and so on with the rest of the world. Disproportionate as this may appear at first glance, further acquaintance with the work justifies the pre-eminence which Mr. Geikie gives to the Scotch glacial deposits. Excepting Norway, there is no country in Europe which affords so fine a field for the study of the vestiges of extinct glaciers as Scotland, and Scotland has an advantage even over Norway in being much better known in geological detail. Besides this, we must always permit the expounder of any subject to select his own typical illustrations, and welcome his ability to find them in a region which he himself has directly explored. Mr. Geikie’s connection with the geological survey of Scotland has afforded him special facilities for making good use of Scottish typical material, and he has turned these opportunities to such excellent account that no student after reading “The Great Ice Age” will find fault with its decided nationality. The leading feature—the basis, in fact—of this work deserves especial notice, as it gives it a peculiar and timely value of its own. This feature is that the subject—as compared with its usual treatment by other leading writers—is turned round and presented, so to speak, bottom upwards. De Saussure, Charpentier, Agassiz, Humboldt, Forbes, Hopkins, Whewell, Stark, Tyndall, etc., have studied the living glaciers, and upon the data thus obtained have identified the work of extinct glaciers. Chronologically speaking, they have proceeded backwards, a method absolutely necessary in the early stages of the inquiry, and which has yielded admirable results. Geikie, in the work before us, proceeds exactly in the opposite order. Availing himself of the means of identifying glacial deposits which the retrogressive method affords, he plunges at once to the lowest and oldest of these deposits, which he presents the most prominently, and then works upwards and onwards to recent glaciation. The best illustration I can offer of the timely advantage of this reversed treatment is (with due apology for necessary egotism) to state my own case. In 1841, when the “glacial hypothesis,” as it was then called, was in its infancy, Professor Jamieson, although very old and nearly at the end of his career, took up the subject with great enthusiasm, and devoted to it a rather disproportionate number of lectures during his course on Natural History. Like many of his pupils, I became infected by his enthusiasm, and went from Edinburgh to Switzerland, where I had the good fortune to find Agassiz and his merry men at the “Hotel des Neufchatelois”—two tents raised upon a magnificent boulder floating on the upper part of the Aar glacier. After a short but very active sojourn there I “did,” not without physical danger, many other glaciers in Switzerland and the Tyrol, and afterwards practically studied the subject in Norway, North Wales, and wherever else an opportunity offered, reading in the meantime much of its special literature; but, like many others, confining my reading chiefly to authors who start with living glaciers and describe their doings most prominently. When, however, I read the first edition of Mr. Geikie’s “Great Ice Age,” immediately after its publication, his mode of presenting the phenomena, bottom upwards, suggested a number of reflections that had never occurred before, leading to other than the usual explanations of many glacial phenomena, and correcting some errors into which I had fallen in searching for the vestiges of ancient glaciers. As these suggestions and corrections may be interesting to others, as they have been to myself, I will here state them in outline. The most prominent and puzzling reflection or conclusion suggested by reading Mr. Geikie’s description of the glacial deposits of Scotland was, that the great bulk of them are quite different from the deposits of existing glaciers. This reminded me of a previous puzzle and disappointment that I had met in Norway, where I had observed such abundance of striation, such universality of polished rocks and rounded mountains, and so many striking examples of perched blocks, with scarcely any decent vestiges of moraines. This was especially the case in Arctic Norway. Coasting from Trondhjem to Hammerfest, winding round glaciated islands, in and out of fjords banked with glaciated rock-slopes, along more than a thousand miles of shore line, displaying the outlets of a thousand ancient glacier valleys, scanning eagerly throughout from sea to summit, landing at several stations, and climbing the most commanding hills, I _saw only one ancient moraine_—that at the Oxfjord station described in “Through Norway with Ladies.”[16] But this negative anomaly is not all. The ancient glacial deposits are not only remarkable on account of the absence of the most characteristic of modern glacial deposits, but in consisting mainly of something which is quite different from any of the deposits actually formed by any of the modern glaciers of Switzerland or any other country within the temperate zones. I have seen nothing either at the foot or the sides of any living Alpine or Scandinavian glacier that even approximately represents the “till” or “boulder clay,” nor any description of such a formation by any other observer; and have met with no note of this very suggestive anomaly by any writer on glaciers. Yet the till and boulder clay form vast deposits, covering thousands of square miles even of the limited area of the British Isles, and constitute the main evidence upon which we base all our theories respecting the existence and the vast extent and influence of the “Great Ice Age.” Although so different from anything at present produced by the Alpine or Scandinavian glaciers, this great deposit is unquestionably of glacial origin. The evidences upon which this general conclusion rests are fully stated by Mr. Geikie, and may safely be accepted as incontrovertible. Whence, then, the great difference? One of the suggestions to which I have already alluded as afforded by reading Mr. Geikie’s book was a hypothetical solution of this difficulty, but the verification of the hypothesis demanded a re-visit to Norway. An opportunity for this was afforded in the summer of 1874, during which I traveled round the coast from Stavanger to the Arctic frontier of Russia, and through an interesting inland district. The observations there made and strengthened by subsequent reflections, have so far confirmed my original speculative hypothesis that I now venture to state it briefly as follows: That the period appropriately designated by Mr. Geikie as the “Great Ice Age” includes at least two distinct periods or epochs—the first of very great intensity or magnitude, during which the Arctic regions of our globe were as completely glaciated as the Antarctic now are, and the British islands and a large portion of Northern Europe were glaciated as completely, and nearly in the same manner, as Greenland is at the present time; that long after this, and immediately preceding the present geological epoch, there was a minor glacial period, when only the now existing valleys, favorably shaped and situated for glacial accumulations, were partially or wholly filled with ice. There may have been many intermediate fluctuations of climate and glaciation, and probably were such, but as these do not affect my present argument they need not be here considered. So far I agree with the general conclusions of Mr. Geikie as I understand them, and with the generally received hypotheses, but in what follows I have ventured to diverge materially. It appears to me that the existing Antarctic glaciers and some of the glaciers of Greenland are essentially different in their conformation from the present glaciers of the Alps, and from those now occupying some of the fjelds and valleys of Norway; and that the glaciers of the earlier or greater glacial epoch were similar to those now forming the Antarctic barrier, while the glaciers of the later or minor glacial epoch resembled those now existing in temperate climates, or were intermediate between these and the Antarctic glaciers. The nature of the difference which I suppose to exist between the two classes of glaciers is this: The glaciers (properly so called) of temperate climates are the overflow of the _nevé_ (the great reservoir of ice and snow above the snow line). They are composed of ice which is protruded below the snow-line into the region where the summer thaw exceeds the winter snow-fall. This ice is necessarily subject to continual thinning or wasting from its _upper_ or exposed surface, and thus finally becomes liquefied, and is terminated by direct solar action. Many of the characteristic phenomena of Alpine glaciers depend upon this; among the more prominent of which are the superficial extrusion of boulders or rock fragments that have been buried in the _nevé_ or have fallen into the crevasses of the upper part of the true glacier, and the final deposit of these same boulders of fragments at the foot of the glaciers forming ordinary moraines. But this is not all. The thawing which extrudes, and finally deposits the larger fragments of rock, sifts from them the smaller particles, the aggregate bulk of which usually exceeds very largely that of the larger fragments. This fine silt or sand thus washed away is carried by the turbid glacier torrent to considerable distances, and deposited as an alluvium wherever the agitated waters find a resting-place. Thus the _débris_ of the ordinary modern glacier is effectively separated into two or more very distinct deposits; the moraine at the glacier foot consisting of rock fragments of considerable size with very little sand or clay or other fine deposit between them, and a distant deposit of totally different character, consisting of gravel, sand, clay, or mud, according to the length and conditions of its journey. The “chips,” as they have been well called, are thus separated from what I may designate the _filings_ or _sawdust_ of the glacier. The filings from the existing glaciers of the Bernese Alps are gradually filling up the lake-basins of Geneva and Constance, repairing the breaches made by the erosive action of their gigantic predecessors; those of the southern slope of the Alps are doing a large share in filling up the Adriatic; while the chips of all merely rest upon the glacier beds forming the comparatively insignificant terminal moraine deposits. The same in Scandinavia. The Storelv of the Jostedal is fed by the melting of the Krondal, Nygaard, Bjornestegs, and soldal glaciers. It has filled up a branch of the deep Sogne fjord, forming an extensive fertile plain at the mouth of its wild valley, and is depositing another subaqueous plain beyond, while the moraines of the glaciers are but inconsiderable and comparatively insignificant heaps of loose boulders, spread out on the present and former shores of the above-named glaciers, which are overflows from one side of the great _nevé_, the Jostedal Sneefond. All of these glaciers flow down small lateral valleys, spread out, and disappear in the main valley, which has now no glacier of its own, though it was formerly glaciated throughout. What must have been the condition of this and the other great Scandinavian valleys when such was the case? To answer this question rationally we must consider the meteorological conditions of that period. Either the climate must have been much colder, or the amount of precipitation vastly greater than at present, in order to produce the general glaciation that rounded the mountains up to a height of some thousands of feet above the present sea-level. Probably both factors co-operated to effect this vast glaciation, the climate colder, and the snow-fall also greater. The whole of Scandinavia, or as much as then stood above the sea, must have been a _nevé_ or sneefond on which the annual snow-fall exceeded the annual thaw. This is the case at present on the largest _nevé_ of Europe, the 500 square miles of the great plateau of the Jostedals and Nordfjords Sneefond, on all the overflowing _nevé_ or snow-fields of the Alps above the snow-line; over the greater part of Greenland; and (as the structure of the southern icebergs prove) everywhere within the great Antarctic ice barrier. What, then, must happen when the snow-line comes down, or nearly down, to the sea-level? It is evident that the out-thrust glaciers, the overflow down the valleys, cannot come to an end like the present Swiss and Scandinavian glaciers, by the direct melting action of the sun. They may be somewhat thinned from below by the heat of the earth, and that generated by their own friction on the rocks, but these must be quite inadequate to overcome the perpetual accumulation due to the snow-fall upon their own surface and the vast overflow from the great snow-fields above. They must go on and on, ever increasing, until they meet some new condition of climate or some other powerful agent of dissipation—something that can effectively melt them. This agent is very near at hand in the case of the Scandinavian valleys and those of Scotland. It is the sea. I think I may safely say that the valley glaciers of these countries during the great ice age _must_ have reached the sea, and there have terminated their existence, just as the Antarctic glaciers terminate at the present Antarctic ice-wall. What must happen when a glacier is thus thrust out to sea? This question is usually answered by assuming that it slides along the bottom until it reaches such a depth that flotation commences and then it breaks off or “calves” as icebergs. This view is strongly expressed by Mr. Geikie (p. 47) when he says that—“The seaward portion of an Arctic glacier cannot by any possibility be floated up without sundering its connection with the frozen mass behind. So long as the bulk of the glacier much exceeds the depth of the sea, the ice will of course rest upon the bed of the fjord or bay without being subjected to any strain or tension. But when the glacier creeps outwards to greater depths, then the superior specific gravity of the sea-water will tend to press the ice upward. That ice, however, is a hard continuous mass, with sufficient cohesion to oppose for a time this pressure, and hence the glacier crawls on to a depth far beyond the point at which, had it been free, it would have risen to the surface and floated. If at this great depth the whole mass of the glacier could be buoyed up without breaking off, it would certainly go to prove that the ice of Arctic regions, unlike ice anywhere else, had the property of yielding to mechanical strain without rupturing. But the great tension to which it is subjected takes effect in the usual way, and the ice yields, not by bending and stretching, but by breaking.” Mr. Geikie illustrates this by a diagram showing the “calving” of an iceberg. In spite of my respect for Mr. Geikie as a geological authority, I have no hesitation in contradicting some of the physical assumptions included in the above. Ice has no such rigidity as here stated. It _does_ possess in a high degree “the property of yielding to mechanical strain without rupturing.” We need not go far for evidence of this. Everybody who has skated or seen others skating on ice that is but just thick enough to “bear” must have felt or seen it yield to the mechanical strain of the skater’s weight. Under these conditions it not only bends under him, but it afterwards yields to the reaction of the water below, rising and falling in visible undulations, demonstrating most unequivocally a considerable degree of flexibility. It may be said that in this case the flexibility is due to the thinness of the ice; but this argument is unsound, inasmuch as the manifestation of such flexibility does not depend upon absolute thickness or thinness, but upon the relation of thickness to superficial extension. If a thin sheet of ice can be bent to a given arc, a thick sheet may be bent in the same degree, but the thicker ice demands a greater radius and proportionate extension of circumference. But we have direct evidence that ice of great thickness—actual glaciers—may bend to a considerable curvature before breaking. This is seen very strikingly when the uncrevassed ice-sheet of a slightly inclined _nevé_ suddenly reaches a precipice and is thrust over it. If Mr. Geikie were right, the projecting cornice thus formed should stand straight out, and then, when the transverse strain due to the weight of this rigid overhang exceeded the resistance of tenacity, it should break off short, exposing a face at right angles to the general surface of the supported body of ice. Had Mr. Geikie ever seen and carefully observed such an overhang or cornice of ice, I suspect that the above-quoted passage would not have been written. Some very fine examples of such ice-cornices are well seen from the ridge separating the Handspikjen Fjelde from the head of the Jostedal, where a view of the great _nevé_ or sneefond is obtained. This side of the _nevé_ terminates in precipitous rock-walls; at the foot of one of these is a dreary lake, the Styggevand. The overflow of the _nevé_ here forms great bending sheets that reach a short way down, and then break off and drop as small icebergs into the lake.[17] The ordinary course of glaciers affords abundant illustrations of the plasticity of such masses of ice. They spread out where the valley widens, contract where the valley narrows, and follow all the convexities or concavities of the axial line of its bed. If the bending thus enforced exceeds a certain degree of abruptness crevasses are formed, but a considerable bending occurs before the rupture is effected, and crevasses of considerable magnitude are commonly formed without severing one part of a glacier from another. They are usually =V=-shaped, in vertical section, and in many the rupture does not reach the bottom of the glacier. Very rarely indeed does a crevasse cross the whole breadth of a glacier in such a manner as to completely separate, even temporarily, the lower from the upper part of the glacier. If a glacier can thus bend _downwards_ without “sundering its connection with the frozen mass behind,” surely it may bend upwards in a corresponding degree, either with or without the formation of crevasses, according to the thickness of the ice and the degree of curvature. A glacier reaching the sea by a very steep incline would probably break off, in accordance with Mr. Geikie’s description, just as an Alpine glacier is ruptured fairly across when it makes a cascade over a suddenly precipitous bend of its path. One entering the sea at an inclination somewhat less precipitous than the minor limit of the effective rupture gradient would be crevassed in a contrary manner to the crevassing of Alpine glaciers. Its crevasses would gape downwards instead of upwards—have =Λ=-shaped instead of a =V=-shaped section. With a still more moderate slope, the up-floating of the termination of the glacier, and a concurrent general up-lifting or upbending of the whole of its submerged portion might occur without even a partial rupture or crevasse formation occurring. Let us now follow out some of the necessary results of these conditions of glacier existence and glacial prolongation. The first and most notable, by its contrast with ordinary glaciers, is the absence of lateral, medial, or terminal moraines. The larger masses of _débris_, the chippings that may have fallen from the exposed escarpments of the mountains upon the surface of the upper regions of the glacier, instead of remaining on the surface of the ice and standing above its general level by protecting the ice on which they rest from the general snow-thaw, would become buried by the upward accretion of the ice due to the unthawed stratum of each year’s snow-fall. The thinning agency at work upon such glaciers during their journey over the _terra firma_ being the outflow of terrestrial heat and that due to their friction upon their beds, this thinning must all take place from below, and thus, as the glaciers proceed downwards, these rock fragments must be continually approaching the bottom instead of continually approaching the top, as in the case of modern Alpine glaciers flowing below the snow-line, and thawing from surface downwards. It follows, therefore, that such glaciers could not deposit any moraines such as are in course of deposition by existing Alpine and Scandinavian glaciers. What, then, must become of the chips and filings of these outfloating glaciers? They must be carried along with the ice _so long as that ice rests upon the land_; for this _débris_ must consist partly of fragments imbedded in the ice, and partly of ground and re-ground excessively subdivided particles, that must either cake into what I may call ice-mud, and become a part of the glacier, or flow as liquid mud or turbid water beneath it, as with ordinary glaciers. The quantity of water being relatively small under the supposed conditions, the greater part would be carried forward to the sea by the ice rather than by the water. An important consequence of this must be that the erosive power of these ancient glaciers was, _cæteris paribus_, greater than that of modern Alpine glaciers, especially if we accept those theories which ascribe an actual internal growth or regeneration of glaciers by the relegation below of some of the water resulting from the surface-thaw. As the glacier with its lower accumulation advances into deeper and deeper water, its pressure upon its bed must progressively diminish until it reaches a line where it would just graze the bottom with a touch of feathery lightness. Somewhere before reaching this it would begin to deposit its burden on the sea-bottom, the commencement of this deposition being determined by the depth whereat the tenacity of the deposit, or its friction against the sea-bottom, or both combined, becomes sufficient to overpower the now-diminished pressure and forward thrusting, or erosive power of the glacier. Further forward, in deeper water, where the ice becomes fairly floated above the original sea-bottom, a rapid under-thawing must occur by the action of the sea-water, and if any communication exists between this ice covered sea and the waters of warmer latitudes this thawing must be increased by the currents that would necessarily be formed by the interchange of water of varying specific gravities. Deposition would thus take place in this deeper water, continually shallowing it or bringing up the sea-bottom nearer to the ice-bottom. This raising of the sea-bottom must occur not only here, but farther back, _i.e._, from the limit at which deposition commenced. This neutral ground, whereat the depth is just sufficient to allow the ice to rest lightly on its own deposit and slide over it without either sweeping it forward or depositing any more upon it, becomes an interesting critical region, subject to continuous forward extension during the lifetime of the glacier, as the deposition beyond it must continually raise the sea-bottom until it reaches the critical depth at which the deposition must cease. This would constitute what I may designate the normal depth of the glaciated sea, or the depth towards which it would be continually tending, during a great glacial epoch, by the formation of a submarine bank or plain of glacier deposit, over which the glacier would slide without either grinding it lower by erosion or raising it higher by deposition. But what must be the nature of this deposit? It is evident that it cannot be a mere moraine consisting only of the larger fragments of rock such as are now deposited at the foot of glaciers that die out before reaching the sea. Neither can it correspond to the glacial silt which is washed away and separated from these larger fragments by glacial streams, and deposited at the outspreadings of glacier torrents and rivers. It will correspond to neither the assorted gravel, sand, nor mud of these alluvial deposits, but must be an agglomeration of all the infusible solid matter the glacier is capable of carrying. It must contain, in heterogeneous admixture, the great boulders, the lesser rock fragments, the gravel chips, the sand, and the slimy mud; these settling down quietly in the cold, gloomy waters, overshadowed by the great ice-sheet, must form just such an agglomeration as we find in the boulder clay and tills, and lie just in those places where these deposits abound, provided the relative level of land and sea during the glacial epoch were suitable. I should make one additional remark relative to the composition of this deposit, viz., that under the conditions supposed, the original material detached from the rocks around the upper portions of the glaciers would suffer a far greater degree of attrition at the glacier bottom than it obtains in modern Alpine glaciers, inasmuch as in these it is removed by the glacier torrent when it has attained a certain degree of fineness, while in the greater glaciers of the glacial epoch it would be carried much further in association with the solid ice, and be subjected to more grinding and regrinding against the bottom. Hence a larger proportion of slimy mud would be formed, capable of finally induring into stiff clay such as forms the matrix of the till and boulder clay. The long journey of the bottom _débris_ stratum of the glacier, and its final deposition when in a state of neutral equilibrium between its own tendency to repose and the forward thrust of the glacier, would obviously tend to arrange the larger fragments of rock in the manner in which they are found imbedded in the till, _i.e._, the oblong fragments lying with their longer axes and their best marked striæ in the direction of the motion of the glacier. The “_striated pavements_” of the till are thus easily explained; they are the surface upon which the ice advanced when its deposits had reached the critical or neutral height. Such a pavement would continually extend outwards. The only sorting of the material likely to occur under these conditions would be that due to the earlier deposition and entanglement of the larger fragments, thus producing a more stony deposit nearer inland, just as Mr. Geikie describes the actual deposits of till where, “generally speaking, the stones are most numerous in the till of hilly districts; while at the lower levels of the country the clayey character of the mass is upon the whole more pronounced.” These “hilly districts,” upon the supposition of greater submergence, would be the near shore regions, and the lower levels the deeper sea where the glacier floated freely. The following is Mr. Geikie’s description of the distribution of the till (page 13):—“It is in the lower-lying districts of the country where till appears in greatest force. Wide areas of the central counties are covered up with it continuously, to a depth varying from two or three feet up to one hundred feet and more. But as we follow it towards the mountain regions it becomes thinner and more interrupted—the naked rock ever and anon peering through, until at last we find only a few shreds and patches lying here and there in sheltered hollows of the hills. Throughout the Northern Highlands it occurs but rarely, and only in little isolated patches. It is not until we get way from the steep rocky declivities and narrow glens and gorges, and enter upon the broader valleys that open out from the base of the highland mountains to the low-lying districts beyond, that we meet with any considerable deposits of stony clay. The higher districts of the Southern Uplands are almost equally free from any covering of till.” This description is precisely the same as I must have written, had I so far continued my imaginary sketch of the results of ancient glaciation as to picture what must remain after the glaciers had all melted away, and the sea had receded sufficiently to expose their submarine deposits. Throughout the above I have assumed a considerable submergence of the land as compared with the present sea-level on the coasts of Scotland, Scandinavia, etc. The universality of the terraces in all the Norwegian valleys opening westward proves a submergence of _at least_ 600 or 700 feet. When I first visited Norway in 1856, I accepted the usual description of these as alluvial deposits; was looking for glacial vestiges in the form of moraines, and thus quite failed to observe the true nature of these vast accumulations, which was obvious enough when I re-examined them in the light of more recent information. Some few are alluvial, but they are exceptional and of minor magnitude. As an example of such alluvial terraces I may mention those near the mouth of the Romsdal, that are well seen from the Aak Hotel, and which a Russian prince, or other soldier merely endowed with military eyes, might easily mistake for artificial earthworks erected for the defence of the valley. In this case, as in the others where the terraces are alluvial, the valley is a narrow one, occupied by a relatively wide river loaded with recent glacial _débris_. It evidently filled the valley during the period of glacial recession. The ordinary wider valleys, with a river that has cut a narrow channel through the outspread terrace-flats, display a different formation. Near the mouth of such valleys I have seen cuttings of more than a hundred feet in depth, through an unbroken terrace of most characteristic till, with other traces rising above it. This is the ordinary constitution of the _lower portions_ of most of the Scandinavian terraces. These terraces are commonly topped with quite a different stratum, which at first I regarded as a subsequent alluvial or estuarine deposit, but further examination suggested another explanation of the origin of some portions of this superficial stratum, to which I shall refer hereafter. Such terraces prove a rise of sea or depression of land, during the glacial epoch, to the extent of 600 feet as a _minimum_, while the well-known deposits of Arctic shells at Moel Tryfaen and the accompanying drift have led Prof. Ramsay to estimate “the probable amount of submergence during some part of the glacial period at about 2300 feet.”[18] It would be out of place here to reproduce the data upon which geologists have based their rather divergent opinions respecting the actual extent of the submergence of the western coast of North Europe. All agree that a great submergence occurred, but differ only as to its extent, their estimates varying between 1,000 and 3,000 feet. There is one important consideration that must not be overlooked, viz., that—if my view of the submarine origin of the till be correct—the mere submergence of the land at the glacial period does not measure the difference between the depth of the sea at that and the present time, seeing that the deposits from the glaciers must have shallowed it very materially. It is only after contemplating thoroughly the present form of the granitic and metamorphic hills of Scandinavia,—hills that are always angular when subjected only to subaerial weathering,—that one can form an adequate conception of the magnitude of this shallowing deposit. The rounding, shaving, grinding, planing, and universal abrasion everywhere displayed appear to me to justify the conclusion that if the sea were now raised to the level of the terraces, _i.e._, 600 feet higher than at present, the mass of matter abraded from the original Scandinavian mountains, and lying under the sea, would exceed the whole mass of mountain left standing above it. The first question suggested by reading Mr. Geikie’s book was whether the terraces are wholly or partially formed of till, and more especially whether their lower portions are thus composed. This, as already stated, was easily answered by the almost unanimous reply of all the many Norwegian valleys I traversed. Any tourist may verify this. The next question was whether this same till extends below the sea. This was not so easily answered by the means at my disposal, as I travelled hastily round the coast from Stavanger via the North Cape to the frontier of Russian Lapland in ordinary passenger steam-packets, which made their stoppages to suit other requirements than mine. Still, I was able to land at many stations, and found, wherever there was a gently sloping strand at the mouth of an estuary, or of a valley whose river had already deposited its suspended matter (a common case hereabouts, where so many rivers terminate in long estuaries or open out into bag-shaped lakes near the coast), and where the bottom had not been modified by secondary glaciation, that the receding tide displayed a sea-bottom of till, covered with a thin stratum of loose stones and shells. In some cases the till was so bare that it appeared like a stiff mud deposited but yesterday. At Bodö, an arctic coast station on the north side of the mouth of the Salten fjord (lat. 67° 20´), where the packets make a long halt, is a very characteristic example of this; a deposit of very tough till forming an extensive plain just on the sea-level. The tide rises over this, and the waves break upon it, forming a sort of beach by washing away some of the finer material, and leaving the stones behind. The ground being so nearly level, the reach of the tide is very great, and thus a large area is exposed at low tide. Continuous with this, and beyond the limit of high tide, is an extensive inland plain covered with coarse grass and weeds growing directly upon the surface of the original flat pavement of till. There is no river at Bodö; the sea is clear, leaves no appreciable deposit, and the degree of denudation of the clayey matrix of the till is very much smaller than might be expected. The limit of high water is plainly shown by a beach of shells and stones, but at low tide the ground over which the sea has receded is a bare and scarcely modified surface of till. I have observed the same at low water at many other arctic stations. In the Tromsö Sund there are shallows at some distance from the shore which are just covered with water at low tide. I landed and waded on these, and found the bottom to consist of till covered with a thin layer of shells, odd fragments of earthenware, and other rubbish thrown overboard from vessels. It is evident that breakers of considerable magnitude are necessary for the loosening of this tough compact deposit—that it is very slightly, if at all, affected by the mere flow of running water. I specify these instances as characteristic and easy of verification, as the packets all stop at these stations; but a yachtsman sailing at leisure amidst the glorious coast scenery of the Arctic Ocean might multiply such observations a hundredfold by stopping wherever such strands are indicated in passing. I saw a multitude of these in places where I was unable to go ashore and examine them. A further question in this direction suggested itself on the spot, viz., what is the nature of the “_banks_” which constitute the fishing-grounds of Norway, Iceland, Newfoundland, etc. They are submarine plains unquestionably—they must have a high degree of fertility in order to supply food for the hundreds of millions of voracious cod-fish, coal-fish, haddocks, hallibut, etc., that people them. These large fishes all _feed on the bottom_, their chief food being mollusca and crustacea, which must find, either directly or indirectly, some pasture of vegetable origin. The banks are, in fact, great meadows or feeding grounds for the lower animals which support the higher. From the Lofoten bank alone twenty millions of cod-fish are taken annually, besides those devoured by the vast multitude of sea-birds. Now this bank is situated precisely where, according to the above-stated view of the origin of the till, there should be a huge deposit. It occupies the Vest fjord, _i.e._, the opening between the mainland and the Lofoden Islands, extending from Moskenes, to Lodingen on Hindö, just where the culminating masses of the Kjolen Mountains must have poured their greatest glaciers into the sea by a westward course, and these glaciers must have been met by another stream pouring from the north, formed by the glaciers of Hindö and Senjenö, and both must have coalesced with a third flood pouring through the Ofoten fjord, the Tys fjord, etc., from the mainland. The Vest fjord is about sixty miles wide at its mouth, and narrows northward till it terminates in the Ofoten fjord, which forks into several branches eastward. A glance at a good map will show that here, according to my explanation of the origin of the till, there should be the greatest of all the submarine plains of till which the ancient Scandinavian glaciers have produced, and of which the plains of till I saw on the coast at Bodö (which lies just to the mouth of the Vest fjord, where the Salten fjord flows into it), are but the slightly inclined continuation. Some idea of this bank may be formed from the fact that outside of the Lofodens the sea is 100 to 200 fathoms in depth, that it suddenly shoals up to 16 or 20 fathoms on the east side of these rocks, and this shallow plain extends across the whole 50 or 60 miles between these islands and the mainland.[19] It must not be supposed the fjords or inlets of Scandinavia are _usually_ shallower than the open sea; the contrary is commonly the case, especially with the narrowest and those which run farthest inland. They are _very much_ deeper than the open sea. If space permitted I could show that the great Storregen bank, opposite Aalesund and Molde, where the Stor fjord, Mold fjord, etc., were the former outlets of the glaciers from the highest of all the Scandinavian mountains, and the several banks of Finmark, etc., from which, in the aggregate, are taken another 20 or 30 millions of cod-fish annually, are all situated just where theoretically they ought to be found. The same is the case with the great bank of Newfoundland and the banks around Iceland, which are annually visited by large numbers of French fishermen from Dunkerque, Boulogne, and other ports. Whenever the packet halted over these banks during our coasting trip we demonstrated their fertility by casting a line or two over the bulwark. No bait was required, merely a double hook with a flat shank attached to a heavy leaden plummet. The line was sunk till the lead touched the bottom, a few jerks were given, and then a tug was felt: the line was hauled in with a cod-fish or hallibut hooked, not inside the mouth, but externally by the gill-plates, the back, the tail, or otherwise. The mere jerking of a hook near the bottom was sufficient to bring it in contact with some of the population. There is a very prolific bank lying between the North Cape and Nordkyn, where the Porsanger and Laxe fjords unite their openings. Here we were able, with only three lines, to cover the fore-deck of the packet with struggling victims in the course of short halts of fifteen to thirty minutes. Not having any sounding apparatus by which to fairly test the nature of the sea-bottom in these places, I cannot offer any direct proof that it was composed of till. By dropping the lead I could _feel_ it sufficiently to be certain that it was not rock in any case, but a soft deposit, and the marks upon the bottom of the lead, so far as they went, afforded evidence in favor of its clayey character. A further investigation of this would be very interesting. But the most striking—I may say astounding—evidence of the fertility of these banks, one which appeals most powerfully to the senses, is the marvelous colony of sea-birds at Sverholtklubben, the headland between the two last-named fjords. I dare not estimate the numbers that rose from the rocks and darkened the sky when we blew the steam-whistle in passing. I doubt whether there is any other spot in the world where an equal amount of animal life is permanently concentrated. All these feed on fish, and an examination of the map will show why—in accordance with the above speculations—they should have chosen Sverholtklubben as the best fishing-ground on the arctic face of Europe. I am fully conscious of the main difficulty that stands in the way of my explanation of the formation of the till, viz., that of finding sufficient water to float the ice, and should have given it up had I accepted Mr. Geikie’s estimate of the thickness of the great ice-sheet of the great ice age. He says (page 186) that “The ice which covered the low grounds of Scotland during the early cold stages of the glacial epoch was certainly more than 2000 feet in thickness, and it must have been even deeper than this between the mainland and the Outer Hebrides. To cause such a mass to float, the sea around Scotland would require to become deeper than now by 1400 or 1500 feet at least.” I am unable to understand by what means Mr. Geikie measured this depth of the ice which covered these low grounds, except by assuming that its surface was level with that of the upper ice-marks of the hills beyond. The following passage on page 63 seems to indicate that he really has measured it thus:— “Now the scratches may be traced from the islands and the coast-line up to an elevation of at least 3,500 feet; so that ice must have covered the country to that height at least. In the Highlands the tide of ice streamed out from the central elevations down all the main straths and glens; and by measuring the height attained by the smoothed and rounded rocks we are enabled to estimate roughly the probable thickness of the old ice-sheet. But it can only be a rough estimate, for so long a time has elapsed since the ice disappeared, the rain and frost together have so split up and worn down the rocks of these highland mountains that much of the smoothing and polishing has vanished. But although the finer marks of the ice-chisel have thus frequently been obliterated, yet the broader effects remain conspicuous enough. From an extensive examination of these we gather that the ice could not have been less, and was probably more than 3,000 feet thick in its deepest parts.” Page 80 he says: “Bearing in mind the vast thickness reached by the Scotch ice-sheet, it becomes very evident that the ice would flow along the bottom of the sea with as much ease as it poured across the land, and every island would be surmounted and crushed, and scored and polished just as readily as the hills of the mainland were.” Mr. Geikie describes the Scandinavian ice-sheet in similar terms, but ascribes to it a still greater thickness. He says (page 404)—“The whole country has been moulded and rubbed and polished by an immense sheet of ice, which could hardly have been less than 6,000 or even 7,000 feet thick,” and he maintains that this spread over the sea and coalesced with the ice-sheet of Scotland. My recollection of the Lofoden Islands, which from their position afford an excellent crucial test of this question, led me to believe that their configuration presented a direct refutation of Mr. Geikie’s remarkable inference; but a mere recollection of scenery being too vague, a second visit was especially desirable in reference to this point. The result of the special observations I made during this second visit fully confirmed the impression derived from memory. I found in the first place that all along the coast from Stavanger to the Varanger fjord every rock _near the shore_ is glaciated; among the thousands of low-lying ridges that peer above the water to various heights none near the mainland are angular. The general character of these is shown in the sketch of “My Sea Serpent,” in the last edition of “Through Norway with a Knapsack.” The rocks which constitute the extreme outlying limits of the Lofoden group, and which are between 60 and 70 miles from the shore, although mineralogically corresponding with those near the shore, are totally different in their conformation, as the sketch of three characteristic specimens plainly shows. Mr. Everest very aptly compares them to shark’s teeth. Proceeding northward, these rocks gradually progress in magnitude, until they become mountains of 3,000 to 4,000 feet in height; their outspread bases form large islands, and the Vest fjord gradually narrows. The remarkably angular and jagged character of these rocks when weathered in the air renders it very easy to trace the limits of glaciation on viewing them at a distance. The outermost and smallest rocks show from a distance no signs of glaciation. If submerged, the ice of the great ice age was then enough to float over without touching them; if they stood above the sea, as at present, they suffered no more glaciation than would be produced by such an ice-sheet as that of the “paleocrystic” ice recently found by Captain Nares on the north of Greenland. Progressing northward, the glaciation begins to become visible, running up to about 100 feet above the sea-level on the islands lying westward and southward of Ost Vaagen. Further northward along the coast of Ost Vaagen and Hindö, the level gradually rises to about 500 feet on the northern portion of Ost Vaagen, and up to more than 1,000 feet on Hindö, while on the mainland it reaches 3,000 to 4,000 feet. A remarkable case of such variation, or descent of ice-level, as the ice-sheet proceeded seaward, is shown at Tromsö. This small oblong island (lat. 69° 40´), on which is the capital town of Finmark, lies between the mainland and the large mountainous island of Kvalö, with a long sea-channel on each side, the Tromösund and the Sandesund; the total width of these two channels and the island itself being about four or five miles. The general line of glaciation from the mainland crosses the broad side of these channels and the island, which has evidently been buried and ground down to its present moderate height of two or three hundred feet. Both of the channels are till-paved. On the east or inland side the mountains near the coast are glaciated to their summits—are simply _roches moutonnées_, over which the reindeer of the Tromsdal Lapps range and feed. On the west the mountains are dark, pyramidal, non-glaciated peaks, with long vertical snow-streaks marking their angular masses. The contrast is very striking when seen from the highest part of the island, and is clearly due to a decline in the thickness of the ice-sheet in the course of its journey across this narrow channel. Speaking roughly from my estimation, I should say that this thinning or lowering of the limits of glaciation exceeds 500 feet between the opposite sides of the channel, which, allowing for the hill slopes, is a distance of about 6 miles. This very small inclination would bring a glacier of 3,000 feet in thickness on the shore down to the sea-level in an outward course of 30 miles, or about half the distance between the mainland and the outer rocks of the Lofodens shown in the engraving. I am quite at a loss to understand the reasoning upon which Mr. Geikie bases his firm conviction respecting the depth of the ice-sheet on the low grounds of Scotland and Scandinavia. He seems to assume that the glaciers of the great ice age had little or no superficial down slope corresponding to the inclination of the base on which they rested. I have considerable hesitation in attributing this assumption to Mr. Geikie, and would rather suppose that I have misunderstood him, as it is a conclusion so completely refuted by all we know of glacier phenomena and the physical laws concerned in their production; but the passages I have quoted, and several others, are explicit and decided. Those geologists who contend for the former existence of a great polar ice-cap radiating outwards and spreading into the temperate zones, might adopt this mode of measuring its thickness, but Mr. Geikie rejects this hypothesis, and shows by his map of “The Principal Lines of Glacial Erosion in Sweden, Norway, and Finland,” that the glaciation of the extreme north of Europe proceeded from south to north; that the ice was formed on land, and proceeded seawards in all directions. I may add to this testimony that presented by the North Cape, Sverholt, Nordkyn, and the rest of the magnificent precipitous headlands that constitute the characteristic feature of the arctic-face of Europe. They stand forth defiantly as a phalanx of giant heralds proclaiming aloud the fallacy of this idea of southward glacial radiation; and in concurrence with the structure and striation of the great glacier troughs that lie between them, and the planed table-land at their summits, they establish the fact that during the greatest glaciation of the glacial epoch the ice-streams were formed on land and flowed out to sea, just as they now do at Greenland, or other parts of the world where the snow line touches or nearly approaches the level of the sea. All such streams must have followed the slope of the hill-sides upon which they rested and down which they flowed, and thus the upper limits of glaciation afford no measure whatever of the thickness of the ice upon “the low grounds of Scotland,” or of any other glaciated country. As an example, I may refer to Mont Blanc. In climbing this mountain the journey from the lower ice-wall of the Glacier de Bessons up to the _bergschrund_ above the _Grand Plateau_ is over one continuous ice-field, the level of the upper part of which is more than 10,000 feet above its terminal ice-wall. Thus, if we take the height of the striations or smoothings of the upper _nevé_ above the low grounds on which the ice-sheet rests, and adopt Mr. Geikie’s reasoning, the lower ice-wall of the Glacier de Bessons should be 10,000 feet thick. Its actual thickness, as nearly as I can remember, is about 10 or 12 feet. Every other known glacier presents the same testimony. The drawing of a Greenland glacier opposite page 47 of Mr. Geikie’s book shows the same under arctic conditions, and where the ice-wall terminates in the sea. I have not visited the Hebrides, but the curious analogy of their position to that of the Lofodens suggests the desirability of similar observations to those I have made in the latter. If the ice between the mainland and the Outer Hebrides was, as Mr. Geikie maintains, “certainly more than 2000 feet in thickness,” and this stretched across to Ireland, besides uniting with the still thicker ice-sheet of Scandinavia, these islands should all be glaciated, especially the smaller rocks. If I am right, the smaller outlying islands, those south of Barra, should, like the corresponding rocks of the Lofodens, display no evidence of having been overswept by a deep “_mer de glace_.” I admit the probability of an ice-sheet extending as Mr. Geikie describes, but maintain that it thinned out rapidly seaward, and there became a mere ice-floe, such as now impedes the navigation of Smith’s Sound and other portions of the Arctic Ocean. The Orkneys and Shetlands, with which I am also unacquainted, must afford similar crucial instances, always taking into account the fact that the larger islands may have been independently glaciated by the accumulations due to their own glacial resources. It is the small rocks standing at considerable distance from the shores of larger masses of land that supply the required test-conditions. From the above it will be seen that I agree with Mr. Geikie in regarding the till as a “_moraine profonde_,” but differ as to the mode and place of its deposition. He argues that it was formed under glaciers of the thickness he describes, while their whole weight rested upon it. This appears to me to be physically impossible. If such glaciers are capable of eroding solid rocks, the slimy mud of their own deposits could not possibly have resisted them. The only case where this might have happened is where a mountain-wall has blocked the further downward progress of a glacier, or in pockets, or steep hollows which a glacier might have bridged over and filled up; but such pockets are by no means the characteristic localities of till, though the till of Switzerland may possibly show examples of the first case. The great depth of the inland lakes of Norway, their bottoms being usually far below that of the present sea-bottom, is in direct contradiction of this.[20] They should, before all places, be filled with till, if the till were a ground moraine formed on land; but all we know of them confirms the belief that the glaciers deepened them by erosion instead of shallowing them by deposition. Mr. Geikie’s able defence of Ramsay’s theory of lake-basin erosion is curiously inconsistent with his arguments in favor of the ground moraine. I fully concur with Mr. Geikie’s arguments against the iceberg theory of the formation of the till. This, I think, he has completely refuted. Before concluding I must say a few words on those curious lenticular beds of sand and gravel in the till which appear so very puzzling. A simple explanation is suggested in connection with the above-sketched view of the formation of the till. All glaciers, whether in arctic or temperate climates, are washed by streamlets during summer, and these commonly terminate in the form of a stream or cascade pouring down a “_moulin_”—a well bored by themselves and reaching the bottom of the glacier. Now what must be the action of such a downflow of water upon my supposed submarine bed of till just grazing the bottom of the glacier? Obviously, to wash away the fine clayey particles, and leave behind the coarser sand or gravel. It must form just such a basin or lenticular cavity as Mr. Geikie describes. The oblong shape of these, their longer axis coinciding with the general course of the glacier, would be produced by the onward progress of the moulin. The accordance of their other features with this explanation will be seen on reading Mr. Geikie’s description (pp. 18, 19, etc). The general absence of marine animals and their occasional exceptional occurrence in the intercalated beds is just what might be expected under the conditions I have sketched. In the gloomy subglacial depths of the sea, drenched with continual supplies of fresh water and cooled below the freezing-point by the action of salt water on the ice, ordinary marine life would be impossible; while, on the other hand, any recession of the glacial limit would restore the conditions of arctic animal life, to be again obliterated with the renewed outward growth of the floating skirts of the inland ice-mantle. But I must now refrain from the further discussion of these and other collateral details, but hope to return to them in another paper. In “Through Norway with Ladies” I have touched lightly upon some of these, and have more particularly described some curious and very extensive evidences of secondary glaciation that quite escaped my attention on my first visit, and which, too, have been equally overlooked by other observers. In the above I have endeavored to keep as nearly as possible to the main subject of the origin of the till and the character of the ancient ice-sheet. THE BAROMETER AND THE WEATHER. The barometer was invented by Torricelli, an Italian philosopher of the seventeenth century. It consists essentially of a long tube open at one end and closed at the other, and partly filled with mercury; but instead of being filled like ordinary vessels, with the open end or mouth upwards and the closed end or bottom downwards, the barometer-tube is inverted, and has its open mouth downwards. This open mouth is either dipped into a little cup of mercury or bent a little upwards. Why does not the mercury run out of this lower open end and overflow the little cup when it is inverted after being filled? The answer to this question includes the whole mystery and principle of the barometer. The mercury does not fall down because something pushes it up and supports it with a certain degree of pressure, and that something is the atmosphere which extends all round the world, and presses downwards and sideways and upwards—in every direction, in fact—with a force equal to its weight, _i.e._, with a pressure equal to about 15 lbs. on every square inch. A column or perpendicular square stick of air one inch thick each way, and extending from the surface of the sea up to the top of the atmosphere, weighs about 15 lbs.; other columns or sticks next to it on all sides weigh the same, and so on with every portion; and all these are for ever squeezing down and against each other, and, being fluid, transmit their pressure in every direction, and against the earth and everything upon it, and therefore upon the mercury of the barometer-tube. We have supposed the air to be made up of columns or sticks of air one inch each way, but might have taken any other size, and the weight and pressure would be proportionate. Now mercury, bulk for bulk, is so much heavier than air, that a stick or column of this liquid metal about 30 inches high weighs as much as a stick or column of air of same thickness reaching from the surface of the earth to the top of the atmosphere; therefore, the 30-inch stick of mercury balances the pressure of the many miles of atmosphere, and is supported by it. Thus the column of mercury may be used to counterbalance the atmosphere and show us its weight; and such a column of mercury is a barometer, or “weight measure.” The word _barometer_ is compounded of the two Greek words—_baros_, weight, and _metron_, a measure. If you take a glass tube a yard long, stopped at one end and open at the other, fill it with mercury, stop the open end with your thumb, then invert the tube and just dip the open end in a little cup of mercury, some of the mercury in the tube will fall into the cup, but not all; only six inches will fall, the other 30 inches will remain, with an empty space between it and the stopped end of the tube. When you have done this you will have made a rude barometer. If you prop up the tube, and watch it carefully from day to day, you will find that the height of the column of mercury will continually vary. If you live at the sea-level, or thereabouts, it will sometimes rise more than 30 inches above the level of the mercury in the cup, and frequently fall below that height. If you live on the top of a high mountain, or on any high ground, it will never reach 30 inches, will still be variable, its average height less than if you lived on lower ground; and the higher you go the less will be this average height of the mercury. The reason of this is easily understood. When we ascend a mountain we leave some portion of the atmosphere below us, and of course less remains above; this smaller quantity must have less weight and press the mercury less forcibly. If the barometer tells the truth, it must show this difference; and it does so with such accuracy that by means of a barometer, or rather of two barometers—one at the foot of the mountain and one at its summit—we may, by their difference, measure the height of the mountain provided we know the rules for making the requisite calculations. The old-fashioned barometer, with a large dial-face and hands like a clock, is called the “wheel barometer,” because the mercury, in rising and falling, moves a little glass float resting upon the mercury of the open bent end of the tube; to this float and its counterpoise a fine cord is attached; and this cord goes round a little grooved wheel to which the hands are attached. Thus the rising and falling of the mercury moves the float, the float-cord turns the wheel, and the wheel moves the hand that points to the words and figures on the dial. When this hand moves towards the right, or in the direction of an advancing clock-hand, the barometer is rising; when it goes backwards, or opposite to the clock-hand movement, the mercury is falling. By opening the little door at the back of such a barometer, the above-described mechanism is seen. In doing this, or otherwise moving your barometer, be careful always to keep it upright. It sometimes happens to these wheel barometers that they, suddenly cease to act; and in most cases the owner of the barometer may save the trouble and expense of sending it to the optician by observing whether the cord has slipped from the little wheel, and if so, simply replacing it in the groove upon its edge. If, however, the mischief is caused by the tube being broken, which is seen at once by the mercury having run out, the case is serious, and demands professional aid. The upright barometer, which shows the surface of the mercury itself, is the most accurate instrument, provided it is carefully read. This form of instrument is always used in meteorological observatories, where minute corrections are made for the expansion and contraction which variations of temperature produce upon the length of the mercury without altering its weight, and for the small fluctuations in the level of the mercury cistern. With such instruments, fitted with an apparatus called a “vernier” the height of the mercury may be read to hundredths of an inch. The necessity for the 30 inches of mercury renders the mercurial barometer a rather cumbrous instrument: it must be more than 30 inches long, and is liable to derangement from the spilling of the mercury. On this account portable barometers of totally different construction have been invented. The “aneroid” barometer is one of these—the only one that is practically used to any extent. It contains a metal box partly filled with air; one face of the box is corrugated, and so thin that it can rise and fall like a stretched covering of india-rubber. As the pressure of the outside air varies it does rise and fall, and by a beautifully-delicate apparatus this rising and falling is magnified and represented upon the dial. Such barometers are made small enough to be carried in the pocket, and are very useful for measuring the heights of mountains; but they are not quite so accurate as the mercurial barometer, and are therefore not used for rigidly scientific measurements; but for all ordinary purposes they are accurate enough, provided they are occasionally compared with a standard mercurial barometer, and adjusted by means of a watch-key axis provided for that purpose, and seen on the back of the instrument. They are sufficiently delicate to tell the traveller in a railway whether he is ascending or descending an incline, and will indicate the difference of height between the upper and lower rooms of a three-story house. With due allowance for variations of level, the traveler may use them as weather indicators; especially as it is the direction in which the barometer is moving (whether rising or falling) rather than its absolute height that indicates changes of weather. Thus by placing the aneroid in his room on reaching his hotel at night, carefully marking its height then and there, and comparing this with another observation made on the following morning, he may use it as a weather-glass in spite of hill and dale. Water barometers have been made on the same principle as the mercury barometer; but as water is 13½ times lighter, bulk for bulk, than mercury, the height of the column must be 13½ times 30 inches, or, allowing for variations, not less than 34 feet. This, of course, is very cumbrous; the evaporation of the water presents another considerable difficulty,[21] still such a barometer is a very interesting instrument, as it shows the atmospheric fluctuations on 13½ times the scale of the ordinary barometer. A range of about five feet is thus obtained; and not only the great waves, but even the comparatively small ripples of the atmospheric ocean are displayed by it. In stormy weather it may be seen to rise and fall and pulsate like a living creature, so sensitively does it respond to every atmospheric fluctuation. But why should the height of the barometer vary while it remains in the same place? If the quantity of air surrounding the earth remains the same, and if the barometer measures its weight correctly, why should the barometer vary? Does the atmosphere grow bigger and smaller, lighter and heavier, from time to time? These are fair questions, and they bring us at once to some of the chief uses of the barometer. The atmosphere is a great gaseous ocean surrounding the earth, and we are creeping about on the bottom of this ocean. It has its tides and billows and whirling eddies, but all these are vastly greater than those of the watery ocean. At one time we are under the crest or rounded portion of a mighty atmospheric wave, at another the hollow between two such waves is over our heads, and thus the depth of atmosphere, or quantity of air, above us is variable. This variation is the combined result of many co-operating causes. In the first place, there are great atmospheric tides, caused, like those of the sea, by the attraction of the sun and moon; but these do not _directly_ affect the barometer, because the attracting body supports whatever it lifts. Variations of temperature also produce important fluctuations in the height and density of the atmosphere, some of which are indicated by the barometer—others are not. Thus a mere expansion or contraction of _dry_ air, increasing the depth or the density of the atmospheric ocean, would not affect the barometer, as mere expansion and contraction only alter the _bulk_ without affecting the _weight_ of the air. But our atmosphere consists not only of the permanent gases, nitrogen and oxygen; it contains besides these and carbonic acid, a considerable quantity of gaseous matter, which is not permanent, but which may be a gas at one moment—contributing its whole weight to that of the general atmosphere—and at another moment some of it may be condensed into liquid particles that fall through it more or less rapidly, and thus contribute nothing to its weight. What, then, is this variable constituent that sometimes adds to the weight of the atmosphere and the consequent height of the barometer, and at others may suddenly cease to afford its full contribution to atmospheric pressure? It is simply water, which, as we all know, exists as solid, liquid, or gas, according to the temperature and pressure to which it is exposed. We all know that steam when it first issues from the spout of a tea-kettle is a transparent gas, or true vapor, but that presently, by contact with the cool air, it becomes white, cloudy matter, or minute particles of water; and that, if these are still further cooled, they will become hoar-frost or snow, or solid ice. Artificial hoar-frost and snow may be formed by throwing a jet of steam into very cold, frosty air. If you take a tin canister or other metal vessel, fill it with a mixture of salt with pounded ice or snow, and then hold the outside of the canister against a jet of steam, such as issues from the spout of a tea-kettle, a snowy deposit of hoar-frost will coat the outside of the tin. Now let us consider what takes place when a warm south-westerly wind, that has swept over the tropical regions of the Atlantic ocean, reaches the comparatively cold shores of Britain. It is cooled thereby, and some of its gaseous water is condensed—forming mists, clouds, rain, hoar-frost or snow. The greater part of this forms and falls on the western coasts, on Cornwall, Ireland, the Western Highlands of Scotland. Ireland gets the lion’s share of this humidity, and hence her “emerald” verdure. The western slope of a mountain, in like manner, receives more rain than the side facing the east. How does this condensation affect the barometer? It must evidently cause it to fall, inasmuch as the air must be lightened to the exact extent of all that is taken out of it and precipitated. But the precipitation is not completed immediately the condensation occurs. It takes some time for the minute cloudy particles to gather into rain drops and fall to the earth, while the effect of the condensation upon the barometer is instantaneous; the air begins to grow lighter immediately the gas is converted into cloud or mist, and the barometer falls just at the same time and same rate as this is produced; but the rain comes some time afterwards. Hence the use of the barometer as a “weather glass.” When intelligently and properly used it is very valuable in this capacity; but, like most things, it may easily be misunderstood and misused. The most common error in the use of the barometer is that to which people are naturally led by the words engraved upon it, “Stormy, Much Rain, Rain, Change, Fair, Set Fair,” etc. A direct and absolute blunder or falsehood is usually short-lived, and deceives but few people; but a false statement, with a certain amount of superficial truth, may survive for ages, and deceive whole generations. Now this latter is just the character of the weather signs that are engraved on our popular barometers; they are unsound and deceptive, but not utterly baseless. _Stormy_, _Much Rain_, and _Rain_ are marked against the low readings of the barometer, and _Very Dry_, _Set Fair_, and _Fair_ against the higher readings. A low barometer is not a reliable sign of wet or stormy weather, neither is a high barometer to be depended upon for expecting fine weather; and yet it is true that we are more likely to have fine weather with a high than with a low barometer, and also the liability to rain and storms is greater with a low than with a high barometer. The best indications of the weather are those derived from the direction in which the barometer is moving—whether rising or falling—rather than its mere absolute height. A sudden and considerable fall is an almost certain indication of strong winds and stormy weather. This is the most reliable of the prophetic warnings of the barometer, and the most useful, inasmuch as it affords the mariner just the warning he requires when lying off a dangerous coast, or otherwise in peril by a coming gale. Many a good ship has been saved by intelligent attention to the barometer, and by running into haven, or away from a rocky shore when the barometer has fallen with unusual rapidity. The next in order of reliability is the indication afforded by a steady and continuous fall after a long period of fine weather. This is usually followed by a decided change of weather, and the greater the fall the more violent the change. If the fall is slow, and continues steadily for a long time, the change is likely to be less sudden but more permanent, _i.e._, the rain will probably arrive after some time, and then continue steadily for a long period. In like manner, a steady, regular rise, going on for some days in the midst of wet weather, may be regarded as a hopeful indication of coming continuous fine weather—the more gradual and steady the rise, the longer is the fine weather likely to last. The least reliable of all the barometric changes is a sudden rise. In winter it may be followed by hard and sudden frost, in summer by sultry weather and thunder-storms. All that may be safely said of such sudden rise is, that it indicates a change of some sort. The barometer is usually high with N.E. winds, and low with S.W. winds. The preceding explanations show the reason of this. In a given place the extreme range of variation is from 2 to 2½ inches. It has been proposed that the following rules should be engraved on barometer-plates instead of the usual words:— 1st. Generally, the rising of the mercury indicates the approach of fair weather; the falling of it shows the approach of foul weather. 2d. In sultry weather, the fall of the barometer indicates coming thunder. In winter, the rise of the mercury indicates frost. In frost, its fall indicates thaw, and its rise indicates snow. 3d. Whatever change in the weather suddenly follows a change in the barometer, may be expected to last but a short time. 4th. If fair weather continues for several days, during which the mercury continually falls, a long succession of foul weather will probably ensue; and again, if foul weather continues for several days, while the mercury continually rises, a long succession of fair weather will probably follow. 5th. A fluctuating and unsettled state of the mercurial column indicates changeable weather. As the barometer is subject to slight diurnal variations, irrespective of those atmospheric changes which affect the weather, it is desirable in making comparative observations to do so at fixed hours of the day. Nine or ten in the morning and same hour in the evening are good times for observations that are to be recorded. These are about the hours of daily maxima or highest readings due to regular diurnal variation. The true reading of the barometer is the height at which it would stand if placed at the level of the sea at high tide; but, as barometers are always placed more or less above this level, a correction for elevation is necessary. When the height of the place is known this correction may be made by adding one tenth of an inch to the actual reading for every 85 feet of elevation up to 510 feet; the same for every 90 feet between 510 and 1140 feet, for every 95 feet between 1140 and 1900 feet, and for every 100 feet above this and within our mountain limits. This simple and easy rule is sufficiently accurate for practical purposes. Thus, a barometer on Bray Head, or any place 800 feet above the sea, would require a correction of six-tenths for the first 510 feet, and a little more than three-tenths more for the remaining 290 feet. Therefore, if such a barometer registered the pressure at 29-1/10, the proper sea-level reading would be a little above 30 inches. The most important prognostications of the barometer are those afforded by what is called the “barometric gradient or incline,” showing the up-hill and down-hill direction of the atmospheric inequalities; but this can only be ascertained by comparing the state of the barometer at different stations at the same time. Thus, if the barometer is one-fourth of an inch higher at Dublin than at Galway, and the intermediate stations show intermediate heights, there must be an atmospheric down-hill gradient from Dublin to Galway; Dublin must be under the upper and Galway under the lower portion of a great atmospheric wave or current. It is evident that when there is thus more air over Dublin than over Galway, there must follow (if nothing else interferes) a flow of air from Dublin towards Galway. It is also evident that, in order to tell what else may interfere, we must know the atmospheric gradients beyond and around both Dublin and Galway, and for considerable distances. We are now beginning to obtain such information by organizing meteorological stations and observatories, and transmitting the results of simultaneous observations by means of the electric telegraph to certain head-quarters. The subject is occupying much attention, and the managers of those splendid monuments of British energy—our daily newspapers—are publishing daily weather charts, and therefore a few simple explanations of the origin, nature, and significance of such charts will doubtless be appreciated by our readers. The grand modern improvement of the barometer, the thermometer, the anemometer, the pluviometer, etc., is that of making them “self-registering.” We are told that Cadmus invented the art of writing, and we honor his memory accordingly. But he ventured no further than teaching human beings to write. Modern meteorologists have gone much further; they have taught the winds and the rains and the subtle heavings of the invisible air to keep their own diaries, to write their own histories on paper that is laid before them, with pencils that are placed in their fleshless, boneless, and shapeless fingers. This achievement is wrought by comparatively simple means. The paper is wound upon an upright drum or cylinder, and this cylinder is made to revolve by clock-work, in such a manner that a certain breadth travels on during the twenty-four hours. This breadth of paper is divided by vertical lines into twenty-four parts, each of which passes onward in one hour. Connected with the barometer is a pencil which, by means of a spring, presses lightly upon the revolving sheet, and this pencil, while thus pressing, rises and falls with the mercury. It is obvious that, in this manner, a line will be drawn as the paper moves. If the mercury is stationary, the line will be horizontal—only indicating the movement of the drum; if the mercury falls, the line will slope downwards; if it rises, it will incline upwards. By ruling horizontal lines upon the paper, representing inches, tenths, and smaller fractions, if desired, the whole history of the barometrical movements will be graphically recorded by the waving or zigzag lines thus drawn by the atmosphere itself. The subjoined copy of the _Daily Telegraph_ Barometer Chart represents, on a small scale, a four days’ history of barometrical movements: The large figures at the side (29 and 30) represent inches; the smaller figures tenths of inches. The pressure of the wind is similarly pictured by means of a large vane which turns with the wind, and to the windward face of which a flat board or plate of metal, one foot square, is attached perpendicularly. As the wind strikes this it presses against it with a force corresponding to a certain number of pounds, ounces, and fractions of an ounce. A spring like that of an ordinary spring letter-balance is compressed in proportion to this pressure. This movement of the spring is transmitted mechanically to another pencil like the above described, working against the same drum; thus another history is written on the same paper—the horizontal lines now representing fractions of pounds of pressure, instead of fractions of inches of mercury. It has been found that if a semi-globular cup of thin metal is exposed to the wind, the pressure upon the round or convex side of the hemisphere is equal to two thirds of that upon the hollow or concave side. By placing four such cups upon cross-arms, and the arms on a pivot, the wind, from whatever quarter it may come, will always blow them round with their convex faces foremost; and they will move with one third of the actual velocity of the wind. By a simple clock-work arrangement, these arms move another pencil, in such a manner that it strikes the paper hammer-fashion every time the wind has completed a journey of one mile, or other given distance; and thus a series of dots upon the revolving paper records the velocity of the wind according to their distances apart. As the pressure of the wind is governed by two factors, viz., the density and velocity of the moving air, the relations between the barometer curve, the pressure curve, and the velocity dots, are very interesting. The direction of the wind is written by a pencil fixed to a quick worm—a screw-thread upon the axis of the vane. As the vane turns round—N., E., S., or W.—it screws the pencil up or down, and thus the horizontal lines first described as registering tenths of inches of barometric pressure do duty as showing the points of the compass from which the wind is blowing; and, by reference to the zigzag line drawn by this pencil of the wind, its direction at any particular time of day may be ascertained as certified by its own sign-manual. The wind-gauge is called an anemometer. Connected with this is the pluviometer, or rain-gauge—an upright vessel with an open mouth of measured area—say 100 square inches. This receives the rain that falls. By means of a pipe the water is conveyed to a vessel having a surface of—say one square inch. By this arrangement, when sufficient rain has fallen to cover the surface of the earth to the depth of one hundredth of an inch, the little vessel below will contain water one inch in depth. By balancing this vessel at the end of a long arm, it is made to preponderate gradually as the weight of water it receives increases, and finally, when filled, it tips over altogether, empties itself, and then rises to its starting place in equilibrium. To the other end of this arm a pencil is attached, which inscribes all these movements on the revolving paper, and thus tells the history of the rainfall. The line is zigzag while the rain is falling, and horizontal while the weather is fair. The amount of inclination of the zigzag line measures the depth of rain by means of the same ruled lines on the paper as measure the height of the barometer, etc. Every time the measuring vessel tips over a perpendicular line is drawn, and the pencil resumes its starting level. The papers containing these autographs of the elements may, of course, be kept as permanent records for reference whenever needed, or the results may be tabulated in other forms. There are many modifications in the details of these self-registering instruments. In some of them photography is made to do a part of the work. The above description indicates the main principles of their construction, without attempting to enter upon minute details. Meteorological observatories are provided with these instruments, and all nations worthy of the name of civilized co-operate with more or less efficiency in providing and endowing such establishments. They are placed in suitable localities, and communicate with each other, and with certain head-quarters, by means of the electric telegraph. One of these head-quarters is the Meteorological Office, at No. 116 Victoria Street, Westminster, S.W., which daily receives the results of the observations taken at about fifty stations on the British Islands and the Continent. The chief observations are made simultaneously—at 8 A.M.—and telegraphed in cypher to London, where they usually arrive before 10 A.M. As they come in they are marked down in their proper places upon a large chart, and when this chart is sufficiently completed, a condensed or abstract copy is made containing as much information as may be included in the small newspaper charts. This is copied mechanically on a reduced scale on a slab on which the outline chart has been already engraved. This engraving completed, casts are made in fusible metal with the black lines in relief, for printing with ordinary type, and the casts are set up with the ordinary newspaper types, and printed with the letterpress matter. The engravings overleaf are taken from two of the newspaper weather charts for the dates of October 5th and 6th. They are enlarged and printed more clearly than the originals, with an explanation of signs at foot of the charts. It will be observed that, in the chart for October 5th, an isobar of 29.2 runs up in a N.E. direction from between the Orkney and Shetland islands, crosses the North Sea, strikes the coast of Norway near Bergen, and then proceeds onwards towards Throndhjem. An isobar of 29.5 crosses Scotland, following very nearly the line of the Grampians, enters the North Sea about Aberdeen, and crosses to Christiansund; then runs up the Skager Rack and Christiania Fjord towards Christiania. Another isobar of 29.8 crosses Ireland through Connaught to Dublin, onward across England by Liverpool and the Humber, over the North Sea, and through Sleswig to the Baltic. These three are nearly parallel; but now we find another isobar—that of 30.2—taking quite a different course, by starting from the Bay of Biscay about Nantes; running on towards Paris and Strasbourg, and then bending sharp round, as though frightened by the Germans, and retreating to the Gulf of Lyons by an opposite course to that on which it started. On the following day all has changed; the northern isobars are running down south-eastwards instead of north-east, and are remarkably parallel. In the left-hand upper corner of this chart is a note that “_our west, north, and eastern coasts were warned yesterday_.” Why was this? It was mainly because the barometric _gradient_ or incline was so steep. On the 5th there was one inch of difference between the Orkneys and the Bay of Biscay, or between Bergen and Paris, while the barometer was still falling in Norway and at the same moment rising in Ireland and France. On the following day these movements culminated in a gradient of 1.4—nearly one and a half inches—between Cornwall and the ancient capital of Norway. [Illustration: WEATHER CHART, OCTOBER 5, 1875.] [Illustration: WEATHER CHART, OCTOBER 6, 1875.] EXPLANATION OF WEATHER CHART. In these charts the state of the sea—whether “rough,” “smooth,” “moderate,” “slight,” etc., is marked in capital letters; and the state of the weather—as “clear,” “dull,” “cloudy,” “showery,” etc., in small letters. The direction of the wind is indicated by the arrows. Unlike the arrows of a vane, these do not point towards the direction from which the wind is coming, but are _flying_ arrows represented as moving _with_ the wind, and consequently pointing to _where the wind is going_. The force of the wind is represented in five degrees of strength. 1st. A _calm_, by a horizontal line and zero—0 thus 0; 2nd. A _light wind_, by an arrow with one barb and no feathers ______\; 3rd. A _fresh to strong breeze_, by an arrow with two barbs and no feathers ——————>; 4th. A _gale_, by an arrow with two feathers >——————>; and 5th. A _violent gale_, by an arrow with four feathers >>——————>. The temperature—in the shade—is marked in figures with a small circle to the right, indicating degrees—as 60°. These figures stand in the places where the observations are made. The other figures—usually with decimals, and placed at the end of the dotted lines—give the height of the barometer—the dotted line showing where this particular height remained the same at the time of observation. These dotted lines are called “isobars,” or _equal weights_—the weight or over-head pressure of the atmosphere being the same all along the line. What must follow from this condition of the atmosphere? Clearly a great flow or rush of air from the south towards the comparatively vacuous regions of the north. The gases of our atmosphere, like the waters of the ocean, are always struggling to find their level, and thereby the winds are produced. The air flows from all sides towards the lowest isobar. But what, then, must be the course of the wind? Will it be in straight lines towards this point? If so, a strange conflict must result when all these currents meet from opposite directions. What will follow from this conflict? A skillful physicist can work out this problem mathematically, but we are not all mathematicians, some of us are not able to follow his formulæ, and, therefore, will do better by resorting to simple observation of other analogous and familiar phenomena. A funnel or any vessel with a hole in the bottom will answer our purpose. Let us fill such a vessel with water, then open the hole, and see what will be the course of the water when it is struggling to flow from all sides to the one point of vacuity. It will very soon establish a vortex or whirlpool, _i.e._, the water instead of flowing directly by straight lines from the sides to the centre of the funnel, will take a roundabout, spiral course, and thus screw its way down the outlet of the funnel. This is just what occurs when the air is rushing to fill a comparatively vacuous atmospheric space. It moves in a spiral; and in the Northern Hemisphere this spiral always turns in the same way, viz., in the opposite direction to the hands of a clock when flowing inwards, and _vice versâ_, or _with_ the clock hands, when the air is overflowing from a centre of high pressure. In the chart for October 5th both these cases are illustrated. North of Dublin there is a curvature of isobars and an inrush of winds towards a northward low pressure, or vacuous region; while south of Dublin the isobar tends sharply round a high-pressure focus, and the overflowing wind is correspondingly reversed in direction, as shown by the arrows. The next chart, for October 6th, shows that the overflow has spread northwards as far as Dublin, and the high-pressure focus has also moved northwards. It follows from this that if you know the barometric gradient, and stand with your left hand to the region of low barometer and your right hand to that of the high barometer, the wind will blow against your back, _i.e._, you will face the direction of the wind, or of those flying arrows on the chart. This interesting and important generalization is called “Buys Ballot’s Law.” In spite of the proverbial fickleness of the winds this simple law is rarely infringed, though it may require a slight modification of statement—inasmuch as the wind does not move in _circles_ round the vacuous space, but in spirals, and thus it blows not quite square to the back, but rather obliquely, or a little on the right side. This is shown by the arrows in the charts, and is most strikingly displayed in the chart for October 6th, between the isobars of 30.3 and 30.5. To take, in Ireland, the position required by Buys Ballot’s Law, one must have stood facing the east, and accordingly, the westerly wind would then blow upon one’s back. In Paris, at the same moment, the position would be facing south-east, and the wind was curving round accordingly. Further south—at Bordeaux or the Pyrenees—the position becomes almost reversed, _i.e._, facing south-west, and the wind is reversed in equal degree. Here, then, on these days we had the chief conditions of wind and rain, a steep and increasing barometric gradient, and a flow over our islands of humid air from the south and west regions of the great Atlantic. Strong winds and heavy rains did follow accordingly; and the prophetic warnings of the Meteorological Office, which are conveyed by means of signals displayed on prominent parts of the coast, were fulfilled. Mr. Scott, the Director of the Meteorological Office, tells us that “The degree of success that has attended our warnings in these islands, on the average of the last two years, has been that over 45 per cent have been followed by severe gales; and over 33 per cent in addition have been followed by wind too strong for fishing-boats and yachts, though in themselves not severe gales; this gives a total percentage of success of nearly 80.” In winter the movements of the air are more decided, and the changes are often so rapid that the warning sometimes comes too late. With increased means—_i.e._, more money to cover additional work, and more stations—better results might be obtained. The United States expend 50,000_l._ a year in weather telegraphy, exclusive of salaries, while the United Kingdom only devotes 3,000_l._ a year to the same purpose. The difficulties on our side of the Atlantic are greater than on the American coasts, on account of the greater changeableness of our weather—mainly due to the more irregular distribution of land and water on this side. This, however, instead of discouraging national effort, should be regarded as a reason for increasing it. The greater the changes, the greater is the need for warnings, and the greater the difficulty the greater should be the effort. With our multitude of coastguard stations and naval men without employment, we ought to surpass all the world in such a work as this. Those among our readers who are sufficiently interested in this subject to devote a little time to it, may make a very interesting weather scrap-book by cutting out the newspaper chart for each day, pasting it in a suitable album, and appending their own remarks on the weather at the date of publication, _i.e._ the day after the chart observations are made. Such an album would be far more interesting than the postage stamp and monogram albums that are so abundant. Parents who desire their children to acquire habits of systematic observation, and to cultivate an intelligent interest in natural phenomena, will do well to supply such albums to their sons or daughters, and to hand over to them the daily paper for this purpose. The Meteorological Office supplies by post copies of “Daily Weather Reports” to any subscriber who pays five shillings per quarter in advance; such subscriptions payable to Robt. H. Scott, Esq., Director Meteorological Office, 116 Victoria Street, Westminster, S.W. These daily reports are printed on a large double sheet, on one half of which are four charts, representing separately the four records which are included in the one smaller newspaper chart—viz., those of the barometer, the thermometer, the rain-gauge, and the anemometer. On the other half of the sheet is a detailed separate tabular statement of the results of observations made at the following stations: Haparanda Hernösand Stockholm Wisby Christiansund Skudesnaes Oxö (Christiansund) Skagen (The Skaw) Fanö Cuxhaven Sumburgh Head Stornoway Thurso Wick Nairn Aberdeen Leith Shields York Scarborough Nottingham Ardrossan Greencastle Donaghadee Kingstown Holyhead Liverpool Valencia Roche’s Point Pembroke Portishead Scilly Plymouth Hurst Castle Dover London Oxford Cambridge Yarmouth The Helder Cape Griznez Brest L’Orient Rochefort Biarritz Corunna Brussels Charleville Paris Lyons Toulon _On Winds and Currents, from the Admiralty Physical Atlas._ In the Northern Hemisphere the effect of the veering of the wind on the barometer is according to the following law: With East, South-east, and South winds, the barometer falls. With South-west winds, the barometer ceases to fall and begins to rise. With West, North-west, and North winds, the barometer rises. With North-east winds, the barometer ceases to rise and begins to fall. In the Northern Hemisphere the thermometer rises with East, South-east, and South winds; with a South-west wind it ceases to rise and begins to fall; it falls with West, North-west, and North winds; and with a North-east wind it ceases to fall and begins to rise. THE CHEMISTRY OF BOG RECLAMATION. The mode of proceeding for the reclamation of bog-land at Kylemore is first to remove the excess of water by “the big drain and the secondary drains,” which must be cut deep enough to go right down to the gravel below. These are supplemented by the “sheep drains,” or surface-drains, which are about twenty inches wide at top, and narrow downwards to six inches at bottom. They run parallel to each other, with a space of about ten yards between, and cost one penny per six yards. This first step having been made, the bog is left for two years, during which it drains, consolidates, and sinks somewhat. If the bog is deep, the turf, which has now become valuable by consolidation, should be cut. After this it is left about two years longer, with the drains still open. Then the drains are cleared and deepened, and a wedge-shaped sod, too wide to reach the bottom, is rammed in so as to leave below it a permanent tubular covered drain, which is thus made without the aid of any tiles or other outside material. The drainage is now completed, and the surface prepared for the important operation of dressing with lime, which, as the people expressively say, “boils the bog,” and converts it into a soil suitable for direct agricultural operations. Potatoes and turnips may now be set in “lazy bed” ridges. Mr. Mitchell Henry says, “Good herbage will grow on the bog thus treated; but as much as possible should at once be put into root-crops, with farm-yard manure for potatoes and turnips. The more lime you give the better will be your crop; and treated thus there is no doubt that even during the first year land so reclaimed will yield remunerative crops.” And further, that “after being broken up a second time the land materially improves, and becomes doubly valuable.” Also that he has no doubt that “all bog-lands may be thus reclaimed, but it is uphill work, and not remunerative to attempt the reclamation of bogs that are more than four feet in depth.” There is another and a simpler method of dealing with bogs—viz., setting them into narrow ridges; cutting broad trenches between the ridges; piling the turf cut out from these trenches into little heaps a few feet apart, burning them, and spreading the ashes over the ridges. This is rather largely practiced on the coast of Donegal, in conjunction with sea-weed manuring, and is prohibited in other parts of Ireland as prejudicial to the interests of the landlord. We shall now proceed to the philosophy of these processes. First, the drainage. Everybody in Ireland knows that the bog holds water like a sponge, and in such quantities that ordinary vegetation is rotted by the excess of moisture. There is good reason to believe that the ancient forests, which once occupied the sites of most of the Irish bogs, were in some cases destroyed by the rotting of their stems and roots in the excess of vegetable soil formed by generations upon generations of fallen leaves, which, in a humid climate like that of Ireland, could never become drained or air-dried. But this is not all. There is rotting and rotting. When the rotting of vegetable matter goes on under certain conditions it is highly favorable to the growth of other vegetation, even of the vegetation of the same kind of plants as those supplying the rotting material. Thus, rotten and rotting straw is a good manure for wheat; and the modern scientific vine-grower carefully places the dressing of his vines about their roots, in order that they may rot, and supply the necessary salts for future growth. The same applies generally; rotting cabbage-leaves supply the best of manure for cabbages; rotting rhubarb-leaves for rhubarb; rose-leaves for rose-trees; and so on throughout the vegetable kingdom. Why, then, should the bog-rotting be so exceptionally malignant? As I am not aware that any answer has been given to this question, I will venture upon one of my own. It appears to be mainly due to the excess of moisture preventing that slow combustion of vegetable carbon which occurs wherever vegetable matter is heaped together and _slightly_ moistened. We see this going on in steaming dung-hills; in hayricks that have been stacked when imperfectly dried; in the spontaneous combustion of damp cotton in the holds of ships, and in factories where cotton-waste has been carelessly heaped; and in cucumber-frames and the other “hot-beds” of the gardener. In ordinary soils this combustion goes on more slowly, but no less effectively, than in these cases. In doing so it maintains a certain degree of warmth about the roots of the plants that grow there, and _gradually_ sets free the soluble salts which the rotting vegetables contain, and supplies them to the growing plants as manure, at the same time forming the humus so essential to vegetation. A great excess of water, such as soddens the bog, prevents this, and also carries away any small quantity of soluble nutritious salts the soil may contain. Thus, instead of being warmed and nourished by slight humidity, and consequent oxidation, the bog soil is chilled and starved by excess of water. The absolute necessity of the first operation—that of drainage—is thus rendered obvious; and I suspect that the need of four years’ rest, upon which Mr. MacAlister insists, is somehow connected with a certain degree of slow combustion that accompanies and partially causes the consolidation of the bog. I have not yet had an opportunity of testing this by inserting thermometers in bogs under different conditions, but hope to do so. The liming next demands explanation. Mr. Henry says that “it leaves the soil sweetened by the neutralization of its acids.” In order to test this theory I have digested (_i.e._, soaked) various samples of turf cut from Irish bogs in distilled water, filtered off the water, and examined it. I find that when this soaking has gone far enough to give the water a coloring similar to that which stands in ordinary bogs, the acidity is very decided—quite sufficiently so to justify this neutralization theory as a partial explanation. There is little reason to doubt that the lime is further effective in enriching the soil; or, in the case of pure bogs, that it forms the soil by disintegrating and decomposing the fibrous vegetable matter, and thus rendering it capable of assimilation by the crops. Another effect which the lime must produce is the liberation of free ammonia from any fixed salts that may exist in the bog. The bog-burning method of reclamation is easily explained. In the first place, the excessive vegetable encumbrance is reduced in quantity, and the remaining ashes supply the surface of the bog on which they rest with the non-volatile salts that originally existed in the burnt portions of the bog. In other words, they concentrate in a small space the salts that were formerly distributed too sparsely through the whole of the turf which was burnt. As there are great differences in the composition of different bogs, especially in this matter of mineral ash, it is evident that the success of this method must be very variable, according to the locality. On discussing this method with Mr. MacAlister (Mr. Henry’s steward, under whose superintendence these reclamation works are carried out), he informed me that the bogs on the Kylemore estate yield a very small amount of ash—a mere impalpable powder that a light breath might blow away; that it was practically valueless, excepting from the turf taken at nearly the base of the bog. The ash I examined where the bog-burning is extensively practiced in Donegal, was quite different from this. The quantity was far greater, and its substance more granular and gritty. It, in fact, formed an important stratum, when spread over the surface of the ridges. These differences of composition may account for the differences of opinion and practice which prevail in different districts. It affords a far more rational explanation than the assumption that all such contradictions arise from local stupidities. There is one evil, however, which is common to all bog-burning as compared with liming—it must waste the ammoniacal salts, as they are volatile, and are driven away into the air by the heat of combustion. Somebody may get them when the rain washes them down to the earth’s surface again; but the burner himself obtains a very small share in this way. We may therefore conclude that where lime is near at hand, bog-burning is a rude and wasteful, a viciously indolent mode of reclamation. It is only desirable where limestone is so distant that the expense of carriage renders lime practically unattainable, and where the bog itself is rich in mineral matter, and so deep and distant from a fuel demand, that it may be burned to waste without any practical sacrifice. Under such conditions it may be better to burn the bog than leave it in hopeless and worthless desolation. I cannot conclude without again adverting to the importance of this subject, and affirming with the utmost emphasis, that the true Irish patriot is not the political orator, but he who by practical efforts, either as capitalist, laborer, or teacher, promotes the reclamation of the soil of Ireland, or otherwise develops the sadly neglected natural resources of the country. With Mr. Mitchell Henry’s permission I append to the above his own description of the results of his experiment, originally communicated in a letter to the _Times_; at the same time thanking him for his kind reception of a stranger at Kylemore Castle, and the facilities he afforded me for studying the subject on the spot. “The interesting account you lately published of the extensive reclamations of His Grace the Duke of Sutherland, under the title of ‘An Agricultural Experiment,’ has been copied into very many newspapers, and must have afforded a welcome relief to thousands of readers glad to turn for a time from the terrible narratives that come to us from the east. If you will allow me, I should like to supplement your narrative by a rapid sketch of what has been done here during the last few years, on a much humbler scale, in the case of land similar, and some of it almost identical, with that in Sutherlandshire. “The twelve _corps d’armée_ under the Duke’s command, in the shape of the twelve steam-engines and their ploughs, engaged in subduing the stubborn resistance of the unreclaimed wilds of Sutherlandshire, suggest to the mind the triumphs of great warriors, and fill us with admiration—not always excited by the details of great battle; but, as great battles can be fought seldom, and only by gigantic armies and at prodigious expense, so reclamation on such a scale is far beyond the opportunities or the means of most of us; while many may, perhaps, be encouraged to attempt work similar to that which has been successfully carried out here. “And, first of all, a word as to the all-important matter of cost. Does it pay? “Including farm-buildings and roads, the reclamations here have cost on an average 13_l._ an acre, which, at 5 per cent, means an annual rent-charge of 13_s._, to which is to be added a sum of from 1_s._ to 3_s._, the full annual value of the unreclaimed land. It is obvious that if we start with an outlay of 30_l._ _plus_ the 1_s._ to 3_s._ of original rent, such an amount would usually be found prohibitory; but, on the other hand, excellent profits may be made if the expenditure is so kept down that the annual rent is not more than from 15_s._ to 18_s._ per acre. Before entering into further details, let me say that I claim no credit for originality in what has been done. The like has been effected on numerous properties in Ireland in bygone days, and is daily being carried out by the patient husbandman who year by year with his spade reclaims a little bit from the mountain side. And you must allow me emphatically to say that what has been done here economically and well would not have been done except for the prudence, patience, and thoughtful mind of my steward, Archibald MacAlister, a County Antrim man, descended from one of the race of Highland Catholic Scotch settlers, who have peopled the north of Ireland and added so much to its prosperity. “The Pass of Kylemore, in which I live, is undoubtedly favorably situated for reclamation, for there is but little very deep bog, and there is abundance of limestone. In former ages it must have been an estuary of the sea, with a river flowing through it, now represented by a chain of lakes and the small rapid river Dowris. The subsoil is sand, gravel, and schist rock, with peat of various depths grown upon it. As by the elevation of the land the sea long ages ago was driven back, the mossy growth of peat commenced, followed by pine and yew trees, of which the trunks and roots are abundantly found; but, except over a space of about 400 acres, every tree that formerly clothed the hillsides has been cut down or has totally disappeared. The general result is that we have a pass several miles long, bounded on the north and south by a chain of rugged mountains of some 1500 or 1800 feet in height, while the east is blocked up by a picturesque chain running north and south, and separating the Joyce country from Connemara proper, the west being open to the Atlantic. The well-known Killery Bay, or Fiord, would, I doubt not, present an exact resemblance to Kylemore if the sea, which now flows up to its head, were driven out. There are miles of similar country in Ireland, waiting only for the industry of man, where, as here, there exist extensive stretches of undulating eskers, covered with heather growing on the light clay, with a basis of gravel or sand. “A considerable difference exists between the reclamation of the flat parts, where the bog is pretty deep, and the hillsides, where there is little or no bog. Yet it is to be remembered that bog is nothing more than vegetable matter in a state of partial decomposition, and holding water like a sponge. The first thing is to remove the water by drains, some of which—that is, the big drain and the secondary drains—must go right down to the gravel below; but the other drains—called sheep-drains—need not, and, indeed, must not be cut so deep. The drains are cut wedge-shape by what are called Scotch tools, which employ three men—two to cut and one to hook out the sods; and all that is requisite to form a permanent drain is to replace the wedge-shaped sod, and ram it down between the walls of the drain, where it consolidates and forms a tube which will remain open for an indefinite number of years. We have them here as good as new, made twenty-five years ago; and at Chat Moss, in Lancashire, they are much older. After land has been thus drained—but not too much drained, or it will become dry turf—the surface begins to sink; what was tumid settles down, and in the course of a few months the land itself becomes depressed on the surface and much consolidated. Next it is to be dug by spade-labor or ploughed. We use oxen largely for this purpose, and, strange to say, the best workers we find to be a cross with the Alderney, the result being a light, wiry little animal, which goes gayly over the ground, is easy to feed, and is very tractable. The oxen are trained by the old wooden neck-yoke; but, when well broken, work in collars, which seem more easy to them. Horses on very soft land work well in wooden pattens. After the land has been broken up, a good dressing of lime is to be applied to it, and this, in the expressive language of the people here, ‘boils the bog’—that is, the lime causes the vegetable matter, formerly half decomposed, to become converted into excellent manure. This leaves the soil sweetened by the neutralization of its acids, and in a condition pretty easily broken up by the chain-harrow; or, what is better still, by Randall’s American revolving harrow. “Good herbage will grow on bog thus treated, but as much as possible should at once be put into root-crops, with farmyard manure for potatoes and turnips. The more lime you give the better will be your crop, and, treated thus, there is no doubt that even during the first year, land so reclaimed will yield remunerative crops. People ask, ‘But will not the whole thing go back to bog?’ Of course it will if not kept under proper rotation, which we find to be one of five years—namely, roots followed by oats, laid down with clover and grass seed, which remains for two years. After being broken up a second time, the land materially improves and becomes doubly valuable. I have no doubt that all bog-lands may be thus reclaimed, but it is up-hill work and not remunerative to attempt the reclamation of bogs that are more than four feet in depth. “And here I will make a remark as to the effects of drainage in a wet country. By no means does the whole effect result from raising the temperature of the soil; there is something else as important, and that is the supply of ammonia, brought down from the skies in the rain, which, with other fertilizing matter, is caught, detained, and absorbed in the soil. A well-drained field becomes, in fact, just like a water-meadow over which a river flows for a part of a year; and thus the very wetness of the climate may be made to reduce the supply of ammoniacal manures, so expensive to buy. “The porous, well-drained soil carries quickly off the superfluous moisture, while the ammonia is absorbed by the roots and leaves of the plants. An excessive bill for ammoniacal manures has been the ruin of many a farmer; and our aim in Ireland should be to secure good crops by thorough drainage and constant stirring of the soil, without much outlay for concentrated manures. At the same time I ought to remark that we have grown excellent potatoes by using 5_l._ worth per acre of superphosphate and nitrate of soda in cases in which our farmyard manure has fallen short. “The reclamation of mountain-land as distinguished from bog-land can best be illustrated by a record of what has been accomplished on two farms here. Three years ago the leases of two upland farms fell in, and I took them into my own hands. The first consists of 600 acres, one-half a nearly level flat of deepish bog running alongside the river, the other half moor heath, which with difficulty supported a few sheep and cattle. “There had never been any buildings on this land, nor had a spade ever been put into it; and the tenant, being unable to pay his rent of 15_l._ a year for the 600 acres, was glad to give it up for a moderate consideration. The first thing accomplished was to fence and drain thoroughly as before described, and the best half of the land was then divided into forty-acre fields. Exactly now two years ago—on September 15th—a little cottage and a stable for a pair of horses and a pair of bullocks was completed and tenanted by two men and a boy. They ploughed all the week and came home on Saturdays to draw their supply of food and fodder for the ensuing seven days, thus approximating very nearly to the position of settlers in a new country. We limed all the land we could, manured part of it with seaweed and part with the farm manure made by the horses and oxen which were at work, and cropped with roots such as turnips and potatoes. A good portion we sowed with oats out of the lea, but the most satisfactory crop we found to be rape and grasses mixed, for on the best of the land they form at once an excellent permanent pasture. We have now had two crops from this land; and I venture to say that the thirteen stacks of oats and hay gathered in in good condition, and the turnips and roots now growing, which are not excelled in the county Galway—except those of Lord Clancarty at Ballinasloe, who has grown 110 tons of turnips to the Irish acre, equal to upwards of 68 tons to the acre here—present a picture most gratifying and cheering in every way. “The second farm, of 240 acres, which adjoins this, had a good building on it; but, having been let on lease at about 10_s._ an acre to a large grazier whose stock-in-trade was a horse, a saddle, and a pair of shears, had not been cultivated or improved. “Similar proceedings on this farm have produced similar results; and, if now let in the market, I have no doubt that after two years of good treatment these farms would be let at 20_s._ an acre, and I do not despair of doubling this figure in the course of time. “The exact weight of the turnip crop this season is, on raw bog, drained, limed, and cropped this year for the first time, 24 tons per acre; manure, seaweed. On land ploughed but not cropped, last year 23½ tons; mixed mineral manure. On land from which a crop of oats had previously been taken, 29 tons; manure, farmyard, with 3 cwt. per acre mineral manure. “Last year my excellent steward, Mr. MacAlister, visited the Duke of Sutherland’s reclamations in Scotland, and was kindly and hospitably received. He found the land and the procedure adopted almost identical, with the conviction that oxen and horses will suit us better at the present time than steam culture, chiefly on the score of economy. He also visited the Bridgewater Estate at Chat Moss, near Manchester, where so much has been done to bring the deep peat into cultivation, and he found the system that has been followed there for so many years to be like that described above, marl, however, being used in the place of lime.” At the time of my visit to Kylemore the hay crops were down and partly carried on the reclaimed bog-land above described. The contrast of its luxuriance with the dark and dreary desolation of the many estates I had seen during three summers’ wanderings through Ireland added further proof of the infamy of the majority of Irish landlords, by showing what Ireland would have been had they done their duty. AERIAL EXPLORATION OF THE ARCTIC REGIONS. On our own hemisphere, and separated from our own coasts by only a few days’ journey on our own element, there remains a blank circle of unexplored country above 800 miles in diameter. We have tried to cross it, and have not succeeded. Nothing further need be said in reply to those who ask, “Why should we start another Arctic Expedition?” The records of previous attempts to penetrate this area of geographical mystery prove the existence of a formidable barrier of mountainous land, fringed by fjords or inlets, like those of Norway, some of which may be open, though much contracted northward, like the Vestfjord that lies between the Lofoden Islands and the mainland of Scandinavia. The majority evidently run inland like the ordinary Norwegian fjords or the Scotch firths, and terminate in land valleys that continue upwards to fjeld regions, or elevated humpy land which acts as a condenser to the vapor-laden air continually flowing towards the Pole from the warmer regions of the earth, and returning in lower streams when cooled. The vast quantities of water thus condensed fall upon these hills and table lands as snow crystals. What becomes of this everlasting deposit? Unlike the water that rains on temperate hill-sides, it cannot all flow down to the sea as torrents and liquid rivers, but it does come down nevertheless, or long ere this it would have reached the highest clouds. It descends mainly as glaciers, which creep down slowly, but steadily and irresistibly, filling up the valleys on their way; and stretching outwards into the fjords and channels, which they block up with their cleft and chasmed crystalline angular masses that still creep outward to the sea until they float, and break off or “calve” as mountainous icebergs and smaller masses of ice. These accumulations of ice thus _formed on land_ constitute the chief obstructions that bar the channels and inlets fringing the unknown Polar area. The glacier fragments above described are cemented together in the winter time by the freezing of the water between them. An open frozen sea, pure and simple, instead of forming a barrier to arctic exploration, would supply a most desirable highway. It must not be supposed that, because the liquid ocean is ruffled by ripples, waves, and billows, a frozen sea would have a similar surface. The freezing of such a surface could only start at the calmest intervals, and the ice would shield the water from the action of the wave-making wind, and such a sea would become a charming skating rink, like the Gulf of Bothnia, the Swedish and Norwegian lakes, and certain fjords, which, in the winter time, become natural ice-paved highways, offering incomparable facilities for rapid locomotion. In spite of the darkness and the cold, winter is the traveling season in Sweden and Lapland. The distance that can be made in a given time in summer with a wheeled vehicle on well-made post roads can be covered in half the time in a _pulk_ or reindeer sledge drawn over the frozen lakes. From Spitzbergen to the Pole would be an easy run of five or six days if nothing but a simply frozen sea stood between them. This primary physical fact, that arctic navigators have not been stopped by a merely frozen sea, but by a combination of glacier fragments with the frozen water of bays, and creeks, and fjords, should be better understood than it is at present; for when it is understood, the popular and fallacious notion that the difficulties of arctic progress are merely dependent on latitude, and must therefore increase with latitude, explodes. _It is the physical configuration of the fringing zone of the arctic regions, not its mere latitude, that bars the way to the Pole._ I put this in italics because so much depends upon it—I may say that all depends upon it—for if this barrier can be scaled at any part we may come upon a region as easily traversed as that part of the Arctic Ocean lying between the North Cape and Spitzbergen, which is regularly navigated every summer by hardy Norsemen in little sailing sloops of 30 to 40 tons burden, and only six or eight pair of hands on board; or by overland traveling as easily as the Arctic winter journey between Tornea and Alten. This trip over the snow-covered mountains is done in five or six days, at the latter end of every November, by streams of visitors to the fair at Alten, in latitude 70°, 3½ degrees N. of the Arctic circle; its distance, 430 miles, is just about equal to that which stands between the North Pole and the northernmost reach of our previous Arctic expeditions. One or the other of the above-named conditions, or an enclosed frozen Polar ocean, is what probably exists beyond the broken fjord barrier hitherto explored; a continuation of such a barrier is, in fact, almost a physical impossibility; and therefore the Pole will be ultimately reached, not by a repetition of such weary struggles as those which ended in the very hasty retreat of our last expedition, but by a bound across about 400 miles of open or frozen Polar ocean, or a rapid sledge-run over snow-paved fields like those so merrily traversed in Arctic Norway by festive bonders and their families on their way to Yule-time dancing parties. Reference to a map of the circumpolar regions, or, better, to a globe, will show that the continents of Europe, Asia, and America surround the Pole, and hang, as it were, downwards or southwards from a latitude of 70° and upwards. There is but one wide outlet for the accumulations of Polar ice, and that is between Norway and Greenland, with Iceland standing nearly midway. Davis’s and Behring’s Straits are the narrower openings; the first may be only a fjord, rather than an outlet. The ice-block, or crowding together and heaping up of the glacier fragments and bay ice, is thus explained. Attempts of two kinds have been made to scale this icy barrier. Ships have sailed northwards, threading a dangerous course between the floating icebergs in the summer, and becoming fast bound in winter, when the narrow spaces of brackish water lying between these masses of land ice become frozen, and the “ice-foot” clinging to the shore stretches out seaward to meet that on the opposite side of the fjord or channel. The second method, usually adopted as supplementary to the first, is that of dragging sledges over these glacial accumulations. The pitiful rate of progress thus attainable is shown by the record of the last attempt, when Commander Markham achieved about one mile per day, and the labor of doing this was nearly fatal to his men. Any tourist who has crossed or ascended an Alpine glacier with only a knapsack to carry, can understand the difficulty of dragging a cartload of provisions, etc., over such accumulations of iceberg fragments and of sea-ice squeezed and crumbled up between them. It is evident that we must either find a natural breach in this Arctic barrier or devise some other means of scaling it. The first of these efforts has been largely discussed by the advocates of rival routes. I will not go into this question at present, but only consider the alternative to all land routes and all water routes, viz.: that by the other available element—an aerial route—as proposed to be attempted in the new Arctic expedition projected by Commander Cheyne, and which he is determined to practically carry out, provided his own countrymen, or, failing them, others more worthy, will assist him with the necessary means of doing so. To reach the Pole from the northernmost point already attained by our ships demands a journey of about 400 miles, the distance between London and Edinburgh. With a favorable wind, a balloon will do this in a few hours, On November 27, 1870, Captain Roher descended near Lysthuus, in Hitterdal (Norway), in the balloon “Ville d’Orleans,” having made the journey from Paris in fifteen hours. The distance covered was about 900 miles, more than double the distance between the Pole and the accessible shores of Greenland. On November 7, 1836, Messrs. Holland, Mason, and Green ascended from Vauxhall Gardens, at 1.30 P.M., with a _moderate breeze_, and descended eighteen hours afterwards “in the Duchy of Nassau, about two leagues from the town of Weilburg,” the distance in a direct line being about 500 miles. A similar journey to this would carry Commander Cheyne from his ship to the North Pole, or thereabouts, while a fresh breeze like that enjoyed by Captain Roher would, in the same time, carry him clear across the whole of the circumpolar area to the neighborhood of Spitzbergen, and two or three hours more of similar proceeding would land him in Siberia or Finland, or even on the shores of Arctic Norway, where he could take the Vadsö or Hammerfest packet to meet one of Wilson’s liners at Trondhjem or Bergen, and thus get from the North Pole to London in ten days. Lest any of my readers should think that I am writing this at random, I will supply the particulars. I have before me the “Norges Communicationer” for the present summer season of 1880. Twice every week a passenger excursion steam packet sails round the North Cape each way, calling at no less than twenty stations on this Arctic face of Europe to land and embark passengers and goods. By taking that which stops at Gjesvaer (an island near the foot of the North Cape) on Saturday, or that which starts from Hammerfest on Sunday morning, Trondhjem is reached on Thursday, and Wilson’s liner, the “Tasso,” starts on the same day for Hull, “average passage seventy hours.” Thus Hammerfest, the northernmost town in the world, is now but eight days from London, including a day’s stop at Tromsö, the capital of Lapland, which is about 3 degrees N. of the Arctic circle, and within a week of London. At Captain Roher’s rate of traveling Tromsö would be but twenty-three hours from the Pole. These figures are, of course, only stated as _possibilities_ on the supposition that all the conditions should be favorable, but by no means as _probable_. What, then, are the _probabilities_ and the amount of risk that will attend an attempt to reach the Pole by an aerial route? I have considered the subject carefully, and discussed it with many people; the result of such reflection and conversation is a conviction that the prevalent popular estimate of the dangers of Commander Cheyne’s project extravagantly exaggerates them on almost all contingencies. I do not affirm that there is no risk, or that the attempt should be made with only our present practical knowledge of the subject, but I do venture to maintain that, after making proper preliminary practical investigations at home, a judiciously conducted aerostatic dash for the Pole will be far less dangerous than the African explorations of Livingstone, Stanley, and others that have been accomplished and are proposed. And further, that a long balloon journey starting in summer-time from Smith’s Sound, or other suitable Arctic station, would be less dangerous than a corresponding one started from London; that it would involve less risk than was incurred by Messrs. Holland, Mason, and Green, when they traveled from Vauxhall Gardens to Nassau. The three principal dangers attending such a balloon journey are: 1st. The variability of the wind. 2d. The risk of being blown out about the open ocean beyond the reach of land. 3d. The utter helplessness of the aeronaut during all the hours of darkness. I will consider these seriatim in reference to Arctic ballooning _versus_ Vauxhall or Crystal Palace ballooning. As regards the first danger, Vauxhall and Sydenham are in a position of special disadvantage, and all the ideas we Englishmen may derive from our home ballooning experience must tend to exaggerate our common estimate of this danger, inasmuch as we are in the midst of the region of variable winds, and have a notoriously uncertain climate, due to this local exaggeration of the variability of atmospheric movements. If instead of lying between the latitudes of 50° and 60°, where the N.E. Polar winds just come in collision with the S.W. tropical currents, and thereby effect our national atmospheric stir-about, we were located between 10° and 30° (where the Canary Islands are, for example), our notions on the subject of balloon traveling would be curiously different. The steadily blowing trade-wind would long ere this have led us to establish balloon mails to Central and South America, and balloon passenger expresses for the benefit of fast-going people or luxurious victims of sea-sickness. To cross the Atlantic—three thousand miles—in forty-eight hours, would be attended with no other difficulty than the cost of the gas, and that of the return carriage of the empty balloon. It is our exceptional meteorological position that has generated the popular expression “as uncertain as the wind.” We are in the very centre of the region of meteorological uncertainties, and cannot go far, either northward or southward, without entering a zone of greater atmospheric regularity, where the direction of the wind at a given season may be predicted with more reliability than at home. The atmospheric movements in the Arctic regions appear to be remarkably regular and gentle during the summer and winter months, and irregular and boisterous in spring and autumn. A warm upper current flows from the tropics towards the Pole, and a cold lower one from the Arctic circle towards the equator. Commander Cheyne, who has practical experience of these Arctic expeditions, and has kept an elaborate log of the wind, etc., which he has shown me, believes that, by the aid of pilot balloons to indicate the currents at various heights, and by availing himself of these currents, he may reach the Pole and return to his ship, or so near as to be able to reach it by traveling over the ice in light sledges that will be carried for that purpose. In making any estimate of the risk of Arctic aerostation, we must banish from our minds the preconceptions induced by our British experience of the uncertainties of the wind, and only consider the atmospheric actualities of the Polar regions, so far as we know them. Let us now consider the second danger, viz., that of being blown out to sea and there remaining until the leakage of gas has destroyed the ascending power of the balloon, or till the stock of food is consumed. A glance at a map of the world will show how much smaller is the danger to the aeronaut who starts from the head of Baffin’s Bay than that which was incurred by those who started from Vauxhall in the Nassau balloon, or by Captain Roher, who started from Paris. Both of these had the whole breadth of the Atlantic on the W. and S.W., and the North Sea and Arctic Ocean N. and N.E. The Arctic balloon, starting from Smith’s Sound or thereabouts, with a wind from the South (and without such a wind the start would not, of course, be made), would, if the wind continued in the same direction, reach the Pole in a few hours; in seven or eight hours at Roher’s speed; in fourteen or fifteen hours at the average rate made by the Nassau balloon in a “moderate breeze.” Now look again at the map and see what surrounds them. Simply the continents of Europe, Asia, and America, by which the circumpolar area is nearly land-locked, with only two outlets, that between Norway and Greenland on one side, and the narrow channel of Behring’s Straits on the other. The wider of these is broken by Spitzbergen and Iceland, both inhabited islands, where a balloon may descend and the aeronauts be hospitably received. Taking the 360 degrees of the zone between the 70th parallel of latitude and the Arctic circle, 320 are land-locked and only 40 open to the sea; therefore the chances of coming upon land at _any one_ part of this zone is as 320 to 40; but with a choice of points for descent such as the aeronauts would have unless the wind blew precisely down the axis of the opening, the chances would be far greater. If the wind continued as at starting, they would be blown to Finland; a westerly deflection would land them in Siberia, easterly in Norway; a strong E. wind at the later stage of the trip would blow them back to Greenland. In all the above I have supposed the aeronauts to be quite helpless, merely drifting at random with that portion of the atmosphere in which they happened to be immersed. This, however, need not be the case. Within certain limits they have a choice of winds, owing to the prevalence of upper and lower currents blowing in different and even in opposite directions. Suppose, for example, they find themselves N. of Spitzbergen, where “Parry’s furthest” is marked on some of our maps, and that the wind is from the N.E., blowing them towards the Atlantic opening. They would then ascend or descend in search of a due N. or N. by W. wind that would blow them to Norway, or W.N.W. to Finland, or N.W. to Siberia, or due E. back to Greenland, from whence they might rejoin their ships. One or other of these would almost certainly be found. A little may be done in steering a balloon, but so very little that small reliance should be placed upon it. Only in a very light wind would it have a sensible effect, though in case of a “near shave” between landing, say at the Lofodens or Iceland, and being blown out to sea, it might just save them. As already stated, Commander Cheyne believes in the possibility of returning to the ship, and bases his belief on the experiments he made from winter quarters in Northumberland Sound, where he inflated four balloons, attached to them proportionately different weights, and sent them up simultaneously. They were borne by diverse currents of air in _four different directions according to the different altitudes_, viz., N.W., N.E., S.E., and S.W., “thus proving that in this case balloons could be sent in any required direction by ascending to the requisite altitude. The war balloon experiments at Woolwich afford a practical confirmation of this important feature in aerostation.” Cheyne proposes that one at least of the three balloons shall be a rover to cross the unknown area, and has been called a madman for suggesting this merely as an alternative or secondary route. I am still more lunatic, for I strongly hold the opinion that the easiest way for him to return to his ship will be to drift rapidly across to the first available inhabited land, thence come to England, and sail in another ship to rejoin his messmates; carrying with him his bird’s-eye chart, that will demonstrate once for all the possibility or impossibility of circumnavigating Greenland, or of sailing, or sledging, or walking to the Pole. The worst dilemma would be that presented by a dead calm, and it is not improbable that around the Pole there may be a region of calms similar to that about the Equator. Then the feather-paddle or other locomotive device worked by man-power would be indispensable. Better data than we at present possess are needed in order to tell accurately what may thus be done. Putting various estimates one against the other, it appears likely that five miles an hour may be made. Taking turn and turn about, two or three aeronauts could thus travel fully 100 miles per day, and return from the Pole to the ship in less than five days. Or take the improbable case of a circular wind blowing round the Pole, as some have imagined. This would simply demand the working of the paddle always northwards in going to the Pole, and always southwards in returning. The resultant would be a spiral course winding inwards in the first case, and outwards in the second. The northward or southward progress would be just the same as in a calm if the wind were truly concentric to the Pole. Some rough approximation to such currents may exist, and might be dealt with on this principle. Let us now consider the third danger, that of the darkness. The seriousness of this may be inferred from the following description of the journey of the Nassau balloon, published at the time: “It seemed to the aeronauts as if they were cleaving their way through an interminable mass of black marble in which they were imbedded, and which, solid a few inches before them, seemed to soften as they approached in order to admit them still further within its cold and dusky enclosure. In this way they proceeded blindly, as it may well be called, until about 3.30 A.M., when in the midst of the impenetrable darkness and profound stillness an unusual explosion issued from the machine above, followed by a violent rustling of the silk, and all the signs which might be supposed to accompany the bursting of the balloon. The car was violently shaken. A second and a third explosion followed in quick succession. The danger seemed immediate, when suddenly the balloon recovered her usual form and stillness. These alarming symptoms seemed to have been produced by collapsing of the balloon under the diminished temperature of the upper regions after sunset, and the silk forming into folds under the netting. Now, when the guide rope informed the voyagers that the balloon was too near the earth, ballast was thrown out, and the balloon rising rapidly into a thinner air experienced a diminution of pressure, and consequent expansion of the gas. “The cold during the night ranged from a few degrees below to the freezing point. As morning advanced the rushing of waters was heard, and so little were the aeronauts aware of the course which they had been pursuing during the night, that they supposed themselves to have been thrown back upon the shores of the German Ocean, or about to enter the Baltic, whereas they were actually over the Rhine, not far from Coblentz.” All this blind drifting for hours, during which the balloon may be carried out to sea, and opportunities of safe descent may be lost, is averted in an Arctic balloon voyage, which would be made in the summer, when the sun never sets. There need be no break in the survey of the ground passed over, no difficulty in pricking upon a chart the course taken and the present position at any moment. With an horizon of 50 to 100 miles’ radius the approach of such a danger as drifting to the open ocean would be perceived in ample time for descent, and as a glance at the map will show, this danger cannot occur until reaching the latitudes of inhabited regions. The Arctic aeronauts will have another great advantage over those who ascend from any part of England. They can freely avail themselves of Mr. Green’s simple but most important practical invention—the drag-rope. This is a long and rather heavy rope trailing on the ground. It performs two important functions. First, it checks the progress of the balloon, causing it to move less rapidly than the air in which it is immersed. The aeronaut thus gets a slight breeze equivalent to the difference between the velocity of the wind and that of the balloon’s progress. He may use this as a fulcrum to effect a modicum of steerage. The second and still more important use of the drag-rope is the very great economy of ballast it achieves. Suppose the rope to be 1000 feet long, its weight equal to 1 lb. for every ten feet, and the balloon to have an ascending power of 50 lbs. It is evident that under these conditions the balloon will retain a constant elevation of 500 feet above the ground below it, and that 500 feet of rope will trail upon the ground. Thus, if a mountain is reached no ballast need be thrown away in order to clear the summit, as the balloon will always lift its 500 feet of rope, and thus always rise with the up-slope and descend with the down-slope of hill and dale. The full use of this simple and valuable adjunct to aerial traveling is prevented in such a country as ours by the damage it might do below, and the temptation it affords to mischievous idiots near whom it may pass. In the course of many conversations with various people on this subject I have been surprised at the number of educated men and women who have anticipated with something like a shudder the terrible cold to which the poor aeronauts will be exposed. This popular delusion which pictures the Arctic regions as the abode of perpetual freezing, is so prevalent and general, that some explanation is demanded. The special characteristic of Arctic climate is a cold and long winter and a short and _hot summer_. The winter is intensely cold simply because the sun never shines, and the summer is very hot because the sun is always above the horizon, and, unless hidden by clouds or mist, is continually shining. The summer heat of Siberia is intense, and the vegetable proportionately luxuriant. I have walked over a few thousand miles in the sunny South, but never was more oppressed with the heat than in walking up the Tromsdal to visit an encampment of Laplanders in the summer of 1856. On the 17th July I noted the temperature on board the steam packet when we were about three degrees north of the Arctic circle. It stood at 77° well shaded in a saloon under the deck; it was 92° in the “rōk lugar,” a little smoking saloon built on deck; and 108° in the sun on deck. This was out at sea, where the heat was less oppressive than on shore. The summers of Arctic Norway are very variable on account of the occasional prevalence of misty weather. The balloon would be above much of the mist, and would probably enjoy a more equable temperature during the twenty-four hours than in any part of the world where the sun sets at night. I am aware that the above is not in accordance with the experience of the Arctic explorers who have summered in such places as Smith’s Sound. I am now about to perpetrate something like a heresy by maintaining that the summer climate there experienced by these explorers is quite exceptional, is not due to the latitude, but to causes that have hitherto escaped the notice of the explorers themselves and of physical geographers generally. The following explanation will probably render my view of this subject intelligible: As already stated, the barrier fringe that has stopped the progress of Arctic explorers is a broken mountainous shore down which is pouring a multitude of glaciers into the sea. The ice of these glaciers is, of course, fresh-water ice. Now, we know that when ice is mixed with salt water we obtain what is called “a freezing mixture”—a reduction of temperature far below the freezing point, due to the absorption of heat by the liquefaction of the ice. Thus the heat of the continuously shining summer sun _at this particular part of the Arctic region_ is continuously absorbed by this powerful action, and a severity quite exceptional is thereby produced. Every observant tourist who has crossed an Alpine glacier on a hot summer day has felt the sudden change of climate that he encounters on stepping from _terra firma_ on to the ice, and in which he remains immersed as long as he is on the glacier. How much greater must be this depression of temperature where the glacier ice is broken up and is floating in sea-water, to produce a vast area of freezing mixture, which would speedily bring the hottest blasts from the Sahara down to many degrees below the freezing point. A similar cause retards the _beginning_ of summer in Arctic Norway and in Finland and Siberia. So long as the winter snow remains unmelted, _i.e._, till about the middle or end of June, the air is kept cold, all the solar heat being expended in the work of thawing. This work finished, then the warming power of a non-setting sun becomes evident, and the continuously accumulating heat of his rays displays its remarkable effect on vegetable life, and everything capable of being warmed. These peculiarities of Arctic climate must become exaggerated as the Pole is approached, the winter cold still more intense, and the accumulation of summer heat still greater. In the neighborhood of the North Cape, where these contrasts astonish English visitors, where inland summer traveling becomes intolerable on account of the clouds of mosquitoes, the continuous sunshine only lasts from May 11 to August 1. At the North Pole the sun would visibly remain above the horizon during about seven months—from the first week in March to the first week in October (this includes the effect of refraction and the prolonged summer of the northern hemisphere due to the eccentricity of the earth’s orbit). This continuance of sunshine, in spite of the moderate altitude of the solar orb, may produce a very genial summer climate at the Pole. I say “may,” because mere latitude is only one of the elements of climate, especially in high latitudes. Very much depends upon surface configuration and the distribution of land and water. The region in which our Arctic expedition ships have been ice-bound combines all the most unfavorable conditions of Arctic summer climate. It is extremely improbable that those conditions are maintained all the way to the Pole. We know the configuration of Arctic Europe and Arctic Asia, that they are masses of land spreading out northward round the Arctic circle and narrowing southward to angular terminations. The southward configuration and northward outspreading of North America are the same, but we cannot follow the northern portion to its boundary as we may that of Europe and Asia, both of which terminate in an Arctic Ocean. Greenland is remarkably like Scandinavia; Davis’s Strait, Baffin’s Bay, and Smith’s Sound corresponding with the Baltic and the Gulf of Bothnia. The deep fjords of Greenland, like those of Scandinavia, are on its western side, and the present condition of Greenland corresponds to that of Norway during the milder period of the last glacial epoch. If the analogy is maintained a little further north than our explorers have yet reached we must come upon a Polar sea, just as we come upon the White Sea and the open Arctic Ocean if we simply travel between 400 and 500 miles due north from the head of the frozen Gulf of Bothnia. Such a sea, if unencumbered with land ice, will supply the most favorable conditions for a genial arctic summer, especially if it be dotted with islands of moderate elevation, which the analogies of the known surroundings render so very probable. Such islands may be inhabited by people who cannot reach us on account of the barrier wall that has hitherto prevented us from discovering them. Some have even supposed that a Norwegian colony is there imprisoned. Certainly the early colonists of Greenland have disappeared, and their disappearance remains unexplained. They may have wandered northwards, mingled with the Esquimaux, and have left descendants in this unknown world. If any of Franklin’s crew crawled far enough they may still be with them, unable to return. In reference to these possibilities it should be noted that a barrier fringe of mountainous land like that of Greenland and arctic America would act as a condensing ground upon the warm air flowing from the south, and would there accumulate the heavy snows and consequent glaciers, just as our western hills take so much of the rain from the vapor-laden winds of the Atlantic. The snowfall immediately round the Pole would thus be moderated, and the summer begin so much earlier. I have already referred to the physical resemblances of Baffin’s Bay, Smith’s Sound, etc., to the Baltic, the Gulf of Bothnia, and Gulf of Finland. These are frozen every winter, but the Arctic Ocean due north of them is open all the winter, and every winter. The hardy Norse fishermen are gathering their chief harvest of cod fish in the open sea around and beyond the North Cape, Nordkyn, etc., at the very time when the Russian fleet is hopelessly frozen up in the Gulf of Finland. But how far due north of this frozen Baltic are these open-sea fishing banks? More than 14 degrees—more than double the distance that lies between the winter quarters of some of our ships in Smith’s Sound and the Pole itself. This proves how greatly physical configuration and oceanic communication may oppose the climatic influences of mere latitude. If the analogy between Baffin’s Bay and the Baltic is complete, a Polar sea will be found that is open in the summer at least. On the other hand, it may be that ranges of mountains covered with perpetual snow, and valleys piled up with huge glacial accumulations, extend all the way to the Pole, and thus give to our globe an arctic ice-cap like that displayed on the planet Mars. This, however, is very improbable, for, if it were the case, we ought to find a circumpolar ice-wall like that of the antarctic regions; the Arctic Ocean beyond the North Cape should be crowded with icebergs instead of being open and iceless all the year round. With such a configuration the ice-wall should reach Spitzbergen and stretch across to Nova Zembla; but, instead of this, we have there such an open stretch of arctic water, that in the summer of 1876 Captain Kjelsen, of Tromsö, sailed in a whaler to lat. 81° 30´ without sighting ice. He was then but 510 geographical miles from the Pole, with open sea right away to his north horizon, and nobody can say how much farther. These problems may all be solved by the proposed expedition. The men are ready and willing; one volunteer has even promised 1000_l._ on condition that he shall be allowed to have a seat in one of the balloons. All that is wanted are the necessary funds, and the amount required is but a small fraction of what is annually expended at our racecourses upon villainous concoctions of carbonic acid and methylated cider bearing the name of “champagne.” Arrangements are being made to start next May, but in the meantime many preliminary experiments are required. One of these, concerning which I have been boring Commander Cheyne and the committee, is a thorough and practical trial of the staying properties of hydrogen gas when confined in given silken or other fabrics saturated with given varnishes. We are still ignorant on this fundamental point. We know something about coal-gas, but little or nothing of the hydrogen, such as may be used in the foregoing expedition. Its exosmosis, as proved by Graham, depends upon its adhesion to the surface of the substance confining it. Every gas has its own speciality in this respect, and a membrane that confines a hydrocarbon like coal-gas may be very unsuitable for pure hydrogen, or _vice versâ_. Hydrogen passes through hard steel, carbonic oxide through red-hot iron plates, and so on with other gases. They are guilty of most improbable proceedings in the matter of penetrating apparently impenetrable substances. The safety of the aeronauts and the success of the aerial exploration primarily depends upon the length of time that the balloons can be kept afloat in the air. A sort of humanitarian cry has been raised against this expedition, on the ground that unnaturally good people (of whom we now meet so many) should not be guilty of aiding and abetting a scheme that may cause the sacrifice of human life. These kind friends may be assured that, in spite of their scruples, the attempt will be made by men who share none of their fears, unless the preliminary experiments prove that a balloon cannot be kept up long enough. Therefore the best way to save their lives is to subscribe _at once_ for the preliminary expense of making these trials, which will either discover means of traveling safely, or demonstrate the impossibility of such ballooning altogether. Such experiments will have considerable scientific value in themselves, and may solve other problems besides those of arctic exploration. Why not apply balloons to African exploration or the crossing of Australia? The only reply to this is that we know too little of the practical possibilities of such a method of traveling when thus applied. Hitherto the balloon has only been a sensational toy. We know well enough that it cannot be steered in a predetermined _line_, _i.e._, from one _point_ to another given _point_, but this is quite a different problem from sailing over a given _surface of considerable area_. This can be done to a certain extent, but we want to know definitely to what extent, and what are the limits of reliability and safety. With this knowledge, and its application by the brave and skillful men who are so eager to start, the solution of the Polar mystery assumes a new and far more hopeful phase than it has ever before presented. THE ANGLO-AMERICAN ARCTIC EXPEDITION. Commander Cheyne has gone to America to seek the modest equipment that his own countrymen are unable to supply. He proposes now that his expedition shall be “Anglo-American.” I have been asked to join an arctic council, to coöperate on this side, and have refused on anti-patriotic grounds. As a member of the former arctic committee, I was so much disgusted with the parsimony of our millionaires and the anti-geographical conduct of the Savile Row Mutual Admiration Society, that I heartily wish that in this matter our American grandchildren may “lick the Britishers quite complete.” It will do us much good. My views, expressed in the “Gentleman’s Magazine” of July 1880, and repeated above, remain unchanged, except in the direction of confirmation and development. I still believe that an enthusiastic, practically trained, sturdy arctic veteran, who has endured hardship both at home and abroad, whose craving eagerness to reach the Pole amounts to a positive monomania, who lives for this object alone, and is ready to die for it, who will work at it purely for the work’s sake—will be the right man in the right place when at the head of a modestly but efficiently equipped Polar expedition, especially if Lieutenant Schwatka is his second in command. They will not require luxurious saloons, nor many cases of champagne; they will care but little for amateur theatricals; they will follow the naval traditions of the old British “sea-dogs” rather than those of our modern naval lap-dogs, and will not turn back after a first struggle with the cruel arctic ice, even though they should suppose it to be “paleocrystic.” MR. WALTER POWELL. Scientific aerostation has lost its most promising expert by the untimely death of Walter Powell. He was not a mere sensational ballooner, nor one of those dreamers who imagine they can invent flying machines, or steer balloons against the wind by mysterious electrical devices or by mechanical paddles, fan-wheels, or rudders. He perfectly understood that a balloon is at the mercy of atmospheric currents and must drift with them, but nevertheless he regarded it as a most promising instrument for geographical research. I had a long conference with him on the subject in August last, when he told me that the main objects of the ascents he had already made, and should be making for some little time forward, were the acquisition of practical skill, and of further knowledge of atmospheric currents; after which he should make a dash at the Atlantic with the intent of crossing to America. On my part, I repeated with further argument what I have already urged on page 113 of the “Gentleman’s Magazine” for July, 1880, viz., the primary necessity of systematic experimental investigation of the rate of exosmosis (oozing out) of the gas from balloons made of different materials and variously varnished. Professor Graham demonstrated that this molecular permeation of gases and liquids through membranes mechanically air-tight, depends upon the adhesive affinities of particular solids for other particular fluids, and these affinities vary immensely, their variations depending on chemical differences rather than upon mechanical impermeability. My project to attach captive balloons of small size to the roof of the Polytechnic Institution, holding them by a steelyard that should indicate the pull due to their ascending power, and the rate of its decline according to the composition of the membrane, was heartily approved by Mr. Powell, and, had the Polytechnic survived, would have been carried out, as it would have served the double purpose of scientific investigation and of sensational advertisement for the outside public. If the aeronaut were quite clear on this point—could calculate accurately how long his balloon would float—he might venture with deliberate calculation on journeys that without such knowledge are mere exploits of blind daring. The varnishes at present used are all permeable by hydrogen gas and hydrocarbon coal-gas, as might be expected, _à priori_, from the fact that they are themselves solid hydrocarbons, soluble in other liquid or gaseous hydrocarbons. Nothing, as far as I can learn, has yet been done with _silicic or boracic varnishes_,[22] which are theoretically impermeable by hydrogen and its carbon compounds; but whether they are practically so under ballooning conditions, and can be made sufficiently pliable and continuous, are questions only to be solved by practical experiments of the kind above named. Now that the best man for making these experiments is gone, somebody else should undertake them. Unfortunately, they must of necessity be rather expensive. THE LIMITS OF OUR COAL SUPPLY.[23] Estimating the actual consumption of coal for home use in Great Britain at 110 millions of tons per annum, a rise of eight shillings per ton to consumers is equivalent to a tax of 44 millions per annum. These are the figures taken by Sir William Armstrong in his address at Newcastle last February. As the recent abnormal rise in the value of coal has amounted to more than this, consumers have been paying at some periods above a million per week as premium on fuel, even after making fair deduction for the rise of price necessarily due to the diminishing value of gold. Are we, the consumers of coal, to write off all this as a dead loss, or have we gained any immediate or prospective advantage that may be deducted from the bad side of the account? I suspect that we shall gain sufficient to ultimately balance the loss, and, even after that, to leave something on the profit side. The abundance of our fuel has engendered a shameful wastefulness that is curiously blind and inconsistent. As a typical example of this inconsistency, I may mention a characteristic incident. A party of young people were sitting at supper in the house of a colliery manager. Among them was the vicar of the parish, a very jovial and genial man, but most earnest withal in his vocation. Jokes and banterings were freely flung across the table, and no one enjoyed the fun more heartily than the vicar; but presently one unwary youth threw a fragment of bread-crust at his opposite neighbor, and thus provoked retaliation. The countenance of the vicar suddenly changed, and in stern clerical tones he rebuked the wickedness of thus wasting the bounties of the Almighty. A general silence followed, and a general sense of guilt prevailed among the revellers. At the same time, and in the same room, a blazing fire, in an ill-constructed open fire-place, was glaring reproachfully at all the guests, but no one heeded the immeasurably greater and utterly irreparable waste that was there proceeding. To every unit of heat that was fully utilized in warming the room, there were eight or nine passing up the chimney to waste their energies upon the senseless clouds and boundless outer atmosphere. A large proportion of the vicar’s parishioners are colliers, in whose cottages huge fires blaze most wastefully all day, and are left to burn all night to save the trouble of re-lighting. The vicar diligently visits these cottages, and freely admonishes where he deems it necessary; yet he sees in this general waste of coal no corresponding sinfulness to that of wasting bread. Why is he so blind in one direction, while his moral vision is so microscopic in the other? Why are nearly all Englishmen and Englishwomen as inconsistent as the vicar in this respect? There are doubtless several combining reasons for this, but I suspect that the principal one is the profound impression which we have inherited from the experience and traditions of the horrors of bread-famine. A score of proverbs express the important practical truth that we rarely appreciate any of our customary blessings until we have tasted the misery of losing them. Englishmen have tasted the consequences of approximate exhaustion of the national grain store, but have never been near to the exhaustion of the national supply of coal. I therefore maintain most seriously that we need a severe coal famine, and if all the colliers of the United Kingdom were to combine for a simultaneous winter strike of about three or six months’ duration, they might justly be regarded as unconscious patriotic martyrs, like soldiers slain upon a battle-field. The evils of such a thorough famine would be very sharp, and proportionally beneficent, but only temporary; there would not be time enough for manufacturing rivals to sink pits, and at once erect competing iron-works; but the whole world would partake of our calamity, and the attention of all mankind would be aroused to the sinfulness of wasting coal. Six months of compulsory wood and peat fuel, with total stoppage of iron supplies, would convince the people of these islands that waste of coal is even more sinful than waste of bread,—would lead us to reflect on the fact that our stock of coal is a definite and limited quantity that was placed in the present storehouse long before human beings came upon the earth; that every ton of coal that is wasted is lost for ever, and cannot be replaced by any human effort, while bread is a product of human industry, and _its_ waste may be replaced by additional human labor; that the sin of bread-wasting does admit of agricultural atonement, while there is no form of practical repentance that can positively and directly replace a hundredweight of wasted coal. Nothing short of the practical and impressive lesson of bitter want is likely to drive from our households that wretched fetish of British adoration, the open “Englishman’s fireside.” Reason seems powerless against the superstition of this form of fire-worship. Tell one of the idolaters that his household god is wasteful and extravagant, that five-sixths of the heat from his coal goes up the chimney, and he replies, “I don’t care if it does; I can afford to pay for it. I like to _see_ the fire, and have the right to waste what is my own.” Tell him that healthful ventilation is impossible while the lower part of a room opens widely into a heated shaft, that forces currents of cold air through doors and window leakages, which unite to form a perpetual chilbrain stratum on the floor, and leaves all above the mantel-piece comparatively stagnant. Tell him that no such things as “draughts” should exist in a properly warmed and ventilated house, and that even with a thermometer at zero outside, every part of a well-ordered apartment should be equally habitable, instead of merely a semicircle about the hearth of the fire-worshiper; he shuts his ears, locks up his understanding, because his grandfather and grandmother believed that the open-mouthed chimney was the one and only true English means of ventilation. But suppose we were to say, “You love a cheerful blaze, can afford to pay for it, and therefore care not how much coal you waste in obtaining it. We also love a cheerful blaze, but have a great aversion to coal-smoke and tarry vapors; and we find that we can make a beautiful fire, quite inoffensive even in the middle of the room, provided we feed it with stale quartern loaves. We know that such fuel is expensive, but can afford to pay for it, and choose to do so.” Would he not be shocked at the sight of the blazing loaves, if this extravagance were carried out? This popular inconsistency of disregarding the waste of a valuable and necessary commodity, of which the supply is limited and unrenewable, while we have such proper horror of wilfully wasting another similar commodity which can be annually replaced as long as man remains in living contact with the earth, will gradually pass away when rational attention is directed to the subject. If the recent very mild suggestion of a coal-famine does something towards placing coal on a similar pedestal of popular veneration to that which is held by the “staff of life,” the million a week that it has cost the coal consumer will have been profitably invested. Many who were formerly deaf to the exhortations of fuel economists are now beginning to listen. “_Forty shillings per ton_” has acted like an incantation upon the spirit of Count Rumford. After an oblivion of more than eighty years, his practical lessons have again sprung up among us. Some are already inquiring how he managed to roast 112 lbs. of beef at the Foundling Hospital with 22 lbs. of coal, and to use the residual heat for cooking the potatoes, and why it is that with all our boasted progress we do not now in the latter third of the nineteenth century, repeat that which he did in the eighteenth. The fact that the consumption of coal in London during the first four months of 1873 has, in spite of increasing population, amounted to 49,707 tons less than the corresponding period of 1872, shows that some feeble attempts have been made to economize the domestic consumption of fuel. One very useful result of the recent scarcity of coal has been the awakening of a considerable amount of general interest in the work of stock-taking, a tedious process which improvident people are too apt to shirk, but which is quite indispensable to sound business proceedings, either of individuals or nations. There are many discrepancies in the estimates that have been made of the total available quantity of British coal. The speculative nature of some of the data renders this inevitable, but all authorities appear to agree on one point, viz., that the amount of our supplies will not be determined by the actual total quantity of coal under our feet, but by the possibilities of reaching it. This is doubtless correct, but how will these possibilities be limited, and what is the extent or range of the limit? On both these points I venture to disagree with the eminent men who have so ably discussed this question. First, as regards the nature of the limit or barrier that will stop our further progress in coal-getting. This is generally stated to be the depth of the seams. The Royal Commissioners of 1870 based their tables of the quantity of available coal in the visible and concealed coal-fields upon the assumption that 4000 feet is the limit of possible working. This limit is the same that was taken by Mr. Hull ten years earlier. Mr. Hull, in the last edition of “The Coal Fields of Great Britain,” p. 326, referring to Professor Ramsay’s estimate, says, “These estimates are drawn up for depths down to 4000 feet below the surface, and even beyond this limit; but with this latter quantity it is scarcely necessary that we should concern ourselves.” I shall presently show reasons for believing that the time may ultimately arrive when we _shall_ concern ourselves with this deep coal, and actually get it; while, on the other hand, that remote epoch will be preceded by another period of practical approximate exhaustion of British coal supply, which is likely to arrive long before we reach a working depth of 4000 feet. The Royal Commissioners estimate that within the limits of 4000 feet we have hundreds of square miles of attainable coal capable of yielding, after deducting 40 per cent for loss in getting, etc., 146,480 millions of tons; or, if we take this with Mr. Hull’s deduction of one-twentieth for seams under two feet in thickness, there remains 139,000 millions of tons, which, at present rate of consumption, would last about 1200 years. But the rate of consumption is annually increasing, not merely on account of increasing population, but also from the fact that mechanical inventions are perpetually superseding hand labor, and the source of power in such cases, is usually derived from coal. This consideration induced Professor Jevons, in 1865, to estimate that between 1861 and 1871 the consumption would increase from 83,500,000 tons to 118,000,000 tons. Mr. Hunt’s official return for 1871 shows that this estimate was a close approximation to the truth, the actual total for 1871 having been 117,352,028 tons. At this rate of an arithmetical increase of three and a half tons per annum, 139,000 millions of tons would last but 250 years. Mr. Hull, taking the actual increase at three millions of tons per annum, extends it to 276 years. Hitherto the annual increase has followed a geometrical, rather than arithmetical progress, and those who anticipate a continuance of this allow us a much shorter lease of our coal treasures. Mr. Price Williams maintains that the increase will proceed in a diminishing ratio like that of the increase of population; and upon this basis he has calculated that the annual consumption will amount to 274 millions of tons a hundred years hence, and the whole available stock of coal will last about 360 years. The latest returns show, for 1872, an output of 123,546,758 tons, which, compared with 1871, gives a rate of increase of more than double the estimate of Mr. Hull, and indicate that prices have not yet risen sufficiently to check the geometrical rate of increase.[24] Mr Hull very justly points out the omission in those estimates which do not “take into account the diminishing ratio at which coal must be consumed when it becomes scarcer and more expensive;” but, on the other hand, he omits the opposite influence of increasing prices on production, which has been strikingly illustrated by the extraordinary number of new coal-mining enterprises that have been launched during the last six months. If we continue as we are now proceeding, a practical and permanent coal famine will be upon us within the lifetime of many of the present generation. By such a famine, I do not mean an actual exhaustion of our coal seams (which will never be effected), but such a scarcity and rise of prices as shall annihilate the most voracious of our coal-consuming industries, those which depend upon abundance of cheap coal, such as the manufacture of pig-iron, etc.[25] The action of increasing prices has been but lightly considered hitherto, though its importance is paramount in determining the limits of our coal supply; I even venture so far as to affirm that it is not the depth of the coal seams, not the increasing temperature nor pressure as we proceed downwards, nor even thinness of seam, that will practically determine the limits of British coal-getting, but simply the price per ton at the pit’s mouth. In proof of this, I may appeal to actual practice. Mr. Hull and others have estimated the working limit of thinness at two feet, and agree in regarding thinner seams than this as unworkable. This is unquestionably correct so long as the getting is effected in the usual manner. A collier cannot lie down and hew a much thinner seam than this, if he works as colliers work at present. But the lead and copper miners succeed in working far thinner lodes, even down to the thickness of a few inches, and the gold-digger crushes the hardest component of the earth’s crust to obtain barely visible grains of the precious metal. This extension of effort is entirely determined by market value. At a sufficiently high price the two-feet limit of coal-getting would vanish, and the collier would work after the manner of the lead-miner. We may safely apply the same reasoning to the limits of depth. The 4000 feet limit of the Royal Commissioners is _at present_ unattainable, simply because the immediately prospective price of coal would not cover the cost of such deep sinking and working; but as prices go up, pits will go down, deeper and deeper still. The obstacles which are assumed to determine the 4000 feet limit are increasing density due to greater pressure, and the elevation of temperature which proceeds as we go downwards. The first of these difficulties has, I suspect, been very much overstated, if not altogether misunderstood; though it is but fair to add that Mr. Hull, who most prominently dwells upon it, does so with all just and philosophic caution. He says that “it is impossible to speak with certainty of the effect of the accumulative weight of 3000 or 4000 feet of strata on mining operations. In all probability one effect would be to increase the density of the coal itself, and of its accompanying strata, so as to increase the difficulty of excavating,” and he concludes by stating that “in the face of these two obstacles—temperature and pressure, ever increasing with the depth—I have considered it utopian to include in calculations having reference to coal supply any quantity, however considerable, which lies at a greater depth than 4000 feet. Beyond that depth I do not believe that it will be found practicable to penetrate. Nature rises up, and presents insurmountable barriers.”[26] On one point I differ entirely from Mr. Hull, viz., the conclusion that the increased “density of the coal itself and of its accompanying strata” will offer any serious obstacle. On the contrary, there is good reason to believe that such density is one of the essential conditions for working deep coal. Even at present depths of working, density and hardness of the accompanying strata is one of the most important aids to easy and cheap coal-getting. With a dense roof and floor the collier works vigorously and fearlessly, and he escapes the serious cost of timbering. Those who have never been underground, and only read of colliery disasters, commonly regard the fire-damp and choke-damp as the collier’s most deadly enemies, but the collier himself has quite as much dread of a rotten roof as of either of these: he knows by sad experience how much bruising, and maiming, and crushing of human limbs are due to the friability of the rock above his head. Mr. Hull quotes the case of the Dunkinfield colliery, where, at a depth of about 2500 feet, the pressure is “so resistless as to crush in circular arches of brick four feet thick,” and to snap a cast-iron pillar in twain; but he does not give any account of the density of the accompanying strata at the place of these occurrences. I suspect that it was simply _a want of density_ that allowed the superincumbent pressure to do such mischief. The circular arches of brick four feet thick were but poor substitutes for a roof of solid rock of 40 or 400 feet in thickness; an arch cut in such a rock would be all key-stone: and I may safely venture to affirm that if, in the deep sinkings of the future, we do encounter the increased density which Mr. Hull anticipates, this will be altogether advantageous. I fear, however, that it will not be so, that the chief difficulty of deep coal-mining will arise from occasional “running in” due to deficient density, and that this difficulty will occur in about the same proportion of cases as at present, but will operate more seriously at the greater depths. A very interesting subject for investigation is hereby suggested. Do rocks of given composition and formation increase in density as they dip downwards; and if so, does this increase of density follow any law by which we may determine whether their power of resisting superincumbent pressure increases in any approach to the ratio of the increasing pressure to which they are naturally subjected? If the increasing density and power of resistance reaches or exceeds this ratio, deep mining has nothing to fear from pressure. If they fall short of it, the difficulties arising from pressure may be serious. Friability, viscosity, and power of resisting a crushing strain must be considered in reference to this question. Mr. Hull has collected a considerable amount of data bearing upon the rate of increase of temperature with depth. His conclusions give a greater rate of increase than is generally stated by geologists; but for the present argument I will accept, without prejudice, as the lawyers say, his basis of a range of 1° F. for 60 feet. According to this, the _rocks_ will reach 99.6°, a little above blood-heat, at 3000 feet, and 116.3° at the supposed limit of 4000 feet. It is assumed by Mr. Hull, by the Commissioners, and most other authorities, that this rock temperature of 116° will limit the possibilities of coal-mining. At the average prices of the last three years, or the prospective prices of the next three years, this temperature may be, like difficulties of the thin seams, an insurmountable barrier; but I contend that at higher prices we may work coal at this, and even far higher, rock temperatures; that it matters not how high the thermometer rises as we descend, we shall still go lower and still get coal so long as prices rise with the mercury. Given this condition, and I have no doubt that coal may be worked where the rock temperature shall reach or even exceed 212°. I do not say that we shall actually work coal at such depths; but if we do not, the reason will be, not that the thermometer is too high, but that prices are too low; in other words, value, not temperature, will determine the working limits. Mr. Leifchild, in the last number of the “Edinburgh Review,” in discussing this question, tells us that “the normal heat of our blood is 98°, and fever heat commences at 100°, and the extreme limit of fever heat may be taken at 112°. Dr. Thudichum, a physician who has specially investigated this subject, has concluded from experiments on his own body at high temperatures, that at a heat of 140° no work whatever could be carried on, and that at a temperature of from 130° to 140° only a very small amount of labor, and that at short periods, was practicable; and further, that human labor daily, and at ordinary periods, is limited by 100° of temperature, as a fixed point, and then the air must be dry, for in moist air he did not think men could endure ordinary labor at a temperature exceeding 90°.” It may be presumptuous on my part to dispute the conclusions of a physician on such a subject, but I do so nevertheless, as the data required are simple practical facts such as are better obtained by furnace-working than by sick-room experience. During the hottest days of the summer of 1868 I was engaged in making some experiments in the re-heating furnaces at Sir John Brown & Co.’s works, Sheffield, and carried a thermometer about with me which I suspended in various places where the men were working. At the place where I was chiefly engaged (a corner between two sets of furnaces), the thermometer, suspended in a position where it was not affected by direct radiations from the open furnaces, stood at 120° while the furnace doors were shut. The _radiant_ heat to which the men themselves were exposed while making their greatest efforts in placing and removing the piles was far higher than this, but I cannot state it, not having placed the thermometer in the position of the men. In one of the Bessemer pits the thermometer reached 140°, and men worked there at a kind of labor demanding great muscular effort. It is true that during this same week the puddlers were compelled to leave their work; but the tremendous amount of concentrated exertion demanded of the puddler in front of a furnace, which, during the time of removing the balls, radiates a degree of heat quite sufficient to roast a sirloin of beef if placed in the position of the puddles hands, is beyond comparison with that which would be demanded of a collier working even at a depth giving a theoretical rock temperature of 212°, and aided by the coal-cutting and other machinery that sufficiently high prices would readily command. In some of the operations of glass-making, the ordinary summer working temperature is considerably above 100°, and the radiant neat to which the workmen are subjected far exceeds 212°. This is the case during a “pot setting,” and in the ordinary work of flashing crown glass. As regards the mere endurance of a high temperature, the well-known experiments of Blagden, Sir Joseph Banks, and others have shown that the human body can endure for short periods a temperature of 260° F., and upwards. My own experience of furnace-work, and of Turkish baths, quite satisfies me that I could do a fair day’s work of six or eight hours in a temperature of 130° F., provided I were free from the encumbrances of clothing, and had access to abundance of tepid water. This in a still atmosphere; but with a moving current of dry air capable of promoting vigorous evaporation from the skin, I suspect that the temperature might be ten or fifteen degrees higher. I _enjoy_ ordinary walking exercise in a well-ventilated Turkish bath at 150°, and can endure it at 180°. In order to obtain further information on this point, I have written to Mr. Tyndall, the proprietor of the Turkish baths at Newington Butts. He is an architect, who has had considerable experience in the employment of workmen and in the construction of Turkish baths and other hot-air chambers. He says: “Shampooers work in my establishment from four to five hours at a time _in a moist atmosphere_ at a temperature ranging from 105° to 110°. I have myself worked twenty hours out of twenty-four in one day in a temperature over 110°. Once for one half-hour I shampooed in 185°. At the enamel works in Pimlico, belonging to Mr. Mackenzie, men work daily in a heat of over 300°. The moment a man working in a 110° heat begins to drink alcohol, his tongue gets parched, and he is obliged to continue drinking while at work, and the brain gets so excited that he cannot do half the amount. I painted my skylights, taking me about four hours, at a temperature of about 145°; also the hottest room skylights, which took me one hour, coming out at intervals for “a cooler,” at a temperature of 180°. I may add in conclusion, that a man can work well in a moist temperature of 110° if he perspires freely.” The following, by a writer whose testimony may be safely accepted, is extracted from an account of ordinary passenger ships of the Red Sea, in the “Illustrated News,” of November 9, 1872: “The temperature in the stoke-hole was 145°. The floor of this warm region is close to the ship’s keel, so it is very far below. There are twelve boilers, six on each side, each with a blazing furnace, which has to be opened at regular intervals to put in new coals, or to be poked up with long iron rods. This is the duty of the poor wretches who are doomed to this work. It is hard to believe that human beings could be got to labor under such conditions, yet such persons are to be found. The work of stoking or feeding the fires is usually done by Arabs, while the work of bringing the coal from the bunkers is done by sidi-wallahs or negroes. At times some of the more intelligent of these _are promoted to the stoking_. The negroes who do this kind of work come from Zanzibar. They are generally short men, with strong limbs, round bullet heads, and the very best of good nature in their dispositions. Some of them will work half an hour in such a place as the stoke-hole without a drop of perspiration on their dark skins. Others, particularly the Arabs, when it is so hot as it often is in the Red Sea, have to be carried up in a fainting condition, and are restored to animation by dashing buckets of water over them as they lie on deck.” It must be remembered that the theoretical temperature of 116° at 4000 feet, the 133° at 5000 feet, or the 150° at 6000 feet, are the temperatures of _the undisturbed rock_; that this rock is a bad conductor of heat, whose surface may be considerably cooled by radiation and convection; and therefore we are by no means to regard the rock temperature as that of the air of the roads and workings of the deep coal-pits of the future.[27] It is true that the Royal Commissioners have collected many facts showing that the actual difference between the face of the rocks of certain pits and the air passing through them is but small; but these data are not directly applicable to the question under consideration for the three following reasons: _First._ The comparisons are made between the temperature of the air and the actual temperature of the opened and already cooled strata, while the question to be solved is the difference between the theoretical temperature of the unopened earth depths and that of the air in roads and working’s to be opened through them. _Second._ The cooling effect of ventilation must (as the Commissioners themselves state) increase in a ratio which “somewhat exceeds the ratio of the difference between the temperature of the air and that of the surrounding surface with which it is in contact.” Thus, the lower we proceed the more and more effectively cooling must a given amount of ventilation become. The third, and by far the most important, reason is, that in the deep mining of the future, special means will be devised and applied to the purpose of lowering the temperature of the workings; that as the descending efforts of the collier increase with the ascending value of the coal, a new problem will be offered for solution, and the method of working coal will be altered accordingly. In the cases quoted by the Commissioners, the few degrees of cooling were effected by a system of ventilation that was devised to meet the requirements of respiration, and not for the purpose of cooling the mine. It would be very presumptuous for anyone in 1873 to say how this special cooling will actually be effected, but I will nevertheless venture to indicate one or two principles which may be applied to the solution of the problem. First of all, it must be noted that very deep mines are usually dry; and there is good reason to believe that, before reaching the Commissioners’ limit of 4000 feet, dry mining would be the common, and at and below 4000 feet the universal, case. At present we usually obtain coal from water-bearing strata, and all our arrangements are governed by this very serious contingency. With water removed, the whole system of coal-mining may be revolutionized, and thus the aspect of this problem of cooling the workings would become totally changed. Those who are acquainted with the present practice of mining are aware that when an estate is taken, and about to be worked for coal, the first question to be decided is the dip of the measures, in order that the sinking may be made “on the deep” of the whole range. The pits are not sunk at that part of the same range where, at first sight, the coal appears the most accessible, but, on the contrary, at the deepest part. It is then carried on to some depth below the coal seam which is to be worked, in order to form a “sumpf” or receptacle from which the water may be wound or pumped. The necessity for this in water-bearing strata is obvious enough. If the collier began at the shallowest portion of his range, and attempted to proceed downwards, he would be “drowned out” unless he worked as a coal-diver rather than a coal-miner. By sinking in the deep he works upwards, away from the water, which all drains down to the sumpf, from which it is pumped. The modern practice is to sink “a pair of pits,” _both on the deep_, and within a short distance of each other. The object of the second is ventilation. By contrivances, which I need not here detail, the air is made to descend one of the pits, “the downcast shaft,” then to traverse the roads and workings wherein ventilation is required, and return by a reverse route to the “upcast shaft,” by which it ascends to the surface. Thus it will be seen that, whenever the temperature of the roads and workings exceeds that of the outer atmosphere; the air currents have to be forced to travel through the mine in a direction contrary to their natural course. The cooler air of the downcast shaft has to climb the inclined roads, and then after attaining its maximum temperature in the fresh workings must _descend_ the roads till it reaches the upcast shaft. The cool air must rise and the warmer air descend. What, then, would be the course of the mining engineer when all the existing difficulties presented by water-bearing strata should be removed, and their place taken by a new and totally different obstacle, viz., high temperature? Obviously to reverse the present mode of working—to sink on the upper part of the range and drive downwards. In such a system of working the ventilation of the pit will be most powerfully aided or altogether effected by natural atmospheric currents. An upcast once determined by artificial means, it will thereafter proceed spontaneously, as the cold air of the downcast shaft will travel by a descending road to the workings, and then after becoming heated will simply obey the superior pressure of the heavy column behind, and proceed by an upward road to the upcast shaft. As the impelling force of the air current will be the difference between the weight of the cool column of air in the downcast shaft and roads and the warm column in the upcast, the available force of natural ventilation and cooling will increase just as demanded, _i.e._, it will increase with the depth of the workings and the heat of the rocks. A mining engineer who knows what is actually done with present arrangements, will see at once that with the above-stated advantages a gale of wind or even a hurricane might be directed through any particular roads or long-wall workings that were once opened. Let us suppose the depth to be 5000 feet, the rock temperature at starting 133°, and that of the outer air 60°, we should have a torrent of air, 73° cooler than the rocks, rushing furiously downwards, then past the face of the heated strata, and absorbing its heat to such an extent that the upcast shaft would pour forth a perpetual blast of hot air like a gigantic furnace chimney. But this is not all; the heat and dryness of these deep workings of the future place at our disposal another and still more efficient cooling agency than even that of a hurricane of dry-air ventilation. In the first part of the sinking of the deep shafts the usual water-bearing strata would be encountered, and the ordinary means of “tubbing” or “coffering” would probably be adopted for temporary convenience during sinking. Doorways, however, would be left in the tubbing at suitable places for tapping at pleasure the wettest and most porous of the strata. Streams of cold water could thus be poured down the sides of the shaft, which, on reaching the bottom, would flow by a downhill road into the workings. The stream of air rushing by the same route and becoming heated in its course would powerfully assist the evaporation of the water. The deeper and hotter the pit, the more powerful would be these cooling agencies. As the specific heat of water is about five times that of the coal-measure rocks, or the coal itself, every degree of heat communicated to each pound of water would abstract one degree from five pounds of rocks. But in the conversion of water at 60° into vapor at say 100°, the amount of heat absorbed is equivalent to that required to raise the same weight of water about 1000°, and thus the effective cooling power on the rock would be equivalent to 5000°. The workings once opened (I assume as a matter of course that by this time pillar-and-stall working will be entirely abandoned for long-wall or something better), there would be no difficulty in thus pouring streams of water and torrents of air through the workings during the night, or at any suitable time preparatory to the operations of the miner, who long before the era of such deep workings will be merely the director of coal-cutting and loading machinery. Given a sufficiently high price for coal at the pit’s mouth to pay wages and supply the necessary fixed capital, I see no insuperable difficulty, _so far as mere temperature is concerned_, in working coal at double the depth of the Royal Commissioners’ limit of possibility. At such a depth of 8000 feet the theoretical rock-temperature is 183°. By the means above indicated, I have no doubt that this could be reduced to an _air_ temperature below 110°—that at which Mr. Tyndall’s shampooers ordinarily work. Of course the newly-exposed face of the coal would have its initial temperature of 183°; but this is a trivial heat compared to the red-hot radiant surfaces to which puddlers, shinglers, glassmakers, etc., are commonly exposed. Divested of the incumbrance of clothing, with the whole surface of the skin continuously fanned by a powerful stream of air—which, during working hours need be but partly saturated with vapor—a sturdy midland or north-countryman would work merrily enough at short hours and high wages, even though the newly-exposed face of coal reached 212°; for we must remember that this new coal-face would only correspond to the incomparably hotter furnace-doors and fires of the steamship stoke-holes. The high temperature at 8000 or even 10,000 feet would present a really serious difficulty during the first opening of communications between the two pits. A spurt of brave effort would here be necessary, and if anybody doubts whether Englishmen could be found to make the effort, let him witness a “pot-setting” at a glass-house. Negro labor might be obtained if required, but my experience among English workmen leads me to believe that they will never allow negroes or any others to beat them at home in any kind of work where the wages paid are proportionate to the effort demanded. If I am right in the above estimates of working possibilities, our coal resources may be increased by about forty thousand millions of tons beyond the estimate of the Commissioners. To obtain such an additional quantity will certainly be worth an effort, and unless we suffer a far worse calamity than the loss of all our minerals, viz., a deterioration of British energy, the effort will assuredly be made. I have said repeatedly that it is not physical difficulties but market value that will determine the limits of our coal-mining. This, like all other values, is of course determined by the relation between demand and supply. Fuel being one of the absolute necessaries of life, the demand for it must continue so long as the conditions of human existence remain as at present, and the outer limits of the possible value of coal will be determined by that of the next cheapest kind of fuel which is capable of superseding it. We begin by working the best and most accessible seams, and while those remain in abundance the average value of coal will be determined by the cost of producing it under these easy conditions. Directly these most accessible seams cease to supply the whole demand, the market value rises until it becomes sufficient to cover the cost of working the less accessible; and the average value will be regulated not by the cost of working what remains of the first or easy mines, but by that of working the most difficult that must be worked in order to meet the demand. This is a simple case falling under the well-established economic law, that the natural or cost value of any commodity is determined by the cost value of the most costly portion of it. Thus, the only condition under which we can proceed to sink deeper and deeper, is a demand of sufficient energy to keep pace with the continually increasing cost of production. This condition can only be fulfilled when there is no competing source of cheaper production which is adequate to supply the demand. The question then resolves itself into this: Is any source of supply likely to intervene that will prevent the value of coal from rising sufficiently to cover the cost of working the coal seams of 4000 feet and greater depth? Without entering upon the question of peat and wood fuel, both of which will for some uses undoubtedly come into competition with British coal as it rises in value, I believe that there are sound reasons for concluding that our London fireplaces, and those of other towns situated on the sea-coast and the banks of navigable rivers, will be supplied with transatlantic coal long before we reach the Commissioner’s limit of 4000 feet. The highest prices of last winter, if steadily maintained, would be sufficient to bring about this important change. Temporary upward jerks of the price of coal have very little immediate effect upon supply, as the surveying, conveyance, boring, sinking, and fully opening of a new coal estate is a work of some years. The Royal Commissioners estimate that the North-American coal-fields contain an untouched coal area equal to seventy times the whole of ours. Further investigation is likely to increase rather than diminish this estimate. An important portion of this vast source of supply is well situated for shipment, and may be easily worked at little cost. Hitherto, the American coal-fields have been greatly neglected, partly on account of the temptations to agricultural occupation which are afforded by the vast area of the American continent, and partly by the barbarous barriers of American politics. Large amounts of capital which, under the social operation of the laws of natural selection, would have been devoted to the unfolding of the vast mineral resources of the United States, are still wastefully invested in the maintenance of protectively nursed and sickly imitation of English manufactures. When the political civilization of the United States become sufficiently advanced to establish a national free-trade policy, this perverted capital will flow into its natural channels, and the citizens of the States will be supplied with the more highly elaborated industrial products at a cheaper rate than at present, by obtaining them in exchange for their superabundant raw material from those European countries where population is overflowing the raw material supplies. When this time arrives, and it may come with the characteristic suddenness of American changes, the question of American _versus_ English coal in the English markets will reduce itself to one of horizontal _versus_ vertical difficulties. If at some future period the average depth of the Newcastle coal-pits becomes 3000 feet greater than those of the pits near the coast of the Atlantic or American lakes, and if the horizontal difficulties of 3000 miles of distance are less than the vertical difficulties of 3000 feet of depth, then coals will be carried from America to Newcastle. They will reach London and the towns on the South Coast before this, that is, when the vertical difficulties at Newcastle plus those of horizontal traction from Newcastle to the south, exceed those of eastward traction across the Atlantic. As the cost of carriage increases in a far smaller ratio than the open ocean distance, there is good reason for concluding that the day when London houses will be warmed by American coal is not very far distant. We, in England, who have outgrown the pernicious folly of “protecting native industry” will heartily welcome so desirable a consummation. It will render unnecessary any further inquiry into the existence of London “coal rings” or combinations for restricted output among colliers or their employers. If any morbid impediments to the free action of the coal trade do exist, the stimulating and purgative influence of foreign competition will rapidly restore the trade to a healthy condition. The effect of such introduction of American coal will not be to perpetually lock up our deep coal nor even to stop our gradual progress towards it. We shall merely proceed downwards at a much slower rate, for in America, as with ourselves, the easily accessible coal will be first worked, and as that becomes exhausted, the deeper, more remote, thinner, and inferior will only remain to be worked at continually increasing cost. When both our own and foreign coal cost more than peat, or wood, or other fuel, then and therefore will coal become quite inaccessible to us, and this will probably be the case long before we are stopped by the physical obstacles of depth, density, or high temperature. As this rise of value must of necessity be gradual, and as the superseding of British by foreign coal, as well as the final disuse of coal, will gradually converge from the circumference towards the centres of supply, from places distant from coal-pits to those close around them, we shall have ample warning and opportunity for preparing for the social changes that the loss of the raw material will enforce. The above-quoted writer, in the “Edinburgh Review,” expresses in strong and unqualified terms an idea that is very prevalent in England and abroad: he says that, “The course of manufacturing supremacy of wealth and of power is directed by coal. That wonderful mineral, of the possession of which Englishmen have thought so little but wasted so much, is the modern realization of the philosopher’s stone. This chemical result of primeval vegetation has been the means by its abundance of raising this country to an unprecedented height of prosperity, and its deficiency might have the effect of lowering it to slow decline.” *** “It raises up one people and casts down another; it makes railways on land and paths on the sea. It founds cities, it rules nations, it changes the course of empires.” The fallacy of these customary attributions of social potency to mere mineral matter is amply shown by facts that are previously stated by the reviewer himself. He tells us that “the coal-fields of China extend over an area of 400,000 square miles; and a good geologist, Baron Von Richthofen, has reported that he himself has found a coal-field in the province of Hunau covering an area of 21,700 square miles, which is nearly double our British coal area of 12,000 square miles. In the province of Shansi, the Baron discovered nearly 30,000 square miles of coal with unrivaled facilities for mining. But all these vast coal-fields, capable of supplying the whole world for some thousands of years to come, are lying unworked.” If “the course of manufacturing supremacy of wealth and of power” were directed by coal, then China, which possesses 33·3 times more of this directive force than Great Britain, and had so early a start in life, should be the supreme summit of the industrial world. If this solid hydrocarbon “raises up one people and casts down another,” the Chinaman should, be raised thirty-three times and three tenths higher than the Englishman; if it “makes railways on land and paths on the sea,” the Chinese railways should be 33·3 times longer than ours, and the tonnage of their mercantile marine 33·3 times greater. Every addition to our knowledge of the mineral resources of other parts of the world carries us nearer and nearer to the conclusion that the old idea of the superlative abundance of the natural mineral resources of England is a delusion. We are gradually discovering that, with the one exception of tin-stone, we have but little if any more than an average supply of useful ores and mineral fuel. It is a curious fact, and one upon which we may profitably ponder, that the poorest and the worst iron ores that have ever been commercially reduced, are those of South Staffordshire and the Cleveland district, and these are the two greatest iron-making centres of the world. There are no ores of copper, zinc, tin, nickel, or silver in the neighborhood of Birmingham, nor any golden sands upon the banks of the Rea, yet this town is the hardware metropolis of the world, the fatherland of gilding and plating, and is rapidly becoming supreme in the highest art of gold and silver work. These, and a multitude of other analogous facts, abundantly refute the idea that the native minerals, the natural fertility, the navigable rivers, or the convenient seaports, determine the industrial and commercial supremacy of nations. The moral forces exerted by the individual human molecules are the true components which determine the resulting force and direction of national progress. It is the industry and skill of our workmen, the self-denial, the enterprise, and organizing ability of our capitalists, that has brought our coal so precociously to the surface and redirected for human advantage the buried energies of ancient sunbeams, while the fossil fuel of other lands has remained inert. The foreigner who would see a sample of the source of British prosperity must not seek for it in a geological museum or among our subterranean rocks; let him rather stand on the Surrey side of London Bridge from 8 to 10 A.M. and contemplate the march of one of the battalions of our metropolitan industrial army, as it pours forth in an unceasing stream from the railway stations towards the City. An analysis of the moral forces which produce the earnest faces and rapid steps of these rank and file and officers of commerce will reveal the true elements of British greatness, rather than any laboratory dissection of our coal or ironstone. Fuel and steam-power have been urgently required by all mankind. Englishmen supplied these wants. Their urgency was primary and they were first supplied, even though the bowels of the earth had to be penetrated in order to obtain them. In the present exceptional and precocious degree of exhaustion of our coal treasures, we have the _effect_ not the _cause_ of British industrial success. If in a ruder age our greater industrial energy enabled us to take the lead in supplying the ruder demands of our fellow-creatures, why should not a higher culture of those same abundant energies qualify us to maintain our position and enable us to minister to the more refined and elaborate wants of a higher civilization? There are other necessary occupations quite as desirable as coal-digging, furnace-feeding, and cotton-spinning. The approaching exhaustion of our coal supplies should therefore serve us as a warning for preparation. Britain will be forced to retire from the coal trade, and should accordingly prepare her sons for higher branches of business,—for those in which scientific knowledge and artistic training will replace mere muscular strength and mechanical skill. We have attained our present material prosperity mainly by our excellence in the use of steam-power; let us now struggle for supremacy in the practical application of brain-power. We have time and opportunity for this. The exhaustion of our coal supplies will go on at a continually retarding pace—we shall always be approaching the end, but shall never absolutely reach it, as every step of approximation will diminish the rate of approach; like the everlasting process of reaching a given point by continually halving our distance from it. First of all we shall cease to export coal; then we shall throw up the most voracious of our coal-consuming industries, such as the reduction of iron-ore in the blast-furnace; then copper-smelting and the manufacture of malleable iron and steel from the pig, and so on progressively. If we keep in view the natural course and order of such progress, and intelligently prepare for it, the loss of our coal need not in the smallest degree retard the progress of our national prosperity. If, however, we act upon the belief that the advancement of a nation depends upon the mere accident of physical advantages, if we fold our arms and wait for Providence to supply us with a physical substitute for coal, we shall become Chinamen, minus the unworked coal of China. If our educational efforts are conducted after the Chinese model; if we stultify the vigor and freshness of young brains by the weary, dull, and useless cramming of words and phrases; if we poison and pervert the growing intellect of British youth by feeding it upon the decayed carcases of dead languages, and on effete and musty literature, our progress will be proportionately Chinaward; but if we shake off that monkish inheritance which leads so many of us blindly to believe that the business of education is to produce scholars rather than men, and direct our educational efforts towards the requirements of the future rather than by the traditions of the past, we need have no fear that Great Britain will decline with the exhaustion of her coal-fields. The teaching and training in schools and colleges must be directly and designedly preparatory to those of the workshop, the warehouse, and the office; for if our progress is to be worthy of our beginning, the moral and intellectual dignity of industry must be formally acknowledged and systematically sustained and advanced. Hitherto, we have been the first and the foremost in utilizing the fossil forces which the miner has unearthed; hereafter we must in like manner avail ourselves of the living forces the philosopher has revealed. Science must become as familiar among all classes of Englishmen as their household fuel. The youth of England must be trained to observe, generalize, and _investigate_ the phenomena and forces of the world outside themselves; and also those moral forces within themselves, upon the right or wrong government of which the success or failure, the happiness or misery of their lives will depend. With such teaching and training the future generations of England will make the best and most economical use of their coal while it lasts, and will still advance in material and moral prosperity in spite of its progressive exhaustion. “THE ENGLISHMAN’S FIRESIDE.” During the investment of Paris, the _Comptes Rendus_ of the Acadamy of Sciences were mainly filled with papers on the construction and guidance of balloons; with the results of ingenious researches on methods of making milk and butter without the aid of cows; on the extraction of nutritious food from old boots, saddles, and other organic refuse; and other devices for rendering the general famine more endurable. In like manner, our present coal famine is directing an important amount of scientific, as well as commercial, attention to the subject of economizing coal and finding substitutes for it. A few thoughtful men have shocked their fellow-sufferers very outrageously by wishing that coal may reach 3_l._ per ton, and remain at that price for a year or two. I confess that, in spite of my own empty coal-cellar and small income, I am one of those hard-hearted cool calculators, being confident that, even from the narrow point of view of my own outlay in fuel, the additional amount I should thus pay in the meantime would be a good investment, affording by an ample return in the saving due to consequent future cheapness. Regarded from a national point of view, I am convinced that 3_l._ a ton in London, and corresponding prices in other districts, if thus maintained, would be an immense national blessing. I say this, being convinced that nothing short of pecuniary pains and penalties of ruinous severity will stir the blind prejudices of Englishmen, and force them to desist from their present stupid and sinful waste of the greatest mineral treasure of the island. One of the grossest of our national manifestations of Conservative stupidity is our senseless idolatrous worship of that domestic fetish, “the Englishman’s fireside.” We sacrifice health, we sacrifice comfort, we begrime our towns and all they contain with sooty foulness, we expend an amount far exceeding the interest of the national debt, and discount our future prospects of national prosperity, in order that we may do what? Enjoy the favorite recreation of idiots. It is a well-known physiological fact that an absolute idiot, with a cranium measuring sixteen inches in circumference, will sit and stare at a blazing fire for hours and hours continuously, all the day long, except when feeding, and that this propensity varies with the degree of mental vacuity. Few sights are more melancholy than the contemplation of a party of English fire-worshipers seated in a semicircle round the family fetish on a keen frosty day. They huddle together, roast their knees, and grill their faces, in order to escape the chilling blast that is brought in from all the chinks of leaky doors and windows by the very agent they employ, at so much cost, for the purpose of keeping the cold away. The bigger the fire the greater the draught, the hotter their faces the colder their backs, the greater the consumption of coal the more abundant the crop of chilblains, rheumatism, catarrh, and other well-deserved miseries. The most ridiculous element of such an exhibition is the complacent self-delusion of the victims. They believe that their idol bestows upon them an amount of comfort unknown to other people, that it affords the most perfect and salubrious ventilation, and, above all, that it is a “cheerful” institution. The “cheerfulness” is, perhaps, the broadest part of the whole caricature, especially when we consider that, according to this theory of the cheerfulness of fire-gazing, the 16-inch idiot must be the most cheerful of all human beings. The notion that our common fireplaces and chimneys afford an efficient means of ventilation, is almost too absurd for serious discussion. Everybody who has thought at all on the subject is aware that in cold weather the exhalations of the skin and lungs, the products of gas-burning, etc., are so much heated when given off that they rise to the upper part of the room (especially if any cold outer air is admitted), and should be removed from there before they cool again and descend. Now, our fireplace openings are just where they ought _not_ to be for ventilation; they are at the lower part of the room, and thus their action consists in creating a current of cold air or “draught” from doors and windows, which cold current at once descends, and then runs along the floor, chilling our toes and provoking chilblains. This cold fresh air having done its worst in the way of making us uncomfortable, passes directly up the chimney without doing us any service for purposes of respiration. Our mouths are usually above the level of the chimney opening, and thus we only breathe the vitiated atmosphere which it fails to remove. Not only does the fire-opening fail to purify the air we breathe, it actually prevents the leakage of the lower part of the windows and doors from assisting in the removal of the upper stratum of vitiated air, for the strong up-draught of the chimney causes these openings to be fully occupied by an inflowing current of cold air, which at once descends, and then proceeds, as before stated, to the chimney. If the leakage is insufficient to supply the necessary amount of chilblain-making and bronchitis-producing draught, it has to enter by way of the chimney-pot in the form of occasional spasms of down-draught, accompanied by gusts of choking and blackening smoke. It is a fact not generally known, that smoky chimneys are especial English institutions, one of the peculiar manifestations of our very superior domestic comfortableness. It is true that, in some of our rooms, an Arnott’s ventilator opens into the upper part of the chimney, but this was intended by Dr. Arnott as an adjunct to his modification of the German stove, and such ventilator can only act efficiently where a stove is used. The pressure required to fairly open it can only be regularly obtained when the chimney is closed below, or its lower opening is limited to that of a stovepipe. The mention of a German stove has upon an English fire-worshiper a similar effect to the sight of water upon a mad dog. Again and again, when I have spoken of the necessity of reforming our fireplaces, the first reply elicited has been, “What, would you have us use German stoves?” In every case where I have inquired of the exclaimer, “What sort of a thing is a German stove?” the answer has proved that the exclamation was but a manifestation of blind prejudice based upon total ignorance. These people who are so much shocked at the notion of introducing “German stoves” have no idea of the construction of the stoves which deservedly bear this title. Their notion of a German stove is one of those wretched iron boxes of purely English invention known to ironmongers as “shop stoves.” These things get red hot, their red-hot surface frizzles the dust particles that float in the atmosphere and perfume the apartment accordingly. This, however disagreeable, is not very mischievous, perhaps the reverse, as many of these dust particles, which are revealed by a sunbeam, are composed of organic matter which, as Dr. Tyndall argues, may be carriers of infection. If we must inhale such things, it is better that we should breathe them cooked than take them raw. The true cause of the headaches and other mischief which such stoves unquestionably induce is very little understood in this country. It has been falsely attributed to over-drying of the atmosphere, and accordingly evaporating pans and other contrivances have been attached to such stoves, but with little or no advantage. Other explanations are given, but the true one is that iron _when red hot is permeable by carbonic oxide_. This was proved by the researches of Professor Graham, who showed that this gas not only _can_ pass through red-hot iron with singular facility, but actually _does_ so whenever there is atmospheric air on one side and carbonic oxide on the other. For the benefit of my non-chemical readers, I may explain that when any of our ordinary fuel is burned, there are two products of carbon combustion, one the result of complete combustion, the other of semi-combustion—carbonic acid and carbonic oxide—the former, though suffocating when breathed alone or in large proportion, is not otherwise poisonous, and has no disagreeable odor; it is in fact rather agreeable in small quantities, being the material of champagne bubbles and of those of other effervescing drinks. Carbonic oxide, the product of semi-combustion, is quite different. Breathed only in small quantities, it acts as a direct poison, producing peculiarly oppressive headaches. Besides this, it has a disagreeable odor. It thus resembles many other products of imperfect combustion, such as those which are familiar to everybody who has ever blown out a tallow candle, and left the red wick to its own devices. On this account alone any kind of iron stove capable of becoming red-hot should be utterly condemned. If Englishmen did their traveling in North Europe in the winter, their self-conceit respecting the comfort of English houses would be cruelly lacerated, and none such would perpetrate the absurdity of applying the name of “German stove” to the iron fire-pots that are sold as stoves by English ironmongers. As the Germans use so great a variety of stoves, it is scarcely correct to apply the title of German to any kind of stove, unless we limit ourselves to North Germany. There, and in Sweden, Denmark, Norway, and Russia, the construction of stoves becomes a specialty. The Russian stove is perhaps the most instructive to us, as it affords the greatest contrast to our barbarous device of a hole in the wall into which fuel is shoveled, and allowed to expend nine-tenths of its energies in heating the clouds, while only the residual ten per cent does anything towards warming the room. With the thermometer outside below zero, a house in Moscow or St. Petersburg is kept incomparably more warm and comfortable, and is _better_ ventilated (though, perhaps, not so _much_ ventilated) than a corresponding class of house in England, where the outside temperature is 20 or 30 degrees higher, and this with a consumption of about one-fourth of the fuel which is required for the production of British bronchitis. This is done by, first of all, sacrificing the idiotic recreation of fire-gazing, then by admitting no air into the chimney but that which is used for the combustion of the fuel; thirdly, by sending as little as possible of the heat up the chimney; fourthly, by storing the heat obtained from the fuel in a suitable reservoir, and then allowing it gradually and steadily to radiate into the apartment from a large but not overheated surface. The Russian stove by which these conditions are fulfilled is usually an ornamental, often a highly artistic, handsome article of furniture, made of fire-resisting porcelain, glazed and otherwise decorated outside. Internally it is divided by thick fire-clay walls into several upright chambers or flues, usually six. Some dry firewood is lighted in a suitable fireplace, and is supplied with only sufficient air to effect combustion, all of which enters below and passes fairly through the fuel. The products of combustion being thus undiluted with unnecessary cold air, are very highly heated, and in this state pass up compartment or flue No. 1; they are then deflected, and pass down No. 2; then up No. 3, then down No. 4, then up No. 5, then down No. 6. At the end of this long journey they have given up most of their heat to the 24 heat-absorbing surfaces of the fire-clay walls of the six flues. When the interior of the stove is thus sufficiently heated, the fire-door and the communication with the chimney are closed, and the fire is at once extinguished, having now done its day’s work; the interior of the stove has bottled up its calorific force, and holds it ready for emission into the apartment. This is effected by the natural properties of the walls of the earthenware reservoir. They are bad conductors and good radiators. The heat slowly passes through to the outside of the stove, is radiated into the apartment from a large and moderately-heated surface, which affords a genial and well-diffused temperature throughout. There is no scorching in one little red-hot hole, or corner, or box, and freezing in the other parts of the room. There are no draughts, as the chimney is quite closed as soon as the heat reservoir is supplied. If one of these heat reservoirs is placed in the hall, where it may form a noble ornament and can easily communicate with an underground flue, it warms every part of the house, and enables the Russian to enjoy a luxurious temperate climate indoors in spite of arctic winter outside. In a house thus warmed and free from draughts or blasts of cold air, ventilation becomes the simplest of problems. Nothing more is required than to provide an inlet and outlet in suitable places, and of suitable dimensions, when the difference between the specific gravity of the cold air without and warm air within does all the rest. Nothing is easier to arrange than to cause all the entering air to be warmed on its way by the hall stove, and to regulate the supply which each apartment shall receive from this general or main stream by adjusting its own upper outlet. In our English houses, with open chimneys, all such systematic, scientific ventilation is impossible, on account of the dominating, interfering, useless, and comfort-destroying currents produced by these wasteful air-shafts. I should add that the Russian porcelain reservoirs may be constructed for a heat supply of a few hours or for a whole day, and I need say nothing further in refutation of the common British prejudice which confounds so admirable and truly scientific a contrivance with the iron fire-pot above referred to. There is another kind of stove, which, for the sake of distinction, I may call Scandinavian, as it is commonly used in Norway, Sweden, and Denmark, besides some parts of North Germany. This is a tall, hollow iron pillar, of rectangular section, varying from three to six feet in width, and rising half-way to the ceiling of the room, and sometimes higher. A fire is lighted at the lower part, and the products of combustion, in their way upwards, meet with horizontal iron plates, which deflect them first to the right, then to the left, and thus compel them to make a long serpentine journey before they reach the chimney. By this means they give off their heat to the large surface of iron plate, and enter the chimney at a comparatively low temperature. The heat is radiated into the apartment from the large metal surface, no part of which approaches a red-heat. A further economy is commonly effected by placing this iron pillar in the wall separating two rooms, so that one of its faces is in each room. Thus two rooms are heated by one fire. One of these may be the kitchen, and the same fire that prepares the food may be used to warm the dining-room. The fire-worshiper is of course deprived of his “cheerful” occupation of staring at the coals, and he also loses his playthings, as neither poker, tongs, nor coal-scuttle are included in the furniture of an apartment thus heated. People differently constituted consider that an escape from the dust, dirt, and clatter of these is a decided advantage. Of course these stoves of our northern neighbors are costly—may be very costly when highly ornamental. The stove of a Norwegian “bonder,” or peasant proprietor, costs nearly half as much as the two-roomed wooden house in which it is erected, but the saving it effects renders it a good investment. It would cost 100_l._ or 200_l._ to fit up an English mansion with suitable porcelain stoves of the Russian pattern, but a saving of 20_l._ a year in fuel would yield a good return as regards mere cost, while the gain in comfort and healthfulness would be so great that, once enjoyed and understood, such outlay would be willingly made by all who could afford it, even if no money saving were effected. Only last week I was discussing this question in a railway carriage, where one of my fellow-passengers was an intelligent Holsteiner. He confirmed the heresy by which I had shocked the others, in exulting in the high price of coal, and wishing it to continue. He told us that when wood was abundant in his country, fuel was used as barbarously, as wastefully, and as inefficiently as it now is here, but that the deforesting of the land, and the great cost of fuel, forced upon them a radical reform, the result of which is that they now have their houses better warmed, and at a less cost than when fuel was obtainable at one fourth of its present cost. Such will be the case with us also if we can but maintain the present coal famine during one or two more winters, especially if we should have the further advantage of some very severe weather in the meantime. Hence the cruel wishes above expressed. The coal famine would scarcely be necessary if we had Russian winters, for in such case our houses, instead of being as they are, merely the most uncomfortable in North Europe, would be quite uninhabitable. With our mild winters we require the utmost severity of fuel prices to civilize our warming and ventilating devices. “BAILY’S BEADS.” TO THE EDITOR OF THE _Times_. SIR,—The curious breaking up of the thin annular rim of the sun which is uncovered just before and just after totality, or which surrounds the moon during an annular eclipse, has been but occasionally observed, and some scepticism as to the accuracy of Baily’s observations has lately arisen. Having attempted an explanation of the “beads,” I have looked with much interest for the reports of the eclipse of 1870, for, if I am right, they ought to have been well seen on this occasion. This has been the case. We are informed that both Lord Lindsay and the Rev. S. J. Perry have observed them, and that Lord Lindsay has set aside all doubts respecting their reality by securing a photographic record of their appearance. My explanation is that they are simply sun-spots seen in profile—spots just caught in the fact of turning the sun’s edge. All observers are now agreed as to the soundness of Galileo’s original description of the spots—that they are huge cavities, great rifts of the luminous surface of the sun, many thousands of miles in diameter, and probably some thousand miles deep. Let us suppose the case of a spot—say, 2,000 miles deep and 10,000 miles across (Sir W. Herschel has measured spots of 50,000 miles diameter). When such a spot in the course of the sun’s rotation reaches that part which forms the visible edge of the sun, it must, if rendered visible, be seen as a notch; but what will be the depth of such a notch? Only about 1-430th of the sun’s diameter. But the apparent depth would be much less as the edge or rim of the spot next to the observer would cut off more or less of its actually visible depth, this amount depending upon the lateral or east and west diameter of the spot and its position at the time of observation. Thus, the visible depth of such a notch would rarely exceed one thousandth of the sun’s apparent diameter, or might be much less. The sun being globular, the edge which is visible to us is but our horizon of his fiery ocean, which we see athwart the intervening surface as it gradually bends away from our view. So small an indent upon this edge would, under ordinary circumstances of observation, be rendered quite invisible by the irradiation of the vast globular surface of the glaring photosphere, upon which it would visually encroach. If, however, this body of glare could be screened off, and only a line of the sun’s edge, less than one thousandth of his diameter, remain visible, the notch would appear as a distinct break in this curved line of light. If a group of spots, or a great irregular spot with several umbræ, were at such a time situated upon the sun’s edge, the appearance of a series of such notches or breaks leaving intermediate detachments of the visible ring of the photosphere would be the necessary result, and thus would be presented exactly the appearance described as “Baily’s beads.” I have been led to anticipate a display of these beads during the late eclipse by the fact that some days preceding it a fine group of spots—visible to the naked eye through a London fog—were traveling towards the eastern edge of the sun, and should have reached the limb at about the time of the eclipse. The beads were observed by the Rev. S. J. Perry just where I expected them to appear. I have not yet learnt on which side of the sun they were observed and photographed by Lord Lindsay. Baily’s first observation of the beads was made during the annular eclipse of May 15, 1836. That year, like 1870, was remarkable for a great display of sun-spots. As in 1870, they were then visible to the naked eye. I well remember my own boyish excitement when, a few weeks before the eclipse of 1836, I discovered a spot upon the reddened face of the setting sun—a thing I had read about, and supposed that only great astronomers were privileged to see. The richness of this sun-spot period is strongly impressed on my memory by the fact that I continued painfully watching the dazzling sun, literally “watching and weeping,” up to the Sunday of the eclipse, on which day also I saw a large spot through my bit of smoked glass. The previous records of these appearances of fracture of the thin line of light are those of Halley, in his memoir on the total eclipse of 1715, and Maclauren’s on that of 1737. Both of these correspond to great spot periods; the intervals between 1715, 1737, 1836, and 1870 are all divisible by eleven. The observed period of sun-spot occurrence is eleven years and a small fraction. I am anxiously awaiting the arrival of Lord Lindsay’s long-exposure photographs of the corona, for if they represent the varying degrees of splendor of this solar appendage, the explanations offered in Chapter xii. of my essay on “The Fuel of the Sun” will be very severely tested by them. Yours respectfully, W. MATTIEU WILLIAMS. Woodside Green, Croydon, January 4, 1871. THE COLORING OF GREEN TEA. The following is a copy of my report to the _Grocer_ on a sample of the ingredients actually used by the Chinese for coloring of tea, which sample was sent to the _Grocer_ office by a reliable correspondent at Shanghai (November, 1873). I reprint it because the subject has a general interest and is commonly misunderstood: I have examined the blue and the yellowish-white powders received from the office, and find that the blue is not indigo, as your Shanghai correspondent very naturally supposes, but is an ordinary commercial sample of Prussian blue. It is not so bright as some of our English samples, and by mere casual observation may easily be mistaken for indigo. Prussian blue is a well-known compound of iron, cyanogen, and potassium. Commercial samples usually contain a little clayey or other earthy impurities, which is the case with this Chinese sample. There are two kinds of Prussian blue—the insoluble, and the basic or soluble. The Chinese sample is insoluble. This is important, seeing that we do not eat our tea-leaves, but merely drink an infusion of them; and thus even the very small quantity which faces the tea-leaf remains with the spent leaves, and is not swallowed by the tea-drinker, who therefore need have no fear of being poisoned by this ornamental adulterant. Its insolubility is obvious, from the fact that green tea does not give a blue infusion, which would be the case if the Prussian blue were dissolved. There are some curious facts bearing on this subject and connected with the history of the manufacture of Prussian blue. Messrs. Bramwell, of Newcastle-on-Tyne, who may be called the fathers of this branch of industry, established their works about a century ago. It was first sold at two guineas per lb.; in 1815 it had fallen to 10_s._ 6_d._, in 1820 to 2_s._ 6_d._, then down to 1_s._ 9_d._ in 1850. I see by the Price Current of the _Oil Trade Review_ that the price has recently been somewhat higher. In the early days of the trade a large portion of Messrs. Bramwell’s produce was exported to China. The Chinese then appear to have been the best customers of the British manufacturers of this article. Presently, however, the Chinese demand entirely ceased, and it was discovered that a common Chinese sailor, who had learned something of the importation of this pigment to his native country, came to England in an East Indiaman, visited, or more probably obtained employment at a Prussian blue manufactory, learned the process, and, on his return to China, started there a manufactury of his own, which was so successful that in a short time the whole of the Chinese demand was supplied by native manufacture; and thus ended our export trade. Those who think the Chinese are an unteachable and unimprovable people may reflect on this little history. The yellowish powder is precisely what your Shanghai correspondent supposes. It is steatite, or “soapstone.” This name is very deceptive, and coupled with the greasy or unctuous feel of the substance, naturally leads to the supposition that it is really as it appears, an oleaginous substance. This, however, is not the case. It is a compound of silicia, magnesia, and water, with which are sometimes associated a little clay and oxide of iron. Like most magnesian minerals, it has a curiously smooth or slippery surface, and hence its name. It nearly resembles meerschaum, the smoothness of which all smokers understand. When soapstone is powdered and rubbed over a moderately rough surface, it adheres, and forms a shining film; just as another unctuous mineral, graphite (the “black-lead” of the housemaid), covers and polishes ironwork. On this account, soapstone is used in some lubricating compounds, for giving the finishing polish to enameled cards, and for other similar purposes. With a statement of these properties before us, and the interesting description of the process by your Shanghai correspondent, the whole riddle of green-tea coloring and facing is solved. The Prussian blue and soapstone being mixed together when dry in the manner described, the soapstone adheres to the surface of the particles of blue, and imparts to them not only a pale greenish color, but also its own unctuous, adhesive, and polishing properties. The mixture being well stirred in with the tea-leaves, covers them with this facing, and thus gives both the color and peculiar pearly lustre characteristic of some kinds of green tea. I should add that the soapstone, like the other ingredient, is insoluble, and therefore perfectly harmless. Considering the object to be attained, it is evident from the above that John Chinaman understands his business, and needs no lessons from European chemists. It would puzzle all the Fellows of the Chemical Society, though they combined their efforts for the purpose, to devise a more effective, cheap, simple, and harmless method of satisfying the foolish demand for unnaturally colored tea-leaves. When the tea-drinking public are sufficiently intelligent to prefer naturally colored leaves to the ornamental stuff they now select, Mr. Chinaman will assuredly be glad enough to discontinue the addition of the Prussian blue, which costs him so much more per pound than his tea-leaves, and will save him the trouble of the painting and varnishing now in demand. In the meantime, it is satisfactory to know that, although a few silly people may be deceived, nobody is poisoned by this practice of coloring green tea. I say “a few silly people,” for there can be only a few, and those very silly indeed, who judge of their tea by its appearance rather than by the quality of the infusion it produces. With these facts before us it is not difficult to trace the origin of the oft-repeated and contradicted statement that copper is used in coloring green tea. One of the essential ingredients in the manufacture of Prussian blue is sulphate of iron, the common commercial name which is “green copperas.” It is often supposed to contain copper, but this is not the case. Your Shanghai correspondent overrates the market value of soapstone when he supposes that Chinese wax may be used as a cheap substitute. In many places—as, for instance, the “Lizard” district of Cornwall—great veins of this mineral occur, which, if needed, might be quarried in vast abundance, and at very little cost on account of its softness. The romantic scenery of Kynance Cove, its caverns, its natural arches, the “Devil’s Bellows,” the “Devil’s Post-office,” the “Devil’s Cauldrons,” and other fantastic formations of this part of the coast, attributed to his Satanic Majesty or the Druids, are the natural results of the waves beating away the veins of soft soapstone, and leaving the deformed skeleton rocks of harder serpentine behind. “IRON FILINGS” IN TEA. I have watched the progress of the tea controversy and the other public performances of the public analysts with considerable interest; it might have been with amusement, but for the melancholy degradation of chemical science which they involve. Among the absurdities and exaggerations which for some years past have been so industriously trumpeted forth by the pseudo-chemists who trade upon the adulteration panic and consequent demand for chemical certificates of purity, the continually repeated statements concerning the use of iron filings as a fraudulent adulterant of tea take a prominent place. I need scarcely remark that, in order to form such an adulterant, the quantity added must be sufficiently great to render its addition commercially profitable to an extent commensurate with the trouble involved. The gentlemen who, since the passing of the Adulteration Act, have by some kind of inspiration suddenly become full-blown chemists, have certified to wilful adulteration of tea with iron filings, and have obtained _convictions_ on such certificates, when, according to their own statement, the quantity contained has not exceeded 5 per cent in the cheapest qualities of tea. Now, the price of such tea to the Chinaman tea-grower, who is supposed to add these iron filings, is about fourpence to sixpence per pound; and we are asked to believe that he will fraudulently deteriorate the market value of his commodity for the sake of this additional 1-20th of weight. Supposing that he could obtain his iron filings at twopence per pound, his total gain would thus be about 1-10th of a penny per pound. But can he obtain such iron filings in the quantity required at such a price? A little reflection on a few figures will render it evident that he cannot, and that such adulteration is utterly impossible. I find by reference to _The Grocer_ of November 8th, that the total deliveries of tea into the port of London during the first ten months of 1872 were 142,429,337 lbs., and during the corresponding period of 1873, 139,092,409 lbs. Of this about 8½ millions of pounds in 1873, and 10 millions of pounds in 1872, were green, the rest black. This gives in round numbers about 160 millions of pounds of black tea per annum, of which above 140 millions come from China. As the Russians are greater tea-drinkers than ourselves—the Americans and British colonists are at least equally addicted to the beverage, and other nations consume some quantity—the total exports from China may be safely estimated to reach 400 or 500 millions of pounds. Let us take the smaller figure, and suppose that only one fourth of this is adulterated, to the extent of 5 per cent, with iron filings. How much would be required? Just five millions of pounds per annum. It must be remembered that _coarse_ filings could not possibly be used; they would show themselves at once to the naked eye as rusty lamps, and would shake down to the bottom of the chest; neither could borings, nor turnings, nor plane-shavings be used. Nothing but _fine_ filings would answer the supposed purpose. I venture to assert that if the China tea-growers were to put the whole world under contribution for their supposed supply of fine iron filings, this quantity could not be obtained. Let anyone who doubts this borrow a blacksmith’s vice, a fine file, and a piece of soft iron, then take off his coat and try how much labor will be required to produce a single ounce of filings, and also bear in mind that fine files are but very little used in the manufacture of iron. As the price of a commodity rises when the demand exceeds the supply the Chinaman would have to pay far more for his adulterant than for the leaves to be adulterated. As Chinese tea-growers are not public analysts, we have no right to suppose that they would perpetrate any such foolishness. The investigations recently made by Mr. Alfred Bird, of Birmingham, show that the iron found in tea-leaves is not in the metallic state, but in the condition of oxide; and he confirms the conclusions of Zöller, quoted by Mr. J. A. Wanklyn in the _Chemical News_ of October 10th—viz., that compounds of iron naturally exist in genuine tea. It appears, however, that the ash of many samples of _black_ tea contains more iron than naturally belongs to the plant; and, accepting Mr. Bird’s statement, that this exists in the leaf as oxide mixed with small siliceous and micaceous particles I think we may find a reasonable explanation of its presence without adopting the puerile theory of the adulteration maniac, who, in his endeavor to prove that everybody who buys or sells anything is a swindler, has at once assumed the impossible addition of iron filings as a makeweight. In the first place we must remember that the commodity in demand is _black_ tea, and that ordinary leaves dried in an ordinary manner are not black, but brown. Tea-leaves, however, contain a large quantity of tannin, a portion of which is, when heated in the leaves, rapidly convertible into gallo-tannic or tannic acid. Thus a sample of tea rich in iron would, when heated in the drying process, become, by the combination of this tannic acid with the iron it contains, much darker than ordinary leaves or than other teas grown upon less ferruginous soils and containing less iron. This being the case, and a commercial demand for _black_ tea having become established, the tea-grower would naturally seek to improve the color of his tea, especially of those samples naturally poor in iron, and a ready mode of doing this is offered by stirring in among the leaves while drying a small additional dose of oxide of iron, if he can find an oxide in such a form that it will spread over the surface of the leaf as a thin film. Now, it happens that the Chinaman has lying under his feet an abundance of material admirably adapted for this purpose—viz., red hæmatite, some varieties of which are as soft and unctuous as graphite, and will spread over his tea-leaves exactly in the manner required. The micaceous and siliceous particles found by Mr. Bird are just what should be found in addition to oxide of iron, if such hæmatite were used. The film of oxide thus easily applied, and subjected to the action of the exuding and decomposing extractive matter of the heated leaves, would form the desired black dye or “facing.” The knotty question of whether this is or is not an adulteration is one that I leave to lawyers to decide, or for those debating societies that discuss such interesting questions as whether an umbrella is an article of dress. If it is an adulteration, and, as already admitted, is not at all injurious to health, then all other operations of dyeing are also adulterations; for the other dyers, like the Chinaman, add certain impurities to their goods—the silk, wool, or cotton—in order to alter their natural appearance, and to give them the false facing which their customers demand, but with this difference, if I am right in the above explanation: that in darkening tea nothing more is done but to increase the proportion of one of its natural ingredients, and to intensify its natural color; while in the dyeing of silk, cotton, or wool, ingredients are added which are quite foreign and unnatural, and the natural color of the substance is altogether falsified. The above appeared in the _Chemical News_ November 21, 1873, when the adulteration in question was generally believed to be commonly perpetrated, and many unfortunate shop-keepers had been and were still being summoned to appear at Petty Sessions, etc., and publicly branded as fraudulent adulterators on the evidence of the newly-fledged public analysts, who confidently asserted that they found such filings mixed with the tea. Some discussion followed in subsequent numbers of the _Chemical News_; but it only brought out the fact that “finely divided iron” exists in considerable quantities in Sheffield,—may be “begged,” as Mr. Alfred H. Allen (an able analytical chemist, resident in Sheffield,) said. The fact that such finely divided iron is thus without commercial value still further confirms my conclusion that it is not used for the adulteration of tea. If it were, its collection would be a regular business, and truck-loads would be transmitted from Sheffield to London, the great centre of tea-importation. No evidence of any commercial transactions in iron filings or iron dust for such purposes came forward in reply to my challenge. The practical result of the controversy is that iron filings are no longer to be found in the analytical reports of the adulteration of tea. CONCERT-ROOM ACOUSTICS. The acoustics of public buildings are now occupying considerable attention in London. The vast audiences which any kind of sensational performance in the huge metropolis is capable of attracting, is forcing the subject upon all who cater for public amusement or instruction. There was probably no building in London, or anywhere else, more utterly unfit for musical performances than the Crystal Palace in its original condition; but, nevertheless, the Handel Festival of last week was a great success. I attended the first of these immense gatherings, and this last; but nothing of the kind intermediate, and, therefore, am the better able to make comparisons. My recollections of the first were so very unsatisfactory that I gladly evaded the grand rehearsal of Friday week, and went to the “Messiah” on Monday with an astronomical treatise in my pocket, in order that my time should not be altogether wasted. Being seated at the further end of the transept, in a gallery above the level of the general ridge-and-furrow roof of the nave, the plump little Birmingham tenor, who rose to sing the first solo, appeared, under the combined optical conditions of distance and vertical foreshortening, like a chubby cheese-mite viewed through a binocular microscope. Taking it for granted that his message of comfort could not possibly reach my ear, I determined to anticipate the exhortation by settling down for a comfortable reading of a chapter or two, but was surprised to find I could hear every note, both of recitative and air. It thus became obvious that the alterations that have gradually grown since the time when Clara Novello’s voice was the only one that could be heard across the transept are worthy of study; that the advertised success of the “velarium” is something more than mere puffery. I accordingly used my eyes as well as my ears, and made a few notes which may be interesting to musical and architectural, as well as to scientific readers. Sound, like light, heat, and all other radiations, loses its intensity as it is outwardly dispersed, is enfeebled in the ratio of the squares of distance; thus at twenty feet from the singer the loudness of the sound is one fourth of that at ten feet, at thirty feet one ninth, at forty feet one sixteenth, at fifty feet one twenty-fifth, and so on; that is, supposing the singer or other source of sound is surrounded on all sides by free, open, and still air. But this condition is never fulfilled in practice, excepting, perhaps, by Simeon Stylites when he preached to the multitude from the top of his column. If Mr. Vernon Rigby had stood on the top of one of his native South Staffordshire chimney-shafts, of the same height above the ground as the upper press gallery of the Crystal Palace is above the front of the orchestra, and I had stood on the open ground at the same distance away and below him, his solo of “Comfort ye, my People” would have been utterly inaudible. What, then, is the reason of this great difference of effect at equal distances? If we can answer this question, we shall know something about the acoustics of concert-rooms. The uninitiated reader will at once begin by saying that “sound rises.” This is almost universally believed, and yet it is a great mistake, as commonly understood. Sound radiates equally in every direction—downwards, upwards, north, south, east, or west, unless some special directive agency is used. The directive agency commonly used is a reflecting or reverberating surface. Thus the voice of the singer travels forward more abundantly than backward, because he uses the roof, and, to some extent, the walls and floor of his mouth, as a sound reflector. The roof of his mouth being made of concave plates of bone with a thin velarium of integument stretched tightly over them, supplies a model sound reflector; and I strongly recommend every architect who has to build a concert or lecture-room, or theatre, to study the roof of his own mouth, and imitate it as nearly as he can in the roof of his building. The great Italian singing masters of the old school, who, like the father of Persiani, could manufacture a great voice out of average raw material, studied the physiology of the vocal organs, and one of their first instructions to their pupils was that they should sing against the roof of the mouth, then throw the head back and open the mouth, so that the sound should reverberate forwards, clear of the teeth and lips. For the first year or two the pupil had to sing only “la, la,” for several hours per day, until the faculty of doing this effectually and habitually was acquired. The popular notion that sound rises has probably originated from the fact that in our common experience the sounds are produced near to some kind of floor, which reflects the sounds upwards, and thus adds the reflected sound to that which is directly transmitted, and thereby the general result is materially augmented. But if we would economize sound most effectively, we must have not only a reflecting floor, but also a reflecting roof and reflecting walls on all sides of the concert room. These are the conditions that were wanting in the original structure of the Crystal Palace transept, for then the sound of the singer’s voice could travel upwards to that lofty arch and sidewise in all directions, almost as freely as in the open air. This defect has been remedied to a very great extent by the velarium stretched across from the springing of the great arch of glass and iron, and forming a ceiling to the concert-room part of the building. Besides this, a wall of drapery is stretched across each side of the transept, and the orchestra has its special walls, roof, and back. There are other minor arrangements for effecting lateral reverberation; that is, for returning the sound into the auditorium proper instead of allowing it to wander feebly throughout the building. The general result of these arrangements is to render that portion of the building in which the reserved seats are placed a really luxurious and efficient concert-room, of magnificent proportions; but, very unfortunately and inevitably, these conditions, which are so favorable for the happy eight or nine thousand who can afford reserved seats, render the position of the other half-dozen thousand outsiders more disappointing and vexatious than ever. For my own part I would rather spend a holiday afternoon in the mild atmosphere and the quiet, soothing gloom of a coal-pit than be teased and irritated by a strained listening to the indefinite roar of a grand choir, and the occasional dying vibrations of Sims Reeves’ “top A.” I have in the above advocated reverberation as a remedy for diffusion of sound. This may, perhaps, appear rather startling to some musicians who have a well-founded dread of echoes, and who read the words _echo_ and _reverberation_ as synonymous. This requires a little explanation. As light is transmitted, reflected, and absorbed in the same manner as sound, and as light is visible—or, rather, renders objects visible—I will illustrate my meaning by means of light. Let us suppose three apartments of equal size and same shape, one having its walls covered with mirrors, the second with white paper, and the third with black woollen cloth, and all lighted with central chandeliers of equal brilliancy. The first and second will be much lighter than the third, but they will be illuminated very differently. In the first, there will be a repetition of chandeliers in the mirrored walls, each wall definitely reflecting the image of each particular light. In the second room there will be reflection also, and economy of light, but no reflection of definite images; the apartment will appear to be filled with a general and well-diffused luminosity, rendering every object distinctly visible, and there will be no deep shadows anywhere. In scientific language, we shall have, in the first room, _regular reflection_; in the second, _scattering reflection_; in the third room we should have comparative gloom, owing to the _absorption_ of the light by the black cloth. We may easily suppose the parallels of these in the case of sound. If the velarium and side walls of the transept and orchestra were made of sheet iron, or smooth, bare, unbroken vibrating wooden boards, we should have a certain amount of _regular_ reflection of sound or echo. Just as we should see the particular lights of the chandelier reflected in the first room, so should we hear the particular notes of the singer or player echoed by such regularly vibrating walls and ceiling. If, again, the velarium and side drapery of the transept and orchestra had been thick, soft woollen cloths, the sound, like the light, would have been absorbed or “muffled,” and, though very clear, it would be weak and insufficient. The reader will now ask—What, then, is the right material for such velarium and walls? I cannot pretend to say what is the best possible, believing that it has yet to be discovered. The best yet known, and attainable at moderate expense, is common canvas or calico, washed or painted over with a mixture of size and lime, or other attainable material that will fill up the pores of the fabric, and give it a moderately smooth face or surface. Thus prepared, it is found to reflect sound, as paper, ground glass, etc., reflect light, by scattering reverberation, but without definite echo. It will now be understood how the velarium acted in rendering the solos so clearly audible at the great height and distance of the Upper Press Gallery. Instead of being wasted by diffusion in the great vault above, they were stopped and reflected by the velarium, but not so reflected as to produce disagreeable repetition notes, just audible at particular points, as the lights of the mirror reflections of the chandeliers would be. Flat surfaces reflect radially, while concave surfaces with certain curves reflect sound, light, heat, etc., in parallel lines. The walls and roof of a music-hall should scatter their reflections on all sides, and, therefore, should be flat, or nearly so, excepting at the angles, which should be curved or hollowed. From the orchestra the sound is chiefly required to be projected forward as from the singer’s mouth; and, therefore, an orchestra should have curved walls and roof. Space will not permit a dissertation here on the particular curve required. This has, I believe, been carefully calculated in constructing the Crystal Palace orchestra. Viewed from a distance, the whole orchestra is curiously like a huge wide-opened mouth that only requires to close a little and open a little more, according to the articulations of the choir, to represent the vocal effort of one gigantic throat. There is, I think, one fault in the shape of this mouth. It extends too far laterally in proportion to its perpendicular dimensions. The angles of the mouth are too acute; the choir extends too far on each side. The singers should be packed more like those of the Birmingham Festival Choir. There is an acoustic limit to the magnitude of choirs. Sound travels at about 1100 feet per second, and thus, if one of the singers of a choir is 110 feet nearer than another singer to any particular auditor, the near singer will be heard one-tenth of a second before the more distant, though they actually sing exactly together. In rapid staccato passages this would produce serious confusion, though in such music as most of Handel’s it would be scarcely observable. Some observations which I have made convince me that the actual choir of the Handel Festivals has reached, if not exceeded, the acoustic limits even for Handel’s music, and decidedly exceeds the limits permissible for Mendelsshon and most other composers. I found that when standing on the floor of the building in front of the orchestra, and on one side, I could plainly distinguish the wave of difference of time due to the traveling of the sound, and in all the passages which required to be taken up smartly and simultaneously by the opposite sides of the choir, the effect was very disagreeable. The defect, however, was not observable from the press gallery, which is placed as nearly as may be to the focus of the orchestral curve, so that radial lines drawn from the auditor to different parts of the orchestra do not differ so much in length as to effect perceptible differences in the moment at which the different sounds reach the ear. My conclusion, therefore, is that if any amendment is to be made in the numbers of the Handel Festival choir, it should rather be done by a reduction than an increase; that the four thousand voices should rather be reduced to three thousand than increased to five thousand. With greater severity of selection as regards quality, power, and training of each individual voice, and with better packing, the three thousand would be more effective than the four thousand. SCIENCE AND SPIRITUALISM. A rather startling paper in the current number of the “Quarterly Journal of Science,” from the pen of William Crookes, F.R.S. (who is well known in the scientific world by his discovery of the metal thallium, his investigations of its properties and those of its compounds, besides many other important researches, and also as the able and spirited editor of the _Chemical News_), is now the subject of much scientific gossip and discussion. Mr. Crookes has for some time past been engaged in investigating some of the phenomena which are attributed on one hand to the agency of spiritual visitors, and on the other side to vulgar conjuring. Nobody acquainted with Mr. Crookes can doubt his ability to conduct such an investigation, or will hesitate for a moment in concluding that he has done so with philosophical impartiality, though many think it quite possible that he may have been deceived. None, however, can yet say how. For my own part, I abstain from any conclusion in the meantime, until I have time and opportunity to witness a repetition of some of these experiments, and submitting them to certain tests which appear to me desirable. Though struggling against a predisposition to prejudge, and to conclude that the phenomena are the results of some very skillful conjuring, I very profoundly respect the moral courage that Mr. Crookes has displayed in thus publicly grappling with a subject which has been soiled by contact with so many dirty fingers. Nothing but a pure love of truth, overpowering every selfish consideration, could have induced Mr. Crookes to imperil his hard-earned scientific reputation by stepping thus boldly on such very perilous ground. It is only fair, at the outset, to state that Mr. Crookes is not what is called “a spiritualist.” This I infer, both from what he has published and from conversation I have had with him on the subject. He has witnessed some of the “physical manifestations,” and, while admitting that many of these may be produced by the jugglery of impostors, he has concluded that others cannot be thus explained; but, nevertheless, does not accept the spiritual theory which attributes them to the efforts of departed human souls. He suspects that the living human being may have the power of exerting some degree of force or influence upon bodies external to himself—may, for instance, be able to counteract or increase the gravitation of substances by an effort of the will. He calls this power the “psychic force,” and supposes that some persons are able to manifest it much more powerfully than others, and thus explains the performances of those “mediums” who are not mere impostors. There is nothing in this hypothesis which the sternest, the most sceptical, and least imaginative of physical philosophers may not unhesitatingly investigate, provided some first-sight evidence of its possibility is presented to him. We know that the Torpedo, the Gymnotus, the Silurus Electricus, and other fishes, can, by an effort of the will, act upon bodies external to themselves. Faraday showed that the electric eel exhibited some years ago at the Adelaide Gallery was able, by an effort of its will, to make a magnetic needle suddenly turn thirty degrees aside from its usual polar position; that this same animal could—still by an effort of will—overpower the gravitation of pieces of gold leaf, cause them to be uplifted and outstretched from their pendent position, could decompose iodide of potassium, and perform many other “physical manifestations,” simply by a voluntary nervous effort, and without calling in the aid of any souls of other departed eels. Before this gymnotus was publicly exhibited it was deposited at a French hotel in the neighborhood of Leicester Square. A burly fishmonger’s man, named Wren, brought in the daily supply of fish to the establishment, when some of the servants told him they had an eel so large that he would be afraid to pick it up. He laughed at the idea of being afraid of an eel, and when taken to the tub boldly plunged in both hands to seize the fish. A hideous roar followed this attempt. Wren had experienced a demonstration of the “psychic force” of the electrical eel, and his terror so largely exaggerated the actual violence of the shock, that he believed for the remainder of his life that he was permanently injured by it. He had periodical spasms across the chest, which could only be removed by taking a half-quartern of gin. As he was continually narrating his adventure to public-house audiences, and always had a spasm on concluding, which his hearers usually contributed to relieve, the poor fellow’s life was actually shortened by the shock from the gymnotus. The experiments which Mr. Crookes relates in support of his psychic force hypothesis are as follows:—In the first place he contrived an apparatus for testing Mr. Home’s alleged power of modifying the gravitation of bodies. As Mr. Home requires to lay his hands, or at least his finger-ends, upon the body to be influenced, Mr. Crookes attached one end of a long board to a suspended spring steelyard of delicate construction; the other end of the board rested on a fulcrum in such a manner that one half of the weight of the board was supported by the fulcrum and the other half by the steelyard. The weight of the board thus suspended was carefully noted, and then Mr. Home put his fingers upon that end of the board immediately resting on the fulcrum in such a manner that he could not by simple pressure affect the dependent end of the board. Dr. Huggins, the eminent astronomer, was present, and also Serjeant Cox, besides Mr. Crookes. They all watched Mr. Home, the board, and the steelyard; they observed first a vibration and fluctuation of the index, and finally that the steelyard indicated an increase of weight amounting to about three pounds. Mr. Crookes tried to produce the same effect by mechanical pressure exerted in a similar manner, but failed to do so. The details of the experiment are fully described and illustrated by an engraving. Another and still more striking experiment is described. Mr. Crookes purchased a new accordion from Messrs. Wheatstone, and himself constructed a wire cage open at top and bottom, and large enough for the accordion to be suspended within it by holding it over the open top, while the bottom of the cage rested on the floor. The accordion was then handed to Mr. Home, who held it with one hand by the wooden framework of the bottom of the instrument, as shown in an illustrative drawing. The keys were thus hanging downwards and the bellows distended by the weight of the instrument thus pendent. It was then held so that it should be entirely surrounded by the wire-work of the cage, and the results were, as before, watched keenly by Mr. Crookes, Dr. Huggins, and Serjeant Cox. After a while the instrument began to wave about, then the bellows contracted, and the lower part (_i.e._, the key-board end) rose a little, presently sounds were produced, and finally the instrument played a tune upon itself in obedience, as Mr. Crookes supposes, to the psychic force which Mr. Home exerted upon it. Before the publication of the paper describing these experiments a proof was sent to both Dr. Huggins and Serjeant Cox, and each has written a letter testifying to its accuracy, which letters are printed with the paper in the “Quarterly Journal of Science.” Here, then, we have the testimony of an eminent lawyer, accustomed to sifting evidence, that of the most distinguished of experimental astronomers, the man whose discoveries in celestial physics have justly excited the admiration of the whole civilized world; and besides these, of another Fellow of the Royal Society, who has been severely trained in “putting nature to the torture” by means of the most subtle devices of the modern physical and chemical laboratory. Such testimony must not be treated lightly. It would be simple impertinence for any man dogmatically to assert that these have been deceived merely because he is unconvinced. Though one of the unconvinced myself, I would not dare to regard the investigations of these gentlemen with any other than the profoundest respect. Still a suggestion occurs to me which may appear very brutal, but I make it nevertheless. It is this:—That the testimony of another witness—of an expert of quite a different school—should have been added. I mean such a man as Döbler, Houdin, or the Wizard of the North. He might possibly have detected something which escaped the scrutiny of the legitimate scientific experimentalist. There is one serious defect in the accordion experiment. The cage is represented in the engraving as placed under a table; Mr. Home holds the instrument in his hand, which is concealed by the table, and it does not appear that either Mr. Crookes, Dr. Huggins, or Serjeant Cox placed themselves under the table during the concertina performance, and thus neither of them saw Mr. Home’s hand. Such, at least, appears from the description and the engraving. A story being commonly circulated respecting some of Mr. Home’s experiments in Russia, according to which he failed entirely when a glass table was provided instead of a wooden one, it would be well, if only in justice to Mr. Home, to get rid of the table altogether. It is very desirable that these experiments should be continued, for two distinct reasons; first, as a matter of ordinary investigation for philosophical purposes, and, secondly, as a means of demolishing the most degrading superstition of this generation. If Mr. Crookes succeeds in demonstrating the existence of the psychic force and reducing it to law—as it must be reducible if it is a force—then the ground will be cut from under the feet of spiritualism, just as the old superstitions, which attributed thunder and lightning to Divine anger, were finally demolished by Franklin’s kite. If, on the other hand, the arch-medium, Mr. Home, is proved to be a common conjuror, then surely the dupes of the smaller “mediumistic” fry will have their eyes opened, provided the cerebral disturbance which spiritualism so often induces has not gone so far as to render them incurable lunatics. It is very likely that I shall be accused of gross uncharitableness in thus applying the term lunatic to “those who differ from me,” and therefore state that I have sad and sufficient reasons for doing so. The first spiritualist I ever knew, and with whom I had many conferences on the subject many years ago, was a lady of most estimable qualities, great intellectual attainments, and distinguished literary reputation. I watched the beginning and the gradual progress of her spiritual “investigations,” as she called them, and witnessed the melancholy end—shocking delusions, intellectual shipwreck, and confirmed, incurable insanity, directly and unmistakably produced by the action of these hideous superstitions upon an active, excitable imagination. I well remember the growing symptoms of this case, have seen their characteristic features repeated in others, and have now before me some melancholy cases where the same changes, the same decline of intellect and growth of ravenous credulity, is progressing with most painfully visible distinctness. The necessity for some strong remedy is the more urgent, inasmuch as the diabolical machinery of the spiritual impostors has been so much improved of late. The lady whose case I first referred to had reached the highest stage of spiritualistic development—viz., the lunatic asylum—before “dark séances” had been invented, or, at any rate, before they were introduced into this country. When the conditions of these séances are considered, it is not at all surprising that persons of excitable temperament, especially women, should be morbidly affected by them. We are endowed with certain faculties, and placed in a world wherein we may exercise them healthfully upon their legitimate objects. Such exercise, properly limited, promotes the growth and vigor of our faculties; but if we pervert them by directing them to illegitimate objects, we gradually become mad. God has created the light, and fitted our eyes to receive it; He has endowed us with the sense of touch, by which we may confirm and verify the impressions of sight. All physical phenomena are objects of sense, and the senses of sight and touch are the masters of all the other senses. Can anything, then, be more atrociously perverse, more utterly idiotic, and I may even say impious, than these dark séance investigations? Is it possible to conceive a more melancholy spectacle of intellectual degradation than that presented by a group of human victims assembled for the purpose of “investigating physical manifestations,” and submitting, as a primary condition, to be blinded and handcuffed, the room in which they sit being made quite dark, and both hands of each investigator being firmly held by those of his neighbors. That is to say, the primary conditions of making these physical investigations is that each investigator shall be deprived of his natural faculties for doing so. When we couple this with the fact that these meetings are got up—publicly advertised by adventurers who make their livelihood by the fees paid by their hoodwinked and handcuffed customers—is it at all surprising that those who submit to such conditions should finish their researches in a lunatic asylum? The gloom, the mystery, the unearthly objects of search, the mysterious noises, and other phenomena so easily manipulated in the presence of those who can see nothing and feel only the sympathetic twitching of another pair of trembling hands, naturally excites very powerfully the poor creatures who pay their half-crowns and half-guineas with any degree of faith; and this unnatural excitement, if frequently repeated, goes on increasing till the brain becomes incurably diseased. Present space will not permit me to enter upon another branch of this subject, viz.: the moral degradation and the perversion of natural, unsophisticated, and wholesome theology, which these spiritual delusions are generating. I am no advocate for rectifying moral and intellectual evils by police interference, or I should certainly recommend the bracing air of Dartmoor for the mediums who publicly proclaim that their familiar spirit “Katey” has lately translated a lady through a space of three miles, and through the walls, doors, and ceiling of the house in which a dark séance was being held, and placed her upon the table in the midst of the circle so rapidly that the word “onions” she had just written in her domestic inventory was not yet dried when the lights were brought and she was found there. This “lady,” which her name is Guppy, is, of course, another professional medium, and yet there are people in London who gravely believe this story, and also the appendix, viz.: that another member of the mediumistic firm, finding that Mrs. G. was very incompletely dressed, and much abashed thereby, was translated by the same spirit, Katey, to her house and back again through the door-panel to fetch proper garments. If I could justify the apprehension and imprisonment of poor gipsy fortune-tellers, I certainly should advocate the close confinement of Mrs. Guppy and her male associates, and thus afford the potent spirit, Katey, an opportunity of further manifestation by translating them through the prison walls and back to Lamb’s Conduit Street. (_The above letter appeared in the “Birmingham Morning News” of July 18, 1871; the following on November 15. It refers to an article in the “Quarterly Review” of October, 1871._) The interest excited by Mr. Crookes’s investigations on Psychic Force is increasing; the demand for the “Quarterly Review” and the “Quarterly Journal of Science” is so great that Mudie and other proprietors of lending libraries have largely increased their customary supplies, and are still besieged with further excess of demand. Not only borrowers, but purchasers also are supplied with difficulty. I yesterday received a post-card from a bookseller, inscribed as follows: “Cannot get a ‘Quarterly Review’ in the City, so shall be unable to send it to you until to-morrow.” I have waited three days, and am now obliged to go to the reading-room to make my quotations. There is good and sufficient reason for this, independently of the absence of Parliamentary and war news, and the dearth of political revolutions. Either a new and most extraordinary natural force has been discovered, or some very eminent men specially trained in rigid physical investigation have been the victims of a marvelous, unprecedented, and inexplicable physical delusion. I say unprecedented, because, although we have records of many popular delusions of similar kind and equal magnitude, and speculative delusions among the learned, I can cite no instance of skillful experimental experts being utterly and repeatedly deceived by the mechanical action of experimental test apparatus carefully constructed and used by themselves. As the interest in the subject is rapidly growing, my readers will probably welcome a somewhat longer gossip on this than I usually devote to a single subject. Such an extension is the more demanded as the newspaper and magazine articles which have hitherto appeared have, for the most part, by following the lead of the “Quarterly Review,” strangely muddled the whole subject, and misstated the position of Mr. Crookes and others. In the first place, all the writers who follow the “Quarterly” omit any mention or allusion to Mr. Crookes’s preliminary paper published in July, 1870, which has a most important bearing on the whole subject, as it expounds the object of all the subsequent researches. Mr. Crookes there states that “Some weeks ago the fact that I was engaged in investigating Spiritualism, so-called, was announced in a contemporary (the “Athenæum”), and in consequence of the many communications I have since received, I think it desirable to say a little concerning the investigations which I have commenced. Views or opinions I cannot be said to possess on a subject which I do not profess to understand. I consider it the duty of scientific men, who have learned exact modes of working, to examine phenomena which attract the attention of the public, in order to confirm their genuineness, or to explain, if possible, the delusions of the honest, and to expose the tricks of the deceivers.” He then proceeds to state the case of Science _versus_ Spiritualism thus:—“The Spiritualist tells of bodies weighing 50 or 100 lbs. being lifted up into the air without the intervention of any known force; but the scientific chemist is accustomed to use a balance which will render sensible a weight so small that it would take ten thousand of them to weigh one grain; he is, therefore, justified in asking that a power, professing to be guided by intelligence, which will toss a heavy body to the ceiling, shall also cause his delicately-poised balance to move under test conditions.” “The Spiritualist tells of rooms and houses being shaken, even to injury, by superhuman power. The man of science merely asks for a pendulum to be sent vibrating when it is in a glass-case, and supported on solid masonry.” “The Spiritualist tells of heavy articles of furniture moving from one room to another without human agency. But the man of science has made instruments which will divide an inch into a million parts, and he is justified in doubting the accuracy of the former observations, if the same force is powerless to move the index of his instrument one poor degree.” “The Spiritualist tells of flowers with the fresh dew on them, of fruit, and living objects being carried through closed windows, and even solid brick walls. The scientific investigator naturally asks that an additional weight (if it be only the 1000th part of a grain) be deposited on one pan of his balance when the case is locked. And the chemist asks for the 1000th part of a grain of arsenic to be carried through the sides of a gas tube in which pure water is hermetically sealed.” These and other requirements are stated by Mr. Crookes, together with further exposition of the principles of strict inductive investigation, as it should be applied to such an inquiry. A year after this he published an account of the experiments, which I described in a former letter, and added to his own testimony that of the eminent physicist and astronomer, Dr. Huggins and Serjeant Cox. Subsequently, that is, in the last number of the “Quarterly Journal of Science,” he has published the particulars of another series of experiments. I will not now enter upon the details of these, but merely state that the conclusions of Mr. Crookes are directly opposed to those of the Spiritualists. He positively, distinctly, and repeatedly repudiates all belief in the operations of the supposed spirits, or of any other supernatural agency whatever, and attributes the phenomena he witnessed to an entirely different organ, viz.: to the direct agency of the medium. He supposes that a force analogous to that which the nerves convey from their ganglionic centres to the muscles, in producing muscular contraction, may by an effort of the will be transmitted to external inanimate matter, in such a manner as to influence, in some degree, its gravitating power, and produce vibratory motion. He calls this the _psychic force_. Now, this is direct and unequivocal _anti_-spiritualism. It is a theory set up in opposition to the supernatural hypotheses of the Spiritualists, and Mr. Crookes’s position in reference to Spiritualism is precisely analogous to that of Faraday in reference to table-turning. For the same reasons as those above-quoted, the great master of experimental investigation examined the phenomena called table-turning, and he concluded that they were due to muscular force, just as Mr. Crookes concludes that the more complex phenomena he has examined are due to psychic force. Speaking of the theories of the Spiritualists, Mr. Crookes, in his first paper (July, 1870), says: “The pseudo-scientific Spiritualist professes to know everything. No calculations trouble his serenity; no hard experiments, no laborious readings; no weary attempts to make clear in words that which has rejoiced the heart and elevated the mind. He talks glibly of all sciences and arts, overwhelming the inquirer with terms like ‘electro-biologise,’ ‘psychologise,’ ‘animal magnetism,’ etc., a mere play upon words, showing ignorance rather than understanding.” And further on he says: “I confess that the reasoning of some Spiritualists would almost seem to justify Faraday’s severe statement—that many dogs have the power of coming to more logical conclusions.” I have already referred to the muddled misstatement of Mr. Crookes’s position by the newspaper writers, who almost unanimously describe him and Dr. Huggins as two distinguished scientific men who have recently been converted to Spiritualism. The above quotations, to which, if space permitted, I might add a dozen others from either the first, the second, or the third of Mr. Crookes’s papers, in which he as positively and decidedly controverts the dreams of the Spiritualists, will show how egregiously these writers have been deceived. They have relied very naturally on the established respectability of the “Quarterly Review,” and have thus deluded both themselves and their readers. Considering the marvelous range of subjects these writers have to treat, and the acres of paper they daily cover, it is not surprising that they should have been thus misled in reference to a subject carrying them considerably out of their usual track; but the offence of the “Quarterly” is not so venial. It assumes, in fact, a very serious complexion when further investigated. The title of the article is “Spiritualism and its Recent Converts,” and the “recent converts” most specially and prominently named are Mr. Crookes and Dr. Huggins. Serjeant Cox is also named, but not as a _recent_ convert; for the reviewer describes him as an old and hopelessly infatuated Spiritualist. Knowing nothing of Serjeant Cox, I am unable to say whether the reviewer’s very strong personal statements respecting him are true or false—whether he really is “one of the most gullible of the gullible,” etc., though I must protest against the bad taste which is displayed in the attack which is made upon this gentleman. The head and front of his offending consists in having certified to the accuracy of certain experiments; and for having simply done this, the reviewer proceeds, in accordance with the lowest tactics of Old Bailey advocacy, to bully the witness, and to publish disparaging personal details of what he did twenty-five years ago. Dr. Huggins, who has had nothing further to do with the subject than simply to state that he witnessed what Mr. Crookes described, and who has not ventured upon one word of explanation of the phenomena, is similarly treated. The reviewer goes out of his way to inform the public that Dr. Huggins is, after all, only a brewer, by artfully stating that, “like Mr. Whitbread, Mr. Lassell, and other brewers we could name, Dr. Huggins attached himself in the first place to the study of astronomy.” He then proceeds to sneer at “such scientific amateurs,” by informing the public that they “labor, as a rule, under a grave disadvantage, in the want of that broad basis of scientific culture which alone can keep them from the narrowing and pervertive influence of a limited _specialism_.” The reviewer proceeds to say that he has “no reason to believe that Dr. Huggins constitutes an exception” to this rule, and further asserts that he is justified in concluding that Dr. Huggins is ignorant of “every other department of science than _the small subdivision of a branch_ to which he has so meritoriously devoted himself.” Mark the words, “small subdivision of a branch.” Merely a twig of the tree of science is, according to this most unveracious writer, all that Dr. Huggins has ever studied. If a personal vindication were the business of this letter I could easily show that these statements respecting the avocations, the scientific training, and actual attainments of Dr. Huggins are gross and atrocious misrepresentations; but Dr. Huggins has no need of my championship; his high scientific position, the breadth and depth of his general attainments, and the fact that he is not Huggins the brewer, are sufficiently known to all in the scientific world, with the exception of the “Quarterly” reviewer. My object is not to discuss the personal question whether book-making and dredging afford better or worse training for experimental inquiry than the marvelously exact and exquisitely delicate manipulations of the modern observatory and laboratory, but to protest against this attempt to stop the progress of investigation, to damage the true interests of science and the cause of truth, by throwing low libellous mud upon any and everybody who steps at all aside from the beaten paths of ordinary investigation. The true business of science is the discovery of truth; to seek it wherever it may be found, to pursue it through bye-ways as well as highways, and, having found it, to proclaim it plainly and fearlessly, without regard to authority, fashion, or prejudice. If, however, such influential magazines as the “Quarterly Review” are to be converted into the vehicles of artful and elaborate efforts to undermine the scientific reputation of any man who thus does his scientific duty, the time for plain speaking and vigorous protest has arrived. My readers will be glad to learn that this is the general feeling of the leading scientific men of the metropolis; whatever they may think of the particular investigations of Mr. Crookes, they are unanimous in expressing their denunciations of this article. The attack upon Mr. Crookes is still more malignant than that upon Dr. Huggins. Speaking of Mr. Crookes’s fellowship of the Royal Society, the reviewer says: “We speak advisedly when we say that this distinction _was conferred on him with considerable hesitation_;” and further that “We are assured, on the highest authority, that he is regarded among chemists as a specialist of specialists, _being totally destitute of any knowledge of chemical philosophy, and utterly untrustworthy as to any inquiry which requires more than technical knowledge for its successful conduct_.” The italics in these quotations are my own, placed there to mark certain statements to which no milder term than that of falsehood is applicable. The history of Mr. Crookes’s admission to the Royal Society will shortly be published, when the impudence of the above statement respecting it will be unmasked; and the other quotations I have emphasized are sufficiently and abundantly refuted by Mr. Crookes’s published works, and his long and able conduct of the _Chemical News_, which is the only and the recognized British periodical representative of chemical science. If space permitted, I could go on quoting a long series of misstatements of matters of fact from this singularly unveracious essay. The writer seems conscious of its general character, for, in the midst of one of his narratives, he breaks out into a foot-note, stating that “_This_ is not an invention of our own, but a fact communicated to us by a highly intelligent witness, who was admitted to one of Mr. Crookes’s _séances_.” I have taken the liberty to emphasize the proper word in this very explanatory note. The full measure of the injustice of prominently thrusting forward Dr. Huggins and Mr. Crookes as “recent converts” to Spiritualism will be seen by comparing the reviewer’s own definition of Spiritualism with Mr. Crookes’s remarks above quoted. The reviewer says that “The fundamental tenet of the Spiritualist is the old doctrine of communication between the spirits of the departed and souls of the living.” This is the definition of the reviewer, and his logical conclusion is that Mr. Crookes is a Spiritualist because he explicitly denies the fundamental tenet of Spiritualism, and Dr. Huggins is a Spiritualist because he says nothing whatever about it. If examining the phenomena upon which the Spiritualist builds his “fundamental tenet,” and explaining them in some other manner, constitutes conversion to Spiritualism, then the reviewer is a far more thoroughgoing convert than Mr. Crookes, who only attempts to explain the mild phenomena of his own experiments, while the reviewer goes in for everything, including even the apotheosis of Mrs. Guppy and her translation through the ceiling, a story which is laughed at by Mr. Crookes and everybody else, excepting a few of the utterly crazed disciples of the “Lamb’s Conduit Mediums” and the “Quarterly” reviewer, who actually attempts to explain it by his infallible and ever applicable physiological nostrum of “_unconscious cerebration_.” No marvelous story either of ancient or modern date is too strong for this universal solvent, which according to the reviewer, is the sole and glorious invention of Dr. Carpenter. Space will not now permit me to further describe “unconscious cerebration” and its vast achievements, but I hope to find a corner for it hereafter. I may add that the name of the reviewer is kept a profound secret, and yet is perfectly well-known, as everybody who reads the article finds it out when he reaches those parts which describe Dr. Carpenter’s important physiological researches and discoveries. MATHEMATICAL FICTIONS. (BRITISH ASSOCIATION, 1871.) The President’s inaugural address, which was going through the press in London while being spoken in Edinburgh, has already been subject to an unusual amount of sharp criticism. For my own part I cannot help regarding it as one of the least satisfactory of all the inaugural addresses that have yet been delivered at these annual meetings. They have been of two types, the historical and the controversial; the former prevailing. In the historical addresses the President has usually made a comprehensive and instructive survey of the progress of the whole range of science during the past year, and has dwelt more particularly on some branch which from its own intrinsic merits has claimed special attention, or which his own special attainments have enabled him to treat with the greatest ability and authority. A few Presidents have, like Dr. Huxley last year, taken up a particular subject only, and have discussed it more thoroughly than they could have done had they also attempted a general historical survey. Every President until 1871 has scrupulously kept in view his judicial position, and the fact that he is addressing, not merely a few learned men, but the whole of England, if not the whole civilized world. They have therefore clearly distinguished between the established and the debatable conclusions of science, between ascertained facts and mere hypotheses, have kept this distinction so plainly before their auditors that even the most uninitiated could scarcely confound the one with the other. In Sir William Thomson’s address this desirable rule is recklessly violated. He tells his unsophisticated audience that Joule was able “to estimate the average velocity of the ultimate molecules or atoms” of gases, and thus determined the atomic velocity of hydrogen “at 6225 feet per second at temperature 60 degs. Fahr., and 6055 feet at the freezing point;” that “Clausius took fully into account the impacts of molecules upon one another, and the kinetic energy of _relative_ motion of the matter constituting an individual atom;” and that “he investigated the relation between their diameters, the number in a given space, and the mean length of path from impact to impact, and so gave the foundation for estimates of the absolute dimensions of atoms.” Also that “Loschmidt, in Vienna, had shown, and not much later Stoney, independently, in England, showed how to reduce from Clausius and Maxwell’s kinetic theory of gases a superior limit to the number of atoms in a given measurable space.” The confiding auditor follows the President through further disquisitions on the “superlatively grand question, what is the inner mechanism of an atom?” and a minute and most definite description of the “regular elastic vibrations” of “the ultimate atom of sodium,” of the manner in which “any atom of gas, when struck and left to itself, vibrates with perfect purity its fundamental note or notes,” and how, “in a highly attenuated gas, each atom is very rarely in collision with other atoms, and therefore is nearly at all times in a state of true vibration,” while “in denser gases each atom is frequently in collision;” besides, a great deal more, in all of which the existence of these atoms is coolly taken for granted, and treated as a fundamental established scientific fact. After hearing all these oracular utterances concerning atoms, the unsophisticated listener before mentioned will be surprised to learn that no human being has ever seen an atom of any substance whatever; that there exists absolutely no direct evidence of the existence of any such atoms; that all these atoms of which Sir W. Thomson speaks so confidently and familiarly, and dogmatically, are pure fragments of the imagination. He will be still further surprised to learn that the bare belief in the existence of ultimate atoms as a merely hypothetical probability is rejected by many of the most eminent of scientific men, and that among those who have disputed the idea of the atomic constitution of matter, is the great Faraday himself; that the question of the existence or non-existence of atoms has recently been rather keenly discussed; and that even on the question of the permissibility of admitting their _hypothetical_ existence, scientific opinion is divided; and that such a confident assumption of their existence as forms the basis of this part of the President’s address is limited to only a small section of mutually admiring transcendental mathematicians, Sir W. Thomson being the most admired among them, as shown by the address of Professor Tait to Section A. It would have been perfectly legitimate and most desirable that Sir W. Thomson should give the fullest and most favorable possible statement of the particular hypotheses upon which he and his friends have exercised their unquestionably great mathematical skill; but he should have stated them as what they are, and for what they are worth, and have clearly distinguished between such hypotheses and the established facts of universally admitted science. Instead of doing this, he has so mixed up the actual discoveries of indisputable facts with these mere mathematical fancies as to give them both the semblance of equally authoritative scientific acceptance, and thus, without any intention to deceive anybody, must have misled nearly all the outside public who have heard or read his address. As these letters are mainly intended for those who are too much engaged in other pursuits to study science systematically, and as most of the readers of such letters will, as a matter of course, read the inaugural address of the President of the British Association, I have accepted the duty of correcting among my own readers the false impression which this address may create. As a set-off to the authoritative utterances of Sir W. Thomson on the subject of atoms, I quote the following from an Italian philosopher, who, during the present year, is holding in Italy a position very similar to that of the annual President of our British Association. Professor Cannizzaro has been elected by a society of Italian chemists to act as this year’s director of a Chronicle of the Progress of Chemical Science in Italy and abroad. In this capacity he has published an inaugural treatise on the history of modern chemical theory, in the course of which he thus speaks of the over-confident atomic theorists: “They often speak on molecular subjects with as much dogmatic assurance as though they had actually realized the ingenious fiction of Laplace—had constructed a microscope by which they could detect the molecules, and observe the number, forms, and arrangements of their constituent atoms, and even determine the direction and intensity of their mutual actions. Many of these things, offered at what they are worth—that is, as hypotheses more or less probable, or as simple artifices of the intellect—may serve, and really have served, to collocate facts and incite to further investigations which, one day or other, may lead to a true chemical theory; but, when perverted by being stated as truths already demonstrated, they falsify the intellectual education of the students of inductive science, and bring reproach on the modern progress of chemistry.” I translate the above from the first page of the first number of the “Gazetta Chimica Italiana,” published at Palermo in January last. Had these words been written in Edinburgh on the evening of the 2d of August, in direct application to Sir William Thomson’s address, they could not have described more pointedly and truly the prevailing vice of this production. If space permitted, I could go further back and quote the words of Lord Bacon, from the great text-book of inductive philosophy, wherein he denounces the worship of all such intellectual idols as our modern mathematical dreamers have created, and which they so fervently adore. An able writer in the _Daily News_ of last Friday is very severe upon the biological portion of the President’s address, which contains a really original hypothesis. Sir W. Thomson having stated that he is “ready to adopt as an article of scientific faith, true through all space and through all time, that life proceeds from life, and from nothing but life,” asks the question, “How then did life originate on the earth?” and tells us that “if a probable solution consistent with the ordinary course of nature can be found, we must not invoke an abnormal act of creative power.” He assumes, with that perfect confidence in mathematical hypotheses which is characteristic of the school of theorists which he leads, that “tracing the physical history of the earth backwards, on strictly dynamical principles, we are brought to a red-hot melted globe, on which no life could exist;” and then, to account for the beginning of life on our earth as it cooled down, he creates another imaginary world, which he brings in collision with a second similar creation, and thereby shatters it to fragments. He further imagines that one of these imaginary broken-up worlds was already stocked with the sort of life which he says can only proceed from life, and that from such a world thus stocked and thus smashed “many great and small fragments carrying seed and living plants and animals would undoubtedly be scattered through space;” and that, “if at the present instant no such life existed upon this earth, one such stone falling upon it might, by what we blindly call _natural_ causes, lead to its becoming covered with vegetation.” The conclusion of this paragraph is instructively characteristic of the philosophy of Sir William Thomson and his admirers. He says that “the hypothesis that life originated on this earth through moss-grown fragments of another world may seem _wild and visionary_; all I maintain is that it is _not unscientific_.” I have italicized the phrases which, put together, express the philosophy of this school of modern manufacturers of mathematical hypotheses. It matters not to them how “wild and visionary,” how utterly gratuitous any assumption may be, it is not unscientific provided it can be invested in formulæ, and worked out mathematically. These transcendental mathematicians are struggling to carry philosophy back to the era of Duns Scotus, when the greatest triumph of learning was to sophisticate so profoundly an obvious absurdity that no ordinary intellect could refute it. Fortunately for the progress of humanity, there are other learned men who firmly maintain that the business of science is the discovery and teaching of simple sober truth. The writer of the _Daily News_ article above referred to very charitably suggests that Sir W. Thomson may be “poking fun at some of his colleagues,” and compares the moss-grown meteorite hypothesis with the Hindoo parable which explains the stability of the earth by stating that it stands on the back of a monster tortoise, that the tortoise rests upon the back of a gigantic elephant, which stands upon the shell of a still bigger tortoise, resting on the back of another still more gigantic elephant, and so on. Sir W. Thomson, of course, requires to smash two more worlds in order to provide a moss-grown fragment for starting the life upon the world which was broken up for our benefit, and so on backwards _ad infinitum_. WORLD-SMASHING. Sir W. Thomson’s moss-grown fragment of a shattered world is not yet forgotten. In the current number of the _Cornhill Magazine_ (January, 1872) it is very severely handled; the more severely, because the writer, though treating the subject quite popularly, shows the fallacy of the hypothesis, even when regarded from the point of view of Sir W. Thomson’s own special department of study. That an eminent mathematician should make a great slip when he ventures upon geological or physiological ground is not at all surprising; it is, in fact, quite to be expected, as there can be no doubt that the close study of _pure_ mathematics, by directing the mind to processes of calculation rather than to phenomena, induces that sublime indifference to facts which has characterized the purely mathematical intellect of all ages. It is not surprising that a philosopher who has been engaged in measuring the imaginary diameter, describing the imaginary oscillations and gyrations of imaginary atoms, and the still more complex imaginary behavior of the imaginary constituents of the imaginary atmospheres by which the mathematical imagination has surrounded these imaginary atoms, should overlook the vulgar fact that neither mosses nor other vegetables, nor even their seeds, can possibly retain their vitality when alternately exposed to the temperature of a blast furnace, and that of two or three hundred degrees below the freezing point; but it is rather surprising that the purely mathematical basis of this very original hypothesis of so great a mathematician should be mathematically fallacious—in plain language, a mathematical blunder. In order to supply the seed-bearing meteoric fragment by which each planet is to be stocked with life, it is necessary, according to Sir W. Thomson, that two worlds—one at least flourishing with life—shall be smashed; and, in order to get them smashed with a sufficient amount of frequency to supply the materials for his hypothesis, the learned President of the British Association has, in accordance with the customary ingenuity of mathematical theorists, worked out the necessary mathematical conditions, and states with unhesitating mathematical assurance that—“It is as sure that collisions must occur between great masses moving through space, as it is that ships, steered without intelligence directed to prevent collision, could not cross and recross the Atlantic for thousands of years with immunity from collision.” The author of the paper in the _Cornhill_ denies this very positively, and without going into the mathematical details, points out the basis upon which it may be mathematically refuted—viz., that all such worlds are traveling in fixed or regular orbits around their primaries or suns, while each of these primaries travels in its own necessary path, carrying with it all its attendants, which still move about him, just as though he had no motion of his own. These are the conclusions of Newtonian dynamics, the sublime simplicity of which contrasts so curiously with the complex dreams of the modern atom-splitters, and which make a further and still more striking contrast by their exact and perfect accordance with actual and visible phenomena. Newton has taught us that there can be no planets traveling at random like the Sir W. Thomson’s imaginary ships with blind pilots, and by following up his reasoning, we reach the conclusion, that among all the countless millions of worlds that people the infinity of space, there is no more risk of collision than there is between any two of the bodies that constitute our own solar system. All the observations of astronomers, both before and since the discovery of the telescope, confirm this conclusion. The long nightly watching of the Chaldean shepherds, the star-counting, star-gauging, star-mapping, and other laborious gazing of mediæval and modern astronomers, have failed to discover any collision, or any motion tending to collision, among the myriads of heavenly bodies whose positions and movements have been so faithfully and diligently studied. Thus, the hypothesis of creation which demands the destruction of two worlds in order to effect the sowing of a seed, is as inconsistent with sound dynamics as it is repugnant to common sense. This subject suggests a similar one, which was discussed a few months since at the Acadamy of Sciences of Paris. On January 30th last M. St. Meunier read a paper on “The mode of rupture of a star, from which meteors are derived.” The author starts with the assumption that meteors have been produced by the rupture of a world, basing this assumption upon the arguments he has stated in previous papers. He discards altogether Sir W. Thomson’s idea of a collision between two worlds, but works out a conclusion quite as melancholy. He begins, like most other builders of cosmical theories, with the hypothesis that this and all the other worlds of space began their existence in a condition of nebulous infancy; that they gradually condensed into molten liquids, and then cooled down till they obtained a thin outside crust of solid matter, resting upon a molten globe within; that this crust then gradually thickened as the world grew older and cooled down by radiation. I will not stop to discuss this nebular and cooling-down hypothesis at present, though it is but fair to state that “I don’t believe a bit of it.” Taking all this for granted—a considerable assumption—M. St. Meunier reasons very ably upon what must follow, if we further assume that each world is somehow supplied with air and water, and that the atmosphere and the ocean of each world are limited and unconnected with those of any other world, or with any general interstellar medium. What, then, will happen as worlds grow old? As they cool down, they must contract; the liquid inside can manage this without any inconvenience to itself, but not so with the outer spherical shell of solid matter. As the inner, or hotter part of this contracts, the cool outside must crumple up in order to follow it, and thus mountain chains and great valleys, lesser hills and dales, besides faults and slips, dykes, earthquakes, volcanoes, etc., are explained. According to M. St. Meunier, the moon has reached a more advanced period of cosmical existence than the earth. She is our senior; and like the old man who shows his gray hairs and tottering limbs to inconsiderate youth, she shines a warning upon our gay young world, telling her that— Let her paint an inch thick, to this favor she must come —that the air and ocean must pass away, that all the living creatures of the earth must perish, and the desolation shall come about in this wise. At present, the interior of our planet is described as a molten fluid, with a solid crust outside. As the world cools down with age, this crust will thicken and crack, and crack again, as the lower part contracts. This will form _rainures_, _i.e._, long narrow chasms, of vast depth, which, like those on the moon, will traverse, without deviation, the mountains, valleys, plains, and ocean-beds; the waters will fall into these, and, after violent catastrophes, arising from their boiling by contact with the hot interior, they will finally disappear from the surface, and become absorbed in the pores of the vastly-thickened earth-crust, and in the caverns, cracks, and chasms which the rending contraction will open in the interior. These cavities will continue to increase, will become of huge magnitude when the outside crust grows thick enough to form its own supporting arch, for then the fused interior will recede, and form mighty vaults that will engulf not the waters merely, but all the atmosphere likewise. At this stage the earth, according to M. St. Meunier, will be a middle-aged world like the moon; but as old age advances the contraction of the fluid, or viscous interior beneath the outside solid crust will continue, and the _rainures_ will extend in length and depth and width, as he maintains they are now growing in the moon. This, he says, must continue till the centre solidifies, and then these cracks will reach that centre, and the world will be split through in fragments corresponding to the different _rainures_. Thus we shall have a planet composed of several solid fragments held together only by their mutual attractions, but the rotary movement of these will, according to the French philosopher, become unequal, as “the fragments present different densities, and are situated at unequal distances from the centre; some will be accelerated, others retarded; they will rub against each other, and grind away those portions which have the weakest cohesion.” The fragments thus worn off will, “at the end of sufficient time, girdle with a complete ring the central star.” At this stage the fragments become real meteors, and then perform all the meteoric functions excepting the seed-carrying of Sir W. Thomson. It would be an easy task to demolish these speculations, though not within the space of one of my letters. A glance at the date of this paper, and the state of Paris and the French mind at the time, may, to some extent, explain the melancholy relish with which the Parisian philosopher works out his doleful speculations. Had the French army marched vigorously to Berlin, I doubt whether this paper would ever have found its way into the “Comptes Rendus.” After the fall of Paris, and the wholesale capitulation of the French armies, it was but natural that a patriotic Frenchman, howsoever strong his philosophy, should speculate on the collapse of all the stars, and the general winding-up of the universe. THE DYING TREES IN KENSINGTON GARDENS. A great many trees have lately been cut down in Kensington Gardens, and the subject was brought before the House of Commons at the latter part of its last session. In reply to Mr. Ritchie’s question, Mr. Adam, the then First Commissioner of Works, made explanations which, so far as they go, are satisfactory—but the distance is very small. He states that all who have watched the trees must have seen that their decay “has become rapid and decided in the last two years,” that when the vote for the parks came on many “were either dead or hopelessly dying,” that in the more thickly planted portions of the gardens the trees were dead and dying by hundreds, owing to the impoverished soil and the terrible neglect of timely thinning fifty or sixty years ago. Knowing the sensitiveness of the public regarding tree-cutting, Mr. Adam obtained the co-operation of a committee of experts, consisting of Sir Joseph Hooker, Mr. Clutton, and Mr. Thomas, “so distinguished as a landscape gardener,” and the late First Commissioner of Works. They had several meetings, and, as Mr. Adam informs us, “the result has been a unanimous resolution that we ought to proceed at once to clear away the dead and dying trees.” This is being done to the extent of “an absolute clearance” in some places, and the removal of numerous trees all over the gardens. We are further told that “the spaces cleared will either be trenched, drained, and replanted, or will be left open, as may appear best.” Mr. Adam adds that “the utmost care is being used in the work; that not a tree is being cut that can properly be spared; and that every effort will be made to restore life to the distinguished trees that are dying.” I have watched the proceedings in Kensington Gardens and also in Bushey Park, and have considerable difficulty in describing the agricultural vandalism there witnessed, and expressing my opinion on it, without transgressing the bounds of conventional courtesy towards those who are responsible. I do not refer to the cutting down of the dead and dying trees, but to the proceedings by which they have been officially and artificially killed by those who ought to possess sufficient knowledge of agricultural chemistry to understand the necessary consequences of their conduct. About forty years have elapsed since Liebig taught to all who were able and willing to learn that trees and other vegetables are composed of two classes of material: 1st, the carbon and elements of water derived from air and rain; and 2d, the nitrogenous and incombustible saline compounds derived from the soil. The possible atmospheric origin of some of the nitrogen is still under debate, but there is no doubt that all which remains behind as incombustible ash, when we burn a leaf, is so much matter taken out of the soil. Every scientific agriculturist knows that certain crops take away certain constituents from the soil, and that if this particular cropping continues without a replacing of those particular constituents of fertility, the soil must become barren in reference to the crop in question, though other crops demanding different food may still grow upon it. The agricultural vandalism that I have watched with so much vexation is the practice of annually raking and sweeping together the fallen leaves, collecting them in barrows and carts, and then carrying them quite away from the soil in which the trees are growing, or should grow. I have inquired of the men thus employed whether they put anything on the ground to replace these leaves, and they have not merely replied in the negative, but have been evidently surprised at such a question being asked. What is finally done with the leaves I do not know; they may be used for the flower-beds or sold to outside florists. I have seen a large heap accumulated near to the Round Pond. Now, the leaves of forest trees are just those portions containing the largest proportion of ash; or, otherwise stated, they do the most in exhausting the soil. In Epping Forest, in the New Forest, and other forests where there has been still more “terrible neglect of timely thinning,” the trees continue to grow vigorously, and have thus grown for centuries; the leaves fall on the soil wherein the trees grow, and thus continually return to it all they have taken away. They do something besides this. During the winter they gradually decay. This decay is a process of slow combustion, giving out just as much heat as though all the leaves were gathered together and used as fuel for a bonfire; but the heat in the course of natural decay is gradually given out just when and where it is wanted, and the coating of leaves, moreover, forms a protecting winter jacket to the soil. I am aware that the plea for this sweeping-up of leaves is the demand for tidiness; that people with thin shoes might wet their feet if they walked through a stratum of fallen leaves. The reply to this is that all reasonable demands of this class would be satisfied by clearing the footpaths, from which nobody should deviate _in the winter time_. Before the season for strolling in the grass returns, Nature will have disposed of the fallen leaves. A partial remedy may be applied by burning the leaves, then carefully distributing their ashes; but this is after all a clumsy imitation of the natural slow combustion above described, and is wasteful of the ammoniacal salts as well as of the heat. The avenues of Bushey Park are not going so rapidly as the old sylvan glories of Kensington Gardens, though the same robbery of the soil is practiced in both places. I have a theory of my own in explanation of the difference, viz., that the cloud of dust that may be seen blowing from the roadway as the vehicles drive along the Chestnut Avenue of Bushey Park, settles down on one side or the other, and supplies material which to some extent, but not sufficiently, compensates for the leaf-robbery. The First Commissioner speaks of efforts being made to restore life to the distinguished trees that are dying. Let us hope that these include a restoration to the soil of those particular salts that have for some years past been annually carted away from it in the form of dead leaves, and that this is being done not only around the “distinguished” trees, but throughout the gardens. Any competent analytical chemist may supply Mr. Adam with a statement of what are these particular salts. This information is obtainable by simply burning an average sample of the leaves and analyzing their ashes. While on this subject I may add a few words on another that is closely connected with it. In some parts of the parks gardeners may be seen more or less energetically occupied in pushing and pulling mowing-machines; and carrying away the grass which is thus cut. This produces the justly admired result of a beautiful velvet lawn; but unless the continuous exhaustion of the soil is compensated, a few years of such cropping will starve it. This subject is now so well understood by all educated gardeners that it should be impossible to suppose it to be overlooked in our parks, as it is so frequently in domestic gardening. Many a lawn that a few years ago was the pride of its owner is now becoming as bald as the head of the faithful, “practical,” and obstinate old gardener who so heartily despises the “fads” of scientific theorists. When natural mowing-machines are used, _i.e._, cattle and sheep, their droppings restore all that they take away from the soil, minus the salts contained in their own flesh, or the milk that may be removed. An interesting problem has been for some time past under the consideration of the more scientific of the Swiss agriculturists. From the mountain pasturages only milk is taken away, but this milk contains a certain quantity of phosphates, the restoration of which must be effected sooner or later, or the produce will be cut off, especially now that so much condensed milk is exported. The wondrously rich soil of some parts of Virginia has been exhausted by unrequited tobacco crops. The quantity of ash displayed on the burnt end of a cigar demonstrates the exhausting character of tobacco crops. That which the air and water supplied to the plant is returned as invisible gases during combustion, but all the ash that remains represents what the leaves have taken from the soil, and what should be restored in order to sustain its pristine fertility. The West India Islands have similarly suffered to a very serious extent on account of the former ignorance of the sugar planters, who used the canes as fuel in boiling down the syrup, and allowed the ashes of those canes to be washed into the sea. They were ignorant of the fact that pure sugar maybe taken away in unlimited quantities without any impoverishment of the land, seeing that it is composed merely of carbon and the elements of water, all derivable from air and rain. All that is needed to maintain the perennial fertility of a sugar plantation is to restore the stems and leaves of the cane, or carefully to distribute their ashes. The relation of these to the soil of the sugar plantations is precisely the same as that of the leaves of the trees to the soil of Kensington Gardens, and the reckless removal of either must produce the same disastrous consequences. THE OLEAGINOUS PRODUCTS OF THAMES MUD: WHERE THEY COME FROM AND WHERE THEY GO. Once upon a time—and not a very long time since—a French chemist left the land of superexcellence, and crossed to the shores of foggy Albion. He proceeded to Yorkshire, his object being to make his fortune. He was so presumptuous as to believe that he might do this by picking up something which Yorkshiremen threw away. That something was soapsuds. His chemistry taught him that soap is a compound of fat and alkali, and that if a stronger acid than that belonging to the fat is added to soapsuds, the stronger acid will combine with the alkali and release the fat, the which fat thus liberated will float upon the surface of the liquid, and may then be easily skimmed off, melted together, and sold at a handsome profit. But why leave the beautiful France and desolate himself in dreary Yorkshire merely to do this? His reason was, that the cloth workers of Yorkshire use tons and tons of soap for scouring their materials, and throw away millions of gallons of soapsuds. Besides this, there are manufactories of sulphuric acid near at hand, and a large demand for machinery grease just thereabouts. He accordingly bought iron tanks, and erected works in the midst of the busiest centre of the woolen manufacture. But he did not make his fortune all at once. On the contrary, he failed to pay expenses, for in his calculations he had omitted to allow for the fact that the soap liquor is much diluted, and therefore he must carry much water in order to obtain a little fat. This cost of carriage ruined his enterprise, and his works were offered for sale. The purchaser was a shrewd Yorkshireman, who then was a dealer in second-hand boilers, tanks, and other iron wares. When he was about to demolish the works, the Frenchman took him into confidence, and told the story of his failure. The Yorkshireman said little, but thought much; and having finally assured himself that the carriage was the only difficulty, he concluded, after the manner of Mahomet, that if the mountain would not come to him, he might go to the mountain; and then made an offer of partnership on the basis that the Frenchman should do the chemistry of the work, and that he (the Yorkshireman) should do the rest. Accordingly, he went to the works around, and offered to contract for the purchase of all their soapsuds, if they would allow him to put up a tank or two on their premises. This he did; the acid was added, the fat rose to the surface, was skimmed off, and carried, _without the water_, to the central works, where it was melted down, and, with very little preparation, was converted into “cold-neck grease,” and “hot-neck grease,” and used, besides, for other lubricating purposes. The Frenchman’s science and skill, united with the Yorkshireman’s practical sagacity, built up a flourishing business, and the grease thus made is still in great demand and high repute for lubricating the rolling-mills of iron works, and for many other kinds of machinery. My readers need not be told that there are soapsuds in London as well as in Yorkshire, and they also know that the London soapsuds pass down the drains into the sewers. I may tell them that besides this there are many kinds of acids also passed into London sewers, and that others are generated by the decompositions there abounding. These acids do the Frenchman’s work upon the London soapsuds, but the separated fat, instead of rising slowly and undisturbed to form a film upon the surface of the water, is rolled and tumbled amongst its multifarious companion filth, and it sticks to whatever it may find congenial to itself. Hairs, rags, wool, ravellings of cotton, and fibres of all kinds are especially fraternal to such films of fat: they lick it up and stick it about and amid themselves; and as they and the fat roll and tumble along the sewers together, they become compounded and shaped into unsavory balls that are finally deposited on the banks of the Thames, and quietly repose in its hospitable mud. But there is no peace even there, and the gentle rest of the fat nodules is of short duration. The mud-larks are down upon them, in spite of all their burrowing; they are gathered up and melted down. The filthiest of their associated filth is thus removed, and then, and with a very little further preparation, they appear as cakes of dark-colored hard fat, very well suited for lubricating machinery, and indifferently fit for again becoming soap, and once more repeating their former adventures. Those gentlemen of the British press whose brilliant imagination supplies the public with their intersessional harvests of sensational adulteration panics, have obtained a fertile source of paragraphs by co-operating with the mud-larks in the manufacture of butter from Thames mud. The origin of these stories is traceable to certain officers of the Thames police, who, having on board some of these gentlemen of the press engaged in hunting up information respecting a body found in the river, supplied their guests with a little supplementary chaff by showing them a mud-lark’s gatherings, and telling them that it was raw material from which “fine Dorset” is produced. A communication from “Our Special Correspondent” on the manufacture of butter from Thames mud accordingly appeared in the atrocity column on the following morning, and presently “went the round of the papers.” Although it is perfectly possible by the aid of modern chemical skill to refine even such filth as this, and to churn it into a close resemblance to butter, the cost of doing so would exceed the highest price obtainable for the finest butter that comes to the London market. A skillful chemist can convert all the cotton fibres that are associated with this sewage fat into pure sugar or sugar-candy, but the manufacture of sweetmeats from Thames mud would not pay any better than the production of butter from the same source, and for the same reason. Mutton-suet, chop-parings, and other clean, wholesome fat can be bought wholesale for less than fivepence per pound. It would cost above three times as much as this to bring the fat nodules of the Thames mud to as near an approach to butter as this sort of fat. Therefore the Thames mud-butter material would be three times as costly as that obtainable from the butcher. While the supply of mutton-suet is so far in excess of the butter-making demand that tons of it are annually used in the North for lubricating machinery, we need not fear that anything less objectionable—_i.e._, more costly to purify—will be used as a butter substitute. LUMINOUS PAINT. The sun is evidently going out of fashion, and is more and more excluded from “good society” as our modern substitute for civilization advances. “Serve him right!” many will say, for behaving so badly during the last two summers. The old saw, which says something about “early to bed and early to rise” is forgotten: we take “luncheon” at dinner-time, dine at supper-time, make “morning” calls and go to “morning” concerts, etc., late in the afternoon, say “Good morning” until 6 or 7 P.M.; and thus, by sleeping through the bright hours of the morning, and waking up fully only a little before sunset, the demand for artificial light becomes almost overwhelming. Not only do we require this during a longer period each day, but we insist upon more and more, and still more yet, during that period. The rushlight of our forefathers was superseded by an exotic luxury, the big-flame candle made of Russian tallow, with a wick of Transatlantic cotton. Presently this luxurious innovation was superseded by the “mould candle;” the dip was consigned to the kitchen, and the bloated aristocrats of the period indulged in a _pair_ of candlesticks, alarming their grandmothers by the extravagance of burning two candles on one table. Presently the mould candle was snuffed out by the composite; then came the translucent pearly paraffin candle, gas light, solar lamps, moderator lamps, and paraffin lamps. Even these, with their brilliant white flame from a single wick, are now insufficient, and we have duplex and even triplex wicks to satisfy our demand for glaring mockeries of the departed sun. Some are still living who remember the oil lamps in Cheapside and Piccadilly, and the excitement caused by the brilliancy of the new gas lamps; but now we are dissatisfied with these, and demand electric lights for common thoroughfares, or some extravagant combination of concentric or multiplex gas-jets to rival it. The latest novelty is a device to render darkness visible by capturing the sunbeams during the day, holding them as prisoners until after sunset, and then setting them free in the night. The principle is not a new discovery; the novelty lies in the application and some improvements of detail. In the “Boy’s Own Book,” or “Endless Amusement,” of thirty or forty years ago, are descriptions of “Canton’s phosphorus,” or “solar phosphori,” and recipes for making them. Burnt oyster-shells or oyster-shells burnt with sulphur, was one of these. Various other methods of effecting combination between lime or baryta with sulphur are described in old books, the result being the formation of more or less of what modern chemists call calcium sulphide and barium sulphide (or otherwise sulphide of calcium or sulphide of barium). These compounds, when exposed to the sun, are mysteriously acted upon by the solar rays, and put into such a condition that their atoms or molecules, or whatever else constitutes their substance, are set in motion—in that sort of motion which communicates to the surrounding medium the wavy tremor which agitates our optic nerve and produces the sensation of light. Until lately, this property has served no other purpose than puzzling philosophers, and amusing that class of boys who burn their fingers, spoil their clothes, and make holes in their mothers’ table-covers, with sulphuric acid, nitric acid, and other noxious chemicals. The first idea of turning it to practical account was that of making a sort of enamel of one or the other of these sulphides, and using it as a coating for clock-faces. A surface thus coated and exposed to the light during the day becomes faintly luminous at night. Anybody desirous of seeing the sort of light which it emits, may do so very easily by purchasing an unwashed smelt from the fishmonger, and allowing it to dry with its natural slime upon it, then looking at it in the dark. A sole or almost any other fish will answer the purpose, but I name the smelt from having found it the most reliable in the course of my own experiments. It emits a dull, ghostly light, with very little penetrating power, which shows the shape of the fish, but casts no perceptible light on objects around. Thus the phosphorescent parish-clock face, with non-phosphorescent figures and hands, would look like a pale ghost of the moon with dark figures round it, and dark hands stretching across, by which the time of the night might possibly be discovered there or thereabouts. This invention has already appeared in a great many paragraphs, but, hitherto, upon very few clock-faces. Recently it has assumed a more ambitions form—patented, of course. The patentees claim an improved phosphorescent powder, which is capable of being worked up with the medium of paints and varnishes, and thus applied, not merely to clock-faces, but to the whole of the walls and ceilings of any apartment. In this case the faintness of the light will be in some degree compensated by the extent of phosphorescent surface, and it is just possible that the sum total of the light emitted from walls and ceiling may be nearly equal to that of one mould candle. If so, it will have some value as a means of lighting powder magazines and places for storage of inflammable compounds. It is stated that one of the London Dock companies is about to use it for its spirit vaults; also that the Admiralty has already tried the paint at Whitehall, and has ordered two compartments of the _Comus_ to be painted with it, in order to test its capability of lighting the dark regions of ironclad ships. This application can, however, only be limited to those parts which receive a fair amount of light during the day, for unless the composition first receives light, it is not able afterwards to emit it, and this emission or phosphorescence only continues a few hours after the daylight has passed away; five or six hours is the time stated. A theatrical manager is said to be negotiating for the exclusive right to employ this weird illumination for scenic purposes. The sepulchre scene in “Robert le Diable,” or the incantation in “Der Freischutz,” or “The Sorcerer,” might be made especially effective by its ghostly aid. The name-plates of streets, and buoys at sea might be advantageously coated with such a composition; and many other uses suggest themselves. There are rival inventors, as a matter of course. The French patentees claim the use of cuttle-fish bones, various sea-shells, etc., mixed with pure lime, sulphur, and calcined sea-salt, besides sulphides of calcium, barium, strontium, uranium, magnesium, or aluminium. They also add phosphorus itself, though for what purpose is questionable, seeing that this substance is only luminous during the course of its oxidation or slow combustion, and after this has ended the resultant phosphoric acid is no more luminous than linseed oil or turpentine. An admixture of phosphorus might temporarily increase the luminosity of a _sample_, but any conclusions based upon this would be quite delusive. They also assert that electrical discharges passed through the paint increase its luminosity. According to some enthusiasts, electricity is to do everything; but these ladies and gentlemen omit to calculate the cost of rousing and feeding this omnipotent giant. In this case electrical machinery for stimulating the paint for anything outside of lecture-table experiments or theatrical and other sensational displays, would be a commercial absurdity. The Americans, of course, are re-inventing in this direction, but Mr. Edison has not yet appeared on the luminous-paint scene. If he does we shall doubtless hear of something very brilliant, even though we never see it. In the meantime we may safely hope that this application of an old scientific plaything to useful purposes may become of considerable utility, as it evidently opens a wide field for further investigation and progressive improvement, by the application of the enlarged powers which modern science places at the disposal of ingenious inventors. We hope, for the sake of all concerned, that it will not fall into the hands of professional prospectus manufacturers and joint-stock-company mongers, and that the story of its triumphs will be told without any newspaper exaggerations. Since the above was written—in February, 1880—I have tested this luminous paint (Balmain’s patent). Practically, I find it unsatisfactory. In the first place, its endurance is far shorter than is stated. It begins to fade almost immediately the light is withdrawn, and in the course of an hour or two it is, for all practical use—though not absolutely—extinguished. Besides this it emits a very unpleasant odor painfully resembling sewage and sulphureted hydrogen. This is doubtless due to the sulphur compound, but is, I have no doubt, quite harmless in spite of its suggestions. THE ORIGIN AND PROBABLE DURATION OF PETROLEUM. In spite of the enormous quantities of mineral oil that are continuously drawn from the earth, and the many places from which it may thus be drawn, geologists are still puzzled to account for it. If it were commonly associated with coal the problem of its origin would be solved at once. We should then be satisfied that natural mineral oil is produced in the same manner as the artificial product, _i.e._, by the heating and consequent distillation of certain kinds of coal or of bituminous shales; but, as a matter of fact, it is but rarely that petroleum is found in the midst of coal seams, though it is sometimes so found. I visited, some years ago, a coal-mine in Shropshire, known as “the tarry pit,” thus named on account of the large quantity of crude mineral oil of a rather coarse quality that exuded from the strata pierced by the shaft. It ran down the sides of the shaft, filled the “sumph” (_i.e._, the well at the bottom of the shaft in which the water draining from the mine should accumulate for pumping), and annoyed the colliers so seriously that they refused to work in the mine unless the nuisance were abolished. It was abolished by “tubbing” the shaft with an oil-proof lining built round that part from which the oil issued. The “tar” as the crude oil was called, was then pumped out of the sumph, and formed a pool which has since been filled up by the _débris_ of the ordinary mine workings. A publican in the Black Country of South Staffordshire discovered an issue of inflammable vapor in his cellar, collected it by thrusting a pipe into the ground, and used it for lighting and warming purposes, as well as an attraction to customers. These and other cases that might be cited, although exceptional, are of some value in helping us to form a simple and rational theory of the origin of this important natural product. They prove that mineral oil _may_ be produced in connection with coal seams and apparently from the coal itself. A sound theory of the origin of petroleum is of practical as well as theoretical value, inasmuch as the very practical question of the probable permanency of supply depends entirely on the nature of the origin of that supply. Some very odd theories have been put forth, especially in America. Seeing that petroleum is commonly found associated with sandstone and limestone, especially in cavities of the latter, it has been supposed that these minerals somehow produce it. Turning back to the _Grocer_ for April 18, 1872, I find some speculations of this kind quoted from the _Petroleum Monthly_. The writer sets aside altogether, as an antiquated and exploded fallacy, the idea that petroleum is produced from coal, and maintains “that petroleum is mainly produced from, or generated through, limestone,” and argues that the generation of petroleum by such rocks is a continuous process, from the fact that exhausted wells have recovered after being abandoned, his explanation being “that the formerly abandoned territory was given up because the machinery for extracting petroleum from the earth exceeded in its power of exhausting the fluid the generative powers by which it is produced;” these generative powers somehow residing in the limestone and sandstone, but how is not specified. Some writers have, however, gone a little further toward answering the question of how limestone may generate petroleum. They have pointed to the fossilized remains of animals, their shells, etc., existing in the limestone, and have supposed that the animal matter has been distilled, and has thus formed the oil. If such a process could be imitated artificially by distilling some of the later deposits of similar fossil character this theory would have a better basis, or even if a collection of oysters, mussels, or any other animal matters could by distillation be shown to produce an oil similar to petroleum. The contrary is the case. We may obtain oil from such material, but it is utterly different from any kind of mineral oil, while, on the other hand, by distilling natural bituminous shales, or cannel coal, or peat, we obtain a crude oil almost identical with natural petroleum, and the little difference between the two is perfectly accounted for by the greater rapidity of our methods of distillation as compared with the slow natural process. We may go on approximating more and more nearly to the natural petroleum by distilling more and more slowly. As it is, the refined products of the natural and artificial oil which is commercially distilled in Scotland, are scarcely distinguishable—some of them are not at all distinguishable—the solid paraffin, for example. I now offer my own theory of the origin of oil springs. To render this the more intelligible, let us first consider the origin of ordinary water springs. St. Winifred’s Well, at Holywell, in Flintshire, maybe taken as an example, not merely on account of its magnitude, but because it is quite typical, and is connected with limestone and sandstone in about the same manner as are the petroleum wells of Pennsylvania. Here we have a wondrous uprush of water just between the sandstone and mountain limestone rocks, which amounts to above twenty tons per minute, and flows down to the Dee, a small river turning several water-mills. It is certain that all this water is not generated either by the limestone or the sandstone from which it issues, nor can it be all “generated” on the spot. The true explanation of its origin is simple enough. The mountain limestone underlies the coal measures and crops up obliquely at Holywell; against this oblique subterranean wall of compact rock impermeable to water, abuts a great face of down-sloping strata of porous sandstone and porous shales. These porous rocks receive the rain which falls on the slopes of the Hope Mountain and other hills which they form; this water sinks into the millstone grit of these hills and percolates downwards until it reaches the limestone barrier, into which it cannot penetrate. It here accumulates as a subterranean reservoir which finds an outlet at a convenient natural fissure, and, as the percolation is continuous, the spring is a constant one. Some of the water travels many miles underground before it thus escapes. Hundreds of other smaller instances might be quoted, the above being the common history of springs which start up whenever the underground waters that flow through porous rocks or soil meet with compact rocks or impermeable clay, and thus, being able to proceed no further downwards, accumulate and produce an overflow which we call a “spring.” If water can thus travel underground, why not oil? Although the oil springs or oil wells are not immediately above or below coal seams, they are all within “measurable distance” of great coal formations—the oil territory of Pennsylvania is, in fact, surrounded by coal, some of it anthracite, which is really a coke, such as would be produced if we artificially distilled the hydrocarbons from coal, and then compressed the residue, as the anthracite has certainly been pressed by the strata resting upon it. The rocks in immediate contact and proximity to coal seams—“the coal measures,” as they are called—are mostly porous, some of them very porous, and thus if at any period of the earth’s long history a seam of coal became heated, as we know so many strata are, and have been heated, a mineral oil would certainly be formed, would first permeate the porous rocks as vapor, then be condensed and make its way through them, following their “dip” or inclination until it reached a barrier such as the limestone forms. It would thus in after-ages be found, not among the coal where it was formed, but at the limestone or other impermeable rock by which its further percolation was arrested. This is just where it actually is found. Limestone, although not porous like shales and sandstones, is specially well adapted for storing large subterranean accumulations, on account of the great cavities to which it is liable. Nearly all the caverns in this country, in Ireland where they abound, in America, and other parts of the world, are in limestone rocks; they are especially abundant in the “carboniferous limestone” which underlies the coal measures, and this is explained by the fact that limestone may be dissolved by rain-water that has oozed through vegetable soil or has soaked fallen leaves or other vegetable matter, and thereby become saturated with carbonic acid. Where the petroleum finds a crevice leading to such cavities it must creep through it and fill the space, thereby forming one of the underground reservoirs supplying those pumping wells that have yielded such abundance for a while and then become dry. But if this theory is correct it does not follow that the drying of such a well proves a final stoppage of the supply, for if the cavity and crevice are left, more oil may ooze into the crevice and flow into the cavity, and this may continue again and again throughout the whole oil district so long as the surrounding feeders of permeable strata continue saturated, or nearly so. The magnitude of these feeding grounds may far exceed that of the district wherein the springs occur, or where profitable wells may be sunk, seeing that the localizing of profitable supply depends mainly on the stoppage of further oozing away by the action of the impermeable barrier. A well sunk into the oozing strata itself would receive a very small quantity, only that which, in the course of its passage came upon the well sides, while at the junction between the permeable and the impermeable rocks the accumulation may include all that reached the whole surface of such junction or contact—many square miles. To test this theory thoroughly it would be necessary to make borings, not merely at the wells, but in their neighborhood, where the porous rocks dip towards the limestone, and to bring up sample cores of these porous rocks, and carefully examine them. Dr. Sterry Hunt has done this in the oil-yielding limestone rocks of Chicago, but not in those of the nearest coal-measures. As the oil industry of America is of such great national importance, an investigation of this kind is worthy of the energies of the American Government geologists. It would throw much light on the whole subject, and supply data from which the probable duration of the oil supply might be approximately calculated. Such an investigation might even do more than this. By proving the geological conditions upon which depend the production of petroleum springs, new sources may be discovered, just as new coal-seams have been discovered, in accordance with geological prediction, or as the practical discovery of the Austrian gold-fields was so long preceded by Sir Roderick Murchison’s theoretical announcement of their probable existence. When the “kerosene wells” were first struck, the speculations concerning their probable permanency were wild and various. Some maintained that it was but a spurt, a freak of nature limited to a narrow locality, and would soon be over; others asserted forthwith that American oil, like everything else American, was boundless. Neither had any grounds for their assertions, and therefore made them with the usual boldness of mere dogmatism. Then came a period of scare, started by the fact that wells which at first spouted an inflammable mixture of oil and vapor high into the air soon became quiescent, and from “spouting wells” became “flowing wells,” merely pouring out on the surface a small stream at first, which gradually declined to a dribble, and finally ceased to flow at all. Even those that started modestly as flowing wells did the latter, and thus appeared to become exhausted. This exhaustion, however, was only apparent, as was proved by the application of pumps, which drew up from wells, that had ceased either to spout or flow, large and apparently undiminishing quantities of crude oil. Further observation and thought revealed the cause of these changes. It became understood that the spouting was due to the tapping of a rock-cavity containing oil of such varying densities and volatility that some of it flew out as a vapor, or boiled at the mean temperature of the air of the country or that of the surrounding rocks. Such being the case, the cavity was filled with high-pressure oil-vapor straining to escape. If the bore-hole tapped the crown or highest curve of the roof of such an oil-cavern, it opened directly into the vapor there accumulated, and the vapor itself rushed out with such force that a pillar of fire was raised in the air if a light came within some yards of the orifice. We are told of heavy iron boring-rods that were shot up to wondrous heights—and we may believe these stories if we please. If the bore-hole struck lower down, somewhere on the sloping sides or in the shallow lower branches of the oil-cavern, it dipped at once into liquid oil, and this oil, being pressed by the elastic vapor of the upper part, was forced up as a jet of spouting oil. In either case these violent proceedings soon came to an end, for as the vapor or oil poured out, the space above the oil-level where the vapor had been confined was increased, and its pressure diminished, till at last it barely sufficed to raise the oil to the surface, and afterwards failed to do that. It is quite clear from this that the supplies are not “inexhaustible.” The quantity of vapor having been limited, there must also be a limit to the quantity of oil giving off this vapor; the space in the oil-cavern occupied by this vapor having been limited, there must be a limit to the space occupied by the oil. The quantity of oil may be ten times, a hundred times, a thousand times, or ten thousand times, greater than that of the vapor, but in either or any case it must come to an end at last, sooner later. If there were but a few wells here and there, as at other similar places, such as Rangoon, the Persian oil-wells, etc., the pumping might continue for centuries and centuries; but this is not the case in America. The final boundaries of the oil-bearing strata may not yet have been reached; but so far as they are known they are riddled through and through, and pumped in every direction, so that the end must come at last, though with our present knowledge we cannot say _when_. We can, however, say _how_ it must come. It will not be a sudden stoppage, but a gradual exhaustion indicated by progressive diminution of supply. We shall not be suddenly deprived of this important source of light and cheerfulness; but we may at any time begin to feel the pinch of scarcity and consequent rise of price. This rise of price will check the demand, and bring forth other supplies from sources that now cannot be profitably worked on account of the cheapness of American petroleum. Many of the countries now largely supplied from America have oil-springs of their own, which a rise of price will speedily bring into paying operation. We have nothing to fear. The fact that in spite of the ruinous prices that have recently prevailed the Scotch oil-makers continue to exist at all, shows us what they may do with a rise of even a few pence per gallon. The thickness and area of the dark shales from which their oil is distilled are so great that their exhaustion is very far remote indeed. The Americans have similar shales to fall back upon when the spontaneous product ceases to flow, but they are quite incapable of competing with us at home on equal terms—that is, when both have to obtain the oil as a manufactured product of artificial distillation. If anything like moderation were possible in America, the first indications of scarcity would be followed by some economy in working; but this is not to be anticipated. It is more likely that the first rise of prices will attract additional speculation, and the sinking of more wells in the hope of large profits, and this of course will shorten the period of gradual exhaustion, the commencement of which may, for aught we know, be very near at hand, especially if the new projects for using petroleum as furnace fuel under steam boilers, and for the smelting, puddling, and founding of iron and other metals, are carried out as they may be so easily at present prices, and with the aid of pipe-lines to carry the crude or refined oil from the wells to any part of the great American continent where it may be required in large quantities. The old story of the goose that laid the golden eggs seems to be in course of repetition in Transatlantic Petrolia. Since the above was written I have received from Dr. Sterry Hunt a copy of his interesting “Chemical and Geological Essays,” in one of which he expounds a theory of the origin of petroleum. He states that it appears to him “that the petroleum, or rather the materials from which it has been formed, existed in the limestone rocks from the time of their first deposition,” and “that petroleum and similar bitumens have resulted from a peculiar transformation of vegetable matters, or in some cases of animal tissues analogous to these in composition.” The objections on page 275 apply to the animal tissues of this theory, and as regards the vegetable matter I think it fails from the want of anything like an adequate supply in these limestone rocks. THE ORIGIN OF SOAP. A history of soap would be very interesting. Who invented it? When and where did it first come into common use? How did our remote ancestors wash themselves before soap was invented? These are historical questions that naturally arise at first contemplation of the subject; but, as far as we are aware, historians have failed to answer them. We read a great deal in ancient histories about anointing with oil and the use of various cosmetics for the skin, but nothing about soap. These ancients must have been very greasy people, and I suspect that they washed themselves pretty nearly in the same way as modern engine-drivers clean their fingers, by wiping off the oil with a bit of cotton-waste. We are taught to believe that the ancient Romans wrapped themselves round with togas of ample dimensions, and that these togas were white. Now, such togas, after encasing such anointed oily skins, must have become very greasy. How did the Roman laundresses or launders—historians do not indicate their sex—remove this grease? Historians are also silent on this subject. A great many curious things were found buried under the cinders of Vesuvius in Pompeii, and sealed up in the lava that flowed over Herculaneum. Bread, wine, fruits, and other domestic articles, including several luxuries of the toilet, such as pomades or pomade-pots, and rouge for painting ladies’ faces, but no soap for washing them. In the British Museum is a large variety of household requirements found in the pyramids of Egypt, but there is no soap, and we have not heard of any having been discovered there. Finding no traces of soap among the Romans, Greeks, or Egyptians, we need not go back to the pre-historic “cave men,” whose flint and bone implements were found embedded side by side with the remains of the mammoth bear and hyena in such caverns as that at Torquay, where Mr. Pengelly has, during the last eighteen years, so industriously explored. All our knowledge, and that still larger quantity, our ignorance, of the habits of antique savages, indicate that solid soap, such as we commonly use, is a comparatively modern luxury; but it does not follow that they had no substitute. To learn what that substitute may probably have been we may observe the habits of modern savages, or primitive people at home and abroad. This will teach us that clay, especially where it is found having some of the unctuous properties of fuller’s-earth, is freely used for lavatory purposes, and was probably used by the Romans, who were by no means remarkable for anything approaching to true refinement. They were essentially a nasty people, the habits of the poor being “cheap and nasty;” of the rich, luxurious and nasty. The Roman nobleman did not sit down to dinner, but sprawled with his face downwards, and took his food as modern swine take theirs. At grand banquets, after gorging to repletion, he tickled his throat in order to vomit and make room for more. He took baths occasionally, and was probably scoured and shampooed as well as oiled, but it is doubtful whether he performed any intermediate domestic ablutions worth naming. A refinement upon washing with clay is to be found in the practice once common in England, and still largely used where wood fires prevail. It is the old-fashioned practice of pouring water on the wood ashes, and using the “lees” thus obtained. These lees are a solution of alkaline carbonate of potash the modern name of potash being derived from the fact that it was originally obtained from the ashes under the pot. In like manner soda was obtained from the ashes of seaweeds and of the plants that grow near the seashore, such as the _salsover soda_, etc. The pot-ashes or pearl-ashes being so universal as a domestic bi-product, it was but natural that they should be commonly used, especially for the washing of greasy clothes, as they are to the present day. Upon these facts we may build up a theory of the origin of soap. It is a compound of oil or fat with soda or potash, and would be formed accidentally if the fat on the surface of the pot should boil over and fall into the ashes under the pot. The solution of such a mixture if boiled down would give us soft soap. If oil or fat became mixed with the ashes of soda plants, it would produce hard soap. Such a mixture would most easily be formed accidentally in regions where the olive flourishes near the coast, as in Italy and Spain for example, and this mixture would be Castile soap, which is still largely made by combining refuse or inferior olive oil with the soda obtained from the ashes of seaweed. The primitive soap-maker would, however, encounter one difficulty—that arising from the fact that the potash or soda obtained by simple burning of the wood or seaweed is more or less combined with carbonic acid, instead of being all in the caustic state which is required for effective soap-making. The modern soap-maker removes this carbonic acid by means of caustic lime, which takes it away from the carbonate of soda or carbonate of potash by simple exchange—_i.e._, caustic lime _plus_ carbonate of soda becoming caustic soda _plus_ carbonate of lime, or carbonate of potash _plus_ caustic lime becoming caustic potash _plus_ carbonate of lime. How the possibility of making this exchange became known to the primitive soap-maker, or whether he knew it at all, remains a mystery, but certain it is that it was practically used long before the chemistry of the action was at all understood. It is very probable that the old alchemists had a hand in this. In their search for the philosopher’s stone, the elixir of life, or drinkable gold, and for the universal solvent, they mixed together everything that came to hand, they boiled everything that was boilable, distilled everything that was volatile, burnt everything that was combustible, and tortured all their “simples” and their mixtures by every conceivable device, thereby stumbling upon many curious, many wonderful, and many useful results. Some of them were not altogether visionary—were, in fact, very practical, quite capable of understanding the action of caustic lime on carbonate of soda, and of turning it to profitable account. It is not, however, absolutely necessary to use the lime, as the soda plants when carefully burned in pits dug in the sand of the sea-shore may contain but little carbonic acid if the ash is fluxed into a hard cake like that now commonly produced, and sold as “soda ash.” This contains from three to thirty per cent of carbonate, and thus some samples are nearly caustic, without the aid of lime. As cleanliness is the fundamental basis of all true physical refinement, it has been proposed to estimate the progress of civilization by the consumption of soap, the relative civilization of given communities being numerically measured by the following operation in simple arithmetic:—Divide the total quantity of soap consumed in a given time by the total population consuming it, and the quotient expresses the civilization of that community.[28] The allusion made by Lord Beaconsfield, at the Lord Mayor’s dinner in 1879, to the prosperity of our chemical manufactures was a subject of merriment to some critics, who are probably ignorant of the fact that soap-making is a chemical manufacture, and that it involves many other chemical manufactures, some of them, in their present state, the results of the highest refinements of modern chemical science. While the fishers of the Hebrides and the peasants on the shores of the Mediterranean are still obtaining soda by burning seaweed as they did of old, our chemical manufacturers are importing sulphur from Sicily and Iceland, pyrites from all quarters, nitrate of soda from Peru and the East Indies, for the manufacture of sulphuric acid, by the aid of which they now make enormous quantities of caustic soda from the material extracted from the salt mines of Cheshire and Droitwich. These sulphuric acid works and these soda works are among the most prosperous and rapidly growing of our manufacturing industries, and their chief function is that of ministering to soap-making, in which Britain is now competing triumphantly with all the world. By simply considering how much is expended annually for soap in every decent household, and adding to this the quantity consumed in laundries and by our woolen and cotton manufacturers, a large sum total is displayed. Formerly, we imported much of the soap we used at home; now, in spite of our greatly magnified consumption, we supply ourselves with all but a few special kinds, and export very large and continually increasing quantities to all parts of the world; and if the arithmetical rule given above is sound, the demand must steadily increase as civilization advances. OILING THE WAVES. The recent gales have shown that if “Britannia rules the waves” her subjects are very turbulent and costly. Our shipping interests are now of enormous magnitude, and they are growing year by year. We are, in fact, becoming the world’s carriers on the ocean, and are thus ruling the waves in a far better sense than in the old one. Our present mercantile rule adds to the wealth of our neighbors instead of destroying it, as under the old warlike rule. Everything concerning these waves is thus of great national interest, the loss of life and sacrifice of wealth by marine casualties being so great. Some curious old stories are extant, describing the exploits of ancient mariners in stilling the waves by pouring oil upon them. Both Plutarch and Pliny speak of it as a regular practice. Much later than this, in a letter dated Batavia, January 5, 1770, written by M. Tengragel, and addressed to Count Bentinck, the following passage occurs:—“Near the islands Paul and Amsterdam we met with a storm, which had nothing particular in it worthy of being communicated to you, except that the captain found himself obliged, for greater safety in wearing the ship, to pour oil into the sea to prevent the waves breaking over her, which had an excellent effect, and succeeded in preserving us. As he poured out but a little at a time, the East India Company owes, perhaps, its ship to only six demi-aumes of olive oil. I was present on deck when this was done, and should not have mentioned this circumstance to you, but that we have found people here so prejudiced against the experiment as to make it necessary for the officers on board and myself to give a certificate of the truth on this head, of which we made no difficulty.” The idea was regarded with similar prejudice by scientific men until Benjamin Franklin had his attention called to it, as he thus narrates:—“In 1757, being at sea in a fleet of ninety-six sail, bound for Louisbourg, I observed the wakes of two of the ships to be remarkably smooth, while all the others were ruffled by the wind, which blew fresh. Being puzzled with the differing appearance, I at last pointed it out to the captain, and asked him the meaning of it. ‘The cooks,’ said he, ‘have, I suppose, been just emptying their greasy water through the scuppers, which has greased the sides of the ships a little.’ And this answer he gave me with an air of some little contempt, as to a person ignorant of what everybody else knew. In my own mind, I first slighted the solution, though I was not able to think of another.” Franklin was not a man to remain prejudiced; he accordingly investigated the subject, and the results of his experiments, made upon a pond on Clapham Common, were communicated to the Royal Society. He states that after dropping a little oil on the water, “I saw it spread itself with surprising swiftness upon the surface, but the effect of smoothing the waves was not produced; for I had applied it first upon the leeward side of the pond, where the waves were largest, and the wind drove my oil back upon the shore. I then went to the windward side, where they began to form; and there the oil, though not more than a teaspoonful, produced an instant calm over a space several yards square, which spread amazingly, and extended itself gradually till it reached the lee side, making all that quarter of the pond (perhaps half an acre) as smooth as a looking-glass.” Franklin made further experiments at the entrance of Portsmouth Harbor, opposite the Haslar Hospital, in company with Sir Joseph Banks, Dr. Blagden, and Dr. Solander. In these experiments the waves were not destroyed, but were converted into gentle swelling undulations with smooth surfaces. Thus it appeared that the oil destroys small waves, but not large billows. Franklin’s explanation is, “that the wind blowing over water covered with a film of oil cannot easily _catch_ upon it, so as to raise the first wrinkles, but slides over it and leaves it smooth as it finds it.” Further investigations have since been made which confirm this theory. The first action of the wind in blowing up what the sailors call “a sea,” is the production of a ripple on the surface of the water. This ripple gives the wind a strong hold, and thus larger waves are formed, but on these larger there are smaller waves, and on these smaller waves still smaller ripples. All this roughness of surface goes on helping the wind, till at last the mightiest billows are formed, which then have an oscillation independent of the wind that formed them. Hence the oil cannot at once subdue the great waves that are already formed, but may prevent their formation if applied in time. Even the great waves are moderated by the oil stopping the action of the wind which sustains and augments them. Quite recently, Captain David Gray made some experiments at the north bar of Peterhead, where a very heavy surf breaks over in rough weather. On a rough day he dropped a bottle full of oil into the sea. The oil floating out of the bottle, converted the choppy waves over a large area “into an expanse of long undulating rollers, smooth and glassy, and so robbed of all violence that a small open boat could ride on them in safety.” This result is quite in accordance with what we are told respecting the ancient practice of the fishermen of Lisbon, who were accustomed to empty a bottle of oil into the sea when they found on their return to the river that there was a dangerous surf on the bar, which might fill their boats in crossing it. As regards Peterhead, it is proposed to lay perforated pipes across the mouth of the harbor, and to erect tanks from which these pipes may be supplied with oil, and thus pour a continuous and widely distributed stream into the sea in bad weather. The scheme was mooted some time ago, but I am not aware whether it has yet been carried out. Its success or failure must mainly be determined by the cost, and this will largely depend upon the kind of oil that is used. A series of well-conducted experiments upon the comparative areas protected by different kinds of oil would be very interesting and practically useful, for, until this has been ascertained, a proper selection cannot be made. How long will it last? is another question. I have frequently seen such tracks as Franklin observed out at sea, and have climbed to the masthead in order to sight the ship that produced them, without seeing any. Several of such smooth shining tracks have been observed at the same time, but no ship visible, and this in places where no sail has been seen for days before or after. The poet’s description of “the trackless ocean” is by no means “founded on fact.” The Plymouth Breakwater contains 3,369,261 tons of stone, and cost the British Government a million and a half. The interest on this at 4 per cent amounts to 60,000_l._ per annum. If the above statements are reliable, some of the wholesale oil merchants who read this might contract to becalm a considerable area of the Channel for a smaller amount. Further experiments have been made at Peterhead since the above was written. The following account, from the _Times_ of those made on February 27, 1882, is interesting: “On Monday the long-wished-for easterly gale to test the experiment of throwing oil on the troubled waters reached Peterhead. It may be mentioned that the harbor of Peterhead is singularly exposed, and with an east or north-east gale is very dangerous of approach. Mr. Shields, of Perth, has laid the oil apparatus to be used in quelling the troubled waters. It consists of an iron pipe which conveys oil and extends from a wooden house behind the seawall at Roanhead down through a natural gullet in the rocks about 150 yards long and about 50 yards beyond the mouth of the gullet into about seven fathoms of water; at this point the iron pipe is joined to a guttapercha pipe, which extends across the harbor entrance outside the bar and is perforated at distances 12½ yards apart. Through the guttapercha pipe the oil reaches the sea. On Monday the wind was not so strong as to make the experiment so complete as could have been wished; still, there was a heavy swell. Early in the forenoon the pumps were put in motion and the leakage space in the pipe filled; but unfortunately it was found, soon after the oil began to rise to the surface of the bay, that the supply in the cask had become exhausted, and those who were conducting the experiment did not consider themselves at liberty to order a fresh cask of oil without Mr. Shield’s sanction. But while the experiment was only partial it was highly satisfactory. At the same time, the film did not extend sufficiently far to prevent the waves forming and curving to broken water. As soon, however, as they reached the oil-covered neck the observers from the pier-head could easily discern the influence at work. Waves which came in crested gradually assumed the shape of undulating bodies of water, and, once formed, they rolled unbroken towards the breakwater. On Wednesday morning there was a heavy sea at the north breakwater. The oil valves were opened, and immediately the effect was manifest. The waves, which had before clashed with fury against the breakwater, assumed a rolling motion and were quite crestless. Indeed, it was admitted that the oil had rendered the entrance comparatively safe, _but the effect was not so abiding as could have been wished_.” As regards the want of duration there noted, I venture to make a suggestion. Oils vary so greatly in their rate of outspreading over water and the character of the film they form, that some years ago Mr. Moffatt, of Glasgow, proposed to use these differences as a test for the adulterations of one kind of oil with other and cheaper kinds. I made a number of experiments verifying some of his results. From these it is evident that the duration of the becalming effect will vary with different oils, and therefore further experiments upon these difference should be made, in order to select that kind which is the most effective, with due regard, of course, to cost. The oil indicated by my experiments as combining permanency and cheapness, and altogether the most suitable and attainable is the “_dead oil_” refuse of the gas-works. This may be used in its crude and cheapest condition. ON THE SO-CALLED “CRATER NECKS” AND “VOLCANIC BOMBS” OF IRELAND. A PAPER READ AT THE GEOLOGISTS’ ASSOCIATION, DECEMBER 6, 1878. Mr. Hull, “Physical Geography and Geology of Ireland,” p. 68, under the head of “Volcanic Necks and Basaltic Dykes,” says that “although the actual craters and cones of eruption have been swept from the surface of the country by the ruthless hand of time, yet the old “necks” by which the volcanic mouths were connected with the sources of eruption can occasionally be recognized; they sometimes appear as masses of hard trap, columnar or otherwise, projecting in knolls or hills above the upper surface of the sheets through which they pierce.” In other cases, the “neck” consists of a great pipe choked up by bombs and blocks of trap, more or less consolidated, bombs which have been shot into the air and have fallen back again. He then refers to one of these near Portrush, and proceeds to state that the rock on which stands the ruined Castle of Dunluce, “is formed of bombs of all sizes up to six feet in diameter, of various kinds of basalt, dolerite, and amygdaloid firmly cemented, and presenting a precipitous face to the sea.” In a note dated September, 1877, Mr. Hull states that subsequent examination, since the above was written, of the rock of Dunluce Castle and the cliffs adjoining, has led him “to suspect that we have here, instead of old volcanic necks, simply pipes, formed by the filtration out of the chalk into which the basaltic masses have fallen and slipped down, thus giving rise to their fragmental appearance.” Further on (page 146) he describes without any sceptical comment, “the remarkable mass of agglomerate made up (as on the southern flanks of Slieve Gullion) of bombs of granite, which have been torn up from the granite mass of the hills below, and blown through the throat of an old crater.” Other geologists still adhere firmly to the bomb theory, some ascribing the bombs to subaqueous rather than subaerial ejection. Immediately under Dunluce Castle is a sea-worn cavern or tunnel, which is about 40 or 50 feet high at its mouth, affording a fine section of this curious conglomerate. The floor of the cavern which slopes upwards from the sea is strewn with a beach of boulders. The resemblance of this beach to those I had recently examined at the foot of the boulder-clay cliffs of Galway Bay (and described in a paper read to the British Association), suggested the explanation of the origin of the rock I am about to offer. In shape and size they are exactly like the Galway shore boulders, those nearest the sea being the most rounded; higher up the slope, where less exposed to wave action, they are subangular. They differ from the Galway boulders in being chiefly basaltic instead of being mainly composed of carboniferous limestone. Some of these at Dunluce are granitic, and a few, if I am not greatly mistaken, are of carboniferous limestone. I had not at hand the means of positively deciding this. Neither could I find any unquestionable examples of glacial striation among them, though at the upper part I saw some lines on boulders that were very suggestive of partially obliterated scratches. On looking at the cavern walls surrounding me the theory so obviously suggested by the boulders on the floor was strikingly confirmed by their structure and general appearance. The imbedded “bombs” are subangular, and of irregular shape and varying composition, and the matrix of the rock is a brick-like material just such as would be formed by the baking of boulder clay; the inference that I was looking upon a bank or deposit of glacier drift that had been baked by volcanic agency was irresistible. I was unable to see on any part of the extensive section, or among the fragments below, a single specimen of an unequivocal volcanic bomb; no approach to anything like those described by Sir Samuel Baker in his “Nile Tributaries of Abyssinia,” the miniature representatives of which, ejected from the Bessemer converter, I have figured and described in _Nature_, vol. 3, pp. 389 and 410, where Sir Samuel Baker’s description is quoted. I have witnessed the fall of masses of lava during a minor eruption of an inner crater of Mount Vesuvius. These as they fell upon the ground around me were flattened out into thin cakes. There was no approach to the formation of subangular masses, like those displayed upon the Dunluce cavern walls. Some years ago a project for melting the basaltic rock known as “Rowley Rag,” and casting it into moulds for architectural purposes was carried out near Oldbury, and I had an opportunity of watching the experiment, which was conducted on a large scale at great expense by Messrs. Chance. It was found that if the basalt cooled rapidly it became a black obsidian, and to prevent the formation of such brittle material, the castings, and the moulds, which enclosed them, had to be kept at a red-heat for some days, and very gradually cooled.[29] It is physically impossible that lava ejected under water, in lumps no larger than these boulders, could have the granular structure which they display. The fundamental idea upon which this bomb theory is based will not bear examination. Such bombs could not have been shot into either air or water and have fallen back again into the volcanic neck at any other time than during an actual eruption; and at such time they could not have remained where they fell, and have become embedded in any such matrix as now contains them. True volcanic bombs and ordinary spattering lumps of lava, are, as we know, flung obliquely out of active craters, and distributed around, while those which are ejected perpendicularly into the air and return are re-ejected, and finally pulverized into volcanic dust if this perpendicular ejection and return are continued long enough. In the course of a rapid drive round the Antrim coast I observed other examples of this peculiar conglomerate, and have reason to believe that it is far more common than is generally supposed. I found it remarkably well displayed at a place almost as largely visited as the Giant’s Causeway, and where it nevertheless appears to have been hitherto unnoticed, viz., Carrick-a-Rede, where the public car stops to afford visitors an opportunity of examining or crossing the rope bridge, etc. Here the whole formation is displayed in a manner that strikingly illustrates my theory. There is an overlying stream of basalt forming the surface of the isolated rock, and this basalt rests directly upon a base of conglomerate, having exactly the appearance that would result from the slow baking of a mass of boulder clay. The sea gully that separates the insular rock from the mainland displays a fine section above eighty feet in thickness, and has the advantage of full daylight as compared with Dunluce Cave. That this is no mere neck or pipe is evident from its extent. Its position below the basalt cap refutes the above quoted subsequent explanation, which Mr. Hull and others have recently adopted. The heterogeneous bomb-like character of the boulders is not so strongly marked as in the Dunluce rock, and this may arise from the closer proximity of the basalt, which, coming here in direct contact, would be likely to heat the clay matrix (itself formed mainly of ice-ground basalt) to incipient fusion, and thereby render it more like the basalt boulders it contains than the other clay that had been less intensely heated on account of greater distance from the lava-flow. The path leading to the ladder by which the bridge is approached passes over such conglomerate, and further extensions are seen in sections around. I saw sufficient in the course of my hurried visit to indicate the existence of a large area of this particular formation. At a short distance from Carrick-a-Rede, on the way to Ballycastle, the car passes in sight of considerable deposits of ordinary boulder clay uncovered and unaltered. The blocks of basalt, etc., embedded in this correspond in general size and shape with the “bombs,” excepting that some of the latter have a laminated, or shaly, character near their surfaces. I regret my inability to do justice to this subject in consequence of the fact that the above explanation of the origin of this curious formation only suggested itself when hurrying homeward after a somewhat protracted visit to Ireland. As I may not have an opportunity of further investigation for some time to come, I offer the hypothesis in this crude form in order that it may be discussed, and either confirmed or refuted by the geologists of the Ordnance Survey, or others who have better opportunities of observation than I can possibly command. Should this conglomerate prove to be, as I suppose, a drift deposit altered by a subsequent flow of lava, it will supply exceedingly interesting data for the determination of the chronological relations of the glacial epoch to that period of volcanic activity to which the lavas of the N.E. of Ireland are due. Though it will nowise disturb the general conclusion that the great eruptions that overspread the cretaceous rocks of this region, and supplied the boulders of my supposed metamorphosed drift, occurred during the Miocene period, it will show that this volcanic epoch was of vastly greater duration than is usually supposed; or that there must have been two or more volcanic epochs—pre-glacial, as usually understood, and post-glacial, in order to supply the lava overflowing the drift. This post-glacial extension of the volcanic period has an especial interest in Ireland, as the “Annals of the Four Masters,” and other records of ancient Irish history and tradition, abound in accounts of physical changes, many of which correspond remarkably with those of recent occurrence in the neighborhood of active and extinct volcanoes. In a paper read before the Royal Irish Academy, June 23, 1873, and published in its “Proceedings,” Dr. Sigerson has collected some of the best authenticated of these accounts, and compares them with similar phenomena recently observed in Naples, Sicily, South America, Siberia, etc. etc. The “great sobriety of diction, and circumstantial precision of statement,” of names, dates, etc., which characterize these accounts render them well worthy of the sort of comparison with strictly scientific data which Dr. Sigerson has made. As we now know that man existed in Britain during the inter-glacial, if not the pre-glacial period, and as so violent a volcanic disturbance as that which poured out the lavas of Antrim and the Mourne district could scarcely have subsided suddenly, but was probably followed by ages of declining activity, it is not at all surprising that this period of minor activity should have extended into that of tradition and the earliest of historical records. TRAVERTINE. The old exclamation about Augustus finding Rome of brick and leaving it of marble, deceives many. Ancient Rome was by no means a marble city, although the quarries of Massa and Carrara are not far distant. The staple-building materials of the Imperial City, even in its palmiest days, were brick and travertine. The brick, however, was very different from the porous cakes of crudely burnt clay of which the modern metropolis of the world is built. I have examined on the spot a great many specimens, and found them all to be of remarkably compact structure, somewhere between the material of modern terra-cotta and that of common flower-pots, and similarly intermediate in color. The Roman builders appear to have had no standard size; the bricks vary even in the same building—the Coliseum for example; all that I have seen are much thinner than our bricks—we should call them tiles. But the most characteristic material is the travertine. The walls of the Coliseum are made up of a mixture of this and the tiles above-mentioned. The same is the case with most of the other very massive ruins, as the baths, etc. Many of the temples with columns and facing of marble have inner walls built of this mixture, while others are entirely of travertine. I was greatly surprised at the wondrous imperishability of this remarkable material. In buildings of which the smooth crystalline marble had lost all its sharpness and original surface, this dirty, yellow, spongy-looking limestone remained without the slightest indication of weathering. A most remarkable instance of this is afforded by the temple of Neptune at Paestum, in Calabria. This is the most perfect ruin of a pure classic temple that now remains in existence, and in my opinion is the finest. I prefer it even to the Parthenon. We have a little sample of it in London. The Doric columns at the entrance of the Euston station are copies of those of its peristyle. The originals are of travertine, the blocks forming them are laid upon each other without mortar or cement, and so truly flattened that in walking round the building and carefully prying, I could find no crevice into which a slip of ordinary writing paper, or the blade of a pen-knife could be inserted. Yet this temple was an antiquarian monument in the days of the Roman emperors. The rough natural surface of the stone is exposed, and at first sight appears as though weathered, but this appearance is simply due to its natural sponge-like structure. It appears to have been coated with some sort of stucco or smoothing film, which, either by forming a thin layer, or possibly by only filling up the pores of the travertine, gave a smooth surface upon which the coloring was applied. This is now only indistinctly visible here and there, and if I remember rightly, some have disputed its existence. But this travertine, though so familiar to the Italian, is such a rarity here that some further description of its structure and composition may be demanded. It is a limestone formed by _chemical_ precipitation. Most limestones are more or less of organic origin, are agglomerations of shells, corals, etc., but this is formed by the same kind of action as that which produces the stalactites in limestone caverns. It has some resemblance to the incrustation formed on boilers by calcareous water. Although the material of so many ancient edifices, it is, geologically speaking, the youngest of all the hard rocks. Its formation is now in progress at some of the very quarries that supplied Imperial Rome. On the Campagna, between Rome and Tivoli, is a small circular lake, from which a stream of tepid water, that wells up from below, is continually flowing. Its local name is the “The Lake of Tartarus.” The water, like that of Zoedone, or soda-water or champagne, is supersaturated with carbonic acid that was forced into it while under pressure down below. This carbonic acid has dissolved some of the limestones through which the subterranean water passes, and when it comes to the surface, the carbonic acid flies away like that which escapes when we uncork a bottle of soda-water, though less suddenly, and the lime losing its solvent is precipitated, and forms a crust on whatever is covered by the water. When I visited this lake in the month of February it was surrounded by a _chevaux de frise_ of an extraordinary character; thousands of tubes of about half an inch to one inch in diameter outside, with calcareous walls about one eighth of an inch in thickness. These were standing up from two to three feet high, and so close together that we had to break our way through the dense palisade they formed in order to reach the margin of the lake. After some consideration and inquiry, their origin was discovered. They are the encrusted remains of bullrushes that had flourished in the summer and died down since. During the time of their growth the water had risen, and thus they became coated with a crust of compact travertine. This deposition takes place so rapidly that a piece of lace left in the lake for a few hours comes out quite stiff, every thread being coated with limestone. Such specimens, and twigs similarly covered, are sold to tourists or prepared by them if they have time to stop. Sir Humphry Davy drove a stick into the bottom of the lake and left it standing upright in the water from May to the following April, and then had some difficulty in breaking with a sharp pointed hammer the crust formed round the stick. This crust was several inches in thickness. That which I saw round the ex-bullrushes may have all been formed in a few days or weeks. The rivulet that flows from the lake deposits travertine throughout its course, and when it overflows leaves every blade of grass that it covers encrusted with this limestone. Near to the Lake of Tartarus is the _Solfatara_ lake which contains similar calcareous water, but strongly impregnated with sulphureted hydrogen; it consequently deposits a mixture of carbonate and sulphide of calcium, a sort of porous tufa, some of it so porous that it floats like a stony scum, forming what the cicerone call “floating islands.” Lyell, in his “Principles of Geology,” confounds these lakes, and describes Tartarus under the name of Solfatara. The travertine used as a building stone is chiefly derived from the quarries of Ponte Lucano, and is the deposit that was formed on the bed of a lake like that of Tartarus. The celebrated cascade of the Anio at Tivoli forms calcareous stalactites, and all the country round has rivulets, caverns, and deposits, where this formation may be seen in progress or completed. It varies considerably in structure, some specimens are compact and smooth, others have the appearance of a petrified moss, and great varieties may be found among the materials of a single building. It is, however, usually rough and more or less spongy-looking, as above stated, but this structure does not seem to affect its stability, at least, not in the climate of Italy. Whether it would stand long frosts is an open question. The night frosts at and about Rome are rather severe, but usually followed by a warm sunny day; thus there is no great penetration of ice. Every specimen I have examined shows a remarkable compactness of _molecular_ structure in spite of visible porosity. All give out a clear metallic ring when struck, and the intimate surface, if I may so describe the surface of the warm-like structure it sometimes displays, is always clear and smooth as though varnished. To this I attribute its durability. Lest the above description should appear self-contradictory, I will explain a little further. If melted glass were run into threads, and those threads while soft were allowed to agglomerate loosely into a convoluted mass, it would, as regarded in mass, have a porous or spongy-looking structure, but nevertheless its _molecular_ structure would be compact and vitreous; there would be mechanical but not molecular, porosity. Travertine is similar. Have we any travertine in England? This is a practical question of some importance, and one to which I have no hesitation in replying, Yes. There is plenty formed and forming in the neighborhood of Matlock, but that which I have seen on the face of caverns, etc., is not so compact and metal-like as the Italian. This, however, does not prove the entire absence of the useful travertine. Not having any commercial interest in the search, I have only looked at what has come in my way, but have little doubt that there are other kinds besides those I saw. I have also seen travertine in course of formation in Ireland, where I think there is a fine field for exploration in the mountain limestone regions, which have been disturbed by volcanic action of the Miocene period. The travertines of Italy are found in the neighborhood of extinct volcanoes. The classic associations of this material, its remarkable stability, and the faculty with which it may be worked, render it worthy of more attention than it has yet received from British builders. THE ACTION OF FROST IN WATER-PIPES AND ON BUILDING MATERIALS. Popular science has penetrated too deeply now to render necessary any refutation of the old popular fallacy which attributed the bursting of water-pipes to the thaw following a frost; everybody now understands that the thaw merely renders the work of the previous freezing so disastrously evident. Nevertheless, the general subject of the action of freezing water upon our dwellings is not so fully understood by all concerned as it should be. Builders and house-owners should understand it thoroughly, as most of the domestic miseries resulting from severe winters may be greatly mitigated, if not entirely prevented, by scientific adaptation in the course of building construction. Now-a-days tenants know something about this and select accordingly. Thus the market value of a building may be increased by such adaptation. Solids, liquids, and gases expand as they are heated. This great general law is, however, subject to a few exceptions, the most remarkable of which is that presented by water. Let us suppose a simple experiment. Imagine a thermometer tube with its bulb and stem so filled with water that when the water is heated nearly to its boiling point it will rise to nearly the top of the long stem. Now let us cool it. As the cooling proceeds the water will descend, and this descending will continue until it attains the temperature marked on our ordinary thermometer as 39°, or more strictly 39-2/10; then a strange inversion occurs. As the temperature falls below this, the water rises gradually in the stem until the freezing point is reached. This expansion amounts to 1/7692 part of the whole bulk of the water, or 100,000 parts become 100,013. So far the amount of expansion is very small, but this is only a foretaste of what is coming. Lower the temperature still further, the water begins to freeze, and at the moment of freezing it expands suddenly to an extent equalling 1/15 of its bulk, _i.e._, of the bulk of so much water as becomes solidified. The temperature remains at 32° until the whole of the water is frozen. Fortunately for us, the freezing of water is always a slow process, for if this conversion of every 15 gallons into 16 took place suddenly, all our pipes would rip open with something like explosive violence. But such sudden freezing of any considerable quantity of water is practically impossible, on account of the “latent heat” of liquid water, which amounts to 142½°. All this is given out in the act of freezing. It is this giving out of so much heat that keeps the temperature of freezing water always at 32°, even though the air around may be much colder. No part of the water can fall below 32° without becoming solid, and that portion which solidifies gives out enough heat to raise 142½ times its own quantity from 31° to 32°. The slowness of thawing is due to the same general fact. An instructive experiment may be made by simply filling a saucepan with snow or broken ice, and placing it over a common fire. The slowness of the thawing will surprise most people who have not previously tried the experiment. It takes about as long to melt this snow as it would to raise an equal weight of water from 32° to 174°. Or, if a pound of water at 174° be mixed with a pound of snow at 32°, the result will be two pounds of water at 32°; 142° will have disappeared without making the snow any warmer, it will all have been used up in doing the work of melting. The force with which the great expansion due to freezing takes place is practically irresistible. Strong pieces of ordnance have been filled with water, and plugged at muzzle and touch-hole. They have burst in spite of their great thickness and tenacity. Such being the case, it is at first sight a matter of surprise that frozen water-pipes, whether of lead or iron, ever stand at all. They would not stand but for another property of ice, which is but very little understood, viz., its _viscosity_. This requires some explanation. Though ice is what we call a solid, it is not truly solid. Like other apparent solids it is not perfect rigid, but still retains some degree of the possibility of flowing which is the characteristic of liquids. This has been shown by filling a bombshell with water, leaving the fuse-hole open and freezing it. A shell of ice is first formed on the outside, which of course plugs up the fuse-hole. Then the interior gradually freezes, but the expansion due to this forces the ice out of the fuse-hole as a cylindrical stick, just as putty might be squeezed out, only that the force required to mould and eject the ice is much greater. I have constructed an apparatus which illustrates this very strikingly. It is an iron syringe with cylindrical interior of about half an inch in diameter, and a terminal orifice of less than 1/20 of an inch in diameter. Its piston of metal is driven down by a screw. Into this syringe I place small fragments of ice, or a cylinder of ice fitted to the syringe, and then screw down the piston. Presently a thin wire of ice is squirted forth like vermicelli when the dough from which it is made is similarly treated, showing that the ice is plastic like the dough, provided it is squeezed with sufficient force. This viscosity of ice is displayed on a grand scale in glaciers, the ice of which actually flows like a river down the glacier valley, contracting as the valley narrows and spreading out as it widens, just as a river would; but moving only a few inches daily according to the steepness of the slope and the season, slower in winter than in summer. Upon this, and the slowness of the act of freezing, depends the possibility of water in freezing in iron pipes without bursting them. Even iron yields a little before bursting, but ordinary qualities not sufficiently to bear the expansion of 1/15 of their contents. What happens then? The cylinder of ice contained in the tube elongates as it freezes, provided always the pipe is open at one or both ends. But there is a limit to this, seeing that the friction of such a tight-fitting core, even of slippery ice, is considerable, and if the pipe be too long, the resistance of this friction may exceed the resistance of tenacity of the pipe. I am unable to give any figures for such length; the subject does not appear to have been investigated as it should be, and as it might well be by our wealthy water companies. We all know that lead pipes frequently succumb, but a little observation shows that they do so only after a struggle. The tenacity of lead is much less than that of iron (about 1/20 of that of ordinary wrought iron), but it yields considerably before breaking. It has, in fact, the property of viscosity similar to that of ice. At Woolwich the lead used for elongated rifle bullets is squirted like the ice in my syringe above described, powerful hydraulic pressure being used. This yielding saves many pipes. It would save all _new_ pipes if the lead were pure and uniform; but as this is not the case, they may burst at a weak place, the yielding being shown by the bulge that commonly appears at the broken part. From the above it will be easily understood that a pipe which is perfectly cylindrical—other conditions equal—will be less likely to burst than one which is of varying diameter, as the sliding from a larger to a smaller portion of the pipe must be attended with great resistance, or a certain degree of block, beyond what would be due to the mere friction along a pipe of uniform diameter. Let us now consider the relative merits of lead and iron as material for water-pipes in places where exposure to frost is inevitable. Lead yields more than iron, and so far has an advantage; this, however is but limited. As lead is practically inelastic, every stretch remains, and every stretch diminishes the capacity for further stretching; the lead thus stretched at one frost is less able to stretch again, and has lost some of its original tenacity. Hence the superiority of new leaden pipes. Iron is elastic within certain limits, and thus the iron pipe may yield a little without permanent strain or “distress,” and if its power of elastic resistance is not exceeded, it regains its original size without becoming sensibly weaker. Add to this its great tenacity, its nonliability to be indented, or otherwise to vary in diameter, and we have a far superior material. But this conclusion demands some qualification. There is iron and iron, cast-iron and wrought-iron, and very variable qualities of each of these. I need scarcely add that common brittle cast-iron is quite out of the question for such purposes, though there is a new kind of cast-iron or semi-steel coming forward that may possibly supersede all other kinds; but this opens too wide a subject for discussion in the present paper, the main object of which has been a popular exposition of the general physical laws which must be obeyed by the builder, or engineer, who desires to construct domestic or other buildings that will satisfy the wants of intelligent people. The mischievous action of freezing water is not confined to the pipes that are constructed to receive or convey it. Wherever water may be, if that water freezes, it must expand in the degree and with the force already described. If it penetrates stone or brick, or mortar or stucco, and freezes therein, one of two things must occur—either the superfluous ice must exude at the surface or to neighboring cavities, or the saturated material must give way, and split or crumble according to the manner and degree of penetration. To understand this, the reader must remember what I stated about the little-understood _viscosity_ of ice, as well as its expansion at the moment of freezing. Bricks are punished, but not so severely as might be anticipated, seeing how porous are some of the common qualities, especially those used in London. They are so amply porous that the water not only finds its way into them, but the pores are big enough and many enough for the ice to demonstrate its viscosity by squeezing out and displaying its crystalline structure in the form of snow-like efflorescence on the surface. This may have been observed by some of my readers during a severe frost. It is commonly confounded with the hoar-frost that whitens the roofs of houses, but which is very rarely deposited on perpendicular wall faces. The mortar most liable to suffer is that which is porous and pulverulent within, but has been cleverly faced or pointed with a crust of more compact material. This outer film prevents the exuding of the expanding ice crystals, is thrust forth bodily, and retained by ice-cement during the frost, but it falls in scales when this temporary binding material thaws. Mortar that is compact throughout does not suffer to any appreciable extent. This is proved by the condition of the remains of Roman brickwork that still exist in Britain and other parts of Europe. Some of the old shingle walls at Brighton and other parts of the south coast, where the chalk for lime-burning was at the builder’s feet, and where his mortar is so thickly laid between the irregular masses of flint, also show the possible duration of good mortar. The jerry builder’s mortar, made of the riddlings of burnt clay ballast and dust-hole refuse just flavored with lime, crumbles immediately, because these materials do not combine with the lime as fine siliceous sand gradually does, to form an impermeable glassy silicate. Stucco is punished by two distinct modes of action. The first is where the surface is porous, and the water permeates accordingly and freezes. This, of course, produces superficial crumbling, which should not occur at all upon good material protected by suitable paint. The other case, very deplorable in many instances, is where the water finds a space between the inner surface of the stucco and the outer surface of the material upon which it is laid. This water, when frozen, of course, expands, and wedges away the stucco bodily, causing it to come down in masses at the thaw. This, however, only occurs after severe frosts, as the ordinary mild frosts of our favored climate seldom endure long enough to penetrate to any notable depth of so bad a conductor as stone or stucco. It is worthy of note that water is a still worse conductor than stone. Building stones are so various both in chemical composition and mechanical structure that the action of freezing water is necessarily as varied as the nature of the material. The highly siliceous granites (or, rather, porphyries that commonly bear the name of granite) are practically impermeable to water so long as they are free from any chemical decomposition of their feldspathic constituents; but when we come to sandstones and limestones, or intermediate material, very wide differences prevail. The possible width of this difference is shown in the behavior of the unselected material in its natural home. Certain cliffs and mountains have stood for countless ages almost unchanged by the action of frost; others are breaking up with astonishing rapidity in spite of apparent solidity of structure. The Matterhorn, or Mont Cervin, one of the most gigantic of the giant Alps, 15,200 feet high, is rendered especially dangerous to ambitious climbers by the continual crashing down of fragments that are loosened when the summer sun melts the ice that first separated and then for a while held them in their original places. All the glaciers of the Alps are more or less streaked with “moraines,” which are fragments of the mountains that freezing water has detached. Our stone buildings would suffer proportionally if some selection of material were not made. Generally speaking, this selection is based upon the experience of previous practical trials. Certain quarries are known to have supplied good material of a certain character, and this quarry has, therefore, a reputation which is usually of no small value to its fortunate owner. Other quarries are opened in the neighborhood wherever the rock resembles that of the tested quarry. Sometimes, however, materials are open for selection that have not been so well tested, and a method of testing which is more expeditious and less expensive than constructing a building and watching the result, is very desirable. The subject of testing building materials in special reference to their resistance of frost was brought before the Academy of Science of Paris by M. Brard some years since. In his preliminary experiments he used small cubes of the stone to be tested, soaked them in water, and then exposed them to the air in frosty weather, or subjected them to the action of freezing mixtures. Afterwards he found that by availing himself of the expansive force which certain saline solutions exert at the moment of crystallization, he could conveniently imitate the action of freezing without the aid of natural or artificial frost. Epsom salts, nitre, alum, sulphate of iron, Glauber’s salts, etc., were tried. The last named, Glauber’s salt (or sulphate of soda), which is very cheap, was found to be the best for the purpose. His method of applying the test is as follows: Cut the specimens into two-inch cubes, with flat sides and sharp edges and corners, mark each specimen with a number, either by ink or scratching, and enter in a book all particulars concerning it. Make a saturated solution of the sulphate of soda in rain or distilled water, by adding the salt until no more will dissolve; perfect saturation being shown by finding, after repeated stirring, that a little of the salt remains at the bottom an hour or two after the solution was made. Heat this solution in a suitable vessel, and when it boils put in the marked specimens one by one, and keep them immersed in the boiling solution for half an hour. Take out the specimens separately and suspend them by threads, each over a separate vessel containing some of the liquid in which they were boiled, but which has been carefully strained to free it from any solid particles. In the course of a day or two, as the cubes dry, they will become covered with an efflorescence of snow-like crystals; wash these away by simply plunging the specimen into the vessel below, and repeat this two or three times daily for four or five days or longer. The most suitable vessel for the purpose is a glass “beaker,” sold by vendors of chemical apparatus. In comparing competing samples, be careful to treat all alike, _i.e._, boil them together in the same solution, and dip them an equal number of times at equal intervals. Having done this, the result is now to be examined. If the stone is completely resistant the cube will remain smooth on its surfaces and sharp at its edges and corners, and there will be no particles at the bottom of the vessel. Otherwise, the inability of the stone to resist the test will be shown by the disfigurement of the cube or the small particles wedged off and lying at the bottom of the liquid. Care must be taken not to confound these with crystals of the salt which may also be deposited. These crystals are easily removed by adding a little more water or warming the solution. For strict comparison the fragments thus separated should be weighed in a delicate balance, such as is used in chemical analysis. THE CORROSION OF BUILDING STONES. About fifty years ago two eminent French chemists visited London, and rather “astonished the natives” by a curious feature of their dress. They wore on their hats large patches of colored paper. Coming, as they did, from Paris, many supposed that this was one of the latest Paris fashions, and the dandies of the period narrowly escaped the compulsion to follow it. They probably would have done so had the Frenchmen shown any attempt at decorative shaping of the paper. They neglected this because it was litmus paper, and their object in attaching it to their hats was to test the impurities of the London atmosphere. Blue litmus paper, as everybody knows now-a-days, turns red when exposed to an acid. The French chemists found that their hat-decorations changed color, and indicated the presence of acid in the air of London; but when they left the metropolis and wandered in the open fields their blue litmus paper retained its original color. By using alkaline paper they contrived to collect enough of the acid to test its composition. They found it to be the acid which is formed by the burning of sulphur, and attributed its existence to the sulphur of our coal. At this time the domestic use of coal was scarcely known in Paris. Subsequent experiments have proved that they were right; that the air of London contains a very practical quantity of sulphurous and sulphuric acids, which are due to the combustion of that yellow shining material more or less visible in most kinds of coal, and has been occasionally supposed to be gold. It is iron pyrites, a compound of iron and sulphur. When heated the sulphur is separated and burns, producing sulphurous acid, which, exposed to moist air, gradually takes up more oxygen and becomes sulphuric acid, which in concentrated solution is oil of vitriol. In the air it is very much diluted by diffusion, but is still strong enough to do mischief to some kinds of building materials. In manufacturing towns, such as Birmingham and Sheffield, the quantity of this acid in the air is much greater than in London, and there its mischief is consequently more distinctly visible. The church of St. Philip, which stands nearly in the middle of Birmingham, and is surrounded by an old churchyard, was so corroded by this acid that the stone peeled away on all sides, and its condition was most deplorable. The tombstones were similarly disintegrated on their surfaces, and inscriptions quite obliterated. It became so bad that a few years ago restoration was necessary, and it was newly faced accordingly. Some of the old tombstones that are preserved may still be seen against the church wall, and their peculiar structure is well worthy of study. They display a lamination or peeling away due to unequal corrosion, certain layers of the material of the stone having been evidently eaten away more rapidly than others. Anybody visiting Birmingham may easily examine these, as St. Philip’s churchyard is situated between the two railway stations of New Street and Snow Hill, and is but two minutes’ walk from either. Other stone buildings in the town have suffered, but in very different degrees, and some have quite escaped, proving the necessity of careful selection of material wherever coal fires abound. In Birmingham the action of coal fires is assisted by other sources of acid vapor. The process of “pickling” brass castings, _i.e._, brightening their surface, by dipping first in common nitric acid (“pickle acky”) and then in water, is attended with considerable evolution of acid fumes. Besides this very widespread use of acid, there are several chemical manufactories that throw still more acid into the air immediately surrounding them. As an example of the action of the atmospheric acids of London upon building stones, I have but to name the Houses of Parliament, which have only been rescued from superficial ruin by the patchwork replacing of certain blocks of stone, and various devices of siliceous and other washings that have been carried out at great cost to the nation. That such an unsuitable material should have been used is disgraceful to all concerned. The ruin commenced before the building was finished. At the time when its erection commenced there were abundant evidences of the ruinous action of London atmosphere on some kinds of stone and the capability of others to resist it, for while many modern buildings are peeling and crumbling, some of the oldest in the midst of the city show scarcely any signs of corrosion. The Birmingham and Midland Institute was established and in practical operation a few years before the present noble building was erected. I was the first teacher there and conducted the Science classes in the temporary premises in Cannon street. Having observed with some interest the disintegration of St. Philip’s Church and other buildings, I was anxious for the safety of the new Institute buildings, and accordingly made some experiments upon the material proposed to be used by the architect. My method of testing was very simple, and as the practical result has verified my anticipations I think it might be adopted by others. First, I immersed some lumps of the stone in moderately strong solutions of sulphuric and hydrochloric acids successively, and observed whether any visible action occurred after some days. There was none. I then roughly tested the crushing pressure of small samples in their natural state, and subjected similar sized pieces to the same test after they had been immersed in the acids. I found thus that there were no evidences of internal disintegration even after several days’ immersion, and therefore inferred that the stone would stand the acid vapors of the Birmingham atmosphere. This has been the case with that portion of the building that was built of the material I tested. As I know nothing of the stone which is used for the extension of the building under the present architect, Mr. Chamberlain, I am unable to make any forecast of its probable durability. The experiments I made at the time named with this and other building materials justified the conclusion that the worst of all material for exposure to acid atmospheres is a sandstone, the particles of which are held together by limestone, or are otherwise surrounded by or intermingled with limestone; and that the best of _ordinary_ material is a pure sandstone quite free from lime. I do not here consider such luxurious material as granite or porphyries. Compact limestone, such as good homogeneous marble, stands fairly well, although it is slowly corroded. The corrosion, however, in this case, is purely superficial and tolerably uniform. It is a very slow washing away of the surface, without any disintegration such as occurs where a small quantity of limestone acts as binding material to hold together a large quantity of siliceous or sandy material, and where the agglomeration is porous, and the stone is so laid that a downward infiltration of water can take place; for it must be remembered that although the acid originally exists as vapor in the air, it is taken up by the falling rain, and the mischief is directly done to the stone by the acidified water. This, of course, is very weak acid indeed. That which I used for testing the stone was many thousand times stronger, but then I exposed the stone for only a few days instead of many thousand days. As above stated, my experiments were but rude, but I think it would be quite worth while to construct crushing apparatus capable of registering accurately the pressure used, and to operate with standard solutions of acid upon carefully squared blocks of standard size, and thus to make comparative tests of various samples of stone when competitions for building materials are offered. In the case of the Birmingham and Midland Institute building there was no such competition, the choice was left entirely to the architect, and my examination was unofficially conducted upon the material already chosen with the intent of protesting if it failed. As it stood the test I merely reported the results informally to the architect, the late Sir Edward Barry, no further action being demanded. FIRE-CLAY AND ANTHRACITE. For household fire-places, whether open or closed, these may be regarded as the material and the fuel of the future, and should be more generally and better understood than they are. The merits of fire-clay were fully appreciated and described nearly a hundred years ago by that very remarkable man, Benjamin Thompson, Count of Rumford. Any sound scientific exposition of the relative value of fire-clay and iron as fire-place materials can be little more or less than a repetition of what he struggled to teach at the beginning of the present century. It is impossible to fairly understand this subject unless we start with a firm grasp of first principles. The business before us is to get as much heat as possible from fuel burning in a certain fashion, and to do this with the smallest possible emission of smoke. Substances that are hotter than their surroundings communicate their excess of temperature in three different ways; 1st, by _Conduction_; 2d, by _Convection_; 3d, by _Radiation_. All of these are operating in every form of fire-place, but in very different proportions according to certain variations of construction. To demonstrate the conduction of heat, hold one end of a pin between the finger and thumb, and the other end in the flame of a candle. The experiment will terminate very speedily. Then take a piece of a lucifer match of the same length as the pin, and hold that in the candle. This may become red-hot and flaming without burning the fingers, as the pin did at a much lower temperature. It matters not whether the pin be held upwards, downwards, or sideways, the heat will travel throughout its substance, and this sort of traveling is called “conduction,” and the pin a “conductor” of heat. The conducting power of different substances varies greatly, as the above experiment shows. Metals generally are the best conductors, but they differ among themselves; silver is the best of all, copper the next. Calling (for comparison sake) the conductivity of silver 1000, that of copper is 736, gold 532, brass 236, iron 119, marble and other building stones 6 to 12, porcelain 5, ordinary brick earth only 4, and fire-brick earth less than this. Thus we may at once start upon our subject, with the practical fact that iron conducts heat thirty times more readily than does fire-brick. _Convection_ is different from conduction, inasmuch as it is effected by the movements of the something which has been heated by contact with something else. Water is a very bad conductor of heat, much worse than fire-brick, and yet, as we all know, heat is freely transmitted by it, as when we boil water in a kettle. If, however, we placed the water in a fire-clay kettle, and applied the heat at the top we should have to wait for our tea until to-morrow or the next day. When the heat is applied below, the hot metal of the kettle heats the bottom film of water by _direct contact_; this film expands, and thus, being lighter, rises through the rest of the water, heating other portions by contact as it meets them, and so on throughout. The heat is thus conveyed, and the term “convection” is based on the view that each particle is a carrier of heat as it proceeds. Air conveys heat in the same manner; so may all gases and liquids, but no such convection is possible in solids. The common notion that “heat ascends” is based on the well-known facts of convection. It is the heated gas or liquid that really ascends. No such preference is given to an upward direction, when heat is conducted or radiated. _Radiation_ is a flinging off of heat in all directions by the heated body. Radiation from solids is mainly superficial, and it depends on the nature of the heated surface. The rougher and the more porous the surface of a given substance the better it radiates. Bright metals are the worst radiators; lampblack the best, and fire-brick nearly equal to it. To show the effect of surface, take three tin canisters of equal size, one bright outside, the second scratched and roughened, the third painted over with a thin coat of lampblack. Fill each with hot water of the same temperature, and leave them equally exposed. Their rates of radiation will then be measurable by their rates of cooling. The black will cool the most rapidly, the rough canister next, and the bright one the slowest. Radiant heat may be reflected like light from bright surfaces, the reflecting substance itself becoming heated in a proportion which diminishes just as its reflecting powers increase. Good reflectors are bad radiators and bad absorbers of heat, and the power of _absorbing_ heat, or becoming superficially hot when exposed to radiant heat, is exactly proportionate to radiating efficiency. Fire-clay is a good absorber of radiant heat, _i.e._, it becomes readily heated when near to hot coals or flames, without requiring actual contact with them. It is an equally good radiator. Let us now apply these facts to fire-clay in fireplaces, beginning with ordinary open grates used for the warming of apartments; first supposing that we have an ordinary old-fashioned grate all made of iron—front, sides, and back, as well as bars, and next that we have another of similar form and position, but all the fire-box and the back and cheeks of the grate made of fire-clay. It is evident that the fire-clay not in actual contact with the coals, but near to them, will absorb more heat than the iron, and thus become hotter. Even at the same temperature it will radiate much more heat than iron, but being so much hotter this advantage will be proportionately increased. An open fireplace lined throughout with fire-clay thus throws into the room a considerable amount of its own radiation in addition to that thrown out from the coal. But what becomes of this portion of the heat when the fireplace is all of metal? It is carried up the chimney by convection, for the metal, while it parts with less heat by radiation, gives up more to the air by direct contact. Therefore, if we must burn our coals inside the chimney, we lose less by burning them in a fire-clay box than in a metal box. Count Rumford demonstrates this, and described the best form of open firegrate that can be placed in an ordinary English hole-in-the-wall fireplace. The first thing to be done, according to his instructions, is to brick up your large square fireplace recess, so that the back of it shall come forward to about 4 inches from the front inside face of the chimney, thus contracting the _throat_ of the chimney, just behind the mantel, to this small depth (Rumford’s device for sweeping need not be here described). The sides or “covings” of this shallowed recess are now to be sloped inwards so that each one shall horizontally be at an angle of 135 deg. to the plane of this new back, and meet it at a distance of six or more inches apart, according to the size of grate required. The covings will thus spread out at right angles with each other, and leave an annular opening to be lined with fire-brick, and run straight up to the chimney. The fire-bars and grate-bottom to be simply let into this as far forward as possible. By this simple arrangement we get a fire-grate with a narrow flat back and out-sloping sides; all these three walls are of fire-brick; the back radiates perpendicularly across the room; and the sloping sides radiate outwards, instead of merely across the fire from one to the other, as when they are square to the walls. At Rumford’s time our ordinary fireplaces were square recesses; now we have adopted something like his suggestion in the sloping sides of our register grates, and we bring our fireplaces forward. We have gone backwards in material, by using iron, but this, after all, may be merely due to the ironmongery interest overpowering that of the bricklayers. The preponderance of this interest in the South Kensington Exhibition may account for the fact that Rumford’s simple device was not to be seen in action there. It could not pay anybody to exhibit such a thing, as nobody can patent it, and nobody can sell it. I have seen the Rumford arrangement carried out in office fireplaces with remarkable success. To apply it anywhere requires only an intelligent bricklayer, a few bricks, and some iron bars. Although nobody exhibited this, a very near approach to it was described in an admirable lecture delivered at South Kensington, by Mr. Fletcher, of Warrington. In one respect Mr. Fletcher goes further than Count Rumford in the application of fire-clay. He makes the bottom of the fire-box of a slab of fire-clay instead of ordinary iron fire-bars. This demands a little more trouble and care in lighting the fire, owing to the absence of bottom-draught, but when the fire is well started the advantages of this further encasing in fire-clay are considerable. They depend upon another effect of the superior radiant and absorbent properties of fire-clay that I will now explain. So far, I have only described the beneficial effect of its radiation on the room to be heated, but it performs a further duty inside the fireplace itself. Being a bad conductor, it does not readily carry away the heat of the burning coal that rests upon it, and being also an excellent absorber, it soon becomes very hot—_i.e._, superficially hot, or hot where its heat is effective. This action may be seen in a common register stove with fire-clay back and iron sides. When the fire is brisk the back is visibly red-hot, while the sides are still dull. If, after such a fire has burnt itself out, we carefully examine the ashes, there will be found more fine dust in contact with the fire-brick than with the iron—_i.e._, evidence of more complete combustion there; and one of the advantages justly claimed by Mr. Fletcher is, that with his solid fire-clay bottom there will be no unburnt cinders—nothing left but the incombustible mineral ash of the coal. Economy and abatement of smoke are the necessary concomitants of such complete combustion. A valuable “wrinkle” was communicated by Mr. Fletcher. The powdered fire-clay that is ordinarily sold is not easily applied on account of its tendency to crumble and peel off the back and sides of the stove after the first heating. In order to overcome this, and obtain a fine compact lining, Mr. Fletcher recommends the mixing of the fireclay powder with a solution of water-glass (silicate of soda) instead of simple water. It acts by forming a small quantity of glassy silicate of alumina, which binds the whole of the clay together by its fusion when heated. Londoners, and, in fact, Englishmen generally, have hitherto regarded anthracite as a museum mineral and a curiosity, rather than an everyday coal-scuttle commodity. If it is to be the fuel of the future, it is very desirable that we should all know something about its merits and demerits, as well as the possibilities of supply. Anthracite is a natural coke. From its position in the earth, and its relations to bituminous coal, as well as from its composition, we are justified in regarding it as a coal that was originally bituminous, but which has been altered by heat, acting under great pressure. In the great coal-field of South Wales, to which we must look for our main supply of anthracite, we are able to trace the action of heat in producing a whole series of different classes of coal in a single seam, which at one part is highly bituminous—soft, flaming coal, like the Wallsend, then it becomes harder and less bituminous, then semi-bituminous “steam coal,” then less and less flaming, until at last we have the hard, shiny form of purely carbonaceous coal, that may be handled without soiling the fingers, and which burns without flame, like coke or charcoal. This change proceeds as the seam extends from the east towards the west. In some places the coal at the base of a hill may be anthracite, while that on the outcrop above it may be bituminous. An artificial anthracite may be made by heating coal in a closed vessel of sufficient strength to resist the expansion of the gases that are formed. It differs from coke in being compact, is not porous, and therefore, of course, much denser, a given weight occupying less space. That we Englishmen should be about the last of all the coal-using peoples to apply anthracite to domestic purposes is a very curious fact, but so it is. In America it is the ordinary fuel, and this is the case in all other countries where it is obtainable at the price of bituminous coal. Our perversity in this respect shows out the more strikingly when we go a little further into the subject by comparing the two classes of coal in reference to our methods of using them, and when we consider the fact that our South Wales anthracite is far superior to the American. Our open fires only do their small fraction of useful work by radiation. Their convection is all up the chimney. Such being the case, and we being theoretically regarded as rational beings, it might be supposed that for our national and especially radiating fireplaces we should have selected a coal of especial radiating efficiency, but, instead of this, we do the opposite. The flaming coal is just that which flings the most heat up the chimney, and the least into the room, and, as though we were all struggling to destroy as speedily as possible the supposed physical basis of our prosperity, we select that coal which in our particular fire-places burns the most wastefully. If we had closed iron stoves with long stove-pipes in the room, giving to the air the heat they had obtained by the convective action of the flame and smoke, there might be some reason for using the flaming coal, as the flame would thereby do useful work, but, as it is, we stubbornly persist in using only the radiated heat, and at the same time select just the coal which supplies the smallest quantity of what we require. No scientific dissertation is necessary to prove the superior radiating power of an anthracite fire to anybody who has ever stood in the front of one. This is most strikingly demonstrated by those grates that stand well forward, and are kept automatically filled with the radiant-carbon. Let us now see _why_ anthracite is a better radiator than bituminous coal. This is due to its chemical composition. Of all the substances that we have upon the earth carbon in its ordinary black form is the best radiator. Anthracite contains from 90 to 94 per cent of pure carbon, bituminous coal from 70 to 85, and much of this being combined with hydrogen burns away as flame. On a rough average we may say that the fixed or solid carbon capable of burning with a smokeless flameless glow, amounts to 65 per cent in ordinary British bituminous coal, against an average of 92 per cent in British anthracite. The advantages of anthracite as a fuel for open radiating grates are nearly in the proportion of these figures. Besides this it contains about half the quantity of ash. Thus we see that from a purely selfish point of view, and quite irrespective of our duty to our fellow-citizens as regards polluting the atmosphere, anthracite is preferable to ordinary coal on economical grounds, supposing we can obtain it at the same price as bituminous coal, which is now the case. Another great advantage of anthracite is its cleanliness, It may be picked up in the fingers without soiling them, and it is similarly cleanly throughout the house. It produces no “blacks,” no grimy dust, and if it were generally in use throughout London one half of the house-cleaning would be saved. White curtains, blinds, etc., might hang quite four times as long, and then come down not half so dirty as now. The saving in soap alone, without counting labor, would at once return a handsome percentage on the capital outlay required for reconstructing all our fireplaces. Let us now look on the other side, and ask what are the disadvantages of anthracite, and why is it not at once adopted by everybody? There is really only one disadvantage, viz., the greater difficulty of starting an anthracite fire. Practically this is considerable, seeing that laziness is universal and ever ready to find excuses when an innovation is proposed that stands in its way. To light an anthracite fire in an ordinary fireplace the bellows are required unless a specially suitable draught or fire-lighter is used. Some recommend that an admixture of bituminous coal should be used to start it, but this is a feeble device calculated to lead to total failure, seeing that the sole originator and sustainer of our ordinary use of bituminous coal is domestic ignorance and indolence, and if both kinds of coal are kept in a house a common English servant will stubbornly use the easy-lighting kind, and solemnly assert that the other cannot be used at all. The only way to deal with this obstacle, the human impediment, is to say, “This you must use, or go.” This is strictly just, as a simple enforcement of duty. At the same time some help should be supplied in the way of artificial modes of creating a draught in starting an anthracite fire. This may be done by temporarily closing the front of the fire by a “blower,” or better still by selecting one of the grates specially devised for burning anthracite, of which so many now are made. Another and rather important matter is to obtain the anthracite in suitable condition. It is a very hard coal, too hard to be broken by the means usually at hand in ordinary houses. For domestic purposes it should always be delivered broken up of suitable size, from that of an egg to a cocoa-nut. For furnaces, of course, large lumps are preferable. Then, again, anthracite must not be stirred and poked about; once fairly started it burns steadily and brightly, demanding only a steady feeding. The best of the special grates are more or less automatic in the matter of feeding, and thus the trouble of lighting is fully compensated by the absence of any further trouble. As regards the supply. This for London and the greater part of England will doubtless be derived from the great coal-field of South Wales. The total quantity of available coal in this region after deducting the waste in getting, was estimated by the Government Commissioners at 32,456 millions of tons. It is very difficult or impossible to correctly estimate the proportion of anthracite in this, but supposing it to be one tenth of true anthracite it gives us 3245 millions of tons, or about enough for the domestic supply of the whole country during 100 years, assuming that it shall be used less wastefully than we are now using bituminous coal, which would certainly be the case. But, including the imperfect anthracite, the quantity must be far larger than this, and we have to add the other sources of anthracite. We need not, therefore, have any present fear of insufficient supply; probably before the 100 years are ended we shall find other sources of anthracite, or even have become sufficiently civilized to abolish altogether our present dirty devices, and to adopt rational methods of warming and ventilating our houses. When we do this any sort of coal may be used. COUNT RUMFORD’S COOKING-STOVES. In the preceding chapter I described Count Rumford’s modification of the English open firegrate which eighty years ago was offered to the British nation without any patent or other restrictions. Its non-adoption I believe to be mainly due to this—it was nobody’s monopoly, nobody’s business to advertise it, and, therefore, nobody took any further notice of it; especially as it cannot be made and sold as a separate portable article. An ironmonger or stove-maker who should go to the expense of exhibiting Rumford’s simple structure of fire-bricks and a few bars, described in the last chapter, would be superseding himself by teaching his customers how they may advantageously do without him. The same remarks apply to his stoves for cooking purposes. They are not iron boxes like our modern kitcheners, but are brick structures, matters of masonry in all but certain adjuncts, such as bars, fire-doors, covers, oven-boxes, etc., which are very simple and inexpensive. Even some of Rumford’s kitchen utensils, such as the steamers, were cheaply covered with wood, because it is a bad conductor, and therefore wastes less heat than an iron saucepan lid. Rumford was no mere theorist, although he contributed largely to pure science. His greatest scientific discoveries were made in the course of his persevering efforts to solve practical problems. I must not be tempted from my immediate subject by citing any examples of these, but may tell a fragment of the story of his work so far as it bears upon the subject of cooking-ranges. He began life as a poor schoolmaster in New Hampshire, when it was a British colony. He next became a soldier; then a diplomatist; then in strange adventurous fashion he traveled on the Continent of Europe, entered the Bavarian service and began his searching reform of the Bavarian army by improving the feeding and the clothing of the men. He became a practical working cook in order that they should be supplied with good, nutritious, and cheap food. But this was not all. He found Munich in a most deplorable condition as regards mendicity; and took in hand the gigantic task of feeding, clothing, and employing the overwhelming horde of paupers, doing this so effectually that he made his “House of Industry” a true workhouse; it paid all its own expenses, and at the end of six years left a net profit of 100,000 florins. I mention these facts in conformation of what I said above concerning his practical character. Economical cookery was at the root of his success in this maintenance of a workhouse without any poor-rates. After doing all this he came to England, visited many of our public institutions, reconstructed their fireplaces, and then cooked dinners in presence of distinguished witnesses, in order to show how little need be expended on fuel, when it is properly used. At the Foundling Institution in London he roasted 112 lbs. of beef with 22 lbs. of coal, or at a cost of less than threepence. The following copy of certificate, signed by the Councillor of War, etc., shows what he did at Munich: “We whose names are underwritten certify that we have been present frequently when experiments have been made to determine the expense of fuel in cooking for the poor in the public kitchen of the military workhouse at Munich, and that when the ordinary dinner has been prepared for 1000 persons, the expense for fuel has not amounted to quite 12 kreutzers.” Twelve kreutzers is about 4½_d._ of our money. Thus only 1-50th of a farthing was expended on cooking each person’s dinner, although the peas which formed the substantial part of the soup required five hours, boiling. The whole average daily fuel expenses of the kitchen of the establishment amounted to 1-20th of a farthing for each person, using wood, which is much dearer than coal. At this rate, _one ton of wood should do the cooking for ten persons during two years and six days, or one ton of coal would supply the kitchen of such a family three and a half years_. The following is an abstract of the general principles which he expounds for the guidance of all concerned in the construction of cooking stoves. 1. All cooking fires should be enclosed. 2. Air only to be admitted from below and under complete control. All air beyond what is required for the supply of oxygen “is a thief.” 3. All fireplaces to be surrounded by non-conductors, _brickwork, not iron_. 4. The residual heat from the fireplace to be utilized by long journeys in returning flues, and by _doing the hottest work first_. 5. Different fires should be used for different work. The first of these requirements encounters one of our dogged insular prejudices. The slaves to these firmly believe that meat can only be roasted by hanging it up to dry in front of an open fire; their savage ancestors having held their meat on a skewer or spit over or before an open fire, modern science must not dare to demonstrate the wasteful folly of the holy sacrifice. Their grandmothers having sent joints to a bakehouse, where other people did the same, and having found that by thus cooking beef, mutton, pork, geese, etc., some fresh, and some stale, in the same oven, the flavors became somewhat mixed, and all influenced by sage and onions, these people persist in believing that meat cannot be roasted in any kind of closed chamber. Rumford proved the contrary, and everybody who has fairly tried the experiment knows that a properly ventilated and properly heated roasting oven produces an incomparably better result than the old desiccating process. Rumford’s roaster was a very remarkable contrivance, that seems to have been forgotten. It probably demands more intelligence in using it than is obtainable in a present-day kitchen. When the School Boards have supplied a better generation of domestic servants we may be able to restore its use. It is a cylindrical oven with a double door to prevent loss of heat. In this the meat rests on a grating over a specially constructed gravy and water dish. Under the oven are two “blow-pipes,” _i.e._, stout tubes standing just above the fire so as to be made red hot, and opening into the oven at the back, and above the fireplace in front, where there is a plug to be closed or open as required. Over the front part of the top of the oven is another pipe for carrying away the vapor. It is thus used: The meat is first cooked in an atmosphere of steam formed by the boiling of water placed in the bottom of the double dish, over which the meat rests. When by this means the meat has been raised throughout its whole thickness to the temperature at which its albumen coagulates, the plugs are removed from the blow-pipes, and _then_ the special action of roasting commences by the action of a current of superheated air which enters below and at the back of the oven, travels along and finds exit above and in front of the steam-pipe before named. The result is a practical attainment of theoretical perfection. Instead of the joint being dried and corticated outside, made tough, leathery, and flavorless to about an inch of depth, then fairly cooked an inch further, and finally left raw, disgusting, and bloody in the middle, as it is in the orthodox roasting by British cooks, the whole is uniformly cooked throughout without the soddening action of mere boiling or steaming, as the excess of moisture is removed by the final current of hot dry air thrown in by the blow-pipes, which at the same time give the whole surface an uniform browning that can be regulated at will without burning any portion or wasting the external fat. Rumford’s second rule, that air be admitted only from below, and be limited to the requirements, is so simple that no comment upon it is needed. Although we have done so little in the improvement of domestic fireplaces, great progress has been made in engine furnaces, blast furnaces, and all other fireplaces for engineering and manufacturing purposes. Every furnace engineer now fully appreciates Rumford’s assertion that excess of cold air is a thief. The third rule is one which, as I have already stated, stands seriously in the way of any commercial “pushing” of Rumford’s kitchen ranges. Those which he figures and describes are all of them masonic structures, not ironmongery; the builder must erect them, they cannot be bought ready-made; but, now that public attention is roused, I believe that any builder who will study Rumford’s plans and drawings, which are very practically made, may do good service to himself and his customers by fitting up a few houses with true Rumford kitcheners, and offering to reconstruct existing kitchen ranges, especially in large houses. The fourth rule is one that is sorely violated in the majority of kitcheners, and without any good reason. The heat from the fire of any kitchener, whether it be of brick or iron, should first do the work demanding the highest temperature, viz., roasting and baking, then proceed to the boiler or boilers, and after this be used for supplying the bed-rooms and bath-room, and the housemaid, etc., with hot water for general use, as Rumford did in his house at Brompton Row, where his chimney terminated in metal pipes that passed through a water-tank at the top of the house. Linen-closets may also be warmed by this residual heat. The fifth rule is also violated to an extent that renders the words uttered by Rumford nearly a century ago as applicable now as then. He said, “Nothing is so ill-judged as most of those attempts that are frequently made by ignorant projectors _to force the same fire to perform different services at the same time_.” Note the last words, “same time.” In the uses above mentioned the heat does different work successively, which is quite different from the common practice of having flues to turn the flame of one fire in opposite directions, to split its heat and make one fireplace appear to do the work of two. Every householder knows that the kitchen fire, whether it be an old-fashioned open fireplace, or a modern kitchener of any improved construction, is a very costly affair. He knows that its wasteful work produces the chief item of his coal bill, but somehow or other he is helpless under its infliction. If he has given any special attention to the subject he has probably tried three or four different kinds without finding any notable relief. Why is this? I venture to make a reply that will cover 90 per cent, or probably 99 per cent of these cases, viz., that he has never considered the main source of waste, which Rumford so clearly defines as above, and which was eliminated in all the kitchens that he erected. Let us suppose the case of a household of ten persons, but which in the ordinary course of English hospitality _sometimes_ entertains twice that number. What do we find in the kitchen arrangements? Simply that there is one fireplace suited for the maximum requirements, _i.e._, sufficient for twenty, even though that number may not be entertained more than half a dozen times in the course of a year. To cook a few rashers of bacon, boil a few eggs, and boil a kettle of water for breakfast, a fire sufficient to cook for a dinner party of twenty is at work. This is kept on all day long, because it is just possible that the master of the house may require a glass of grog at bedtime. There may be dampers and other devices for regulating this fire, but such regulation, even if applied, does very little so long as the capacity of the grate remains, and as a matter of ordinary fact the dampers and other regulating devices are neglected altogether; the kitchen fire is blazing and roaring to waste from 6 or 7 A.M. to about midnight, in order to do about three hours and a half work, _i.e._, the dinner for ten, and a nominal trifle for the other meals. In Rumford’s kitchens, such as those he built for the Baron de Lerchenfeld and for the House of Industry at Munich, the kitchener is a solid block of masonry of work-bench height at top, and with a deep bay in the middle, wherein the cook stands surrounded by his boilers, steamers, roasters, ovens, etc., all within easy reach, each one supplied by its own separate fire of very small dimensions, and carefully closed with non-conducting doors. Each fire is lighted when required, charged with only the quantity of fuel necessary for the work to be done, and then extinguished or allowed to die out. It is true that Rumford used wood, which is more easily managed in this way than coal. If we worked as he did, we might use wood likewise, and in spite of its very much higher price do our cooking at half its present cost. This would effect not merely “smoke abatement” but “smoke extinction” so far as cooking is concerned. But the lighting of fires is no longer a troublesome and costly process as in the days of halfpenny bundles of firewood. To say nothing of the improved fire-lighters, we have gas everywhere, and nothing is easier than to fix or place a suitable Bunsen or solid flame burner under each of the fireplaces (an iron gaspipe, perforated _below_ to avoid clogging, will do), and in two or three minutes the coals are in full blaze; then the gas may be turned off. The writer has used such an arrangement in his study for some years past, and starts his fire in full blaze in three minutes quite independent of all female interference. I have no doubt that ultimately gas will altogether supersede coal for cooking; but this and all other scientific improvements in domestic comfort and economy must be impossible with the present generation of uneducated domestics, whose brains (with few exceptions) have become torpid and wooden from lack of systematic exercise during their period of growth. THE “CONSUMPTION OF SMOKE.” A great deal has been spoken and written on this subject, but practically nothing has been _done_. At one time I shared the general belief in its possibility, and accordingly examined a multitude of devices for smoke-consuming, and tried several of the most promising, chiefly in furnaces for metallurgical work, for steam boilers and stills. None of them proved satisfactory, and I was driven to the conclusion that smoke-consumption is a delusion, and further, that _economical_ consumption of smoke is practically impossible. When smoke is once formed, the cost of burning it far exceeds the value of the heat that is produced by the combustion of its very flimsy flocculi of carbon. It is a fiend that once raised cannot be exorcised, a Frankenstein that haunts its maker, and will not be appeased. To describe in detail the many ingenious devices that have been proposed and expensively patented and advertised for this object, would carry me far beyond the intended limits of this paper. I must not even attempt this for a selected few, as even among them there is none that can be pronounced satisfactory. The common idea is that if the smoke be carried back to the fire that produced it, and made to pass through it again, a recombustion or consumption of the smoke will take place. This is a mistake, as a little reflection will show. First, let us ask why did this particular fire produce such smoke? Everybody now-a-days can answer this question, as we all know that smoke is a result of imperfect combustion, and, knowing this, it can easily be understood that to return the carbonic acid and excess of carbon to the already suffocated fire can only add smother to smotheration, and make the smoky fire more smoky still. There is, however, one case in which a fire _appears_ to thus consume its own smoke, but the appearance is delusive. I refer to fires lighted from above. These, if properly managed, are practically smokeless, and it is commonly supposed that smoke passes from the raw coal below through the burning coal above, and is thereby consumed. The fact is, however, that no such smoke is formed. That which under these conditions comes from the coal beneath, when gradually heated by the fire above, is combustible _gas_, and this gas is burned as it passes through the fire. In this case the formation or non-formation of smoke depends mainly on how this gas is burned, whether completely or incompletely. If the air supplied for its combustion is insufficient, smoke will be formed as it is when we turn up an Argand gas-flame so high that the gas is too great in proportion to the quantity of air that can enter the glass chimney. Herein lies the fundamental principle. We may _prevent_ smoke, though we cannot _cure_ it, and this prevention depends upon how we supply air to the gas which the coal gives off when heated, and upon the condition of this gas when we bring it in contact with the air by which its combustion is to be effected. We must always remember that coal when its temperature is sufficiently heated, whether in a gas retort or fireplace, gives off a series of combustible hydrocarbon gases and vapors, and all we have to do in order to obtain smokeless fires is to secure the complete combustion of these. Now we know that to burn a given quantity of gas we must supply it with a sufficient quantity of oxygen, _i.e._, of the active principle of the air; but this is not all: we all know well enough that if cold coal-gas and cold air be brought together in any proportion whatever no combustion occurs. A certain amount of heat is necessary to start the chemical combination of oxygen with hydrogen and carbon, which combination is the combustion, or burning. Therefore, when the coal gas and the air are brought together one or the other, or both, must be heated up to a certain point in order that the combustion be complete. If cold there is no combustion; if insufficiently heated, there is imperfect combustion, however well the supplies may be regulated. A very simple experiment that anybody may make illustrates this. When an ordinary open fire is burning brightly and clearly without flame, throw a few small pieces of raw coal into the midst of the glowing coals. They will flame fiercely, but without smoking. Then throw a heap of coal or one large lump on a similar fire. Now you will have dense volumes of smoke, and little or no flame, simply because the cooling action of the large bulk of coal in the course of distillation brings the temperature of its gases below that required for their complete combustion. This simple experiment supplies a most important practical lesson, as well as a philosophical example. The best of all smoke-abatement machines is an intelligent and conscientious stoker, and every contrivance for smoke abatement must, in order to be efficient, either be fed by such a stoker or provided with some automatic arrangement by which the apparatus itself does the work of such a stoker by supplying the fresh fuel just when and where it is wanted. Cornish experience is very instructive in this respect. The engines that pump the water from the mines do a definitely measurable amount of work, and are made to register this. The stoker is a skilled workman, and prizes are given to those who obtain the largest amount of “duty” from given engines per ton of coal consumed. Instead of pitching his coal in anyhow, cramming his fire-hole, and then sitting down to sleep or smoke in company with his chimney, the Cornish, or other good fireman, feeds little and often, and deftly sprinkles the contents of his shovel just where the fire is the brightest and the hottest, and the bars are the least thickly covered. The result is remarkable. A colliery proprietor of South Staffordshire was visiting Cornwall, and went with a friend to see his works. On approaching the engine-house and seeing a whitewashed shaft with no smoke issuing from its mouth, he expressed his disappointment at finding that the engine was not at work. To all who have been accustomed to the “Black Country,” where coal is so shamefully wasted because it is cheap, the tall clean whitewashed shafts of Cornwall, all so smokeless, present quite an astonishing appearance. This is not a result of “smoke-consuming” apparatus, but mainly of careful firing. It was in the first place promoted by the high price of coal due to the cost of carriage before the Cornish railways were constructed, and it brought about a curious result. Horse-power for horse-power the cost of fuel for working Cornish pumping engines has been brought below that of pumping engines in the places where the price of coal per ton was less than one-half. Another coal famine that should raise the price of coal in London to 60_s._ per ton, and keep it there for two or three years, would effect more smoke abatement than we can hope to result from the present and many future South Kensington efforts. I need scarcely dwell upon the necessity for a due supply of air. This is well understood by everybody. An over supply of air does mischief, by carrying away wastefully a proportionate quantity of heat. The waste due to this is sometimes very serious. After reviewing all that has been done, the conclusion that London cannot become a clean, smokeless, and beautiful city, so long as we are dependent upon open fire-grates of anything like ordinary construction, and fed with bituminous coal, is inevitable. The general use of anthracite would effect the desired change, but there is no hope of its becoming general without legislative compulsion, and Englishmen will not submit to this. One of the most hopeful schemes is that which was propounded a short time since by Mr. Scott Moncrieff. Instead of receiving our coal in its crude state he proposes that we should have its smoke-producing constituents removed before it is delivered to us; that it should be made into a sort of artificial semi-anthracite at the gas-works by a process of half distillation, which would take away not _all_ the flaming gas as at present, but that portion which is by far the richest to the gas-maker and the most unmanageable in common fires. We should thus have a material which, instead of being so difficult to light as coke and anthracite, would light more easily than crude coal, and at the same time our gas would have far greater illuminating power, as it would all be drawn off during the early period of distillation, when it is at its richest. From a given quality of coal the difference would be as twenty-four candles to sixteen. The ammonia which we now throw into the air, the naphtha and coal-tar products, which we waste, are so valuable that they would pay all the expenses at the gas-works and leave a handsome profit. We should thus get gas so much better that two burners would do the work now obtained from three. We should get all we require for lighting purposes and plenty more for heating; the intermediate profits of the coal merchant would be abolished, and our solid fuel of far better quality could be supplied twenty or thirty per cent cheaper than at present, provided always that the gas monopoly were abolished, “a consummation most devoutly to be wished for.” Mr. Moncrieff (who brought forward his scheme without any company-mongering, or claims for patent rights) estimates the saving to London at £2,125,000 per annum, over and above the far greater saving that would result from the abolition of smoke. In connection with this scheme I may mention a fact that has not been hitherto noted, viz., that we have perforce and unconsciously done a little in this direction already. Formerly London was supplied almost exclusively with “Wallsend” and other sea-borne coals of a highly bituminous composition—soft coals that fused in the grate and caked together. Partly owing to exhaustion of the seams, and partly to the competition of railway transit, we now obtain a large proportion of hard coal from the Midlands. This is less smoky and less sooty, and hence the Metropolitan smoke nuisance has not increased quite as greatly as the population. But I will now conclude by repeating that whatever scheme be chosen, “smoke abatement” is to be achieved, _not by smoke-consumption, but by smoke-prevention_. THE AIR OF STOVE-HEATED ROOMS. Whatever opinions may be formed of the merits of the exhibits at South Kensington, one result is unquestionable—the exhibition itself has done much in directing public attention to the very important subject of economizing fuel and the diminution of smoke. We sorely need some lessons. Our national progress in this direction has been simply contemptible, so far as domestic fireplaces are concerned. To prove this we need only turn back to the essays of Benjamin Thompson, Count of Rumford, published in London just eighty years ago, and find therein nearly all that the Smoke Abatement Exhibition _ought_ to teach us, both in theory and practice—lessons which all our progress since 1802, plus the best exhibits at South Kensington, we have yet to learn. This small progress in domestic heating is the more remarkable when contrasted with the great strides we have made in the construction and working of engineering and metallurgical furnaces, the most important of which is displayed in the Siemens regenerative furnace. A climax to this contrast is afforded by a speech made by Dr. Siemens himself, in which he defends our domestic barbarisms with all the conservative inconvincibility of a born and bred Englishman, in spite of his German nationality. The speech to which I refer is reported in the “Journal of the Society of Arts,” December 9, 1881, and contains some curious fallacies, probably due to its extemporaneous character; but as they have been quoted and adopted not only in political and literary journals, but also by a magazine of such high scientific standing as _Nature_ (see editorial article January 5, 1882, p. 219), they are likely to mislead many. Having already, in my “History of Modern Invention, etc.,” and in other places, expressed my great respect for Dr. Siemens and his benefactions to British industry, the spirit in which the following plain-spoken criticism is made will not, I hope, be misunderstood either by the readers of “Knowledge” or by Dr. Siemens himself. I may further add that I am animated by a deadly hatred of our barbarous practice of wasting precious coal by burning it in iron fire-baskets half buried in holes within brick walls, and under shafts that carry 80 or 90 per cent of its heat to the clouds; that pollute the atmosphere of our towns, and make all their architecture hideous; that render scientific and efficient ventilation of our houses impossible; that promote rheumatism, neuralgia, chilblains, pulmonary diseases, bronchitis, and all the other “ills that flesh is heir to” when roasted on one side and cold-blasted on the other; that I am so rabid on this subject, that if Dr. Siemens, Sir F. Bramwell, and all others who defend this English abomination, were giant windmills in full rotation, I would emulate the valor of my chivalric predecessor, whatever might be the personal consequences. Dr. Siemens stated that the open fireplace “communicates absolutely no heat to the air of the room, because air, being a perfectly transparent medium, the rays of heat pass clean through it.” Here is an initial mistake. It is true that air which has been artificially deprived of _all_ its aqueous vapor is thus completely permeable by heat rays, but such is far from being the case with the water it contains. This absorbs a notable amount even of bright solar rays, and a far greater proportion of the heat rays from a comparatively obscure source, such as the red-hot coals and flame of a common fire. Tyndall has proved that 8 to 10 per cent of all the heat radiating from such a source as a common fire is absorbed in passing through only 5 feet of air in its ordinary condition, the variation depending upon its degree of saturation with aqueous vapor. Starting with the erroneous assumption that the rays of heat pass “clean through” the air of the room, Dr. Siemens went on to say that the open fireplace “gives heat only by heating the walls, ceiling, and furniture, and here is the great advantage of the open fire;” and, further, that “if the air in the room were hotter than the walls, condensation would take place on them, and mildew and fermentation of various kinds would be engendered; whereas, if the air were cooler than the walls, the latter must be absolutely dry.” Upon these assumptions, Dr. Siemens condemns steam-pipes and stoves, hot-air pipes, and all other methods of directly heating the _air_ of apartments, and thereby making it warmer than were the walls, the ceiling, and furniture when the process of warming commenced. It is quite true that stoves, stove-pipes, hot-air pipes, steam-pipes, etc., do this; they raise the temperature of the air directly by _convection_, _i.e._, by warming the film of air in contact with their surfaces, which film, thus heated and expanded, rises towards the ceiling, and, on its way, warms the air around it, and then is followed by other similarly-heated ascending films. When we make a hole in the wall, and burn our coals within such cavity, this convection proceeds up the chimney in company with the smoke. But is Dr. Siemens right in saying that the air of a room, raised by convection above its original temperature, and above that of the walls, deposits any of its moisture on these walls? I have no hesitation in saying very positively that he is clearly and demonstrably wrong; that no such condensation can possibly take place under the circumstances. Suppose, for illustration sake, that we start with a room of which the air and walls are at the freezing point, 32° F., before artificial heating (any other temperature will do), and, to give Dr. Siemens every advantage, we will further suppose that the air is fully saturated with aqueous vapor, _i.e._, just in the condition at which some of its water might be condensed. Such condensation, however, can only take place by cooling the air _below_ 32°, and unless the walls or ceiling or furniture are capable of doing this they cannot receive any moisture due to such condensation, or, in other words, they must fall below 32° in order to obtain it by cooling the film in contact with them. Of course Dr. Siemens will not assert that the stoves or steam-pipes (enclosing the steam, of course), or the hot-air or hot-water pipes, will lower the _absolute_ temperature of the walls by heating the air in the room. But if the air is heated more rapidly than are the walls, etc., the _relative_ temperature of these will be lower. Will condensation of moisture _then_ follow, as Dr. Siemens affirms? Let us suppose that the air of the room is raised from 30° to 50° _by convection purely_; reference to tables based on the researches of Regnault, shows that at 32° the quantity of vapor required to saturate the air is sufficient to support a column of 0·182 inch of mercury, while at 50° it amounts to 0·361, or nearly double. Thus the air, instead of being in a condition of giving away its moisture to the walls, has become thirsty, or in a condition to _take moisture away from them_ if they are at all damp. This is the case whether the walls remain at 32° or are raised to any higher temperature short of that of the air. Thus the action of close stoves and of hot surfaces or pipes of any kind is exactly the opposite of that attributed to them by Dr. Siemens. They dry the air, they dry the walls, they dry the ceiling, they dry the furniture and everything else in the house. In _our_ climate, especially in the infamous jerry-built houses of suburban London, this is a great advantage. Dr. Siemens states his American experience, and denounces such heating by convection because the close stoves _there_ made him uncomfortable. This was due to the fact that the winter atmosphere of the United States is very dry, even when at zero. But air, when raised from 0° to 60°, acquires about twelve times its original capacity for water. The air thus simply heated is desiccated, and it desiccates everything in contact with it, especially the human body. The lank and shriveled aspect of the typical Yankee is, I believe, due to this. He is a desiccated Englishman, and we should all grow like him if our climate were as dry as his.[30] The great fires that devastate the cities of the United States appear to me to be due to this general desiccation of all building materials, rendering them readily inflammable and the flames difficult of extinction. When an undesiccated Englishman, or a German endowed with a wholesome John Bull rotundity, is exposed to this superdried air, he is subjected to an amount of bodily evaporation that must be perceptible and unpleasant. The disagreeable sensation experienced by Dr. Siemens in the stove-heated railway cars, etc., were probably due to this. An English house, enveloped in a foggy atmosphere, and encased in damp surroundings, especially requires stove-heating, and the most inveterate worshipers of our national domestic fetish, the open grate, invariably prefer a stove or hot-pipe-heated room, when they are unconscious of the source of heat, and their prejudice hoodwinked. I have observed this continually, and have often been amused at the inconsistency thus displayed. For example, one evening I had a warm contest with a lady, who repeated the usual praises of a cheerful blaze, etc., etc. On calling afterwards, on a bitter snowy morning, I found her and her daughters sitting at work in the billiard-room, and asked them why. “Because it is so warm and comfortable.” This room was heated by an eight-inch steam-pipe, running around and under the table, to prevent the undue cooling of the indiarubber cushions, and thus the room was warmed from the middle, and equally and moderately throughout. The large reception-room, with blazing fire, was scorching on one side, and freezing on the other, at that time in the morning. The permeability of ill-constructed iron stoves to poisonous carbonic oxide, which riddles through red-hot iron, is a real evil, but easily obviated by proper lining, The frizzling of particles of organic matter, of which we hear so much, is—if it really does occur—highly advantageous, seeing that it must destroy organic poison-germs. Under some conditions, the warm air of a room _does_ deposit moisture on its cooler walls. This happens in churches, concert-rooms, etc., when they are but occasionally used in winter time, and mainly warmed by animal heat, by congregational emanations of breath-vapor, and perspiration—_i.e._, with warm air supersaturated with vapor. Also, when we have a sudden change from dry, frosty weather to warm and humid. Then our walls may be streaming with condensed water. Such cases were probably in the mind of Dr. Siemens when he spoke; but they are quite different from stove-heating or pipe-heating, which increase the vapor capacity of the heated air, without supplying the demand it creates. VENTILATION BY OPEN FIREPLACES. The most stubborn of all errors are those which have been acquired by a sort of inheritance, which have passed dogmatically from father to son, or, still worse, from mother to daughter. They may become superstitions without any theological character. The idea that the weather changes with the moon, that wind “keeps off the rain,” are physical superstitions in all cases where they are blindly accepted and promulgated without any examination of evidence. The idea that our open fireplaces are necessary for ventilation is one of these physical superstitions, which is producing an incalculable amount of physical mischief throughout Britain. A little rational reflection on the natural and necessary movements of our household atmospheres demonstrates at once that this dogma is not only baseless, but actually expresses the opposite of the truth. I think I shall be able to show in what follows, 1st, that they do no useful ventilation; and, 2d, that they render systematic and really effective ventilation practically impossible. Everybody knows that when air is heated it expands largely, becomes lighter, bulk for bulk, than other air of lower temperature; and therefore, if two portions of air of unequal temperatures, and free to move, are in contact with each other, the colder will flow under the warmer, and push it upwards. The latter postulate must be kept distinctly in view, for the rising of warm air is too commonly regarded as due to some direct uprising activity or skyward affinity of its own, instead of being understood as an indirect result of gravitation. It is the downfalling of the cooler air that causes the uprising of the warmer. Now, let us see what, in accordance with the above-stated simple laws, must happen in an ordinary English apartment that is fitted, as usual, with one or more windows more or less leaky, and one or more doors in like condition, and a hole in the wall in which coal is burning in an iron cage immediately beneath a shaft that rises to the top of the house, the fire-hole itself having an extreme height of only 24 to 30 inches above the floor, all the chimney above this height being entirely closed. (I find by measurement that 24 inches is the usual height of the upper edge of the chimney opening of an ordinary “register” stove. Old farm-house fireplaces are open to the mantlepiece.) Now, what happens when a heap of coal is burning in this hole? Some of the heat—from 10 to 20 per cent, according to the construction of the grate—is radiated into the room, the rest is conveyed by an ascending current of air up the chimney. As this ascending current is rendered visible by the smoke entangled with it, no further demonstration of its existence is needed. But how is it pushed up the chimney? Evidently by cooler air, that flows into the room from somewhere, and which cooler air must get under it in order to lift it. In ordinary rooms this supply of air is entirely dependent upon their defective construction—bad joinery; it enters only by the crevices surrounding the ill-fitting windows and doors, no specially designed opening being made for it. Usually the chief inlet is the space under the door, through which pours a rivulet of cold air, that spreads out as a lake upon the floor. This may easily be proved by holding a lighted taper in front of the bottom door-chink when the window and other door—if any—are closed, and the fire is burning briskly. At the same time more or less of cold air is poured in at the top and the side spaces of the door and through the window-chinks. The proportion of air entering by these depends upon the capacity of the bottom door-chink. If this is large enough it will do nearly all the work, otherwise every other possible leakage, including the key-hole, contributes. But what is the path of the air which enters by these higher level openings? The answer to this is supplied at once by the fact that such air being colder than that of the room, it must fall immediately it enters. The rivulet under the door is thus supplemented by cascades pouring down from the top and sides of the door and the top and sides of the windows, all being tributaries to the lake of cold air covering the floor. The next question to be considered is, what is the depth of this lake? In this, as in every other such accumulation of either air or water, the level of the upper surface of the lake is determined by that of its outlet. The outlet in this case is the chimney hole, through which all the overflow pours upwards; and, therefore, the surface of the flowing stratum of cold air corresponds with the upper part of the chimney hole, or of the register, where register stoves are used. Below this level there is abundant ventilation, above it there is none. The cat that sits on the hearth-rug has an abundant supply of fresh air, and if we had tracheal breathing apertures all down the sides of our bodies, as caterpillars have, those on our lower extremities might enjoy the ventilation. If we squatted on the ground like savages something might be said for the fire-hole ventilator. But as we are addicted to sitting on chairs that raise our breathing apparatus considerably above the level of the top of the register, the maximum efficiency of the flow of cold air in the lake below is expressed by the prevalence of chilblains and rheumatism.[31] The atmosphere in which our heads are immersed is practically stagnant; the radiations from the fire, plus the animal heat from our bodies, just warm it sufficiently to enable the cool entering air to push it upwards above the chimney outlet and the surface of the lower moving stratum, and to keep it there in a condition of stagnation. If anybody doubts the correctness of this description, he has only to sit in an ordinary English room where a good fire is burning—the doors and windows closed, as usual—and then to blow a cloud by means of pipe, cigar, or by burning brown paper or otherwise, when the movements below and the stagnation above, which I have described, will be rendered visible. If there is nobody moving about to stir the air, and the experiment is fairly made, the level of the cool lake below will be distinctly shown by the clearing away of the smoke up to the level of the top of the register opening, towards which it may be seen to sweep. Above this the smoke-wreaths will remain merely waving about, with slight movements due to the small inequalities of temperature caused by the fraction of heat radiated into the room from the front of the fire. These movements are chiefly developed near the door and windows, where the above-mentioned cascades are falling, and against the walls and furniture, where feeble convection currents are rising, due to the radiant heat absorbed by their surfaces. The stagnation is the most complete about the middle of the room, where there is the greatest bulk of vacant airspace. When the inlet under the door is of considerable dimensions, there may be some escape of warmer upper air at the top of the windows, if their fitting is correspondingly defective. These, however, are mere accidents; they are not a part of the vaunted chimney-hole ventilation, but interferences with it. There is another experiment that illustrates the absence of ventilation in such rooms where gas is burning. It is that of suspending a canary in a cage near the roof. But this is cruel; it kills the bird. It would be a more satisfactory experiment to substitute for the canary-bird any wingless biped who, after reading the above, still maintains that our fire-holes are effective ventilators. Not only are the fire-holes worthless and mischievous ventilators themselves, but they render efficient ventilation by any other means practically impossible. The “Arnott’s ventilator” that we sometimes see applied to the upper part of chimneys is marred in its action by the greedy “draught” below. The tall chimney-shaft, with a fire burning immediately below it, dominates all the atmospheric movement in the house, unless another and more powerful upcast shaft be somewhere else in communication with the apartments. But in this case the original or ordinary chimney would be converted into a downcast shaft pouring air downwards into the room, instead of carrying it away upwards. I need not describe the sort of ventilation thus obtainable while the fire is burning and smoking. Effective sanitary ventilation should supply gentle and uniformly-diffused currents of air of moderate and equal temperature throughout the house. We talk a great deal about the climate here and the climate there; and when we grow old, and can afford it, we move to Bournemouth, Torquay, Mentone, Nice, Algiers, etc., for better climates, forgetting all the while that the climate in which we practically live is not that out-of-doors, but the indoor climate of our dwellings, the which, in a properly constructed house, may be regulated to correspond to that of any latitude we may choose. I maintain that the very first step towards the best attainable approximation to this in our existing houses is to brick up, cement up, or otherwise completely stop up, all our existing fire-holes, and abolish all our existing fires. But what next? The reply to this will be found in the next chapter. DOMESTIC VENTILATION. A LESSON FROM THE COAL-PITS. We require in our houses an artificial temperate climate which shall be uniform throughout, and at the same time we need a gentle movement of air that shall supply the requirements of respiration without any gusts, or draughts, or alternations of temperature. Everybody will admit that these are fundamental _desiderata_, but whoever does so becomes thereby a denouncer of open-grate fireplaces, and of every system of heating which is dependent on any kind of stoves with fuel burning in the rooms that are to be inhabited. All such devices concentrate the heat in one part of each room, and demand the admission of cold air from some other part or parts, thereby violating the primary condition of uniform temperature. The usual proceeding effects a specially outrageous violation of this, as I showed in the last chapter. I might have added domestic cleanliness among the _desiderata_; but in the matter of fireplaces, the true-born Briton, in spite of his fastidiousness in respect to shirt-collars, etc., is a devoted worshiper of dirt. No matter how elegant his drawing-room, he must defile it with a coal-scuttle, with dirty coals, poker, shovel, and tongs, dirty ash-pit, dirty cinders, ashes, and dust, and he must amuse himself by doing the dirty work of a stoker towards his “cheerful, companionable, pokeable” open fire. It is evident that, in order to completely fulfil the first-named requirements, we must, in winter, supply our model residence with fresh artificially-warmed air, and in summer with fresh cool air. How is this to be done? An approach to a practical solution is afforded by examining what is actually done under circumstances where the ventilation problem presents the greatest possible difficulties, and where, nevertheless, these difficulties have been effectually overcome. Such a case is presented by a deep coal mine. Here we have a little working world, inhabited by men and horses, deep in the bowels of the earth, far away from the air that must be supplied in sufficient quantities, not only to overcome the vitiation due to their own breathing, but also to sweep out the deadly gaseous emanations from the coal itself. Imagine your dwelling-house buried a quarter of a mile of perpendicular depth below the surface of the earth, and its walls giving off suffocating and explosive gases in such quantities that steady and abundant ventilation shall be a matter of life or death, and that in spite of this it is made so far habitable that men who spend half their days there retain robust health and live to green old age, and that horses after remaining there day and night for many months actually improve in condition. Imagine, further, that the house thus ventilated has some hundreds of small, very low-roofed rooms, and a system of passages or corridors with an united length of many miles, and that its inhabitants count by hundreds. Such dwellings being thus ventilated and rendered habitable for man and beast, it is idle to dispute the practical possibility of supplying fresh air of any given temperature to a mere box of brick or stone, standing in the midst of the atmosphere, and containing but a few passages and apartments. The problem is solved in the coal-pit by simply and skilfully controlling and directing the natural movements of unequally-heated volumes of air. Complex mechanical devices for forcing the ventilation by means of gigantic fan-wheels, etc., or by steam-jets, have been tried, and are now generally abandoned. An inlet and an outlet are provided, _and no air is allowed to pass inwards or outwards by any other course than that which has been pre-arranged for the purposes of efficient ventilation_. I place especial emphasis on this condition, believing that its systematic violation is the primary cause of the bungling muddle of our domestic ventilation. Let us suppose that we are going to open a coal-pit to mine the coal on a certain estate. We first ascertain the “dip” of the seam, or its deviation from horizontality, and then start at the _lowest_ part, not, as some suppose, at that part nearest to the surface. The reason for this is obvious on a little reflection, for if we began at the shallowest part of an ordinary water-bearing stratum we should have to drive down under water; but, by beginning at the lowest part and driving upwards, we can at once form a “sumpf,” or bottom receptacle, to receive the drainage, and from which the accumulated water may be pumped. This, however, is only by the way, and not directly connected with our main subject, the ventilation. In order to secure this, the modern practice is to sink two pits, “a pair,” as they are called, side by side, at any convenient distance from each other. If they are deep, it becomes necessary to commence ventilation of the mere shafts themselves in the course of sinking. This is done by driving an air-way—a horizontal tunnel from one to the other, and then establishing an “upcast” in one of them by simply lighting a fire there. This destroys the balance between the two communicating columns of air; the cooler column in the shaft without a fire, being heavier, falls against the lighter column, and pushes it up just as the air is pushed up one leg of an =U= tube when we pour water down the other. Even in this preliminary work, if the pits are so deep that more than one air-way is driven, it is necessary to stop the upper ways and leave only the lowest open, in order that the ventilation shall not take a short and useless cut, as it does up our fireplace openings. Let us now suppose that the pair of pits are sunk down to the seam, with a further extension below to form the water sumpf. There are two chief modes of working a coal-seam: the “pillar and stall” and the “long wall,” or more modern system. For present illustration, I select the latter as the simplest in respect to ventilation. This method, as ordinarily worked, consists essentially in first driving roads through the coal, from the pits to the outer boundary of the area to be worked, then cutting a cross road that shall connect these, thereby exposing a “long wall” of coal, which, in working, is gradually cut away towards the pits, the roof remaining behind being allowed to fall in. Let us begin to do this by driving, first of all, two main roads, one from each pit. It is evident that as we proceed in such burrowing, we shall presently find ourselves in a _cul de sac_ so far away from the outer air that suffocation is threatened. This will be equally the case with both roads. Let us now drive a cross-cut from the end of each main road, and thus establish a communication from the downcast shaft through its road, then through the drift to the upcast road and pit. But in order that the air shall take this roundabout course, we must close the direct drift that we previously made between the two shafts, or it will proceed by that shorter and easier course. Now we shall have air throughout both our main roads, and we may drive on further, until we are again stopped by approximate suffocation. When this occurs, we make another cross-cut, but in order that it may act we must stop the first one. So we go on until we reach the working, and then the long wall itself becomes the cross communication, and through this working-gallery the air sweeps freely and effectually. In the above I have only considered the simplest possible elements of the problem. The practical coal-pit in full working has a multitude of intervening passages and “splits,” where the main current from the downcast is divided, in order to proceed through the various streets and lanes of the subterranean town as may be required, and these divided currents are finally reunited ere they reach the upcast shaft which casts them all out into the upper air. In a colliery worked on the pillar and stall system—_i.e._, by taking out the coal so as to leave a series of square chambers with pillars of coal in the middle to support the roof—the windings of the air between the multitude of passages is curiously complex, and its absolute obedience to the commands of the mining engineer proves how completely the most difficult problems of ventilation may be solved when ignorance and prejudice are not permitted to bar the progress of the practical applications of simple scientific principles. Here the necessity of closing all false outlets is strikingly demonstrated by the mechanism and working of the “stoppings” or partitions that close all unrequired openings. The air in many pits has to travel several miles in order to get from the downcast to the upcast shaft, though they may be but a dozen yards apart. (Formerly the same shaft served both for up and down cast, by making a wooden division (a _brattice_) down the middle. This is now prohibited, on account of serious accidents that have been caused by the fracture of the _brattice_.) But it would not do to carry the coal from the workings to the pit by these sinuous air-courses. What, then, is done? A direct road is made for the coal, but if it were left open, the air would choose it: this is prevented by an arrangement similar to that of canal locks. Valve-doors or “stoppings” are arranged in pairs, and when the “hurrier” arrives with his _corve_, or pit carriage, one door is opened, the other remaining shut; then the _corve_ is hurried into the space between the doors, and the entry-door is closed; now the exit-door is opened, and thus no continuous opening is ever permitted. Only one such opening would derange the ventilation of the whole pit, or of that portion fed by the split thus allowed to escape. It would, in fact, correspond to the action of our open fireplaces in rendering effective ventilation impossible. The following, from the report of the Lords’ Committee on Accidents in Coal Mines, 1849, illustrates the magnitude of the ventilation arrangements then at work. In the Hetton Colliery there were two downcast shafts and one upcast, the former about 12 feet and the latter 14 feet diameter. There were three furnaces at the bottom of the upcast, each about 9 feet wide with about 4 feet length of grate-bars; the depth of the upcast and one downcast 900 feet, and of the other downcast 1056 feet. The quantity of air introduced by the action of these furnaces was 168,560 cubic feet per minute, at a cost of about eight tons of coal per day. The rate of motion of the air was 1097 feet per minute (above 12 miles per hour). This whole current was divided by splitting into 16 currents of about 11,000 cubic feet each per minute, having, on an average, a course of 4¼ miles each. This distance was, however, very irregular—the greatest length of course being 9-1/10 miles; total length 70 miles. Thus 168,560 cubic feet of air were driven through these great distances at the rate of 12 miles per hour, and at a cost of 8 tons of coal per day. All these magnitudes are greatly increased in coal-mines of the present time. As much as 250,000 cubic feet of air per minute are now passed through the shafts of one mine. The problem of domestic ventilation as compared with coal-pit ventilation involves an additional requirement, that of warming, but this does not at all increase the difficulty, and I even go so far as to believe that cooling in summer may be added to warming in winter by one and the same ventilating arrangement. As I am not a builder, and claim no patent rights, the following must be regarded as a general indication, not as a working specification, of my scheme for domestic ventilation and the regulation of home climate. The model house must have an upcast shaft, placed as nearly in the middle of the building as possible, with which every room must communicate either by a direct opening or through a lateral shaft. An ordinary chimney built in the usual manner is all that is required to form such a main shaft. There must be no stoves nor any fireplaces in any room excepting the kitchen, of which anon. All the windows must be made to fit closely, as nearly air-tight as possible. No downcast shaft is required, the pressure of the surrounding outer atmosphere being sufficient. Outside of the house, or on the ground floor (on the north side, if possible), should be a chamber heated by flues, hot air, steam, a suitable stove, or water-pipes, and with one adjustable opening communicating with the outer fresh air, and another on the opposite side connected by a shaft or air-way with the hall of the ground floor and the general staircase. Each room to have an opening at its upper part communicating with the chimney, like an Arnott’s ventilator, and capable of adjustment as regards area of aperture, and other openings of corresponding or excessive combined area leading from the hall or staircase to the lower part of the room. These may be covered with perforated zinc or wire gauze, so that the air may enter in a gentle, broken stream. All the outer house-doors must be double, _i.e._, with a porch or vestibule, and only one of each pair of doors opened at once. These should be well fitted, and the staircase air-tight. The kitchen to communicate with the rest of the house by similar double doors, and the kitchen fire to communicate directly with the upcast shaft or chimney by as small a stove-pipe as practicable. The kitchen fire will thus start the upcast and commence the draught of air from the warm chamber through the house towards the several openings into the shaft. In cold weather, this upcast action will be greatly reinforced and maintained by the general warmth of all the air in the house, which itself will bodily become an upcast shaft immediately the inner temperature exceeds that of the air outside. But the upcast of warm air can only take place by the admission of fresh air through the heating chamber, thence to hall and staircase, and thence onward through the rooms into the final shaft or chimney. The openings into and out of the rooms being adjustable, they may be so regulated that each shall receive an equal share of fresh warm air; or, if desired, the bedroom chimney valves may be closed in the daytime, and thus the heat economized by being used only for the day rooms; or, _vice versâ_, the communication between the upcast shaft and the lower rooms may be closed in the evening, and thus all the warm air be turned into the bedrooms at bedtime. If the area of the entrance apertures of the rooms exceeds that of the outlet, only the latter need be adjusted; the room doors may, in fact, be left wide open without any possibility of “draught,” beyond the ventilation current, which is limited by the dimension of the opening from the room into the shaft or chimney. So far, for winter time, when the ventilation problem is the easiest, because then the excess of inner warmth converts the whole house into an upcast shaft, and the whole outer atmosphere becomes a downcast. In the summer time, the kitchen fire would probably be insufficient to secure a sufficiently active upcast. To help this there should be in one of the upper rooms—say an attic—an opening into the chimney secured by a small well-fitting door; and altogether enclosed within the chimney a small automatic slow-combustion stove (of which many were exhibited in South Kensington, that require feeding but once in twenty-four hours), or a large gas-burner. The heating-chamber below must now be converted into a cooling chamber by an arrangement of wet cloths, presently to be described, so that all the air entering the house shall be reduced in temperature. Or the winter course of ventilation may be reversed by building a special shaft connected with the kitchen fire, which, in this case, must not communicate with the house shaft. This special shaft may thus be made an upcast, and the rooms supplied with air from above down the house shaft, through the rooms, and out of the kitchen _viâ_ the winter heating-chamber, which now has its communication with the outside air closed. Reverting to the first-named method, which I think is better than the second, besides being less expensive, I must say a few concluding words on an important supplementary advantage which is obtainable wherever all the air entering the house passes through one opening, completely under control, like that of our heating-chamber. The great evil of our town atmosphere is its dirtiness. In the winter it is polluted with soot particles; in the dry summer weather, the traffic and the wind stir up and mix with it particles of dust, having a composition that is better ignored, when we consider the quantity of horse-dung that is dried and pulverized on our roadways. All the dust that falls on our books and furniture was first suspended in the air we breathe inside our rooms. Can we get rid of any practically important portion of this? I am able to answer this question, not merely on theoretical grounds, but as a result of practical experiments described in the following chapter, in which is reprinted a paper I read at the Society of Arts, March 19, 1879, recommending the enclosure of London back yards with a roofing of “wall canvas,” or “paperhanger’s canvas,” so as to form cheap conservatories. This canvas, which costs about threepence per square yard, is a kind of coarse, strong, fluffy gauze, admitting light and air, but acting very effectively as an air filter, by catching and stopping the particles of soot and dust that are so fatal to urban vegetation. I propose, therefore, that this well-tried device should be applied at the entrance aperture of our heating chamber, that the screens shall be well wetted in the summer, in order to obtain the cooling effect of evaporation, and in the winter shall be either wet or dry, as may be found desirable. The Parliament House experiments prove that they are good filters when wetted, and mine that they act similarly when dry. By thus applying the principles of colliery ventilation to a specially-constructed house, we may, I believe, obtain a perfectly controllable indoor climate, with a range of variation not exceeding four or five degrees between the warmest and the coldest part of the house, or eight or nine degrees between summer and winter, and this may be combined with an abundant supply of fresh air everywhere, all filtered from the grosser portions of its irritant dust, which is positively poisonous to delicate lungs, and damaging to all. The cost of fuel would be far less than with existing arrangements, and the labor of attending to the one or two fires and the valves would also be less than that now required in the carrying of coal-scuttles, the removal of ashes, the cleaning of fireplaces, and the curtains and furniture they befoul by their escaping dust and smoke. It is obvious that such a system of ventilation may even be applied to existing houses by mending the ill-fitting windows, shutting up the existing fire-holes, and using the chimneys as upcast shafts in the manner above described. This may be done in the winter, when the problem is easiest, and the demand for artificial climate the most urgent; but I question the possibility of summer ventilation and tempering of climate in anything short of a specially-built house or a materially altered existing dwelling. There are doubtless some exceptions to this, where the house happens to be specially suitable and easily adapted, but in ordinary houses we must be content with the ordinary devices of summer ventilation by doors and windows, plus the upper openings of the rooms into the chimneys expanded to their full capacity, and thus doing, even in summer, far better ventilating work than the existing fire-holes opening in the wrong place. I thus expound my own scheme, not because I believe it to be perfect, but, on the contrary, as a suggestive project to be practically amended and adapted by others better able than myself to carry out the details. The feature that I think is novel and important is that of consciously and avowedly applying to domestic ventilation the principles that have been so successfully carried out in the far more difficult problem of subterranean ventilation. The dishonesty of the majority of the modern builders of suburban “villa residences” is favorable to this and other similar radical household reforms, as thousands of these wretched tenements must sooner or later be pulled down, or will all come down together without any pulling the next time we experience one of those earthquake tremors which visit England about once in a century. HOME GARDENS FOR SMOKY TOWNS. The poetical philanthropists of the shepherd and shepherdess school, if any still remain, may find abundant material for their doleful denunciations of modern civilization on journeying among the house-tops by any of our over-ground metropolitan and suburban railways, and contemplating therefrom the panorama presented by a rapid succession of London back yards. The sandy Sahara, and the saline deserts of Central Asia, are bright and breezy, rural and cheerful, compared with these foul, soot-smeared, lumber-strewn areas of desolation. The object of this paper is to propose a remedy for these metropolitan measle-spots, by converting them into gardens that shall afford both pleasure and profit to all concerned. A very obvious mode of doing this would be to cover them with glass, and thus convert them into winter gardens or conservatories. The cost of this at once places it beyond practical reach; but even if the cost were disregarded, as it might be in some instances, such covering in would not be permissible on sanitary grounds; for, doleful and dreary as they are, the back yards of London perform one very important and necessary function; they act as ventilation-shafts between the house-backs of the more densely populated neighborhoods. At one time I thought of proposing the establishment of horticultural home missions for promoting the dissemination of flower-pot shrubs in the metropolis, and of showing how much the atmosphere of London would be improved if every London family had one little sweetbriar bush, a lavender plant, or a hardy heliotrope to each of its members; so that a couple of million of such ozone generators should breathe their sweetness into the dank and dead atmosphere of the denser central regions of London. A little practical experience of the difficulty of growing a clean cabbage, or maintaining alive any sort of shrub in the midst of our soot-drizzle, satisfied me that the mission would fail, even though the sweetbriars were given away by the district visitors; for these simple hardy plants perish in a mid-London atmosphere unless their leaves are periodically sponged and syringed, to wash away the soot particles that otherwise close their stomata and suffocate the plant. It is this deposit that stunts or destroys all our London vegetation, with the exception of those trees which, like the planes have a deciduous bark and cuticle. Some simple and inexpensive means of protecting vegetation from London soot are, therefore, most desirable. When the Midland Institute commenced its existence in temporary buildings in Cannon Street, Birmingham, in 1854, I was compelled to ventilate my class-rooms by temporary devices, one of which was to throw open the existing windows, and protect the students from the heavy blast of entering air by straining it through a strong gauze-like fabric stretched over the opening. After a short time the tammy became useless for its intended purpose; its interstices were choked with a deposit of carbon. On examining this, I found that the black deposit was all on the outside, showing that a filtration of the air had occurred. Even when the tammy was replaced by perforated zinc, puttied into the window frames in the place of glass panes, it was found necessary to frequently wash the zinc, in order to keep the perforations open. The recollection of this experience suggested that if a gauze-like fabric, cheaper and stronger than the tammy, can be obtained, and a sort of greenhouse made with this in the place of glass, the problem of converting London back-yards into gardens might be solved. After some inquiries and failures in the trial of various cheap fabrics, I found one that is already to be had, and well adapted to the purpose. It is called “wall canvas,” or “scrim,” is retailed at 3½_d._ per yard, and is one yard wide. If I am rightly informed, it may be bought in wholesale quantities at about 2¼_d._ per square yard, _i.e._, one farthing per square foot. This fabric is made of coarse unbleached thread yarn, very strong and open in structure. The light passes so freely through it that when hung before a window the loss of light in the room is barely perceptible. When a piece is stretched upon a frame, a printed placard, or even a newspaper, may be read through it. The yarn being loosely spun, fine fluffy filaments stand out and bar the interstices against the passage of even very minute carbonaceous particles. These filaments may be seen by holding it up to the light. The fabric being one yard wide, and of any length required, all that is needed for a roof or side walls is a skeleton made of lines or runs of quartering, at 3 feet distance from each other. The cost of such quartering, made of pitch pine, the best material for outside work, is under one penny per foot run; of common white deal, about three farthings. Thus the cost of material for a roof, say a lean-to from a wall-top to the side of a house, which would be the most commonly demanded form of 30 feet by 10 feet, _i.e._, 300 square feet, would be— _s._ _d._ 110 feet of quartering (11 lengths) at 1_d._ 9 2 300 square feet of canvas, at 1¼ 6 3[32] Nails and tacks, say 1 0 --------- 16 5 The size of the quartering proposed is 2½ by 1¼ inch, which, laid edgewise, would bear the weight of a man on a plank while nailing down the canvas. The canvas has a stout cord-like edge or selvage, that holds the nails well. I find that what are called “French tacks” are well suited for nailing it down. They are made of wire, well pointed, have good-sized flat clout heads, and are very cheap. They are incomparably superior to the ordinary rubbish sold as “tin tacks” or “cut tacks.” The construction of such a conservatory is so simple that any industrious artisan or clerk with any mechanical ingenuity could, with the aid of a boy, do it all himself. No special skill is required for any part of the work, and no other tools than a rule, a saw, and a hammer. Side posts and stronger end rails would in some cases be demanded. I have not been able to fairly carry out this project, inasmuch as I reside at Twickenham, beyond the reach of the black showers of London soot. I have, however, made some investigations relative to the climate which results from such enclosure. This was done by covering a small skeleton frame with the canvas, putting it upon the ground over some cabbage plants, etc., and placing registering thermometers on the ground inside, and in similar position outside the frame; also by removing the glass cover of a cucumber frame, and replacing it by a frame on which the canvas is stretched. I planted 300 cabbages in November last, in rows on the open ground, and placed the canvas-covered frame over 18 of them. At the present date, March 15, only 26 of the 282 outside plants are visible above the ground. All the rest have been cut off by the severe frost. Under the frame _all_ are flourishing. I find that the difference between the maximum and the minimum temperatures varies with the condition of the sky. In cloudy weather, the difference between the inside and the outside rarely exceeds 2° Fahr., and occasionally there is no difference. In clear weather the difference is considerable. During the day the outside thermometer registers from four or five to seven or eight degrees above that within the screen during the sunshine. At night the minimum thermometers show a difference which in one case reached 14°, _i.e._, between 23d and 24th February, when the lowest temperature I have observed was reached. The outside thermometer then fell to 8° Fahr., the inside to 22°. On the night of the 24th and 25th they registered 15½° outside, 25½° inside. On other, or ordinary clear frosty nights, with E. and N. and N.E. winds, the difference has ranged between 4° and 6°, usually within a fraction of the average, 5°. The uniformity of this during the recent bright frosty nights, followed by warm sunny days, has been very remarkable, so much so that I think I may venture to state that 5° may be expected as the general protecting effect of a covering of such canvas from the mischievous action of our spring frosts which are due to nocturnal radiation into free space. Thus we obtain a climate, the mean of which would be about the same as outside, but subject to far less variation. How will this affect the growth of plants desirable to cultivate in the proposed canvas conservatories? In the first place, we must not expect the results obtainable under glass, which by freely transmitting the bright solar rays, and absorbing or resisting the passage of the obscure rays from the heated soil, produces, during sunshine, a tropical climate here in our latitudes. We may therefore at once set aside any expectation of rearing exotic plants of any kind; even our native and acclimatized plants, which require the maximum heat of English sunshine, are not likely to flourish. On the other hand, all those which demand moderate protection from sudden frosts, especially from spring frosts, and which flourish when we have a long mild spring and summer, are likely to be reared with especial success. This includes nearly all our table vegetables, our salads, kitchen herbs, and British fruits, all our British and many exotic ferns, and, I believe, most of our out-of-door plants, both wild and cultivated. As the subject of ornamental flowers is a very large one, and one with the cultivation of which I have very little practical acquaintance, I will pass it over; but must simply indicate that, in respect to ferns, the canvas enclosure offers a combination of most desirable conditions. The slight shade, the comparatively uniform temperature, and the moderated exhalation, are just those of a luxuriant fern dingle. Respecting the useful or economic products I can speak with more confidence, that being my special department in our family or home gardening, which, as physical discipline, I have always conducted myself, with a minimum of professional aid. My experience of a small garden leads me to give first place to salads. A yard square of rich soil, well managed, will yield a handsome and delicious weekly dish of salad nearly all the year round; and, at the same rate, seven or eight square yards will supply a daily dish—including lettuces, endives, radishes, spring onions, mustard, and various kinds of cress, and fancy salads, all in a state of freshness otherwise unattainable by the Londoner. My only difficulty has arisen from irregularity of supply. From the small area allowed for salads, I have been over-supplied in July, August, and September, and reduced to in-door or frame-grown mustard and cress during the winter. With the equable insular climate obtainable under the canvas, this difficulty will be greatly diminished; and besides this, most of the salads are improved by partial shade, lettuces and endives more blanched and delicate than when exposed to scorching sun, radishes less fibrous, mustard, cress, etc., milder in flavor and more succulent. The multitude of savory kitchen herbs that are so sadly neglected in English cookery (especially in the food of the town artisan and clerk), all, with scarcely an exception, demand an equable climate and protection from our destructive spring frosts. These occupy very little space, less even than salads, and are wanted in such small quantities at a time, and so frequently, that the hard-worked housewife commonly neglects them altogether, rather than fetch them from the greengrocer’s in their exorbitantly small pennyworths. If she could step into the back yard, and gather her parsley, sage, thyme, winter savory, mint, marjoram, bay leaf, rosemary, etc., the dinner would become far more savory, and the demand for the alcoholic substitutes for relishing food proportionably diminished. My strongest anticipations, however, lie in the direction of common fruits—apples, pears, cherries, plums of all kinds, peaches, nectarines, gooseberries, currants, raspberries, strawberries, etc. The most luxuriant growth of cherries, currants, gooseberries, and raspberries I have ever seen in any part of the world that I have visited, is where they might be least expected, viz., Norway; not the South of Norway merely, but more particularly in the valleys that slope from the 500 square miles of the perpetual ice desert of the Justedal down to the Sognefjord, latitude 61° to 61½°, considerably to the north of the northernmost of the Shetland Islands. The cherry and currant trees are marvelous there. In the garden of one of the farm stations (Sande) I counted 70 fine bunches of red currants growing on six inches of one of the overladen down-hanging stems of a currant bush. Cherries are served for dessert by simply breaking off a small branch of the tree and bringing it to the table—the fruit almost as many as the leaves. This luxuriance I attribute to two causes. First, that in that part of Norway the winter breaks up suddenly at about the beginning of June, and not until then, when night frosts are no longer possible, do the blossoms appear. It was on the 24th August that I counted the 70 bunches of ripe currants. The second cause is the absence of sparrows and other destructive small birds that devour our currants for the seeds’ sake before they ripen, and our cherries immediately on ripening. These are preceded by the bullfinches that feed on the tender hearts of the buds of most of our fruit trees. Those who believe the newspaper myths which represent such thick-billed birds eating caterpillars, should make observations and experiments for themselves as I have done. In our canvas conservatories neither sparrows nor caterpillars, nor wasps, or other fruit-stealers will penetrate, nor will the spring frosts nip the blossoms that open out in April. All the conditions for full bearing are there fulfilled, and the ripening season, though not so intense, will be prolonged. We shall have an insular Jersey climate in London, where the mean temperature is higher than in the country around, and, if I am not quite deluded, we shall be able to grow the choicest Jersey pears, those that best ripen by hanging on the tree until the end of December, and fine peaches, which are commonly destroyed by putting forth their blossoms so early. All the hundred and one varieties of plums and damsons, greengages, etc., that can grow in temperate climates will be similarly protected from the frosts that kill their early blossoms, and the birds and the wasps that will not give them time to ripen slowly. I have little doubt that if my project is carried out, any London householder, whether rich or poor, may indulge in delicious desserts of rich fruit all grown on the sites of their own now dirty and desolate back-yards; that if prizes be given for the most prolific branches of cherry and plum trees, gooseberry and currant bushes, the gardens of the Seven-dials and of classic St. Giles’s may carry off some of the gold medals; and that, by judicious economy of space and proper pruning of the trees, the canvas conservatories may be made not only to serve as orchard houses, but also to grow the salads, kitchen herbs, and green vegetables for cookery, under the fruit trees or close around their stems. Among the suitable vegetables, I may name a sort of perennial spinach which yields a wonderful amount of produce on a small area. Four years ago I took the house in which I now reside, and found the garden overgrown with a weed that appeared like beet, the leaves being much larger than ordinary spinach. I tried in vain to eradicate it, then gave some leaves to my fowls. They ate them greedily. After this I had some boiled, and found that the supposed weed is an excellent spinach, which may be sown broadcast in thick patches, without any interspaces, and cut down again and again all the year round, fresh leaves springing up from the roots until the autumn, when it throws up tall flowering stems, and yields an abundant crop of seeds. I have some now, self-sown, that have survived the whole of the late severe winter, while turnip-tops, cabbages, and everything else have perished. I have sown the ordinary spinach seed in the usual manner in rows, and comparing it with the self-sown dense patches of this intruder, find the latter produces, square yard against square yard, six or eight times as much of available eatable crop. None of my friends who are amateur gardeners know this variety; but a few days since, I called on Messrs. James Carter and Co., the wholesale seedsmen of Holborn, and described it. They gave me a packet of what they call “Perpetual spinach beet,” which, as may be seen by comparison with the seeds of those I have here of my own growing, is probably the same. Messrs. Carter and Co. tell me that the plant is very little known, and the seed scarce from want of cultivation and demand. I therefore step so far aside to describe and recommend it as specially suited for obtaining large crops on small areas.[33] I also recommend a mode of growing cabbages that I have found very profitable, viz., to sow the seed broadcast in richly manured beds or patches and leave the plants crowding together; cut them down while very young, without destroying the centre bud; let them sprout again and again. They thus yield a succession of crops, every leaf of which is eatable. This, instead of transplanting and growing large plants, which, however desirable for sale in the market, are far less profitable for home use. Celery may be grown in like manner, and cut down young and green for boiling. Some collateral advantages may be fairly anticipated in cases where the back-yard is fully enclosed by the canvas. In the first place, the air coming into the house from the back will be more or less filtered from the grimy irritant particles with which our London atmosphere is loaded, besides obtaining the oxygen given off by the growing plants, and the ozone which recent investigations have shown to be produced where aromatic plants—such as kitchen herbs—are growing. Lavender, which is very hardy, and spreads spontaneously, might be grown for this purpose. Back-doors might be left open for ventilation, without danger of intrusion or of slamming by gusts of wind. The air thus admitted would be tempered both in summer and winter. By wetting the canvas, which may easily be done by means of a small garden engine, or hand syringe, the exceptionally hot summer days that are so severely felt in London might be moderated to a considerable extent. The air under the canvas being cooler than that in front would enter from below, while the warmer air would be pushed upwards and outwards to the front. Although such conservatories may be erected, as already stated, by artisans or other tenants of small houses, I do not advocate dependence on this; but, on the contrary, regard them as more properly constituting landlord’s fixtures, and recommend their erection by owners of small house property in London and other large towns. A workman who will pay a trifle extra for such a garden, is likely to be a better and more permanent tenant than one who is content with the slovenly squallor of ordinary back premises. I base this opinion on some experience of holding small houses in the outskirts of Birmingham (Talbot Street, Winson Green.) These have small gardens, while most of those around have none. They are held by weekly tenure, and, during eighteen years, I have not lost a week’s rent from voids; the men who would otherwise shift their dwelling when they change workshops, prefer to remain and walk some distance rather than lose their little garden crops; and when obliged to leave, have usually found me another tenant, a friend who has paid them a small tenant-right premium for what is left in the garden, or for the privilege of getting a house with such a garden. A small garden is one of the best rivals to the fascinations of the tap-room; the strongest argument in favor of my canvas conservatories, and that which I reserve as the last, is that they are likely to become the poor man’s drawing-room, where he may spend his summer evenings, smoke his pipe, contemplate his growing plants, and show them in rivalry to his friends, rather than slink away from an unattractive home to seek the sensual excitements that ruin so many of our industrious fellow-countrymen. As above stated, I have not been able practically to test the filtering capabilities of the canvas, owing to my residence out of town, but since the above was written, _i.e._, on last Wednesday evening, I visited the Houses of Parliament, where, as I had been told, the ventilation arrangements include some devices for filtering the air by cotton, wool or otherwise. I was much interested on finding that the long experience and many trials of Dr. Percy and his assistant engineer, Mr. Prim, have resulted in the selection of the identical material which I have chosen, and with which the above-described experiments have been made. A wall of such canvas surrounds a lower region of the Houses, and all the air that is destined to have the privilege of being breathed by British legislators is passed through this vertical screen, for the purpose of separating from it the sooty impurities that constitute the special abomination of our metropolitan atmosphere, and that of our great manufacturing towns. The quantity of sooty matter thus arrested is shown by the fact that it is found necessary to take the screens down once a week and wash them, the wash water coming away in a semi-inky condition. I anticipate that the conservatory filters will rapidly clog, and, therefore, require washing. This may easily be done by means of a jet from a hand-syringe directed from within outwards, especially if the slope of the roof is considerable, which is to be recommended. The filtering screen of the Houses of Parliament is made by sewing the canvas edges together, to form a large continuous area, then edging the borders of this with tape, and stretching it bodily on to a stout frame. This method may be found preferable to that which I proposed above, and cheaper than I have estimated, as only very light intermediate cross-pieces would thus be required, merely to prevent bagging, the parliamentary quartering above described being nine feet apart instead of three. This would reduce the cost of timber to about one half of the above estimate.[34] The perpendicular walls of a conservatory, where such are required, may certainly be made thus, and I think the roof also, if the slope is considerable. Or, if in demand, the material may be made of greater width than the three feet. So far, I have only mentioned back-yards; but, besides these, there are many very melancholy front areas, called “gardens,” attached to good houses in some of the once suburban, but now internal regions of London, where the houses stand some distance back from the formerly rural highway. These spaces might be cheaply enclosed with canvas, and cultivated as kitchen gardens, orchard houses, flower gardens, or ferneries, thus forming elegant, refreshing, and profitable vestibules between the highway and the house-door, and also serve as luxurious summer drawing-rooms. The only objection I foresee to these bright enclosures will be their tendency to encourage the consumption of tobacco. _The Discussion which followed the reading of the preceding paper at the Society of Arts._ A member asked if Mr. Williams had observed the effect of wind and rain on this material? Mr. W. P. B. Shepheard said he was interested in a large square in London, and he had hoped to hear something about the cultivation of flowers in such places. Last year, they tried the experiment with several varieties of flower seeds, and they came up and bloomed well in the open ground without any protection whatever. In most London squares, the difficulty was to find anyone bold enough to try the experiment at all, and nothing but experience would prove what flowers would succeed and what would not. They were so successful last year that several fine bouquets were gathered in July and August, and sent to some of the gardening magazines, who expressed their astonishment that such good results were possible in the circumstances. If flowers would answer, there would, of course, be more encouragement to try vegetables. One of the practical difficulties which occurred to him, with regard to this plan, was that the screens would be somewhat unsightly, and then again they might shrink, from alteration in the temperature and getting wet and dry. He would repeat, however, that, for a very small expense in seeds, a very good show of hardy annuals and perennials might be obtained in July and August even in London. Mr. C. Cooke said a flower-garden had recently been opened in Drury Lane, on the site of an old churchyard, to which children were admitted; and he wished a similar arrangement might be made in some of the squares in crowded neighborhoods, such as Golden Square, and especially in Lincoln’s Inn Fields. There were lots of children playing about in the streets, and he wished the good example set by the Templars might be followed. Mr. Liggins, as an old member of the Royal Horticultural Society, felt a great interest in this subject. Among his poorer neighbors in the district of Kensington, cottage and window gardening had been encouraged for some years past, prizes having been awarded to those who were most successful, much to their gratification. This was a novel idea, but he felt quite sure that it would enable those who adopted it to obtain the crops which had been described. There were many collateral advantages which it would bestow on the working classes if largely followed by them, especially the one mentioned by Mr. Williams, that those who devoted their spare time to the cultivation of fruit and flowers would not be so open to the attractions of the public-house. When traveling through the United States some years ago, he was much struck with the difference in appearance of the houses in districts where the Maine liquor law was in force, and soon learned to distinguish where it was adopted by the clean, cheerful look of the workmen’s dwellings, the neatness of the gardens, and the presence of trees and flowers which, in other districts, were wanting. He was not a teetotaler himself, and was not advocating such restrictions, but he could not help noticing the contrast; and he felt sure that in all our large towns great progress in civilization and morals would be effected if such an attraction were offered to the working classes. He believed there was so much intelligence and good sense among them, that if they only knew what could be done in this way they would attempt it; and when an Englishman attempted anything, he generally succeeded. Mr. William Botly said they were much indebted to Mr. Williams for having called attention to this important subject. He quite agreed with the observations of the last speaker, for his own experience in building cottages showed him that the addition of a piece of garden ground had an excellent effect on the social, moral, and religious welfare of the inmates. It kept them from the public-house, and the children who were brought up to hoe and weed their parents’ gardens turned out the most industrious laborers on his property. He had known of instances where houses had been built with flat concrete roofs, and covered in with glass, so as to form a conservatory, in which vegetables and salads grow very well, and he believed the cost was little, if any, more than ordinary slating. The Chairman (Lord Alfred Churchill) in moving a vote of thanks to Mr. Williams, said there could be no doubt that if his suggestion were adopted it would lead to great economy, and have many other attractions for the working classes. During the last few years they had heard a good deal about floriculture in windows, and no doubt it was an excellent proposal, but if they could add to this the growth of vegetables it would have economical advantages also. The proposal to erect temporary conservatories on the roofs of some of these small houses was an admirable one. He saw no reason why you should not have a peach tree growing against many a tall chimney; you would only want a metal-lined tub filled with a good mold; the warmth of the chimney would aid in promoting the growth of the tree, and it could be protected from the smoke and frost by this canvas. One point he should like to know was, whether the fabric would not become rotted by the weather, and perhaps it might be protected by tanning, or some chemical preparation. The effect of the canvas in maintaining an equable temperature was a great consideration; the difference stated by Mr. Williams, of about five degrees in winter, in many cases would be just enough to save the life of a plant. Practical gardeners knew the value of placing a covering over a peach tree in early spring to keep off the frosts, and also to protect it from the attacks of birds. It was also a curious fact that even a slip of wood or slate a few inches wide, put on the top of a wall to which a fruit tree was nailed, acted as a protection from frost. He trusted that Mr. Williams’ idea would find favor among the working classes, and thought it was a subject the Royal Horticultural Society might well take up and offer prizes for. He hoped in a short time, when that Society had passed through a crisis which was impending, it might emerge in a condition to devote attention to this matter. It already offered prizes for small suburban flower-shows, but had not yet turned its attention to the larger class aimed at by Mr. Williams. Mr. Botly said he had forgotten to mention that he had a friend, a very excellent gardener, who always loosened his fruit trees from the wall for about three weeks before the time of blooming. The consequence was, they did not get so much heat from the wall, and the bloom was two or three weeks later in forming. After the spring frosts, the trees were again nailed up close, and he never failed in getting an excellent crop, when his neighbors often had none. Mr. Trewby wished to caution those who read the paper against using what was commonly known as paperhangers’ canvas, because it was made of two materials, hemp and jute, and if a piece of it were put into water it would soon be nothing but a lot of strings, the jute being all dissolved. It did very well for paper-hanging, but would be quite unsuitable for this purpose.[35] The vote of thanks having been passed— Mr. Williams, in reply, said he had had a piece of this canvas stretched on a frame exposed all the winter, and the only result was to make it rather dirty. He stretched it as tightly as he could in putting it on, but when it got wet it became still more tight, and gave a little again on becoming dry. It bore the weight of the snow which had fallen very well, and two or three spadefuls had been added to try it. He had a note from Mr. Prim, saying that at the Houses of Parliament the screens last about two sessions, being washed once a week, and the destruction is due to the wringing. But there is really no occasion for this, for if you syringe the stuff well from the inside, you make it sufficiently clear to allow the air and light to pass through, and it would probably last many years. He had tried the experiment of dipping it in a very weak solution of tar, but this had the effect of matting together the fine filaments, so that it did not act so effectually as a strainer. It acted best when wet, because the fine particles of soot adhered to it, and moist weather was just the time when the greatest quantity of soot fell. It might be easily tried in London squares to aid in the growth of flowers; he found that the cabbage plants which were so protected throve remarkably well, and he had no doubt that if flowers were planted and a screen put over them until they were ready to bloom, it would be a great advantage. The action of a little peat on the top of a wall to protect fruit trees is very simple, and the explanation was afforded by the experiments of Dr. Wells on dew. The frosts which did the greatest mischief, were due to radiation from the ground on clear nights; and it would be found that if one thermometer were placed in a garden under an umbrella, and another on the open ground near it, the differences of temperature would be very considerable; on cloudy nights there was very little difference. Last night there was only a difference of 2°, but a few nights before it was 6°. The period of greatest cold might not probably be more than hour, but it would be sufficient to do a great deal of mischief, and anything which would check the radiation would have the required effect. In the case of loosening the fruit trees from the wall there was, probably, a double action; it prevented the tree being forced on by the warmth or the wall in the daytime, and also avoided the chilling effect at night, a rough wall being a good radiator, and sinking to a low temperature. He did not think there was much danger to be apprehended from wind, because the canvas being so open, the wind would pass freely through it; but he had not seen it subjected to any violent gale. SOLIDS, LIQUIDS, AND GASES. The growth of accurate knowledge is continually narrowing, and often obliterating, the broad lines of distinction that have been drawn between different classes of things. I well remember when our best naturalists regarded their “species” of plants and animals as fundamental and inviolable institutions, separated by well-defined boundaries that could not be crossed. Darwin has upset all this, and now we cannot even draw a clear, sharp line between the animal and vegetable kingdoms. The chemist is even crossing the boundary between these and the mineral kingdom, by refuting the once positive dictum that organic substances (_i.e._, the compounds ordinarily formed in the course of vegetable or animal growth) cannot be produced directly from dead matter by any chemical device. Many of such organic compounds are now made in the laboratory from mineral materials. We all know, broadly, what are the differences between solids, liquids, and gases, and, until lately, they have been very positively described as the three distinct states or modes of existence of matter. Mr. Crookes suggests a fourth. I will not discuss this at present, but merely consider the three old-established claimants to distinctive existence. A solid is usually defined as a body made up of particles which hold together rigidly or immovably, in contradistinction to a fluid, of which the particles move freely over each other. “Fluids” is the general term including both gases and liquids, both being alike as regards the mobility of their particles. At present, let us confine our attention to liquids and solids. The theoretical or perfect fluid which is imagined by the mathematician as the basis of certain abstract reasonings has no real existence. He assumes (and the assumption is legitimate and desirable, provided its imaginary character is always remembered) that the supposed particles move upon each other with perfect freedom, without any friction or other impediment; but, as a matter of fact, all liquids exert some amount of resistance to their own flowing; they are more or less _viscous_, have more or less of that sluggishness in their obedience to the law of finding their own level which we see so plainly displayed by treacle or castor oil. This viscosity, added to the friction of the liquid against the solid on which it rests, or in which it is enclosed, may become, even in the case of water, a formidable obstacle to its flow. Thus, if we make a hole in the side of a tank at a depth of 16 feet below the surface, the water will spout from that hole at the rate of 32 feet per second, but if we connect with this hole a long horizontal pipe of the same internal diameter as the hole, and then observe the flow from the outlet of the pipe, we shall find its velocity visibly diminished, and we shall be greatly deceived if we make arrangements for carrying swift-flowing water thus to any great distances. Three or four years ago an attempt was made to supersede the water-carts of London by laying down on each side of the road a horizontal pipe, perforated with a row of holes opening towards the horse-way. The water was to be turned on, and from these holes it was to jet out to the middle of the road from each side, and thus water it all. I watched the experiment made near the Bank of England. Instead of spouting across the road from all these holes, as it would have done from any _one_ of them, it merely dribbled; the reason being that, in order to supply them all, the water must run through the whole of the long pipe with considerable velocity, and the viscosity and friction to be overcome in doing this nearly exhausted the whole force of water-head pressure. Many other similar blunders have been made by those who have sought to convey water-power to a distance by means of a pipe of such diameter as should demand a rapid flow through a long pipe. The resistance which water offers to the stroke of the swimmer or the pull of the rower is partly due to its viscosity, and partly to the uplifting or displacement of some of the water. If it were perfectly fluid, our movements within it, and those of fishes, etc., would be curiously different; the whole face of this globe would be strangely altered in many respects. I will not now follow up this idea, but leave it as a suggestion for the reader to work out for himself, by considering what would remain undone upon the earth if water flowed perfectly, without any internal resistance, or friction upon the earth’s surface. The degrees of approach to perfect fluidity vary greatly with different liquids. Is there any such a thing as an absolute solid, or a body that has no degree of fluidity, the particles or parts of which will admit of no change of their relative positions, no movement upon each other without fracture of the mass? This would constitute perfect _rigidity_, or the opposite to _fluidity_. Take a piece of copper or soft iron wire, about one eighth of an inch in diameter, or thereabouts, and bend it backwards and forwards a few times as rapidly as possible, but without breaking it; then, without loss of time, feel the portion that has been bent. It is hot—painfully so—if the experiment is smartly made. How may this be explained? It is evident that in the act of bending there must have been a displacement of the relative positions of the particles of the metal, and the force demanded for the bending indicated their resistance to this movement upon each other; or, in other words, that there was friction between them, or something equivalent to such internal friction, and thus the mechanical force exerted in the bending was converted into heat-force. Here, then, was fluidity, according to the above definition; not perfect fluidity, but fluidity attended with resistance to flow, or what we have agreed to call viscosity. But water also offers such resistance to flow, or viscosity, therefore the difference between iron or copper wire and liquid water as regards their fluidity is only a difference of degree, and not of kind; the demarcation between solids and liquids is not a broad, clearly-defined line, but a band of blending shade, the depths of tint representing varying degrees of viscosity. Multitudes of examples may be cited illustrating the viscosity of bodies that we usually regard as types of solidity, such, for example, as the rocks forming the earth’s crust. In the “Black Country” of South Staffordshire, which is undermined by the great ten-yard coal-seam, cottages, chimney-shafts, and other buildings may be seen leaning over most grotesquely, houses split down the middle by the subsidence or inclination of one side, great hollows in fields or across roads that were once flat, and a variety of other distortions, due to the gradual sinking of the rock-strata that have been undermined by the colliery workings. In some cases the rocks are split, but usually the subsidence is a bending or flowing down of the rocks to fill up the vacuity, as water fills a hollow, or “finds its own level.” I have seen many cases of the downward curvature of the roof of a coal-pit, and have been told that in some cases the surrounding pressure causes the floor to curve upwards, but have not seen this. Earthquakes afford another example. The so-called solid crust of the earth is upheaved, and cast into positive billows that wave away on all sides from the centre of disturbance. The earth-billows of the great Lisbon earthquake of 1755 traveled to this country, and when they reached Loch Lomond, were still of sufficient magnitude to raise and lower its banks through a perpendicular range of two feet four inches. It is quite possible, or, I may say, probable, that there are tides of the earth as well as of the waters, and the subject has occupied much attention and raised some discussion among mathematicians. If the earth has a fluid centre, and only a comparatively thin crust, as some suppose, there must be such tides, produced by the gravitation of the moon and sun. Ice presents some interesting results of this viscosity. At a certain height, varying with latitude, aspect, etc., we reach the “snow line” of mountain slopes, above which the snow of winter remains unmelted during summer, and, in most cases, goes on accumulating. It soon loses its flocculent, flaky character, and becomes coherent, clear blue ice by the pressure of its own weight. A rather complex theory has been propounded to explain this change—the theory of _regelation_—_i.e._, re-freezing; a theory which assumes that the pressure first thaws a film of ice at the surface of contact, and that presently this re-freezes, and thus effects a healing or general solidification. Faraday found that two pieces of ice with moistened surfaces united if pressed together when at just about the temperature of freezing, but not if much colder. Tyndall has further illustrated this by taking fragments of ice and squeezing them in a mould, whereby they became a clear, transparent ball, or cake. Schoolboys did the like long before, when snowballing with snow at about the thawing point. Such snow, as we all remember, became converted into stony lumps when firmly pressed together. We also remember that in much colder weather no such cohesion occurred, but our snowballs remained powdery in spite of all our squeezing. I am a sceptic as regards this theory of regelation. I believe that the true explanation is much simpler; that the crystals of snow or fragments of ice in these experiments are simply welded, as the smith unites two pieces of iron, by merely pressing them together when they are near their melting point. Other metals and other fusible substances may be similarly welded, provided they soften or become sufficiently viscous before fusing. Platinum is a good example of this. It is infusible in ordinary furnaces, but becomes pasty before melting, and therefore, one method adopted in the manufacture of platinum ingots or bars from the ore, is to precipitate a sort of platinum snow (spongy platinum) from its solution in acid, and then compress this metallic snow in red-hot steel moulds by means of pistons driven with great force. The flocculent metal thus becomes a solid, coherent mass, just as the flocculent ice became coherent ice in Tyndall’s experiment or in making hard snowballs. Wax, pitch, resin, and all other solid that fuse _gradually_, cohere, are weldable, or, in very plain language, “stick together,” when near their fusing point. I have made the following experiment to prove that when this so-called regelation of snow or ice-fragments occurs, the ice is viscous or plastic, like wax or pitch. A strong iron squirt, with a cylindrical bore of half an inch in diameter, is fitted with an iron piston. This piston is driven forth by a screw working in a collar at one end of the squirt. Into the other end is screwed a brass nozzle with an aperature about one twentieth of an inch diameter, tapering or opening inwards gradually to the half-inch bore. Into this bore I place snow or fragments of ice, then, holding the body of the squirt firmly in a vice, I work the lever of the screw, and thus drive forward the piston and crush down the snow or ice-fragments, which presently become coherent and form a half-inch solid cylinder of clear ice. Applying still more pressure, this cylinder is forced like a liquid through the small orifice of the nozzle of the squirt, and it jets or spouts out as a thin stick of ice like vermicelli, or the “leads” of ever-pointed pencils, for the moulding of which the squirt was originally constructed. I find that ice at 32° can thus be squirted more easily than beeswax of the same temperature, and such being the case, I see no reason for imagining any complex operation of regelation in the case of the ice, but merely regard the adhesion of two pieces of ice when pressed together as similar to the sticking together of two pieces of cobblers’-wax, or softened sealing-wax, or beeswax, or the welding of iron or glass when heated to their welding temperatures, _i.e._, to a certain degree of incipient fluidity or viscosity. If a leaden bullet be cut in half, and the two fresh-cut faces pressed forcibly together, they cohere at ordinary atmospheric temperatures, but we have no occasion for a regelation theory here. The viscosity of the lead accounts for all. At Woolwich Arsenal there is a monster squirt, similar to my little one. This is charged with lead, and, by means of hydraulic pressure, the lead is squired out of the nozzle as a cylindrical jet of any required diameter. This jet or stick of lead is the material of which the elongated cylindrical rifle bullets are now made. But returning to the point at which we started, on the subject of ice, viz., its Alpine accumulation above the snow-line. If the snow-fall there exceeds the amount that is thawed and evaporated, it must either go on growing upward until it reaches the highest atmospheric region from which it falls, or is formed, or it must descend somehow. If ice can be squirted through a syringe by mere hand-pressure, we are justified in expecting that it would be forced down a hill slope, or through a gully, or across a plain, by the pressure of its own weight when the accumulation is great. Such is the case, and thus are glaciers formed. They are, strictly speaking, rivers or torrents of ice; they flow as liquid water does, and down the same channels as would carry the liquid surface drainage of the hills, were rain to take the place of snow. Like rivers, they flow with varying speed, according to the slope; like rivers, their current is more rapid in the middle than the sides; like rivers, they exert their greatest tearing force when squeezed narrow through gullies; and, like rivers, they spread out into lakes when they come upon an open basin-like valley, with narrow outlet. The Justedalsbrae of Norway is a great ice-lake of this character, covering a surface of about 500 square miles, and pouring down its ice-torrents on every side, wherever there is a notch or valley descending from the table-land it covers. The rate of flow of such downpouring glaciers varies from two or three inches to as many feet per day, and they present magnificent examples of the actual fluidity or viscosity of an apparently solid mass. This viscosity has been disputed, and attempts have been made to otherwise explain the motion of glaciers; but while it is possible that it may be assisted by varying expansion and contraction, the downflow due to viscosity is now recognized as unquestionably the main factor of glacier motion. Cascades of ice may be sometimes seen. In the course of my first visit to Norway, I wandered alone over a very desolate mountain region towards the head of the Justedal, and unexpectedly came upon a gloomy lake, the Styggevand, which lies at the foot of a precipice-boundary of the great ice-field above named. Here, the ice having no sloping valley-trough by which to descend, poured over the edge of the precipice as a great overhanging sheet or cornice, which bent down as it was pushed forward, and presented on the convex side of the sheet some fine blue cracks, or “crevasses” as they are called. These gradually widened and deepened, until the overhanging mass broke off and fell into the lake, on the surface of which I saw the result, in the form of several floating icebergs that had previously fallen. Something like this, on a small scale, may be seen at home on the edge of a house roof, on which there has been an accumulation of snow; but, in this case, it is rather sliding than flowing that has made the cornice; but its _down-bending_ is a result of viscosity. These and a multitude of other facts that might be stated, many of which will occur to the reader, prove clearly enough that the solid and liquid states of matter are not distinctly and broadly separable, but are connected by an intermediate condition of viscosity. We now come to the question whether there is any similar continuity between liquids and gases. Ordinary experience decidedly suggests a negative answer. We can point to nothing within easy reach that has the properties of a liquid and gaseous half-and-half; that stands between gases and liquids as pitch and treacle stand between solids and liquids. Some, perhaps, may suggest that cloud-matter—London fog, for example—is in such an intermediate state. This, however, is not the case. White country fog, ordinary clouds, or the so-called “steam” that is seen assuming cloud forms as it issues from the spout of a tea-kettle or funnel of a locomotive, consists of minute particles of water suspended in air, as solid particles of dust are also suspended. It has been called “vesicular vapor,” on the supposition that it has the form of minute vesicles, like soap-bubbles on a very small scale, but this hypothesis remains unproven. London fog consists of similar particles, varnished with a delicate film of coal-tar, and intersprinkled with particles of soot. In order to clearly comprehend the above-stated question, we must define the difference between liquids and gases. In the first place, they are both fluids, as already agreed. What, then, is the essential difference between liquid fluidity and gaseous fluidity? The expert in molecular mathematics, discoursing to his kinematical brethren, would produce a tremendous reply to this question. He would describe the oscillations, gyrations, collisions, mean free paths, and mutual obstructions of atoms and molecules, and, by the aid of a maddening array of symbols, arrive at the conclusion that gases, unless restrained, expand of their own accord, while liquids retain definite limits or dimensions. The matter-of-fact experimentalist demonstrates the same by methods that are easily understood by anybody. I shall, therefore, both for my own sake and my readers’, describe some of the latter. In the first place, we all see plainly that liquids have a surface, _i.e._, a well-defined boundary, and also that gases, unless enclosed, have not. But as this may be due to the invisibility of the gas, we must question it further. The air we breathe may be taken as a type of gases, as water may of liquids. It has weight, as we may prove by weighing a bottle full of air, then pumping out the contents, weighing the empty bottle, and noting the difference. Having weight, it presses towards the earth, and is squeezed by all that rests above it; thus the air around us is constrained air. It is very compressible, and is accordingly compressed by the weight of all the air above it. This being understood, let us take a bottle full of water and another full of air, and carry them both to the summit of Mont Blanc, or to a similar height in a balloon. We shall then have left nearly half of the atmosphere below, and thus both liquid and gas will be under little more than half of the ordinary pressure. What will happen if we uncork them both? The liquid will still display its definite surface, and remain in the bottle, but not so the gas. It will overflow upwards, downwards, or sideways, no matter how the bottle is held, and if we had tied an empty bladder over the neck before uncorking, we should find this overflow or expansion of the gas exactly proportionate to the removal of pressure, provided the temperature remained unaltered. Thus, at just half the pressure under which a pint bottle was corked, the air would measure exactly one quart, at one-eighth of the pressure one gallon, and so on. We cannot get high enough for the latter expansion, but can easily imitate the effect of further elevation by means of an air-pump. Thus, we may put one cubic inch of air into a bladder of 100 cubic inches capacity, then place this under the receiver of an air-pump, and reduce the pressure outside the bladder to 1/100th of its original amount. With such atmospheric surrounding, the one cubic inch of air will plump out the flaccid bladder, and completely fill it. The pumpability of the air from the receiver shows that it goes on overflowing from it into the piston of the pump as fast as its own elastic pressure on itself is diminished. Numberless other experiments may be made, all proving that all gases are composed of matter which is not merely incohesive, but is energetically self-repulsive; so much so, that it can only be retained within any bounds whatever by means of some external pressure or constraint. For aught we know _experimentally_, the gaseous contents of one of Mr. Glaisher’s baloons would outstretch itself sufficiently to occupy the whole sphere of space that is spanned by the earth’s orbit, provided that space were perfectly vacuous, and the baloon were burst in the midst of it, the temperature of the expanding gas being maintained. Here, then, in this self-repulsiveness, instead of self-cohesion, this absence of self-imposed boundary or dimensions, we have a very broad and well-marked distinction between gases and liquids, so broad that there seems no bridge that can possibly cross it. This was believed to be the case until recently. Such a bridge has, however, been built, and rendered visible, by the experimental researches of Dr. Andrews; but further explanation is required to render this generally intelligible. Until quite lately it was customary to divide gases into two classes—“permanent gases” and “condensable gases,” or “vapors.” Gaseous water or steam was usually described as typical of the latter; oxygen, hydrogen, or nitrogen of the former. Earlier than this, many other gases were included in the permanent list; but Faraday made a serious inroad upon this classification when he liquefied chlorine by cooling and compressing it. Long after this, the gaseous elements of water, and the chief constituents of air, oxygen, hydrogen, and nitrogen, resisted all efforts to condense them; but now they have succumbed to great pressure and extreme cooling. We thus arrive at a very broad generalization, viz., that all gases are physically similar to steam (I mean, of course, “dry steam,” _i.e._, true invisible steam, and not the cloudy matter to which the name of steam is popularly given), that they are all formed by raising liquids above their boiling point, just as steam is formed when we boil water and maintain the steam above the boiling-point of the water. But some liquids boil at temperatures far below that at which others freeze; liquid chlorine boils at a temperature below that of freezing water, and liquid carbonic acid below even that of freezing mercury, and liquid hydrogen far lower still. These are cases of boiling, nevertheless, though it seems a paradox according to the ideas we commonly attach to this word. But such ideas are based on our common experience of the properties of our commonest of liquids, viz., water. When water boils under the conditions of our ordinary experience, the passage from the liquid to the gaseous state is a sudden leap, with no intermediate state of existence that we are able to perceive; and the conditions upon which water is converted into steam—the liquid into the gas—while both are at the bottom of our atmospheric ocean, are such as to render an intermediate condition rationally, as well as practically, impossible. We find that the expansive energy by which the steam is enabled to resist atmospheric pressure is conferred upon it by its taking into itself, and utilizing for its expansive efforts a large amount of calorific energy. When any given quantity of water is converted into steam, under ordinary circumstances, its bulk _suddenly_ becomes above 1700 times greater—a cubic inch of water forms about a cubic foot of steam, and nearly 1000 degrees of heat (966·6) disappears _as temperature_. Otherwise stated, we must give to the cubic inch of water at 212° as much heat as would raise it to a temperature of 212 plus 966·6, or 1,178·6°, if it remained liquid. This is about the temperature of the glowing coals of a common fire; but the steam that has thus taken enough heat to make the water red-hot is still at 212°—no _hotter_ than the water was while boiling. This heat, which thus ceases to exhibit itself as _temperature_, is otherwise occupied. Its energy is partly devoted to the work of increasing the bulk of the water to the above-named extent, and partly in conferring on the steam its gaseous specialty—that is, in overcoming liquid cohesion, and substituting for it the opposite property of internal repulsive energy which is characteristic of gases. My reasons for thus defining and separating these two functions of the so-called “latent” heat will be seen when we come to the philosophy of the interesting researches of Dr. Andrews. As already explained, all gases are now proved to be analogous to steam, they are matter expanded and rendered self-repulsive by heat. All _elementary_ matter may exist in either of the three forms—solid, liquid, or gas, according to the amount of heat and pressure to which it is subjected. I limit this wide generalization to _elementary_ substances for the following reasons: Many compounds are made up of elements so feebly held together that they become “dissociated” when heated to a temperature below their boiling-point; or, their condition maybe otherwise defined by stating that the bonds of chemical energy, which hold their elements together, are weaker than the cohesion which binds and holds them in the condition of solid or liquid, and are more easily broken by the expansive energy of heat. To illustrate this, let us take two common and well-known oils—olive oil and turpentine. The first belongs to the class of “fixed oils,” and second to the “volatile oils.” If we apply heat to liquid turpentine, it boils, passes into the state of gaseous turpentine, which is easily condensible by cooling it. If the liquid result of this condensation is examined, we find it to be turpentine as before. Not so with the olive oil. Just as this reaches its boiling point, the heat, which would otherwise convert it into olive-oil vapor, begins to dissociate its constituents, and if the temperature be raised a little higher, we obtain some gases, but these are the products of decomposition, not gaseous olive oil. This is called “destructive” distillation. In olive oil, the boiling-point and dissociation point are near to each other. In the case of glycerine, these points so nearly approximate that, although we cannot distil it unbroken under ordinary atmospheric pressure, we may do so if some of this pressure is removed. Under such diminished pressure, the boiling-point is brought down below the dissociation point, and condensible glycerine gas comes over without decomposition. Sugar affords a very interesting example of dissociation, commencing far below the boiling-point, and going on gradually and visibly, with increasing rapidity as the temperature is raised. Put some white sugar into a spoon, and heat the spoon gradually over the smokeless gas-flame or spirit-lamp. At first the sugar melts, then becomes yellow (barley sugar); this color deepens to orange, then red, then chestnut-brown, then dark brown, then nearly black (caramel), then quite black, and finally it becomes a mere cinder. Sugar is composed of carbon and water; the heat dissociates this compound, separates the water, which passes off as vapor, and leaves the carbon behind. The gradual deepening of the color indicates the gradual carbonization, which is completed when only the dry insoluble cinder remains. An appearance of boiling is seen, but this is the boiling of the dissociated water, not of the sugar. The dissociation temperature of water is far above its boiling-point. It is 5072° Fahr., under conditions corresponding to those which make its boiling-point 212°. If we examine the variations of the boiling-point of water, as the atmospheric pressure on its surface varies, some curious results follow. To do this the reader must endure some figures. They are extremely simple, and perfectly intelligible, but demand just a little attention. Following are three columns of figures. The first represents atmospheres of pressure—_i.e._, taking our atmospheric pressure when it supports 30 inches of mercury in the barometer tube as a unit, that pressure is doubled, trebled, etc., up to twenty times in the first column. The second column states the temperature at which water boils when under the different pressures thus indicated. The third column, which is the subject for special study just now, shows how much we must rise the temperature of the water in order to make it boil as we go on adding atmospheres of pressure; or, in other words, the increase of temperature due to each increase of one atmosphere of pressure. The figures are founded on the experiments of Regnault. Pressure in Temperature, F. Rise of Temperature Atmospheres ° for each additional Atmosphere 1 212 2 249·5 37·5 3 273·3 23·8 4 291·2 17·9 5 306·0 14·8 6 318·2 12·2 7 329·6 11·4 8 339·5 9·9 9 348·4 8·9 10 356·6 8·2 11 364·2 7·6 12 371·1 6·9 13 377·8 6·7 14 384·0 6·2 15 390·0 6·0 16 395·4 5·4 17 400·8 5·4 18 405·9 5·1 19 410·8 4·9 20 415·4 4·6 It may be seen from the above that, with the exception of one irregularity, there is a continual diminution of the additional temperature which is required to overcome an additional atmosphere of pressure, and if this goes on as the pressure and temperatures advance, we may ultimately reach a curious condition—a temperature at which additional pressure will demand no additional temperature to maintain the gaseous state; or, in other words, a temperature may be reached at which no amount of pressure can condense steam into water, or at which the gaseous and liquid states merge or become indifferent. But we must not push this mere numerical reasoning too far, seeing that it is quite possible to be continually approaching a given point, without ever reaching it, as when we go on continually halving the remaining distance. The figures in the above do not appear to follow according to such a law—nor, indeed, any other regularity. This probably arises from experimental error, as there are discrepancies in the results of different investigators. They all agree, however, in the broad fact of the gradation above stated. Dulong and Arago, who directed the experiments of the French Government Commission for investigating this subject, state the pressure at 20 atmospheres to be 418·4, at 21 = 422·9, at 22 = 427·3, at 23 = 431·4, and at 24 atmospheres, their highest _experimental_ limit, 435·5, thus reducing the rise of temperature between the 23d and 24th atmospheres to 4·1. If we could go on heating water in a transparent vessel until this difference became a vanishing quantity, we should probably recognize a visible physical change coincident with this cessation of condensibility by pressure; but this is not possible, as glass would become red-hot and softened, and thus incapable of bearing the great pressure demanded. Besides this, glass is soluble in water at these high temperatures. If, however, we can find some liquid with a lower boiling-point, we may go on piling atmosphere upon atmosphere of elastic expansive pressure, as the temperature is raised, without reaching an unmanageable degree of heat. Liquid carbonic acid, which, under a single atmosphere of pressure, boils at 112° below the zero of our thermometer, may thus be raised to a temperature having the same relation to its boiling-point that a red-heat has to that of water, and may be still confined within a glass vessel, provided the walls of the vessel are sufficiently thick to bear the strain of the elastic outstriving pressure. In spite of its brittleness glass is capable of bearing an enormous strain _steadily applied_, as may be proved by trying to break even a mere thread of glass by direct pull. Dr. Andrews thus treated carbonic acid, and the experiment, as I have witnessed its repetition, is very curious. A liquid occupies the lower part of a very strong glass tube, which appears empty above. But this apparent void is occupied by invisible carbonic acid gas, evolved by the previous boiling of the liquid carbonic acid below. We start at a low temperature—say 40° Fahr. Then the temperature is raised; the liquid boils until it has given off sufficient gas or vapor to exert the full expansive pressure or tension due to that temperature. This pressure stops the boiling, and again the surface of the liquid is becalmed. This is repeated at a higher temperature, and thus continued until we approach nearly to 88° Fahr., when the surface of the liquid loses some of its sharp outline. Then 88° is reached, and the boundary between liquid and gas vanishes; liquid and gas have blended into one mysterious intermediate fluid; an indefinite fluctuating something is there filling the whole of the tube—an etherealized liquid or a visible gas. Hold a red-hot poker between your eye and the light; you will see an upflowing wavy movement of what appears like liquid air. The appearance of the hybrid fluid in the tube resembles this, but is sensibly denser, and evidently stands between the liquid and gaseous states of matter, as pitch or treacle stands between solid and liquid. The temperature at which this occurs has been named by Dr. Andrews the “_critical temperature_”; here the gaseous and liquid states are “_continuous_,” and it is probable that all other substances capable of existing in both states have their own particular critical temperatures. Having thus stated the facts in popular outline, I shall conclude the subject by indulging in some speculations of my own on the philosophy of these general facts or natural laws, and on some of their possible consequences. As already stated, the conversion of water into steam under ordinary atmospheric pressure demands 966·6° of heat over and above that which does the work of raising the water to 212°, or, otherwise stated, as much heat is at work in a given weight of steam at 212°, as would raise the same quantity of water to 1178·6° if it remained liquid. James Watt concluded from his experiments that a given weight of steam, whatever may be its density, or, in other words, under whatever pressure it may exist, contains the same quantity of heat. According to this, if we reduced the pressure sufficiently to bring down the boiling-point to 112°, instead of 212°, the latent heat of the steam thus formed would be 1066·6° instead of 966·6°, or if, on the other hand, we placed it under sufficient pressure to raise the boiling-point to 312°, the latent heat of the steam would be reduced to 866·6°, _i.e._, only 866·6° more would be required to convert the water into steam. If the boiling-point were 412°, as it is between 19 and 20 atmospheres of pressure, only 766·6° more heat would be required, and so on, till we reached a pressure which raised the boiling-point to 1178·6°; the water would then become steam without further heating, _i.e._, the critical point would be reached, and thus, if Watt is right, we can easily determine, theoretically, the critical temperature of water.[36] Mr. Perkins, who made some remarkable experiments upon very high pressure steam many years ago, and exhibited a steam gun at the Adelaide Gallery, stated that red-hot water does not boil; that if the generator be sufficiently strong to stand a pressure of 60,000 lbs. load on the safety-valve, the water may be made to exert a pressure of 56,000 lbs. on the square inch at a cherry-red heat without boiling. He made a number of rather dangerous experiments in thus raising water to a red-heat, and his assertion that red-hot water does not boil is curious when viewed in connection with Dr. Andrews’ experiments. I cannot tell how he arrived at this conclusion, having been unable to obtain the original record of his experiments, and only quote the above second hand. It is worthy of remark that the temperature he names is about 1170°, or that which, if Watt is right, must be the critical temperature of the water. Perkins’ red-hot water would not boil, being then in the intermediate condition. So far, we have a nice little theory, which not only shows how the critical state of water must be reached, but also its precise temperature; but all this is based on the assumption that Watt made no mistake. Unfortunately for the simplicity of this theory, Regnault states that _his_ experiments contradict those of Watt, and prove that the latent heat of steam does not diminish just in the same degree as the boiling-point is raised, but that instead of this the diminution of the latent heat progresses 30½ per cent more slowly than the rise of temperature, so that, instead of the latent heat of steam between boiling-points of 212° and 312° falling from 966·6° to 866·6° it would only fall to 895·1° or 69·5° of latent heat for every 100° of temperature. If this is correct, the temperature at which the latent heat of steam is reduced to zero is much higher than 1178·6°, and is, in fact, a continually receding quantity never absolutely reached; but I am not prepared to accept these figures of Regnault as implicitly as is now done in text-books (I was nearly saying “as is now the fashion”), seeing that they are not the actual figures obtained by his experiments, but those of his “empirical formulæ” based upon them. His actual experimental figures are very irregular; thus, between steam temperature of 171·6° and 183·2° a difference of 11·6°, the experimental difference in the latent heat came out as 4·7°; between steam temperature of 183·2° and 194·8°, or 11·6° again, the latent heat difference is tabulated as 8·0°. Regnault’s experiments were not carried to very high temperatures and pressures, and indicate that as these advance the deviation from Watt’s law diminishes, and may finally vanish at about 1500° or 1600°, where the latent heat would reach zero, and there, according to the above, the critical temperature would be reached. Any additional heat applied after this will have but one function to perform, viz., the ordinary work of increasing the bulk of the heated body without doing anything further in the way of conferring upon it any new self-repulsive properties. Our notions of solids, liquids, and gases are derived from our experiences of the state of matter here upon this earth. Could we be removed to another planet, they would be curiously changed. On Mercury water would rank as one of the condensible gases; on Mars, as a fusible solid; but what on Jupiter? Recent observations justify us in regarding this as a miniature sun, with an external envelope of cloudy matter, apparently of partially condensed water, but red-hot, or probably still hotter within. His vaporous atmosphere is evidently of enormous depth, and the force of gravitation being on his visible outer surface two and a half times greater than that on our earth’s surface, the atmospheric pressure in descending below this visible surface must soon reach that at which the vapor of water would be brought to its critical condition. Therefore we may infer that the oceans of Jupiter are neither of frozen liquid nor gaseous water, but are oceans or atmospheres of critical water. If any fish-birds swim or fly therein they must be very critically organized. As the whole mass of Jupiter is three hundred times greater than that of the earth, and its compressing energy towards the centre proportional to this, its materials, if similar to those of the earth and no hotter, would be considerably more dense, and the whole planet would have a higher specific gravity; but we know by the movement of its satellites that, instead of this, its specific gravity is less than a fourth of that of the earth. This justifies the conclusion that it is intensely hot, for even hydrogen, if cold, would become denser than Jupiter under such pressure. As all elementary substances may exist as solids, liquids, or gases, or critically, according to the conditions of temperature and pressure, I am justified in hypothetically concluding that Jupiter is neither a solid, a liquid, nor a gaseous planet, _but a critical planet_, or an orb composed internally of dissociated elements in the critical state, and surrounded by a dense atmosphere of their vapors, and those of some of their compounds, such as water. The same reasoning applies to Saturn and the other large and rarefied planets. The critical temperature of the dissociated elements of the sun is probably reached at the base of the photosphere, or that region revealed to us by the sun-spots. When I wrote “The Fuel of the Sun,” thirteen or fourteen years ago, I suggested, on the above grounds, the then heretical idea of the red-heat of Jupiter, Saturn, Uranus, and Neptune, and showed that all such compounds as water must be dissociated at the base of the sun’s atmosphere; but being then unacquainted with the existence of this critical state of matter, I supposed the dissociated elements to exist as gases with a small solid nucleus or kernel in the centre. Applying now the researches of Dr. Andrews to the conditions of solar existence, as I formerly applied the dissociation researches of Deville, I conclude that the sun has no nucleus, either solid, liquid, or gaseous, but is composed of dissociated matter in the critical state, surrounded, first, by a flaming envelope due to the re-combination of the dissociated matter, and outside of this another envelope of vapors due to this combination. MURCHISON AND BABBAGE. The curious contrast of character presented by these two eminent men, and the very different course of their lives, conveys a striking lesson to all those superficial thinkers and unthinking talkers who make sweeping generalizations concerning human character; who assume as a matter of course that any man who writes poetry must be merely a dreamer of day-dreams, incapable of transacting any practical daily business, and not at all reliable in money matters; whose eyes are always “in a fine frenzy rolling”; that he is, in short, a sort of amiable, harmless lunatic. All actors, according to such people, are dissipated spendthrifts; and if Sims Reeves, or any other public performer, is prevented by delicate larynx or other indisposition from appearing, they look knowing, shrug their shoulders, wink wisely, and assume, without the faintest shadow of evidence, that he is drunk. In like manner they set up a typical philosopher of their own manufacture, and attribute his imaginary character to all who devote themselves to science. Their philosopher is a musty, dried-up, absent-minded pedant, whose ordinary conversation is conducted in words of seven syllables, who is always lost in profound abstractions; takes no interest in common things; regards music, dancing, play-acting, poetry, and every cheerful pursuit as frivolous and contemptible—a creature who never makes a joke, seldom laughs, and who in matters of business is even more incapable than the poet. The singular contrast of character presented by Babbage and Murchison affords at once a most complete refutation of such generalizations. Here were two men, both philosophers, one the very type of amiability, suavity, and all conceivable polish, the very perfection of a courtier, but differing from the vulgar courtier of the Court in this respect, that his high-toned courtesy was not bestowed upon kings only, but also upon all his human brethren, and with especial gracefulness upon those whose rank was below his own. I doubt whether there is any man now living, or has lived during this generation, that could equal Sir Roderick Murchison in the art of distributing showers of compliments upon a large number of different people in succession, and making each recipient delightfully satisfied with himself. In his position as Chairman to the Geological Section of the British Association, he did this with marvelous tact, without the least fulsomeness or repetition, or any display of patronizing. Every man who read a paper before that section was better than ever satisfied with the great merits and vast importance of his communication, after hearing the Chairman’s comments upon it. None but a most detestably strong-minded and logical brute could resist the insinuating flattery of Sir Roderick. How different was poor Babbage! Who that attends any sort of scientific gatherings has not seen Sir Roderick? but who in the world, excepting the organ-grinders and the police magistrate has ever seen Babbage, or even his portrait? What a contrast between the seclusion and the public existence; between the hedgehog bristles and the velvet softness, of the one and the other! Those who were on intimate terms with Babbage (I have never met or heard of such a person) could probably tell us that all his irritability and roughness were outside, and that, in the absence of organ-grinders, he was a kind and amiable gentleman; but, even admitting this, the contrast between the two philosophers is as great as could well be found between any two men following the most widely divergent studies or professions. Those who would reply that mathematics and geology are such different studies have only to go a little further back on the death-roll, and they will find the name of De Morgan, a pure mathematician, like Babbage. He was a man of exuberant fun and humor, and so far from hating music of either a humble or pretentious character, was a highly accomplished musician, both theoretical and practical, and if we are to believe confidential communications, one of his favorite instruments was the penny whistle, on which he was a most original and peculiar performer. I had not intended to reprint the above, which was written just after the death of Murchison and Babbage, but the comments that have recently followed the death of Darwin induce me to do so. Many have expressed their surprise at the unanimous expressions of Darwin’s friends concerning the geniality of his disposition, his gentleness, cheerfulness; his _genuine_ humility and simplicity of character. A third type of character is here presented, and that which corresponds most correctly with the true ideal of a modern philosopher, also represented by that great master of experimental science, Faraday. In both of these there was the full measure of Murchison’s amiability, but without the courtly polish of the ex-soldier. Philosophic meditation and close application to original research may, and often does, induce a certain degree of shyness due to a consciousness of the social disqualification which arises from that inability to fulfil all the demands for small attentions which constitute conventional politeness; a disability due to habits of consecutive thought and mental abstraction. A sensitive and amiable man would suffer much pain on finding that he had neglected to supply the small wants of the lady sitting next to him at a dinner party, and would withdraw himself from the risk of repeating such unwitting rudeness. This holding back from ordinary society, though really due to a conscientious sense of social duty and tender regard for the feelings of others, is too often referred to a churlish unsociality or arrogant assumption of superiority. If Newton really did mistake the lady’s finger for a tobacco-stopper, depend upon it the pain he suffered was far more acute than that which he inflicted, and was suffered over and over again whenever the incident was recollected. ATMOSPHERE _versus_ ETHER. One of the most remarkable meteors of which we have a reliable record appeared on February 6, 1818. Several accounts of it were published, the fullest being that in _The Gentleman’s Magazine_ of the time. (I may here add, parenthetically, that one reason why I have especial pleasure in writing these notes is that they contribute something towards the restoration of the ancient status of this magazine, which was at one time the only English serial that ventured upon any notable degree of exposition of _popular_ science.) Upon the data supplied by this account, Mr. Joule has calculated the height of the meteor to have been 61 miles above the surface of the earth, and he states that “this meteor is one of the few that have been seen in the daytime, and is also interesting as having been one of the first whose observation afforded materials for the estimation of its altitude.” It was seen in the neighborhood of Cambridge at 2 P.M., also at Swaffham in Norfolk, and at Middleton Cheney near Banbury. The distance between this and Cambridge is sufficient to afford a measurement of its height, provided its position above the horizon at both places was determined with tolerable accuracy. According to the orthodox text-books, the atmosphere of this earth terminates at a height of about 45 or 50 miles, or, if not absolutely ended there, it ceases to be of appreciable density anywhere above this elevation. But here we have a fact which flatly contradicts the calculation. At 61 miles above the earth’s surface there must be atmospheric matter of sufficient density to offer to the passage of this meteor through it an amount of resistance which produced an intense white heat, visible by its luminosity in broad daylight. In the above-quoted paper, read by Mr. Joule before the Manchester Literary and Philosophical Society on December 1, 1863, he refers to subsequent observations and estimates 116 miles as “the elevation at which meteors in general are first observed”—_i.e._, where our atmosphere is sufficiently dense to generate a white-heat by the resistance it offers to the rapidly flying meteor. It is curious to observe how, in dealing with actual physical facts, a mathematician of the solid practical character of Joule becomes compelled to practically throw overboard the orthodox theory of limited atmospheric extension. Here, in making his calculations of the resistance of atmospheric matter at this elevation, he bases them on the assumption of a decrease of density at the rate of “one quarter for every seven miles,” and indicates no limit at which this rate shall vary. Very simple arithmetic is sufficient to show that this leads us to the unlimited atmospheric extension, for which I have contended we may go on for ever taking off a quarter at every seven miles, and there will still remain the three quarters of the quantity upon which we last operated, or, more practically stated, we shall thus go on seven after seven until we reach the boundaries of the atmospheric grasp of the gravitation of some other sphere. Surely the time has arrived for the full reconsideration of this fundamental question of whether the universe is filled with atmospheric matter or is the vacuum of the molecular mathematicians plus the imaginary “ether,” which has been invented by its mathematical creators only to extricate them from the absurd dilemma into which they are plunged when they attempt to explain the transmission of light and heat by undulations traveling through space containing nothing to undulate. They have filled it with immaterial matter evolved entirely from their own consciousness, which they have gratuitously endowed with whatever properties are required for the fitting of their theories—properties that are self-contradictory and without any counterpart in anything seen or known outside of the fertile imagination of these reckless theorists. We know of nothing that can penetrate every form of matter without adding either to its weight or its bulk; we know of nothing that can communicate motion to ponderable matter without itself being ponderable—_i.e._, having the primary property of matter, viz., mass, or weight, and consequent _vis viva_ when moving; we know of nothing that can set bodies in motion without proportionally resisting the motion of bodies through it; and if the waving of the ether is (as Tyndall describes it) “as real and as truly mechanical as the breaking of sea-waves upon the shore,” the material of the breakers must be like the “jelly” to which he compares it, and have some viscosity, or resistance to penetration, or pushing aside. We have not a shadow of direct evidence of the existence of the “interatomic” spaces occupied by the other, and in the midst of which the atoms are made to theoretically swing, nor even of the existence of the atoms themselves. The “ether” of to-day, with its imaginary penetration and its material action without material properties, has merely taken the place of the equally imaginary phlogiston, caloric, electric, and magnetic fluids, the “imponderables” of the past. I have little doubt that ere long the modern modification of these physical superstitions will share their fate, and we shall all adopt the simple conception that heat, light, end electricity are, like sound, merely transmissible states or affections of matter itself regarded bodily, as it is seen and felt to exist. This may possibly throw a good many mathematicians out of work—or into more useful work; but, however that may be, it will certainly aid the general diffusion of science as the intellectual inheritance of every human being. At present the explanations of the simple phenomena of light and heat are incomparably more difficult to understand and to account for than the facts which they attempt to elucidate. A NEGLECTED DISINFECTANT. When the household of our grandmothers was threatened with infection, the common practice was to sprinkle brimstone on a hot shovel or on hot coals on a shovel, and carry the burning result through the house. But now this simple method of disinfecting has gone out of fashion without any good and sufficient reason. The principal reason is neither good nor sufficient, viz., that nobody can patent it and sell it in shilling and half-crown bottles. On September 18th last, M. d’Abbadie read a paper at the Academy of Sciences on “Marsh Fevers,” and stated that in the dangerous regions of African river mouths immunity from such-fevers is often secured by sulphur fumigations on the naked body. Also that the Sicilian workers in low ground sulphur mines suffer much less than the rest of the surrounding population from intermittent fevers. M. Fouqué has shown that Zephyria (on the volcanic island of Milo or Melos, the most westerly of the Cyclades), which had a population of 40,000 when it was the centre of sulphur-mining operations, became nearly depopulated by marsh fever when the sulphur-mining was moved farther east, and the emanations prevented by a mountain from reaching the town. Other similar cases were stated. It is well understood by chemists that bleaching agents are usually good disinfectants; that which can so disturb an organic compound as to destroy its color, is capable of either arresting or completing the decompositions that produce vile odors and nourish the organic germs or ferments which usual accompany, or, as some affirm, cause them. Sulphurous acid is, next to hypochlorous acid, one of the most effective bleaching agents within easy reach. I should add that sulphurous acid is the gas that is _directly_ formed by burning sulphur. By taking up another dose of oxygen it becomes sulphuric acid, which, combined with water, is oil of vitriol. The bleaching and disinfecting action of the sulphurous acid is connected with its activity in appropriating the oxygen which is loosely held or being given off by organic matter. Chlorine and hypochlorous acid (which is still more effective than chlorine itself) act in the opposite way, so do the permanganates, such as Condy’s fluid, etc. They supply oxygen in the presence of water. It is curious that opposite actions should produce like results. A disquisition on this and its suggestions would carry me beyond the limits of a note. ANOTHER DISINFECTANT. The above-named disinfectants are objectionable on account of their own odors and their corrosive action. Both sulphurous acid and hypochlorous acid (the active principle of the so-called “chloride of lime”) have a disagreeable habit of rusting iron and suggesting antique green bronzes by their action on brass ornaments. Under serious conditions this should be endured, but in many cases where the danger is not already developed, the desired end may be attained without these annoyances. Sulphate of copper, which is not patented or “brought out” by a limited company, may be bought at its fair retail value of 6_d._ or less per lb. (the oil-shop name for it is “blue vitriol”), in crystals, readily soluble in water. I have lately used it in the case of a trouble to which English households are too commonly liable, and one that has in many cases done serious mischief. The stoppage of a soil-pipe caused the overflow of a closet, and a consequent saturation of floor boards, that in time would probably have developed danger by nourishing and developing those germs of bacteria, bacilli, etc., which abound in the air, and are ready to increase and multiply wherever their unsavory food abounds. By simply mopping the floor with a solution of these green crystals, and allowing it to soak well into the pores of the wood, they cease to become a habitat for such microscopic abominations. The copper-salt poisons the poisoners. Dr. Burg goes so far as to recommend that building materials, articles of furniture, and clothing, etc., should be injected with sulphate of copper, in order to avert infection, and in support of this refers to the immunity of workers in copper from cholera, typhoid fever, and infectious diseases generally. I agree with him to the extent of suggesting the desirability of occasionally mopping house floors with this solution. Its visible effects on the wood are first to stain it with a faint green tinge which gradually tones down to a brown stain, giving to deal the appearance of oak, a change which has no disadvantage from an artistic point of view. If the wood is already tainted with organic matter capable of giving off sulphureted hydrogen, the darkening change is more rapid and decided, owing to the formation of sulphide of copper. The solution of sulphate should not be put into iron or zinc vessels, as it rapidly corrodes them, and deposits a non-adherent film of copper. It will even disintegrate common earthenware, by penetrating the glaze, and crystallizing within the pores of the ware, but this is a work of time (weeks or months). Stoneware resists this, and wooden buckets may be used safely. It is better to keep the crystals and dissolve when required. Ordinary earthenware may be used with impunity if washed immediately afterwards. ENSILAGE. This subject has been largely expounded and discussed lately in the _Times_ and other newspapers. As most of my readers are doubtless aware, it is simply a substitute for haymaking, by digging pits, paving and building them round with stone or concrete, then placing the green fodder therein and covering it over with sufficient earth to exclude the air. We are told that very inferior material (such as coarse maize grass mixed with chaff) when thus preserved gives better feeding and milking results than good English hay. I may mention a very humble experience of my own that bears upon this. When a boy, I was devoted to silkworms, and my very small supply of pocket-money was over-taxed in the purchase of exorbitantly small pennyworths of mulberry leaves at Covent Garden. But a friend in the country had a mulberry tree, and at rather long intervals I obtained large supplies, which, in spite of all my careful wrapping in damp cloths, became rotted in about ten days. I finally tried digging a hole and burying them. They remained fresh and green until all my silkworms commenced the working and fasting stage of their existence. This was ensilage on a small scale. The correspondence in the newspapers has suggested a number of reasons why English farmers do not follow the example of their continental neighbors in this respect; climate, difference of grasses, etc., etc., are named, but the real reason why this is commercially impossible, and farming, properly so called, is becoming a lost art in England (mere meadow or prairie grazing gradually superseding it) is not named in any part of the discussion that I have read. I refer to the cause which is abolishing the English dairy, which drives us to the commercial absurdity of importing fragile eggs from France, Italy, Spain, etc., apples from the other side of the Atlantic, tame house-fed rabbits from Belgium, and so on, with all other agricultural products which are precisely those we are _naturally_ best able to produce at home; I mean _those demanding a small area of land and a proportionately large amount of capital and labor_. A poultry or rabbit farm, acre for acre, demands fully ten times the capital, ten times the labor, and yields ten times the produce obtained by our big-field beef and mutton graziers. The scientific and economic merits of ensilage are probably all that is claimed for it, and it is especially adapted for our uncertain haymaking climate, but what farmer who is merely a lodger on the land, holding it as an annual tenant-at-will or under a stinted beggarly lease of 21 years, would expend his capital in building a costly _silo_, which becomes by our feudal laws and usages the absolute property of the landlord? Our tenant farmers employ the latest and best achievements of engineering science in the form of implements, but take care that they shall be _upon wheels_, or otherwise non-fixtures, and use rich chemically prepared manures, provided they are not permanent, while they abstain from improvements which involve any serious outlay in the form of fixtures on the land. Those who lecture them about their want of enterprise should always remember that their condition is merely a form of feudal serfdom, tempered by the possession of capital, and that all their agricultural operations are influenced by a continual struggle to prevent their capital from falling into the hands of the feudal lord. Anybody who has ever read an ordinary form of English farm-lease, with its prohibitions concerning the sale of hay and straw, and restrictions to “four-course,” or other mode of cultivation, must see the hopelessness of any development of British agriculture comparable to that of British commerce and manufactures. Imagine the condition of a London shopkeeper or Midland manufacturer holding his business premises as a yearly tenant, liable at six months’ notice to quit, with confiscation of all his business fixtures. THE FRACTURE OF COMETS. The view of the constitution of comets expounded in one of my notes of April last, viz., that they are meteoric systems consisting of a central mass, or masses, round which a multitude of minor bodies are revolving like satellites around their primary, is strongly confirmed by the curious proceedings of the present comet, which proceedings also justify my last note of last month pointing out the omission of our astronomers, who have neglected the positive and irregular repulsive action of the sun upon comets, that, like the great comets of 1843, 1880, and 1882, come within a few hundred thousand miles of the visible solar surface. The solar prominences are stupendous eruptions from the sun, consisting, as the spectroscope demonstrates, of hydrogen flames and incandescent metallic vapors ejected with furious violence to visible distances ranging from ten or twenty to above three hundred thousand miles, but this flame shown by the spectroscope is but the flash of the gun, the actual ejection proceeding vastly farther, far beyond the limits of the corona, as described in last month’s notes. These eruptions are so abundant that Secchi alone observed and recorded 2767 in one year (1871). Speaking generally, the sun is never free from them, and they proceed from all parts of the sun, but most abundantly from the sun-spot zones. A system of meteoric bodies such as I suppose to form a comet (I mean the comet as it exists in space before the generation of its tail, which is only formed as it approaches the sun) could not approach so near to the sun as did the present comet at perihelion, without encountering more or less of these furious blasts the flash of some of which have been seen to move with a measurable mean velocity of above 300 miles per second, and a probable maximum velocity sufficient to eject solid matter beyond the reclaiming grasp of solar gravitation. It is evident that such a meteoric system as I suppose to constitute a comet would, in the course of a rapid perihelion flight crossing these outblasts, be liable to various degrees of ejection in different parts, that would disturb its original structure by blowing some of its constituents out of their orbits, or even quite away from the control of the feeble gravitation of the general meteoric mass, and thus effecting a rupture of the comet. Now such a disintegration or dispersion of the present comet has been actually observed. Several able observers have described a breaking of the head of this comet shortly after its perihelion passage. Commander Sampson’s observations with the great 26-inch equatorial telescope of the Washington Naval Observatory are very explicit. On October 25 he saw the nucleus as a single well-defined globular body. On November 3, with the same telescope, he saw a triple nucleus, due to the formation of two additional minor bodies. These were more distinctly seen on November 6. Mr. W. R. Brooks, of New York, saw a detached fragment of the comet which afterwards faded out of view. Professor Schmidt observed another and similar fragment which has likewise disappeared. All these observations indicate disruption due to some disturbing force, acting with different degrees of violence upon different portions of the comet. Minor disturbances of this kind will, I think, account for the trail of meteoric bodies which Schiaparelli has shown to follow the paths of other comets. A great disturbance might give quite a new orbit to the meteoric fragments. These considerations suggest another and a curious view of the question of possible cometary collision with the sun, viz., that a comet might be traveling in such an orbit as to make it mathematically due to plunge obliquely beneath the solar surface at its next perihelion; but on its approach to the surface of the sun it might encounter so violent an outrush of solar-prominence matter as to drive it bodily out of its course, and avert the threatened peril to its existence. THE ORIGIN OF COMETS. We read in story-books of uncomfortable people who have cherished a guilty secret in their bosoms, that it has “gnawed their vitals,” until at last they have carried it to the grave. I have such a secret that does the gnawing business whenever I write or speak of comets, concerning the origin of which I am guilty of an hypothesis that has hitherto been cherished as aforesaid from the very shame of adding another to an already exaggerated heap of speculations on celestial physics. It assumes, in the first place, that all the other suns which we see as stars are constituted like our own sun; that they eject great eruptions similar to the prominences above described, and even of vastly greater magnitude, as in the case of the flashing stars that have excited so much wonderment among astronomers, but which I regard simply as suns like ours, subject, like ours, to periodic maximum and minimum activities, but of greater magnitude. If such is the case, some of the prominence matter or vaporous constituents of these suns must be ejected with much greater proportional violence than are those from our sun. But those from our sun have been proved to rush out on some occasions with a velocity so great that the solar gravitation cannot bring them back. If such is ever the case with the explosions of our sun, it must be of frequent occurrence with the greater explosions of certain stars, and therefore vast quantities of meteoric matter are continually ejected into space, and traveling there until they come within the gravitation domain of some other sun like ours, when they will necessarily be bent into such orbits as those of comets. But what will be the nature of this meteoric matter? If from our sun, it would be a multitude of metallic hailstones, due to the condensation of the metallic vapor by cooling as it leaves the sun, and such meteoric hail would correspond to the meteoric stones that fall upon our earth, and which, for reasons stated in “The Fuel of the Sun,” I believe to be of solar origin. Besides these, there would be ice-hail, such as Schevedorf claims to be meteoric. A star mainly composed of hydrogen and carbon, or densely enveloped in these gases (as the spectroscope indicates to be the case in some of these flashing stars), would eject hydrocarbon vapors, condensible by cooling into solids similar to those we obtain by the condensation of terrestrial hydrocarbon vapors (paraffin, camphor, turpentine, and all the essential oils, for example), and thus we should have the meteoric systems composed of these particles circulating about their own common centre of mass as above stated, and displaying the spectrum which Dr. Huggins has found common to comets. If this is correct, the present comet comes from a sun that contains metallic sodium in addition to the hydrocarbons, as the spectrum of this metal was seen when this comet was near enough to the sun to render its vapor incandescent. FOOTNOTES [1] Up to the present date (1882) nobody, as far as I know, has questioned my figures or defended those of Wollaston. Sir William Grove has written to me, pointing out his own anticipations of my conclusions respecting the universality of atmospheric matter. Sir Charles Lyell, before his death, expressed very strong approval of my conclusions, and many other men of scientific eminence have done the same. To expect any immediate, unreserved adoption of such bold speculations would be unreasonable. [2] Since the above was written these analogies have been generally accepted. [3] Since the publication of “The Fuel of the Sun,” Mr. Norman Lockyer has adopted this view of solar dissociation, and has gone so far as to suppose that it splits metals and other substances regarded by modern chemists as simple elements into more elementary and simple constituents. He assumes that the temperature of the solar atmosphere, growing higher at increasing depths, becomes somewhere capable of doing far greater dissociation work than that which separates the hydrogen of the prominences revealed by the spectroscope. In putting forth this “working hypothesis” he seems to have lost sight of the fact clearly proved by Deville’s experiments, that the temperature of dissociation rises with the pressure to which the compound is subjected, and thus that within the bowels of the sun the metals will be far less dissociable than they are on the surface of our earth. [4] Still more recently (1882) the magnificent photographs of Jannsen have displayed further evidence of the flame-tongue character of the mottling. [5] Subsequent observations (1882) by Secchi, Young, and others have demonstrated velocities far exceeding this; quite sufficient to project the solid matter clearly beyond the sphere of solar attraction. [6] My first memorandum on this subject is dated April 23, 1840, in a _Register of Ideas_, then commenced in very early student days. [7] Any reader of “The Fuel of the Sun” will perceive that the vaporous envelope which I have described as “an effectual jacket for limiting the amount of radiation,” is a complete theoretical anticipation and explanation of the “solar crust” of Respighi and the “Trennungschicht” of Zöllner. We agree perfectly in our conclusions, though arriving at them by such very different paths, and so independently of each other. [8] What did he smell? Was it an emanation from the soles of my feet? If so, how did this aura get through the soles of my boots, which were thick? It could scarcely have been the odor of the boot soles themselves that he followed, as he recognized me afterwards at some distance. This suggests an interesting experiment, that anybody owning one of these dogs may easily try. Make a similar track to mine, but when on the way, take off the boots you wore on starting and change them for some one else’s boots, or a new pair, and watch the result from the window. [9] “The Fuel of the Sun,” Chapters iv. to x. [10] Since this was written some such modifications have been made with equivocal results. [11] _Nature_, vol. xiv. p. 429. [12] See Chapter on “The Origin of Lunar Volcanoes.” [13] The burnt card, burnt bamboo, and other flimsy incandescent threads now (1882) in vogue, merely represent Starr’s preliminary failures prior to his adoption of the hard adamantine stick of retort-carbon, which I suppose will be duly re-invented, patented again, and form the basis of new Limited Companies, when the present have collapsed. [14] Hull, “On the Coal-fields of Great Britain.” [15] “The Great Ice Age, and its Relation to the Antiquity of Man.” By James Geikie, F.R.S., etc. Second edition, revised, 1877. Daldy and Isbister. [16] The terminal moraine at the Oxfjord station, which I have already mentioned as the only ancient example of an ordinary moraine that I have seen in Arctic Norway, was, of course, a special object of interest to me. Further observation showed that it does not merely consist of the heap of stones I noticed in 1856, which appears like a disturbed talus cut through and heaped up at its lower part, but that there is another moraine adjoining it, or in continuation with it, which is covered with vegetation, and stretches quite across the mouth of the valley. The Duke of Roxburgh, who is well acquainted with this neighborhood, having spent sixteen summers in Arctic Norway, was one of our fellow-passengers, and told me that this moraine forms a barrier that dams up the waters of a considerable lake, abounding with remarkably fine char. I learned this just as the packet was starting, too late to go on shore even for a few minutes, and obtain a view of this lake and the valley beyond. This I regret, as it might have revealed some explanation of the exceptional nature of this moraine. It would be interesting to learn whether it belongs to the greater ice age, or to that period of minor glaciation that fashioned the farm patches already described. The formation of the lake is easily understood in the latter case. It is only required that such a minor reglaciated valley as one of these should be of larger magnitude and of very gentle inclination at its lower part, so that the secondary glacier should die out before reaching the present seashore. It would then deposit its moraine across the mouth of the valley, and this moraine would dam up the waters which such a valley must necessarily receive from the drainage of its hilly sides. Llyn Idwal, in North Wales, is a lake thus formed. [17] See “Through Norway with a Knapsack,” chapters xi. and xii., for further descriptions of these. [18] Lyell, “Elements of Geology,” p. 159. [19] The celebrated “Maelström” is one of the currents that flow down the submarine incline between these islands when the tide is falling. Although I have ridiculed some of the accounts of this now innocent stream, I am not prepared to assert that it was always as mild as at present. If the ancient glaciers were stopped suddenly, as they may well have been, by the rocky barrier of Mosken, between Vaerö and Moskenesö, and they then suddenly concluded their deposition of till, a precipice must have been formed between this and the deep sea outside the islands, down which the sea would pitch when the tide was falling, and thus form some dangerous eddies. This cascade would gradually obliterate itself by wearing down the precipitous wall to an inclined plane such as at present exists, and down which the existing current flows. [20] The largest of the Norwegian lakes, the Mjosen, is 1550 feet deep, and its surface 385 feet above the sea-level. Its bottom is about 1000 feet lower than the sea outside, or 500 to 800 feet below the bottom of the Christiana Fjord. The fjords, generally speaking, are very much shallower near their mouths than further inland, as though their depth had been determined by the thickness of the glaciers flowing down them, and the consequent limits of flotation and deposition. [21] This has been recently overcome to a great extent by using glycerine instead of water. [22] Since the above was written I have made some experiments with a solution of shellac in borax (obtained by long boiling), and hereby claim the invention of its application to this purpose, in order to prevent anybody from patenting it. I shall not do so myself. [23] Written during the coal famine of 1872–73. [24] From 1870 to 1880 the amount has risen from 110,431,192 to 146,818,622 tons per annum, an average increase of 3,638,743 tons per annum. [25] At the present time (1882) we are receiving the excessive supplies consequent upon the opening of new pits that, under the stimulus of high prices, were in the course of sinking when the above was written. Hence the present low prices. Presently the annual increase of consumption will overtake this increased supply, and another “coal famine” like that then existing will follow. This is not far distant. [26] “The Coal Fields of Great Britain,” pp. 447, 448. [27] In a paper on the Comstock mines, read at the Pittsburg meeting of the American Institute of Mining Engineers in 1879, by Mr. John A. Church, the hot mine waters are described as reaching 158° Fahr. (so hot that men have been scalded to death by falling into them). The highest recorded _air temperature_ there is 128°. These are silver mines, and vigorously worked in spite of this temperature and great humidity. A much higher temperature is endurable in _dry air_. [28] The scientific pedant of the Middle Ages displayed his profundity by continually quoting Aristotle and other “ancients.” His modern successor does the like by decorating his pages with displays of algebraical formulæ. In order to secure the proper respect of _my_ readers I here repeat the equation that I enunciated many years ago, “_c_ = _s_/_p_” where _c_ stands for civilization, _s_ for the quantity of soap consumed per annum, and _p_ the population of a given community. [29] Geologists who may be interested in seeing the results of this experiment, will find on the Edgbaston Vestry Hall, in Enville Road, near the Five Ways, Birmingham, some columns, massive window pieces, doorways, and ornamental steps cast from the fused Rowley Rag and slowly cooled. [30] In each of my three visits to America 1 lost about thirty pounds in weight, which I recovered within a few months of my return to the “home country” (of English-speaking nations).—RICHARD A. PROCTOR. [31] Since the above was written, a correspondent in Paris tells me that a caricature exists, representing a Frenchman enjoying an open fire by standing on his head in the middle of the room. [32] See foot-note, page 365. [33] I tried the seeds given to me by Messrs. Carter, and find them to produce the same plant as my own, which I still cultivate very successfully. I now sow it in the spring as a kitchen garden border. [34] Subsequent experiments induce me not to recommend this economy, on account of the bagging which results from excessive width between the frames; 3 feet should not be exceeded. [35] I have followed up Mr. Trewby’s hint, and find that more than one quality of scrim is made. The best, made entirely of flax, costs rather more than the 2¼_d._ stated in the estimate, but it is the cheapest practically. The best I have seen is that used in the Houses of Parliament. [36] Watt’s own figure for the latent heat of steam at 212° was 950°, but I adopt that which is now generally accepted. Transcriber’s Notes Punctuation and spelling were made consistent when a predominant preference was found in this book; otherwise they were not changed. The original text contained many typographical errors. The simple ones were corrected without comment here; others are noted below. Unbalanced quotation marks were corrected, as proper placement always could be determined. Some typographical errors probably remain undetected. Ambiguous hyphens at the ends of lines were retained; occurrences of inconsistent hyphenation have not been changed. Text uses both “Acadamy” and “Academy”; both retained here. Page 336: “The disagreeable sensation experienced by Dr. Siemens in the stove-heated railway cars, etc., were probably due to this” was printed that way. Either “sensation” should be “sensations” or “were” should be “was”. End of Project Gutenberg's Science in Short Chapters, by W. Mattieu Williams	173,161	common-pile/project_gutenberg_filtered	55626	project gutenberg	project_gutenberg-dolma-0010.json.gz:845	https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/55626.txt.utf-8
dPTdLbV2mTbGa7Uv	Practical Phrenology Simplified	PHRENOLOGICAL ANALYSIS OF THE CHARACTER OF __________________________ By Given NOTICE. It is recommended to use in the annexed table the numerals, from one to eight, commencing in the column headed Very Small. It will then exhibit the _relative_ developements of the organs in the head of the _individual examined_. +--------------------------+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+ \| \|Predominant. \| \| \|Very Large. \| \| \| \|Large. \| \| \| \| \|Full. \| \| \| \| \| \|Moderate. \| \| \| \| \| \| \|Rather Small. \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \|Small. \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \|Very Small. +--------------------------+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+ \|_Domestic Propensities._ \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \|Amativeness, \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \|Philoprogenitiveness, \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \|Adhesiveness, \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \|Inhabitiveness, \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| -- \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \|Concentrativeness, \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \|_Selfish Propensities._ \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \|Combativeness, \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \|Destructiveness, \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \|Secretiveness, \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \|Alimentiveness, \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \|Acquisitiveness, \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \|_Selfish Sentiments._ \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \|Firmness, \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \|Self-esteem, \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \|Love of Approbation, \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \|Cautiousness, \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \|_Moral Sentiments._ \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \|Conscientiousness, \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \|Veneration, \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \|Benevolence, \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \|Hope, \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \|Marvellousness, \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \|_Intellectual Sentiments._\| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \|Identity, \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \|Constructiveness, \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \|Imitation, \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \|Mirthfulness, \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \|_Perceptive Faculties._ \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \|Individuality, \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \|Form, \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \|Size, \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \|Weight, \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \|Colour, \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \|Order, \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \|Calculation, \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \|Locality, \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \|Eventuality, \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \|Time, \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \|Tune, \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \|Language, \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| _Reflective Faculties._ \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \|Causality, \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \|Comparison, \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \|_Temperaments._ \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \|Lymphatic, \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \|Sanguine, \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \|Bilious, \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \|Nervous, \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| +--------------------------+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+ PRACTICAL PHRENOLOGY SIMPLIFIED. BY THEODORE FOSTER. PHILADELPHIA: ORRIN ROGERS, 67 SOUTH SECOND STREET. 1838. Entered according to Act of Congress, A. D. 1838, by Theodore Foster, in the Clerk’s Office of the District Court for the Eastern District of Pennsylvania. E. G. DORSEY, PRINTER, LIBRARY STREET. CONTENTS. _Domestic Propensities_, 1 Amativeness, _ib._ Philoprogenitiveness, 5 Adhesiveness, 8 Inhabitiveness, 11 Concentrativeness, 13 _Selfish Propensities_, 16 Combativeness, _ib._ Destructiveness, 19 Secretiveness, 22 Acquisitiveness, 26 Alimentiveness, 30 _Selfish Sentiments_, 34 Firmness, _ib._ Self-esteem, 37 Love of Approbation, 43 Cautiousness, 46 _Moral Sentiments_, 49 Conscientiousness, _ib._ Veneration, 53 Benevolence, 56 Hope, 59 Marvellousness, 62 _Intellectual Sentiments_, 65 Ideality, _ib._ Constructiveness, 68 Imitation, 69 Mirthfulness, 72 _Observing Faculties_, 75 Individuality, _ib._ Form, 78 Size, 80 Weight, 81 Colour, 83 Order, 85 Calculation, 87 Locality, 90 Eventuality, 92 Time, 95 Tune, 96 Language, 98 _Reflective Faculties_, 101 Causality, _ib._ Comparison, 103 _Temperaments_, 107 PREFACE. The present volume is designed to exhibit the subject of Practical Phrenology in as clear and as perspicuous a light as its nature will admit. To this purpose the author has aimed to divest it of all extraneous matter, and at the same time to avoid all unnecessary conciseness. The learner will here find a comprehensive view of the functions of each organ, with their different effects on the character when in various stages of developement, and also when compounded with each other. The author presents few claims to originality. In a few instances he has even adopted the language of others where it presented itself in a felicitous manner--his aim being to make a good book rather than to add to his own reputation. It is but proper here to state that the work has passed through the press without the benefit of the author’s personal inspection--an affection of the eyes rendering this service impossible. But for this it might have received many _retouches_, which, if they did not add materially to its _value_, might have improved its appearance. DOMESTIC PROPENSITIES. 1. AMATIVENESS. This organ produces the sexual passion, and imparts to its possessor a desire for the happiness of the opposite sex. In society it does much to promote general kindliness of feeling, and urbanity of manners. Predominant.--One in whom this organ predominates, will incline to be libidinous, licentious and lustful. If his moral organs are very large, particularly Firmness and Conscientiousness, he may restrain the outward expression of this feeling; but it will, nevertheless, be powerful, and at times overwhelming. If long deprived of the society of the other sex, he will feel lonesome and disconsolate. Large.--With large Amativeness and Adhesiveness, an individual will be exceedingly attached to the society of the other sex; and will be capable of readily ingratiating himself into their favour. If with these organs large, and small Firmness and Conscientiousness, although his love will be intense and fervid, yet he will be apt to be capricious and fickle in his attachments. He will be inclined rather to seek the favour of the sex generally, than to limit his regard to a single object. If Adhesiveness, Inhabitiveness and Philoprogenitiveness are large, he will be induced to marry early, but if Adhesiveness, Philoprogenitiveness, and Conscientiousness are small, he will be inclined to gratify this feeling without reference to the laws of morality. With Self-esteem, Firmness, and Secretiveness large, although he may love intensely, yet he will not allow his passion to predominate over him; if disappointed, he will not be subdued, but manifest to the spectator the appearance of unconcern. With such a combination, he will, in all cases, feel much more intensely than his expressions will imply. If Mirthfulness is large, and Conscientiousness and Ideality small, he will be liable to joke, and be fond of licentious allusions. Moderate.--With a moderate developement of this organ, an individual will take great pleasure in the society of ladies, whose taste and feelings coincide with his own. If his Moral Sentiments and Intellect are large, he will be averse to the society of the merely volatile and frivolous. If Ideality and Love of Approbation are large, he will be attracted by the company of the gay and fashionable. If Ideality and Intellect generally, are large, he will be disgusted with vulgarity and libidinous allusions. His passion will be deep, but not lasting, and with a moderate amount of controlling organs he can restrain it at will. Small.--When this organ is small, an individual will be distant and reserved towards females. If Adhesiveness is large, he may be attached to the society of a select few; but the connexion will be of a strictly Platonic character. He will be unable to feel the peculiar pleasures of female society. If Adhesiveness and Philoprogenitiveness are large, he may be disposed to a matrimonial alliance; but if these organs are small, he will be decidedly averse to such a connexion. If one with Moral Sentiments moderate, and Destructiveness and Self-esteem large, under the influence of the aforementioned combination, were to marry, the connexion would be necessarily an unfortunate one; his attachment could not outlive the vicissitudes attending the marriage state, and would inevitably degenerate into disdain and aversion. He would, notwithstanding, be a fond parent, though his affection would be capricious and ill regulated. With Adhesiveness, Conscientiousness, Veneration, and Benevolence large, an individual’s regard for the wife of his choice, if fortunate in his selection, will increase with time; the strength of his superior sentiments more than supplying the want of animal passion. 2. PHILOPROGENITIVENESS. The legitimate office of this organ is to produce love for one’s own offspring. It produces, however, in the breast of its possessor an affection for children indiscriminately; for the feeble and helpless; for pets--as dogs, horses, cats, &c., and even for inanimate objects. It has an influence in producing general kindliness of disposition. A peculiarity of its character consists in its inspiring its possessor to love with the fondest affection the child that is the most helpless, and even the one that has caused the greatest solicitude and brought down on its parent the deepest disgrace. Predominant.--An individual in whom this organ predominates has a constant hankering for the society of children. If without them himself, he views the deprivation as a great misfortune, and if his circumstances are favourable, will be likely to adopt one, for the purpose of exhausting the energy of this feeling upon it. He will be likewise much attached to pets, as horses and dogs. Large.--Those who possess this organ large, betray it in every look and motion when in company with children. They take the greatest delight in their society, and enter into their little troubles and enjoyments with the greatest zeal. They readily enlist their confidence, and can easily control them. If deprived of their society, they will exhaust their attachment upon some pet animal which they will frequently fondle. When Combativeness, Destructiveness and Philoprogenitiveness are large, an individual will punish children severely when they annoy him, notwithstanding his great affection for them. If Self-esteem and Combativeness are small, he will be liable to humour his children and allow them improper indulgences. With Combativeness and Destructiveness large, he will be apt to be capricious in his feelings towards children, at one time humoring them, and at another petulant and cross. Moderate.--With Philoprogenitiveness moderate, a person will be attached to his own children to a good degree, and may take some interest in others after they begin to lose their infantile character. This feeling, however, will not be durable. He will readily tire of children when they annoy him. The death of a child will be a poignant affliction to him, but it will be soon forgotten. If Destructiveness and Self-esteem are large, he will be liable to punish them with severity for trivial offences. Small.--With this organ small, a person will be exceedingly annoyed by children. If a parent, he will consign the care of them to menials. In all his intercourse with company, he will betray a marked indifference to their society. If ever induced to amuse them, his awkwardness will betray itself to the most casual observer. If Benevolence is large, he will take all needful care of them; but if Secretiveness and Destructiveness are large, he will delight to torment and teaze them. 3. ADHESIVENESS. This organ furnishes the instinct of social attachment. Towards the object of its regard it excites the purest feelings of affection. It is not satisfied with loving, it must also be loved, and requires for its healthy existence a constant exchange of pure and radiant affection. It diffuses its influence over the whole character of the man, and tends to render him kind, amiable, and affectionate. It leads to the love of company, and of social intercourse. While it is the germ of many virtues, it is to be feared; in the present state of society, it is likewise productive of many vices. Predominant.--With Adhesiveness predominant, an individual is pre-eminently qualified to enjoy friendship, and will be miserable without it. He will often feel the yearnings of affection coming over him with all the intensity of a passion. His most vivid enjoyments are experienced in the society of his friends. He readily recognises the existence of a similar feeling in another, and, if circumstances are favourable, they soon become intimate. Large.--One having Adhesiveness large, is eminently social and affectionate. With large Moral organs, will make great sacrifices to render his friends service, and will esteem the pleasures of friendship as one of the chief sources of enjoyment. With Combativeness and Destructiveness large, and Self-esteem moderate, will resent an aggression upon a friend which he would not notice upon himself. If Self-esteem is large, with Combativeness and Destructiveness large, he will easily get angry with his friends, but will be readily conciliated. With Benevolence and Love of Approbation large, is exceedingly liberal and forward among friends; will do his utmost to please and gratify them; earnestly desire their approbation; and will be exceedingly sensitive to their reproaches. With Firmness and Conscientiousness small, will be capricious in his attachments. With Secretiveness and Self-esteem large, he will not fully express the feelings which he experiences, and will thus leave the impression that his affection is less than it really is. Moderate.--One having Adhesiveness moderate, may be strongly attached to friends, but his friendships will be readily severed. He may be companionable, and with large Benevolence will be generous and good-hearted, but he will still lack that strong feeling of sympathy without which friendship is but a name. Small.--With Adhesiveness small, an individual will be unsocial, cold-hearted and selfish. If his moral organs predominate over self-esteem, he may be companionable, but he will be nearly wanting in the attributes of character ascribed to this organ. 4. INHABITIVENESS. This organ produces home-sickness, and causes a feeling of regret to take possession of the mind when leaving a place in which one has long resided. It is the first element of patriotism. It produces a desire to locate and reside in a particular place, and adds much to the strength of family attachments. Predominant.--One in whom Inhabitiveness predominates, is pre-eminently attached to any place with which he has become familiar. It causes him much pain to leave it, and he returns to it with eagerness. Large.--One having inhabitiveness large, will experience the most poignant sensations of regret at leaving a place with which he has become familiar. Even a particular house, garden, office or room, has for him peculiar gratifications. With large Locality, will take delight in travelling, but will be constantly harassed by thoughts of home. This is more especially the case if Concentrativeness is large. If Self-esteem and Veneration are large, he will be eminently patriotic, and will defend his country from aspersions with as much vigour as himself. Veneration being large, he will experience the profoundest feelings of respect and regard for the memory of the departed worthies of its history; and with large Individuality, Eventuality, &c., he will take great delight in reading the history of his own country, and of conversing upon its character and institutions. If long absent from home, he is constantly curious, and eagerly seeks every means of being informed concerning it. The peculiarities of the different places in which he has resided often occur to him with feelings of the most vivid pleasure. Moderate.--One in whom Inhabitiveness is moderate, will not change his residence without regret, yet soon becomes reconciled to a new location. If long absent from his country, Self-esteem being small, he will become expatriated in feeling, and identify himself wholly with the country in which he resides. Small.--When Inhabitiveness is small, the individual will be constantly prompted to change his place of residence. Unless this feeling is counteracted by the strength of other organs, he cannot get familiarized with a place without becoming dissatisfied and restless. 5. CONCENTRATIVENESS. This organ imparts the power of continuity of thought. It also aids in enabling its possessor to continue the action of the organs generally. Predominant.--One having Concentrativeness predominant, with Causality large, will be much subject to absence of mind. He will be quite unable to attend to more than one thing at a time, and will be generally prolix in conversation. Large.--With large Concentrativeness, an individual will be much disturbed if more than one thing claim attention at once; has a strong inclination after taking up a subject to pursue it till he has completed it. In conversation he will be much distracted if it is desultory in its character. If a writer, his compositions will exhibit a sustained unity of expression throughout. Moderate.--One with Concentrativeness moderate, is inclined to pursue a subject or train of thought, but can be easily diverted from it. If Causality and Intellect generally are moderate, is neither inclined to pursue a study to its termination, nor is he able to pass rapidly to another. With nervous temperament he will possess great versatility of attention. Small.--With Concentrativeness small, an individual will be quite unable to devote his attention for any length of time to a single study or subject. In ordinary conversation, he will fly from one subject to another, without order or arrangement. His friends, even if strongly attached to them, will not be long thought of at a time. His antipathies will be readily assuaged. He will possess great vivacity of disposition. SELFISH PROPENSITIES. 1. COMBATIVENESS. This organ gives the desire to oppose, resist and overcome. It renders its possessor able to encounter difficulties, and to be bold and strenuous in his opposition. If not properly regulated, it leads to a desire to contradict and quarrel for the sake of opposition. It gives vigour and zeal to the pugilist and warrior. Predominant.--When this organ predominates, the individual will be bold, disputatious and quarrelsome. In an encounter he will never be satisfied till he has obtained the mastery. He will display great nerve and determination in whatever he undertakes. With Self-esteem large, and Conscientiousness and Benevolence small, he will be extremely quarrelsome and overbearing. Large.--With Self-esteem large, the individual will be pre-eminently bold and enterprising. If Firmness is small, he will be wavering in his views; but if Firmness is large, he will add perseverance to courage, and never give up a point while a reasonable hope of success remains. If with this combination, and Moral Sentiments small, he will be litigious and quarrelsome. If Destructiveness is small, he will be fond of disputing, but will avoid giving pain. If Destructiveness is large, and Benevolence small, he will be vindictive and cruel, and will ever be disposed to vindicate his own importance, regardless of circumstances or the rights of others. If Love of Approbation, Benevolence, Veneration and Conscientiousness are large, he will avoid all low contentions, and will direct the action of this organ to the maintenance of right and the enforcement of just opinion. Moderate.--One with moderate Combativeness, will forbear in a contention as long as Self-esteem will allow. If his temperament is active, he may be irritable and passionate, but upon the whole, will be peaceable. If his religious feelings are strong, notwithstanding his usual distaste for opposition, he will contend strenuously for the rights of his church, and cheerfully encounter reproach for its sake. If Acquisitiveness is large, and Self-esteem small, he will allow himself to be insulted with impunity, but will resist every attack upon his property. Small.--With Combativeness small, an individual’s character will be mild and peaceable. He will rather submit to oppression than make the requisite exertion to defend his rights. Above every thing else he will desire peace. With Self-esteem small, he will be eminently deficient in presence of mind in times of danger. He will quail under opposition, and with Cautiousness large, will be timid and cowardly. With Destructiveness large, and Benevolence small, he will be harsh and severe where there is no resentment to be feared. With Acquisitiveness large, he will be fond of acquiring by slow accumulations, rather than by bold speculations. With Domestic Feelings large, he will avoid the turbulent scenes of life, and seek refuge in quiet and retirement. 2. DESTRUCTIVENESS. This organ produces the propensity to exterminate and destroy. It incites the murderer to his act of crime. It renders its possessor harsh, cruel, and indifferent to the feelings of others, and is an active element in the minds of all warriors, sportsmen and pugilists. Predominant.--With Destructiveness predominant, an individual will be harsh, cruel and severe. His language will abound with pungent sarcasms and cutting remarks. With large Combativeness, he will prefer arms as a profession. With Self-esteem and Combativeness both large, he will be distinguished for his energy and force of character. He will drive through his purposes regardless of opposition. Large.--With Destructiveness large, and Benevolence small, an individual will be cruel, sanguinary and severe. With Secretiveness and Conscientiousness small, and Combativeness and Self-esteem large, he will be exceedingly passionate and vindictive. With such a combination, he will lose no opportunity of assailing the feelings of his opponents. If Amativeness and Adhesiveness are large, he will be attached to his family, yet will treat them often with great severity. If Combativeness and Destructiveness are small, it will require much to excite him, but when aroused, he will be vindictive to the last degree. If Benevolence is large, he will not be sanguinary or cruel; but with Combativeness moderate, will be mild and amiable in disposition, yet capable of great severity when circumstances justify it. This combination enables the surgeon to perform an operation with the requisite energy, and yet without giving unnecessary pain. With Approbativeness small, and Self-esteem, Conscientiousness and Benevolence large, he may be charitable, yet he will often give needless offence in his administrations of charity. He will destroy every thing that is not absolutely valuable. Moderate.--With Destructiveness moderate, and Benevolence large, one will be tender-hearted, and with small Combativeness, effeminate. With moderate Benevolence, and large Self-esteem and Combativeness, he will possess sufficient severity of character to enable him to succeed in any lawful occupation. He will be naturally peaceful and opposed to harsh measures when they can be avoided, yet will not refrain from using severity when necessary. If Benevolence is large, and Combativeness and Self-esteem moderate, he will lack energy and force of mind; will easily sink under difficulties and submit quietly to aggression and imposition. Small.--With Destructiveness small, an individual will be effeminate, and with moderate Combativeness, be very destitute of energy and force of character. He will be mild, inoffensive, and peaceable. The performance of an action that requires the infliction of much pain, will be to him nearly impossible. With Acquisitiveness moderate or large, he will have a desire to preserve and lay by every thing that is not absolutely worthless. It will give him pain to see any thing that may possibly be of service destroyed. 3. SECRETIVENESS. This organ gives the desire and the talents for concealment. In its abuse, it renders its possessor averse to, and almost incapable of, an open-hearted expression. His remarks are sly, evasive and ambiguous. His actions, he considers, are beyond the reach of human sagacity. It is the foundation of all hypocrisy, deception and intrigue. Predominant.--One in whom Secretiveness predominates, will be sly, conniving and hypocritical. It will be difficult for him to relate the simplest incident without evasion. If he has an end to bring about, he will seek to do it by some manœuvre, even when an open course would be more effective. The most trifling actions of his life will be brought about by stratagem. He looks upon others as being actuated by the same motives as himself, and is constantly suspicious and watchful. He will possess great tact, and be readily enabled to discover the motives of others. In conversation, he is apt to hesitate and recommence his sentences, and to answer in an ambiguous manner. Large.--With Secretiveness, Self-esteem and Conscientiousness large, an individual will detest hypocrisy and duplicity, yet will be exceedingly prudent and circumspect in his conversation and conduct. He will be slow to make acquaintances, and will require a long time ere he becomes intimate with them. With Love of Approbation large, he will be deferential and polite, and will possess a superior tact at making himself agreeable. With Comparison and Individuality large, he will possess a good knowledge of human nature, will be well qualified to detect intrigue, and of frustrating any designs upon himself. If Self-esteem, Firmness and Secretiveness are large, he will endure pain with the most heroic fortitude and forbearance. If Conscientiousness be moderate, he will be very suspicious towards others, and will be perpetually on his guard. If Destructiveness and Self-esteem are large, he will be easily made angry, but with Cautiousness and Firmness large, will restrain his feelings even when highly excited. With Conscientiousness and Cautiousness large, it will be exceedingly difficult for him to form an opinion. With Adhesiveness moderate, and Imitation large, he will be liable to be very friendly to one’s face, and abuse him in his absence. With Self-esteem and Firmness large, will seldom yield to an opponent, but will very often deceive him by appearing to have yielded. Moderate.--With Secretiveness moderate, and Self-esteem large, one will be frank, candid and open-hearted in his ordinary intercourse with society, yet will be capable, when necessity requires it, of intrigue and duplicity. He will be frank, open and sincere to acquaintances, yet will manifest much reserve to strangers. His ordinary conversation will be discreet, yet, when excited, he will express his sentiments regardless of consequences; this is more particularly true when Cautiousness is small. He will then be distinguished for contrariety of feeling, being prudent and circumspect at one time, and open, blunt and offending at another. Conscientiousness being small, adds much to the strength of Secretiveness. He will then use deception and intrigue whenever they answer his purpose. If Self-esteem, Combativeness and Destructiveness are large, he will be very blunt and decided, when nothing is to be gained by an opposite course, and will express his sentiments without scruple. Small.--With Secretiveness small, one is frank, candid and open-hearted. He will freely relate even to comparative strangers all his foibles and weaknesses, as well as his virtues and merits. He expresses his hatred and dislikes without fear or favour. Strangers will suppose his anger or displeasure to be greater than it really is. With Destructiveness and Self-esteem large, he will get angry readily, but if Concentrativeness is small, will soon recover his temper. He will be often imposed upon in consequence of his relying too much on others. If Love of Approbation and Benevolence are small, his demeanour will be usually gruff and impolite. He will have great aversion to outside show, will use plain and blunt expressions, and be fond of forcible language. 4. ACQUISITIVENESS. This organ produces the desire to save, to hoard up and accumulate. It induces its possessor to acquire property without reference to its uses or his own necessities. It produces the instinct of property. Predominant.--A person in whom this organ predominates, will be miserly, sordid and avaricious. He will look upon the accumulation of property as the great end of human existence. If with a low education, he will not scruple to steal and pilfer. Large.--With large Acquisitiveness, and small Benevolence, an individual will be selfish, sordid and grasping; but with large Conscientiousness, he will not trespass on the rights of others. With Domestic Feelings small, he will be excessively penurious in regard to his family, and will begrudge every shilling that is expended for their benefit; but if Domestic Feelings are large, he will spend money freely for the comfort of his family, when he would not on his own account. With Love of Approbation and Ideality large, he will spend money freely, in order that he may excel in dress, equipage, &c., while at the same time, he will be excessively penurious in his dealings. With large Veneration, he will look with much respect and awe upon those who are distinguished for their wealth. With Love of Approbation large, he will be anxious to avoid the reputation of littleness in his dealings, and will often give to charitable objects, but will give in such a way as it shall be known. With Firmness, Self-esteem, Hope and Combativeness large, he will be eminently enterprising and persevering. If Caution is small, will be apt to rush into speculations heedlessly and recklessly; but if Caution is large, will be exceedingly prudent and careful in what he undertakes; but when he has come to a conclusion upon a point, he will pursue it with great zeal and energy. If Secretiveness is large, he will have great ability to make a bargain and effect an arrangement where many others would fail. If Cautiousness is large, and Hope and Self-esteem moderate or small, he will be averse to speculations and great enterprises, and prefer slow processes of accumulation. If Firmness is small, he will be apt to be fickle in his undertakings and not pursue them long enough to obtain his ends. If Conscientiousness and Veneration be large, he may be induced to give money to religious purposes. If Ideality and Veneration are large, he will be likely to hoard antiquities, medals, &c. With large Intellect, he will take great pleasure in accumulating a library. If Ideality and Love of Approbation are small, he will care little for the beauty of the binding or the neatness of the type; but with Ideality large, he will spend money freely for these luxuries. With Perceptive organs large, will be a good judge of property, &c. Moderate.--With moderate Acquisitiveness, Self-esteem and Love of Approbation, a person may be close and economical in his dealings, be shrewd, enterprising and industrious, may make and accumulate money, but he will often spend it unnecessarily. With every desire, as he supposes, to save, yet he will find at the end of the year that he has expended much that he might have saved. If Alimentiveness is large, he will be unable to deny himself the pleasures of the table. If Adhesiveness is large, he will spend money freely for the gratification of his friends. If Benevolence is large, he will give much to objects of charity. He will look upon money as the means of enjoyment, and not as the end of human exertion. Small.--A person in whom Acquisitiveness is small, will be unable to understand the value of money, or to take pleasure in its acquisition, and unless restrained by the influence of the moral feelings, will be a spendthrift. 5. ALIMENTIVENESS. This organ imparts the relish for food and drink. Its activity is increased when the person is engaged in eating or drinking. Predominant.--One in whom this organ is predominant, will be greatly addicted to the pleasures of the table, will eat voraciously, and will consider gustatory enjoyments one of the chief pleasures of existence. Large.--With Adhesiveness and Love of Approbation large, he will be very fond of public dinners and festive occasions. If to these be added Ideality large, the pleasures of these occasions will be heightened in proportion to the splendour of their appearance. If Acquisitiveness is large, there will be a continued struggle in his mind; the one wishing to save money and the other to indulge in good living: the contest will be decided by the character of his other developements and his worldly circumstances. If Acquisitiveness is small, he will be regardless of the expense of an entertainment, and will gratify his appetite without reference to its cost. With Adhesiveness, Ideality and Approbativeness large, he will take delight in entertaining his friends in a sumptuous manner. With Conscientiousness, Veneration and Benevolence large, he will often reproach himself for his extravagance in matters of the table. With Mirthfulness, Imitation and Secretiveness large, will be excessively fond of telling stories, and in “setting the table in a roar.” With Ideality and Love of Approbation moderate, and Causality and Self-esteem large, will be fond of entertaining company, but will despise ceremony. Moderate.--With Alimentiveness moderate, a person is fond of a good diet, but does not make it a prominent object of his attention. With Benevolence large, he will cheerfully put up with meaner fare than he is accustomed to when necessity requires it. If Acquisitiveness is large, he will not expend much upon the pleasures of the palate. Small.--With Alimentiveness small, an individual will be quite regardless of what he eats; will be unable to remember from one day to another what he has eaten, and usually finds it difficult to decide at table what dish to take first. With Destructiveness large, often speaks bitterly of those who indulge in luxurious living. With large Love of Approbation and Ideality, will give entertainments, but think more of the respectability of his company and the splendour of the appearance of his table, than of the quality of the food, &c. SELFISH SENTIMENTS. 1. FIRMNESS. The tendency of this organ is to give constancy and perseverance to the other powers, and aids their activity and force. Its impulses are sometimes mistaken for will. This, however, is not correct, as the action of this organ urges _only to a continuance_ in the same purpose, the same mode of thinking, and the same cause of action. It adds force to resolution, and is the active element in fortitude, perseverance and endurance. With a strong endowment of this organ, persons find it difficult to enter readily into the feelings of others, or to feel new emotions suddenly. Predominant.--With Firmness predominant, a person will exhibit unyielding pertinacity of character throughout all the vicissitudes of life. No misfortune will appal him. His fortitude of character will enable him to rise superior to every affliction. Having once commenced a pursuit, he will never relinquish it till compelled to do so by the force of circumstances. His opinions will seldom change, and his whole appearance and manner will exhibit the man of firmness and decision. He may be a good master, but he will be an unwilling servant. Large.--With this organ large, a person will be of an unmovable character, firm in his resolutions, and constant in his principles. He attends little to exhortations or examples, his conduct is uniform, and his exertions may be calculated on in all the various situations of life. With Combativeness and Self-esteem large, he will never relinquish a pursuit while a hope of success remains, and with but moderate Cautiousness and Causality, will be deaf to all remonstrance or advice. With large Benevolence and Conscientiousness, he will seek for independence, yet be just and benevolent. An attack upon his opinions will increase the tenacity with which he maintains them. With large Self-esteem, he will be distinguished for presence of mind in times of danger. Moderate.--With Firmness moderate, a person will continue constant only in those purposes in which he is aided by the other organs. If Conscientiousness is large, and the Selfish Propensities small, he will continue inflexibly just through all temptations of life. If Acquisitiveness is large, he will never waver in his pursuit of riches. If Self-esteem is small, and Love of Approbation large, he will be entirely dependent on the will of his associates. It will be quite impossible for him to have an opinion of his own. Small.--With Firmness small, a person cannot be said to have a will of his own. He will follow the last impulse he receives, and without strength to resist, will be an easy instrument of every one he meets. The actions of his life will take their character from the other organs, and he will thus be constant in the gratification of predominant dispositions. With large Acquisitiveness, he will be constant in his efforts to become rich, but he will be unsteady in the means he employs. With large Benevolence, Combativeness and Destructiveness, he will be now all kindness, and anon passionate, violent and outrageous. With an active temperament, he will enter on his pursuits with great avidity, and follow them up with commendable zeal, until perhaps, near their accomplishment, and then fly away to something else. This state of mind is increased by great Cautiousness, and diminished by large Self-esteem. 2. SELF-ESTEEM. This organ produces the feeling of individual personality, or of personal identity. It causes the feelings of self-love, self-respect, self-complacency. It imparts to the individual a high opinion of himself, and of every thing pertaining or belonging to himself. The most insignificant object, when in the possession of an individual with this feeling strong, assumes a value and an importance, in his own estimation, which nothing could have given it before. To such a person, the idea of self is perpetually before him. Let an idea be suggested, and his first consideration will be as to how it will affect his own condition. It gives a cold and repulsive appearance to the individual, and renders him particularly obnoxious to others having the same organization. It renders one averse to submission, and gives an inclination to assume the lead. When properly regulated, it adds dignity to the whole demeanour, and gives a nobleness to the character which effectually prevents any action of meanness or servility. Predominant.--With this organ predominant, an individual will be proud, haughty and supercilious. Whatever he possesses, he considers superior to that belonging to any one else. In his judgment and actions he scorns all advice, and looks down with contempt on his fellow-men. He admits no dictation. He never submits to advice, but assumes the lead on all occasions. Any thing like familiarity revolts him. His whole appearance indicates assurance and presumption. When excited, he is disposed to go to the greatest extremes. “He will have many enemies, and will be regardless of the frown or the favour of men; intractable, domineering, repulsive, conceited, jealous, austere, he considers himself nearly infallible.” Large.--With this organ large, the individual is endowed with that degree of self-complacency which enables him to apply his powers to the best advantage, in every situation in which he may be placed. With Combativeness and Firmness large, and Destructiveness moderate, he is eminently qualified to sustain himself in any situation in which he may be placed. With this organization, he will be bold, energetic, persevering, and surpassingly independent. No difficulties will appal him, and no force of circumstances of an ordinary character, will deter him from the prosecution of his designs. With large Conscientiousness, he will be honourable and high-minded in the extreme. With large Conscientiousness, Veneration, Ideality, Benevolence and Causality, he will rather suffer death than commit a dishonourable action. If Conscientiousness, Benevolence and Veneration are deficient, he will be dogmatic, imperious and haughty, and will be constantly striving for power, which, when obtained, he invariably abuses. If an author, with Ideality, Language and Comparison large, he will write in a sustained and lofty style, never descending to a common-place expression. If his Domestic Feelings are large, with Combativeness and Destructiveness large, he will be tenderly attached to his family, and take great pride and interest in them, yet will require from them implicit obedience. With Cautiousness and Causality large, he will be induced to seek advice, but only for the purpose of enabling him to form his own opinion. With Cautiousness large, he will often appear disconcerted and diffident, in consequence of his anxiety about matters likely to affect him. With Firmness, Secretiveness and Imitation large, a person will never act in a subordinate station. Let his situation in life be what it may, he will always be a leader. Moderate.--With Self-esteem moderate, and with a favourable developement of other organs, one will have sufficient self-respect for the ordinary occupations of life, but he will never be able to put himself forward in any great undertaking, or to command that general influence and esteem as he would do with a larger developement of this organ. With Cautiousness, Love of Approbation and Veneration large, he will be humble, timid and abashed in the presence of superiors or strangers. He will lack the requisite independence to vindicate his own opinion, and will be too ready to give way to that of others. With this organization, and large Intellect, he may possess great abilities, but for want of self-confidence requisite to enable him to make his way through opposition, he will be much underrated. It will give him pain to be obliged to trespass on the attention of others, and he will suffer greatly from a feeling of unworthiness. With small Cautiousness, Firmness, Combativeness and Destructiveness, he will be enterprising and persevering, yet will lack that force of character requisite for important undertakings. With large Veneration, Conscientiousness and Intellect, he will be respectful towards others, and will not be deficient in respect for himself. Small.--With Self-esteem small, one will be humble and submissive. No matter how exalted may be the character of his intellect, a feeling of unworthiness will accompany all his actions. He will ever associate with inferiors. His language will be trifling and common-place. Let his talents be what they may, he will never rise from an inferior station. 3. LOVE OF APPROBATION. This organ excites the desire of notice, praise, distinction and recognition. It is an active element in the mind of the office seeker, the soldier, the actor, the statesman, &c. It inspires the fop, and sustains the buffoon. It causes a desire to be approved as well as noticed, but it prefers censure to inattention. When properly regulated, it induces amiability of disposition. Predominant.--An individual with this organ predominant, will be grossly vain and fantastical. Every action of his life will be calculated to excite attention. He will appear to think as though the world had little else to do than to be attentive to his actions. Large.--With this organ large, a person will be distinguished for the regard he places upon his character. The disapprobation of his fellow-men will be displeasing to him in a high degree. In his intercourse with society, he will be polite and courteous, avoiding every thing harsh, austere or repulsive. If Conscientiousness and Intellect are deficient, he will be a braggart, and will often speak of his feats and performances. If thrown into evil company, he will be foremost in all deeds of wickedness. With Self-esteem large, and Causality moderate or small, will be exceedingly proud and vain, will use much ceremony, and will be very affected in his manner and conversation; and if Ideality and Individuality are large, will be exceedingly fond of dress and finical decorations. With Adhesiveness large, and Firmness moderate or small, one will be influenced by the opinions of his friends and associates, and will give way to them in opposition to the dictates of his own judgment. With this combination, and Destructiveness and Combativeness large, will get easily offended, and construe the least inattention from his friends into dislike or insult. With Cautiousness, Secretiveness, Veneration and Conscientiousness large, or very large, and Self-esteem small, will be very desirous to please, and will evince great anxiety to carry out this object; will feel great respect for superiors in age, talents, &c.; will entertain a feeling of his own inferiority, and also of reserve, which will have the effect of making him timid and bashful. With Combativeness, Destructiveness, Self-esteem, Firmness, Ideality, Individuality, Eventuality and Language large, and Comparison and Causality large, will possess talents for an exalted order, and an ardent ambition of fame. This combination will enable him to distinguish himself for intellectual greatness. Moderate.--With this organ but moderately developed, a person will by no means be insensible to the opinions of the world, yet, if Self-esteem and Conscientiousness are large, he will not allow its opinions to force him from the path of duty. If Adhesiveness is large, the opinion of his friends will have much influence over him. If Firmness, Self-esteem and Combativeness are large, he will be austere and independent, doing what his own feelings dictate, regardless of the frowns or favours of his fellow-men. Small.--With Love of Approbation small, one will almost be insensible to the feelings of shame, and will be nearly regardless of public opinion. With small Ideality, he will be slovenly in his dress and appearance. 4. CAUTIOUSNESS. This organ is the parent of fear. It urges its possessor to use every precaution possible for his individual safety. It is excited by every object that has power to affect his condition, or the condition of the objects of his other feelings. It renders one prudent, circumspect and judicious. Predominant.--When this organ predominates, the individual will be timid, irresolute and undecided. He will never by any accident give way to a flow of ideas. For the most insignificant undertakings he will prepare with the greatest precaution, and will never form a connexion without subjecting it to the most rigorous examination. If Destructiveness is large, and Hope not more than moderate, he will be liable to commit suicide. Large.--With Cautiousness large, a person will be habitually careful, cautious and prudent in all his transactions in life. He will never take a step without due consideration. If Self-esteem, Combativeness and Destructiveness are large, he will be wary and prudent in entering upon an undertaking, but when he has commenced, he will prosecute it with great energy and boldness. Moderate.--With but a moderate developement of this organ, and with large Hope and Self-esteem, one will be habitually reckless and imprudent; but if these organs are small, and Causality and Comparison large, he will not lack discretion in ordinary occupations of life, or in cases where his other organs create a lively interest. If Acquisitiveness is large, he will be prudent in business transactions. If the Domestic Feelings are strong, he will be anxious respecting the welfare of his family; and if Love of Approbation is strong, he will be particularly careful in whatever regards his own reputation. Small.--With Cautiousness small, a person will act according to the dictates of his other faculties, unrestrained by timidity or fear. He will be rash, precipitate and perfectly regardless of the results of his conduct. If with a sanguine temperament, and Hope moderate or large, his disposition will be gay and cheerful, and will be too much engrossed with the present. MORAL SENTIMENTS. 1. CONSCIENTIOUSNESS. This organ views all actions in their moral aspect. It operates as an internal monitor, prescribing to its possessor the claims of truth and duty. Its power, however, does not enable it to decide upon what is abstractly just or unjust. This is affected by the character of the other organs with which it is combined. A person with large conscientiousness, and large Selfish Propensities, will consider an action just, which another, with the same amount of Conscientiousness, and smaller propensities, will consider unjust. This organ is essential to the formation of a truly philosophic mind, especially in moral investigations. It produces the desire of discovering the tact of recognising it when discovered, and that perfect reliance on its invincible supremacy which gives at once dignity and peace to the mind. Predominant.--When this organ predominates, the individual looks always and only for truth, and receives it from whatever source it comes. He is thus disposed to regulate his conduct by the wisest sentiments of justice, which imparts an earnestness, integrity and directness in his manner, that leaves no room to doubt of his sincerity. He desires to act justly from the love of justice, unbiased by fear, interest or any sinister motive. When the actions have been contrary to the dictates of this organ, it produces remorse, repentance, a sense of guilt and demerit. Large.--With this organ large, and the Selfish Propensities moderate, one will be eminently just and honest in all his dealings. He can never be brought to sacrifice duty to expediency. With large Firmness and Combativeness, he will be particularly firm, bold and decided on all questions of moral duty. He will never shrink from the advocacy of right, or from sustaining the defenceless from the unjust attacks of their enemies. If with this combination, Destructiveness is large, he will be inclined to severely censure any trickery or dishonesty in others; and if Causality is not large, he will consider himself the standard of truth and justice, by which all others must be judged. Moderate.--With but a moderate developement of this organ, one will endeavour to act justly; and if Causality and Comparison are large, and the Selfish Propensities small, he will generally do so; but if the Selfish Propensities are very strong, he will be guided more by considerations of interest than of duty. If with this combination, and Adhesiveness large, while he will take advantage of a stranger in a pecuniary transaction, no power of circumstances can induce him to trespass on the rights of a friend. His compunctions of conscience will be few and feeble. He will not be scrupulous about what he requires of others, seeming to claim as a right, that they should make sacrifices to his interest and inclination. He will look more to the effect that actions and opinions will have upon himself, than upon their moral character. If Love of Approbation, Secretiveness and Destructiveness are large, he will be likely to indulge in harsh, censorious and unjust remarks upon the character of his neighbours, while at the same time, if Acquisitiveness is moderate or small, he will be strictly just in all his dealings. Small.--With Conscientiousness small, one will have few or no compunctions of conscience; he will be ever ready to justify himself to himself, have little or no regard for moral principle, and an imperfect idea of right and wrong in the abstract. With large Self-esteem, Benevolence, and Adhesiveness, and with small Acquisitiveness and Secretiveness, he may be honest and kind-hearted in his general conduct, but it will be because he considers it dishonourable and unmanly to commit a mean action, and because it pains his Benevolence and Adhesiveness to injure another. With this combination he will extol his friends in the highest terms, but if he gets angry with them, he will traduce and vilify them, being in both cases regardless of their true merit. If Love of Approbation is large, he will adopt every means to please without regard to justice or propriety. 2. VENERATION. This organ produces the sentiment of reverence, without regarding the character of the object on which it seeks exercise. By its influence man adores God, venerates saints, and respects parents, teachers and superiors in general. This organ is the source of natural religion, or that tendency to worship a superior power which manifests itself in every nation yet discovered. Predominant.--With Veneration predominant, a person if religious, will be extremely devout, and will experience the most profound feelings of awe and respect in contemplating the attributes of the deity. If Marvellousness and Conscientiousness are large, he will be extremely susceptible of religious impressions, and will not fail to become a devout and enthusiastic adherent of the church. Large.--A person with Veneration large, will feel profound respect for all persons and objects that are aged and venerable, or in any way entitled in his estimation to respect and confidence. With large Benevolence and Conscientiousness, he will not only act justly and charitably, but his actions will be accompanied and sustained by a feeling of respect and reverence for the abstract principles of justice and charity, that cannot be conceived by those who have this organ small. With large Love of Approbation, and small Conscientiousness, he will be disposed to think highly of those who are in high stations, the rich, the powerful and the grand. If Combativeness and Destructiveness are large, and Acquisitiveness small, while he may look with contempt upon the merely wealthy, he will feel much respect for the memory and character of the brave and patriotic. With large Intellect, the action of this organ will be exerted towards the character and persons of literary men. Moderate.--With this organ but moderately developed, the sentiment of respect in general will have but a limited influence over the character of the individual. If Conscientiousness and Marvellousness are large, he will probably be religious, but he will not be so devout and enthusiastic in his devotions as many others with less real piety. If Love of Approbation is large, he will be exceedingly courteous and attentive, but his conduct will lack that deference and respect so necessary to conciliate esteem. Small.--With Veneration but small, a person will be almost wholly destitute of the qualities ascribed to this organ. He may be religious, but the act of devotion will be a task to him, and he will be enabled to conceive those feelings of solemnity and awe, with which many are exercised. Children so constituted are disobedient and inattentive to their parents and teachers. 3. BENEVOLENCE. This organ produces the desire of the happiness of others, and disposes to compassion and goodness of heart. It produces liberality of sentiment towards all mankind, and a disposition to love them and contribute to their pleasures. The benevolent man cannot feel happy, as long as famine, bodily suffering and mental misery are the bitter portion of his fellow creatures. He will never complain of the heartlessness or the ingratitude of others. He is so well aware of wishing well to others, that he does not doubt of their good will towards himself. Predominant.--With this organ predominant, one may almost be said to be the victim of his kindness, good will and sympathy to others. In his zeal for the welfare of his fellow creatures, he seldom thinks of himself. In society, he restrains all his selfish inclinations, for fear of giving uneasiness to others. He will frequently meditate upon the miseries of mankind, and consider the various means of relieving their wretchedness. Large.--With Benevolence large, one will be kind, charitable and forgiving. His whole demeanour will indicate goodness of disposition. If Secretiveness is small, he will be especially liable to imposition, as he will be conscious of entertaining no designs against others, and will suspect none against himself. If Adhesiveness is large, and Acquisitiveness small, he will be exceedingly liberal and generous. He will find it difficult to withstand the solicitations of charity, and will be especially alive to the interests of his friends. With Acquisitiveness large, he will be well disposed to charitable objects, but will seldom ever give to them substantial aid. He will be more likely to give his time and advice than money. If, with this combination large, Love of Approbation be added, it will greatly aid the effect of Benevolence. With but moderate Destructiveness, it will be difficult for him to witness suffering or pain; yet, with large Destructiveness, when it is necessary, notwithstanding his general kindness of disposition, can witness and even inflict pain, and take pleasure in it. Moderate.--With Benevolence moderate, one will be kindly and well disposed towards others, yet, except on extraordinary occasions, will not make many sacrifices to their good. If Acquisitiveness and the Selfish Feelings generally are large, he will be avaricious and selfish to the last degree, and yet not be absolutely insensible to the claims of the unfortunate. If Love of Approbation is large, he may often give to charitable purposes, but it will be more for the sake of having his acts the subject of conversation than out of good will to the object. If Self-esteem, Combativeness and Destructiveness are large, he will be harsh, cruel and severe, and will be apparently utterly regardless of the feelings of his fellow men. Small.--With Benevolence but small, one will be unfeeling and cruel. If Conscientiousness is large, he will not trespass on the rights of others in any particular, but his whole conduct will exhibit, notwithstanding, a disregard of all the tender amenities of life, and an almost utter absence of sympathy and good feeling. 4. HOPE. This organ induces the mind to contemplate the future with high anticipations of being able to realize whatever the other feelings desire. It thus causes us to be gay and cheerful, and to preserve the equanimity of our temper amidst difficulties and misfortune. Those who are destitute of it are prone to disobedience. Their ideas of the future are always dark and gloomy. Predominant.--With Hope predominant, an individual is constantly revelling in the bright prospects of the future. He will be so sanguine of success, that he will neglect the means by which success can be attained. He will be credulous and visionary in all his enterprises and undertakings. Large.--With Hope large, one always views the future with bright anticipations. If Caution and Causality are large, he will never be carried away by his expectations, but will pursue generally a prudent course, and not allow his hopes to hurry him into imprudent measures. If Combativeness, Firmness, Self-esteem and Ideality are large, he will be bold, speculative and enterprising; and if Caution is small, will be excessively rash, precipitate and imprudent, often attempting undertakings which to the less sanguine appear impossible. With this combination, he will never be cast down or discouraged; the vicissitudes of fortune have no power to repress his energy or restrain his enterprise. Moderate.--With Hope moderate, one’s expectations will be sanguine, but not immoderately so. If Firmness, Self-esteem, Combativeness and Destructiveness are large, he will attempt important undertakings, and count with much certainty and pleasure their chances of success. If Cautiousness is large, he will despond much more than hope, will never attempt enterprises, unless their chances of success are almost certain; will expect too little, rather than too much, and will not be sanguine or cheerful. Small.--With Hope small, a person will be constantly low spirited and melancholy. The brightest prospects can hardly excite his spirits. He will dwell perpetually upon the dark side of appearances, and will want enterprise and spirit. 5. MARVELLOUSNESS. This organ produces credulity of mind. It predisposes to believe without sufficient testimony, and delights in contemplating the strange and wonderful. It has been supposed, that this organ is given to enable the mind to believe in those passages in Revelation, in which supernatural performances are related, and that consequently it increases the zeal and fervour of the devout and religious. Its more general manifestations, are to give a fondness for supernatural stories, and a love of the strange, the new and the marvellous, and sometimes leads to a desire to visit mysterious and unfrequented countries. Predominant.--With Marvellousness predominant, one will be exceedingly credulous and visionary in all his views. He will readily take for granted whatever is told him of a wonderful character. He will disregard simple causes, and be disposed to account for any thing a little unusual by a forced and unnatural conclusion. Large.--With Marvellousness large, and Veneration large, a person, if religious, will be eminently devout and superstitious. He will readily believe in special providences, divine agency, &c. With large Eventuality and Ideality, will be passionately fond of reading marvellous accounts, hair-breadth escapes, &c. With large Cautiousness, and small Causality, will be afraid of ghosts, and will profess often to see apparitions. Moderate.--With but a moderate developement of this organ, and with large Causality and Comparison, one will be rather sceptical in his views, requiring much proof before his assent can be gained, yet at the same time, will keep his mind open to conviction, and will be willing to give subjects a considerate examination. If Causality is small, he will often adopt principles upon insufficient grounds; and with Ideality large, will be exceedingly fond of marvellous tales, and of fictitious excitement of a mysterious character. Small.--With Marvellousness small, one will be exceedingly incredulous and sceptical. It will be impossible for him to believe any thing but what is susceptible of the clearest demonstration. With Ideality moderate or small, he will have great aversion to marvellous stories and fictitious works generally. With Veneration small, he may be religious, but his mind will be peculiar. He will not submit to the teaching of any man, and will form his creed from the results of his own reading and reflection. INTELLECTUAL SENTIMENTS. 1. IDEALITY. This organ imparts a relish and a desire for the beautiful, the elevated and the exquisite. It renders its possessor constantly alive to impressions of beauty, and leads to a desire of improvement. Those who possess it large are never satisfied with sober reality; but delight to revel in the illusions of fancied existence. Predominant.--With Ideality predominant, one will live in a state of constant illusion. He will be enthusiastic and chimerical in all his views and opinions. His enjoyments will be of the most intense description, and his suffering of the same character. Plain matter of fact and sober reality will disgust him. He will be ever striving after the refined and the ideal. He will be an enthusiastic admirer of poetry and the fine arts, and all objects of taste. Large.--With this organ large, one will possess a rich and glowing fancy, and a natural refinement and exquisiteness of taste. With Benevolence large, he will be much afflicted at the miseries of mankind, and will long for a state of existence where happiness is unalloyed and pleasure interminable. With Adhesiveness large, his ideas of friendship will be of the most exquisite and refined description. With Colour, Form and Size large, he will be an excellent judge of paintings, and will be exceedingly fond of them; with Locality and Form large, will take great delight in picturesque scenery, in flowers, trees, &c. With large Language and Comparison, will employ many metaphors and figures of speech in his writings and conversations; with Self-esteem and Comparison large, he will be exceedingly choice in his use of language; and if, with this combination, Language be large, and Causality small, he will have many more words than ideas, and will converse much more than think. He will be superficial and showy, rather than solid. With Amativeness and Adhesiveness large, will be fond of such poetry as is the subject of love and passion. With Imitation and Marvellousness large, will never relapse in his efforts for improvement. Moderate.--With Ideality moderate, one will not be insensible to the beauties of nature and art, yet will never allow his fancy to obtain the mastery over him. He will seldom experience a high degree of enthusiasm and rapture of feeling, and be rather a plain and matter-of-fact character. If Causality is large, he may relish fiction, but it will be more for its sentiment than for its ideal qualities. If Self-esteem is small, his language will be exceedingly plain, and he will never attain a high degree of refinement and polish of manners. Small.--With Ideality small, one will be incapable of appreciating beauty. His views and sentiments will be coarse and unrefined. His expressions will be low and vulgar. He will have great aversion to poetry, paintings and all works of taste. 2. CONSTRUCTIVENESS. This organ furnishes the inclination to construct, to build, and to invent. It is supposed by many, that this organ of itself is a proof of the ability to be an operative mechanic, but this is an error; the office of the organ is only to manifest the desire by which the intellect is excited to its gratification. To possess a high degree of inventive power, one must not only possess a large organ of Constructiveness, but a favourable intellect; and to be a successful practical mechanic, it is requisite to have along with these two requisites, a large developement of Form, Size, Weight, &c. Predominant.--With Constructiveness predominant, one will possess a high degree of natural ability for planning, contriving, building, &c. He will take great delight in contemplating works of architecture, and other subjects of human ingenuity. Large.--With large Constructiveness and Imitation, one will excel in making after a pattern; but if Form, Size and Weight are small, he will be unable to construct from his own invention. 3. IMITATION. The function of this organ is to enable its possessor to do whatever he has witnessed performed by others. It leads to a desire to represent, mimic, act, copy, &c. It greatly facilitates the learning of a foreign language, and is an essential ingredient in the character of the skilful mechanic. The gestures of the active are prompted by the same feeling. Predominant.--With this organ predominant will be given to practice mimicry and representation. If Secretiveness is large, he will be well calculated for the stage, and can readily represent any feeling or sentiment that he may be enabled to conceive. With large Eventuality, Individuality and Mirthfulness, will readily notice all the peculiarities of his associates, and be perpetually turning them into ridicule. Large.--With large Love of Approbation, Ideality, Self-esteem, Individuality and Secretiveness, one will be able readily to adapt himself to the customs and forms of any society in which he may be thrown. With this combination and tolerably favourable opportunities for observation, his manners will be highly polished and agreeable. With large Form, Size and Ideality, can readily copy or imitate a superscription, or other writing, and with proper discipline will excel in drawing. With large Constructiveness, Form and Size, will be highly capable of excelling in a mechanical profession. With large Secretiveness, can relate stories with great force. With large Secretiveness, Individuality, Eventuality, Language and Comparison, he will excel in description, and be capable of giving force and life to his ideas that will fasten them upon the recollection of his auditors. With Secretiveness and Firmness large, can restrain the expression of pain in the most heroic manner, and assume the appearance of perfect health. If Secretiveness is small, he will be unable to imitate a character, or mimic, yet will nevertheless be able to draw, &c. Moderate.--With but a moderate developement of this organ, one will find great difficulty in description, imitating, or in any performance that requires the exercise of this faculty. With large Secretiveness, he will be enabled to relate stories, but he can never be able to represent any continued action, or carry out a successful description. Small.--With Imitation small, an individual will be almost wholly destitute of the attributes ascribed to this organ. He will be unable to represent very accurately the simplest actions. Can never excel in penmanship or drawing, and will always be distinguished as an original. If Self-esteem is large, he will dispel ceremony; if Secretiveness is small, he will be perfectly unique in his actions, and be distinguished for his independence and eccentricity. 4. MIRTHFULNESS. This organ gives the desire and the ability to enjoy mirth. Its possessors are apt to consider things in their most humorous light, to the neglect of their more sober characteristics. It is that principle of the mind, which enables one to detect what is absurd and ridiculous, and to delight in jokes, fun and laughter. Predominant.--With Mirthfulness predominant, one has an irresistible tendency to view every thing in a comical aspect. His most serious meditations are liable to be interrupted by mirthful intrusions; and he will indulge his humorous propensities, regardless of consequences. Large.--With Mirthfulness large, will have a lively perception of the ludicrous, and will be apt to catch up every little incident, and make it the subject of humorous remarks. With Destructiveness and Comparison large, he will be sarcastic, and severe in his jokes, and will laugh heartily at the discomfiture of others. If Secretiveness and Imitation are small, he will not be able to relate a joke with propriety, yet will enjoy one; but if Secretiveness, Ideality and Imitation are large, he will tell a story in the most refined and delightful manner; with Comparison and Love of Approbation large, and Causality and Secretiveness moderate, he will laugh excessively at his own jokes. Moderate.--With Mirthfulness moderate, one is fond of fun, but unable to make it. With Combativeness, Destructiveness and Comparison large, will be severe and pungent in his attempts at wit, and will thus often give offence. Small.--With Mirthfulness but small, one will be nearly destitute of the ability to enjoy a joke, and quite unable to make one. He will look upon wit as impertinent and silly, and be offended at jocose remarks. If Love of Approbation is large, he will be very much annoyed at jokes; with Combativeness moderate or large, will get highly offended at any attempts to do so. OBSERVING FACULTIES. 1. INDIVIDUALITY. The function of this organ is to recognise existences, or the identity of substances without reference to their peculiarities; it has been termed the memory of things. Its recollective powers are limited to simple details, or facts having no reference to their form, colour, &c. Predominant.--One in whom Individuality is predominant, will be distinguished for his powers of observation. No object will escape his scrutiny, and no opportunities will satiate his curiosity. If his reflective powers are weak, he will require a great mass of facts, but they will lie in his mind confused and unoccupied: he will be unable to employ them in illustration or argument. If in the habit of writing, his compositions will abound with personifications. If Causality is large, and Concentrativeness is small, his reflective powers will be weakened by the tendency imparted by individuality to dwell upon substances instead of causes. Large.--With Individuality large, one is induced to observe and examine every object that comes under the limits of his vision. His scrutiny does not appear to include the peculiarities of substances, but rests satisfied with their mere corporeal existence. He is distinguished as a close observer of men and things. In description he is exceedingly minute; and with Concentrativeness large, prolix and tedious to the last degree. With Eventuality and Time large, he will not only notice quickly, but will remember with exactness; and with Language large, can describe accurately events, manners, customs, &c. With these organs large, he will have a great desire for reading, and for collecting facts. With the Reflective Powers and Language large, will be much given to reflection, and in expressing his thoughts will be clear and perspicuous. Moderate.--With Individuality moderate, and the Reflective Powers and Concentrativeness large, will be subject to abstraction of mind, and will be much more given to reflection than to observation, still, when any thing peculiar is offered to his attention, he can readily examine its character. He will generally notice existences more in relation to their uses and adaptations, than as mere identities. Small.--A person whose Individuality is small, is generally heedless and unobserving. With Locality moderate or small, he may travel extensively; and yet remain as ignorant as if he had staid at home. Nothing but the more obvious characteristics has power to excite his attention. If Constructiveness and Ideality are full, he will notice works of architecture, but his descriptions of such will lack unity in consequence of his incapacity to notice details. If Causality and Comparison are large, he will be addicted to reflection, but his expressions will be vague and apparently inconsistent, consequent on his inability to collect minute details. 2. FORM. This organ gives the ability to discriminate forms. It aids the artist, and a prominent developement is indispensable to the skilful mechanic. Predominant.--With Form predominant, one never forgets the appearance of any thing that has once came distinctly under his cognition. He will readily discriminate the forms of objects at a distance, and perceive differences and resemblances where many others will not; can recollect the name of a person by remembering its appearance when written; will easily detect typographical errors; and with Size and Individuality large, can read with great facility and correctness. Large.--With Form large, one much more readily recollects the appearance of a person than his name, this is more particularly the case with Individuality large. With Individuality small, he will not be apt to pay attention to ordinary matters, but if his attention is called to them, he recollects their appearance with distinctness. With Imitation large, he will be able to draw and copy with great facility, and will excel in penmanship. Moderate.--With Form moderate, and the Reflecting organs large, one will never notice the shapes of substances, until something particular enforces his attention. He will then require considerable examination to enable him to recognise them afterwards. His recollection of persons and things will usually be confused and indistinct. With Individuality large, observes much, and with tolerable distinctness; but with Individuality small, is heedless and inattentive. Small.--With Form small, a person will be unable to recollect the countenances of persons even with whom he is intimate. He will be apt to miscall words in reading. He will find it difficult to decipher obscure handwriting. It will also be difficult, if not impossible, for him to make much progress in the natural sciences. 3. SIZE. This organ gives the idea of space, and the power of judging the relative dimensions of objects; it also gives the ability to judge of distances or of lineal space. Predominant.--With Size predominant, one’s perceptions of the dimensions of objects will be singularly accurate, he will be enabled to tell at a mere glance the dimensions of a room, the length and relative distances of objects, the centre of a circle, and to perform any other action requiring the exercise of this organ. Large.--With Size large, one will possess all the attributes ascribed to Size predominant, but in a minor degree. Moderate.--With Size but moderate, and without having been accustomed to the exercise of the organ, one will greatly err in judging of the dimensions of objects and size generally. Small.--With Size small, one will be signally deficient in all the qualities ascribed to this organ. 4. WEIGHT. The office of this organ is to impart to its possessor the idea of the power of gravity, or of mechanical force and resistance. It gives great ability to judge of momentum, and is large in the heads of all those who excel in fencing, boxing, archery, skating, quoit playing, &c. Predominant.--With Weight predominant, one will be remarkable for his power in the use of this faculty. In performing gymnastic feats, in balancing, riding a fractious horse, and in every other exercise that requires a display of agility he will be pre-eminently conspicuous. Large.--With Weight and Self-esteem large, one can easily adapt himself to the laws of gravity, will never fall in precarious situations, can go aloft at sea in the most intrepid manner, and readily perform any operation requiring the exercise of this endowment. Moderate.--With Weight but moderate, one will be rather deficient in the qualities ascribed to the functions of this organ, but with practice, may attain considerable skill and success in the arts to which it conduces. Small.--With Weight but small, one will easily lose his balance, even in situations where no danger is to be apprehended. He will be enabled to excel as a marksman or wrestler; will be enabled to learn to skate, or to pitch quoits. With large Form, Constructiveness and Imitation, will have a mechanical turn, but will be unable to excel as a machinist in consequence of his inability to perform the functions ascribed to this organ. 5. COLOUR. This organ gives the perception of Colour, and renders one sensible to their different shades, their harmony and discord. Predominant.--With this organ predominant, one will notice the colour of an object before any other peculiarity appertaining to it; will take delight in colours, in their arrangement, order and beauty. Large.--With Colour, Ideality and Comparison large, one will be distinguished for his love of colours, and his ability to discriminate and arrange them. With large Form, Ideality, Individuality, Constructiveness and Imitation, Size and Order, will excel as a portrait painter, and take great delight in that occupation; and with Eventuality, Locality and Comparison, as an historical painter. Moderate.--With Colour but moderate, and in an occupation that does not exercise the function of this organ, one will be decidedly deficient in his ability to discriminate colours, but if his pursuits are the reverse of what is here presumed, he will be a tolerable judge of colours, and possess considerable taste in his arrangement and selection of them. Small.--With this organ but small, an individual will be unable to discriminate any but the most striking colours. With Ideality large, may be fond of paintings, but will be unable to point out their peculiar beauties. He can never tell the colour of the eyes or hair of even his familiar acquaintances. 6. ORDER. This organ imparts that quality of mind, which prompts an individual to preserve order and arrangement in his several pursuits and occupations. The peculiar action of the organ is much dependent upon the character of the other developements. Predominant.--With this organ predominant, one will be distinguished for his love of order and arrangement. His maxim will be “_a place for every thing, and every thing in its place_.” This quality of mind will be a prominent trait in his character, and will influence to a great degree his conduct and actions. Large.--With this organ large, one will be much annoyed by disorder; his room, clothes, books, papers, and every thing under his control, will always be kept in the utmost neatness and regularity. With Adhesiveness large, will be fond of social enjoyments, but his pleasures will be much interrupted on discovering a want of neatness and order in the persons of his friends and acquaintances. With Ideality and Individuality large, will be exceedingly neat and fastidious. With Combativeness and Destructiveness large, will easily get offended and angry at seeing things out of place. With Locality large, he will be enabled to perform actions in places in the dark, with which he is acquainted almost as well as in the light. With Ideality but moderate or small, he will be slovenly in his dress and appearance, yet preserve order, arrangement and neatness with his books, papers, &c. Moderate.--With Order but moderate, one will be rather deficient in the qualities ascribed to this organ. He will be fond of order, and acknowledge its utility, but will be unable to observe it. With Ideality large, and having been educated in habits of order and neatness, the action of this organ will be much improved. He will possess most of the qualities ascribed to Order large, but will never sacrifice much to this quality of mind; but with Ideality small, and with an imperfect education, he will be slovenly, loose and irregular in all his actions and movements. Small.--With this organ small, one will be exceedingly disorderly and incoherent in all his arrangements, and business details. His actions will not be guided by system, his books, papers, &c. will be left where he happens to use them. He will be unable to appreciate the utility of order, and complain of those who practice it as being over nice. 7. CALCULATION. This organ enables us to form the idea of number, or the plurality of objects. It assists in the recollection of dates and quantities. It enables one to readily understand numbers and their combinations. Its activity takes place, whenever there is a departure from unity. A large endowment of this organ is not essential to the algebraist and geometrician, its functions being limited to arithmetical calculations. Predominant.--One having Calculation predominant, will reckon in his head almost any arithmetical problem that can be proposed to him. If Causality and Comparison are large, he will excel in the higher branches of mathematics, and possess a great fondness for these studies. Large.--With calculation large, one will be distinguished among his acquaintances for his skill in arithmetical calculations. He will be enabled to tell at a glance, operations which to an ordinary accountant require the use of figures. If Causality and Comparison are large, he will excel in solving difficult problems in the higher mathematics, but if these organs are deficient, his talent will be limited to arithmetical calculations. Moderate.--With Calculation moderate, and in a situation which constantly demands the act of ready calculation, one may become highly talented in this respect. He will, however, require time and effort to go through an intricate operation. If Causality and Comparison are large, in ordinary circumstances he will accustom himself to the use of a slate and pencil for all operations of a complicated character. Small.--With Calculation small, one can succeed in arithmetical calculations only by dint of great labour, and then only to a limited extent. If Causality and Comparison are large, he may be capable of the higher branches of mathematics, but the difficulty, which his arithmetical calculations cost him, will render him averse to all mathematical speculations. 8. LOCALITY. This organ gives the power of noticing and recollecting the peculiar position of objects, and gives a desire for travelling, and for the study of geography. It is essential to the scene painter. It strongly aids the power of association. Predominant.--With Locality predominant, one will have an insatiable desire for travelling, roving about, and for visiting strange places, will readily recollect their peculiar position, the localities of the prominent objects of attention, and will be excessively fond of reading geography and works of travels. Large.--With Locality large, one will have a great desire for travelling; and with Acquisitiveness and Inhabitiveness moderate or small, will be prompted to roam about regardless of expense, or of family considerations. In visiting strange places, he readily notices their peculiar localities, and will ever after recollect them. He will be excessively fond of studying geography, and works of travels; and will be enabled to point out the particular position of a sentence in a book or newspaper containing an idea to which he wishes to direct attention. He will never stumble in the dark, and will find his way with little instruction through unfrequented places. Moderate.--With Locality but moderate, one will have but little desire for travelling, and will be nearly regardless of the localities of the places which he visits. He will often lose his way in forests and cities, with which he is not familiar, and will seldom find a place if obscurely situated without great trouble. With Individuality and Ideality large, will have a fine taste for natural scenery, but his descriptions will be vague and unsatisfactory in consequence of his inability to point out the particular localities of the different objects. Small.--With Locality small, one will be extremely unobservant of, and inattentive to the localities of objects. He will often lose his way even in places with which he is familiar, and will be nearly wanting in the attributes ascribed to this organ. 9. EVENTUALITY. This organ takes cognizance of actions as they exist; and thus observes the phenomena that is constantly taking place throughout nature. It is a principal element in the desire for knowledge, and greatly aids in giving an ability for practical business involving details. Predominant.--With Eventuality predominant, one will notice and remember every transaction and occurrence that comes within his observation, in all their varied details. He will have an insatiable thirst for knowledge, and seldom allow any incident to escape his recollection. He will attend much more to facts than to principles, and will be given more to narration than to reasoning, often weakening his arguments by narrating unimportant particulars, which have little connexion with the point contested. Large.--Those in whom this organ is large, possess a clear and distinct recollection of events and transactions, and are much given to reading and observation. They are particularly fond of historical and other works, abounding in facts and incidents. With Language large, will be fond of relating with extreme minuteness, occurrences and facts with which he is familiar. If Concentrativeness is large his narrations will be given in a clear and connected style; but if Concentrativeness is small, they will want method and connexion. With large Individuality, Language and Comparison, he will possess a great thirst for knowledge, and will readily collect, analyze and classify ideas. If, with this combination, Causality being moderate or small, he will have a large fund of knowledge, but be unable to profit by it. Moderate.--With Eventuality moderate, one will be able usually to observe actions, but will be inattentive to any but those of the most striking character. If Causality and Comparison are large, will possess a ready power of reasoning and classification, but will be wanting in facts and details to sustain his own opinions. He will be more given to reason than narration, and will collect facts more for the purpose of illustrating his arguments, than the pleasure of acquiring them. Small.--With Eventuality small, one will be decidedly deficient in his recollection of facts and incidents, and will be dull and incurious. He will be enabled to follow any occupation requiring a close attention to details. In narrating, he will be unable to recollect any but the most striking points. 10. TIME. This organ gives the ability to observe and recollect the lapses of time. It also confers the power of keeping time in music and dancing. Predominant.--With Time predominant, one will possess an astonishing facility in recollecting dates, the ages of individuals, time at which occurrences have taken place, and the lapses of time generally. Large.--With Time large, one will readily recollect the date of transactions that have come under his attention, will be fond of history, and will especially recollect the precise time of each event. He will be enabled to perform an action at the given word of command. If in the habit of dancing, will excel, and take great delight in that amusement. He will be able to judge the hour of the day, without the aid of a time piece, with accuracy. Moderate.--With Time moderate, one will recollect none but the most important dates. If Eventuality is large, will be fond of history, but will generally forget the time of transactions, and thus want clearness in his historical knowledge. He will often forget the day of the week and even his own age. Small.--With this organ small, one will be nearly deficient in the attributes ascribed to its functions. 11. TUNE. This organ gives the taste for music, and makes its possessor take a high degree of pleasure in listening to musical performances. Predominant.--With this organ predominant, one will have an exquisite taste for music, will make any sacrifices to enjoy the pleasure it imparts, and will readily catch and learn tunes almost by intuition. Large.--With this organ large, one will have a superior taste for music, and will easily learn tunes, and if his voice be good, will easily learn to sing. If Ideality is large, his performances will be rich and pathetic. Moderate.--With this organ moderate, one will possess a considerable taste for music, and with a good voice and large Imitation, may learn to sing from hearing others, but can never excel. Small.--With this organ small, one may be fond of music of particular kinds to which he has been accustomed, but this will not enable him to learn or practice music. 12. LANGUAGE. The function of this organ is to enable its possessor to express his ideas in appropriate language, and thus to communicate thoughts and sentiments. The talent of verbal memory depends on this organ. Predominant.--Those in whom this organ predominates abound with words. They talk merely for the sake of talking, and their style in writing and speaking is characterized by great verbosity. In ordinary conversation they will use a great multitude of words to express a common idea, and will be distinguished among their acquaintance as intolerable talkers. They will be able to commit words to memory with readiness, and will recollect forms of expression, where otherwise the idea would escape them. Large.--With Language large, one will possess the qualities to a great extent that are ascribed to Language predominant. With large Individuality, Form, Locality and Eventuality, will be enabled to relate with great accuracy the conversation of a speaker, his looks, tones and actions, and will readily recall the precise words used. He will possess great ability to acquire knowledge, and will be distinguished for copiousness, ease and volubility of expression. If Causality and Comparison are moderate or small, his ideas will be of a crude, imperfect character, yet he will converse incessantly nevertheless. With Comparison large, his knowledge of language will be superior, but if Comparison is small his words will often be incorrect and applied in a wrong sense. Moderate.--With Language but moderate on ordinary occasions, one will be wanting in powers of expression, and to express his ideas with fluency and effect, he will require much excitement. If Causality and Comparison are large, with a large and active brain, he will have many important ideas, but they will lose much of their cogency for want of more appropriate expressions. With Secretiveness large, he will be rather taciturn and indisposed for conversation. Small.--With Language small, one will be unable to express any but the most common ideas without hesitation and embarrassment. He will find it difficult and almost impossible to commit to memory, and his style of speaking and writing will be dry and common place; talking will be to him a burthen. REFLECTIVE FACULTIES. 1. CAUSALITY. This organ observes the relation of cause and effect, and discriminates between actions and the causes which produce them. It enables an individual to adopt the requisite means to effect any end. It is the active element in every effort of reflection, and is the grand source of thought and originality of mind. Predominant.--With Causality predominant, an individual will be distinguished for his proneness to thought, and utility to speculate and discuss abstractions. Whatever subject is suggested, or point discussed, he will be liable to enquire for reasons and causes. He will be given much more to reflection than observation. Large.--With Causality large, one will be enabled readily to perceive the relation between an effect and the cause which produced it. He will be distinguished for gravity and thoughtfulness of mind; and will possess much sagacity, penetration, and originality. With Conscientiousness, Veneration and Marvellousness large, and the selfish propensities moderate or small, he will be much given to moral investigations, and to reading and conversing upon subjects connected with general utility and public morals. With Combativeness large, he will be inclined to argument and disputation. With the Perceptive organs but moderate, he will pay more attention to principles than facts, and will be guided more by reason and experience. Moderate.--With Causality moderate, and with proper culture, one may possess good judgment and a reasoning turn of mind, but he will be destitute of originality and force of thought. In an occupation or course of life to which he has been accustomed, he will conduct with prudence and propriety, but will be deficient in the necessary power to devise means for extraordinary operations, lay new plans, and to carry into effect important operations. With large Individuality, Imitation and Love of Approbation, and small Self-esteem, he will be destitute of any marked characteristics of his own, and will readily adapt himself to the views and opinions of his companions. Small.--With Causality small, one will be utterly deficient in originality and force of mind, and will be wanting in that quality of character which renders men calm, judicious, penetrating and discerning. With the propensities and sentiments properly balanced, he will possess discretion, and be enabled to conduct operations to which he has been accustomed. 2. COMPARISON. The office of this organ is to enable us to compare differences, to note resemblances, and to perceive analogies. By it we are enabled to adapt one thing to another so as to produce a harmonious whole. It prompts to the use of figurative language in writing and conversation. Those in whom it is large, trace similitudes and affinities between objects and events which entirely escape the observation of others in whom the organ is small. It prompts to reasoning, but not in the line of necessary consequence. It explains one thing by comparing it with another. It gives ingenuity in discovering unexpected glimpses and superficial coincidences. Predominant.--With Comparison predominant, one will be enabled to analyze subjects, and to detect inconsistencies with the greatest facility and readiness, and will almost intuitively perceive the misapplication of facts and principles. His expressions will be characterized by great precision and clearness, and his arguments will be explained with a great variety of happy illustrations. Large.--With Comparison large, one will be strongly given to criticising and analyzing, and will readily detect fallacies and improprieties that would escape the observation of those in whom this organ is small. If Ideality and Individuality are large, his language will abound with elevated metaphors and figures of speech, but if Causality is small, his judgment will be defective. If Secretiveness is small, and Combativeness and Self-esteem large, he will be strongly inclined to criticise every observation he hears, and will thus excite enmity and ill-will. With large Eventuality and Individuality, will have a great taste for the study of natural science, and will be extremely fond of classifying their phenomena, and of comparing the various qualities of physical objects with each. He will likewise be fond of the study of history, and will habitually compare and classify the various transactions with those of similar characteristics. If the Perceptive organs generally are large and Causality small, he will be possessed of good practical talents, but will be devoid of originality of mind. He will be calculated to succeed in a course of life in which he has the example of able men, but he will be utterly unable to deviate from the beaten road and assume the lead for himself. Moderate.--With Comparison but moderate, one’s powers of analyzation and criticism will not be conspicuous. With an active brain and a favourable intellect generally, he will be enabled to perceive the force of figurative language, and will often indulge in it, but his metaphors will lack force and appropriateness. With Individuality and Eventuality large, will possess a great store of facts, but will be unable to arrange and classify them. If Causality is large, he will readily perceive the errors in an argument, but he will lack the power to point out and apply the exact replication. Small.--One having Comparison small, will be excessively dull, and will lack discernment and discrimination. The most obvious resemblances can hardly be made manifest to him. TEMPERAMENTS. The term Temperament, says a late writer, is applied to those differences of external appearance which are supposed to indicate the comparative state of the fibres of the body as they are more or less dense, or as possessing one of the functions of life in greater activity, or one of the constituents of the animal body in greater quantity than another; or in short, certain states or conditions of the body, which are found to exercise more or less influence in exciting or repressing the action of the organs. The Temperaments as they are usually enumerated, are four in number, to wit: the Lymphatic; the Sanguine; the Bilious; and the Nervous. In persons of a Lymphatic Temperament, the brain is sluggish and performs its functions in a feeble but steady manner. The individual is averse to severe exertion, and requires much stimuli to move him. As a general rule, he will be averse to either mental or bodily activity. Those of a Sanguine Temperament are easily excited, and easily depressed, fond of pleasure, and averse to severe exertions. They live for the present, rather than the future. The actions of the mind are quick, rather than powerful. Persons of a Bilious Temperament are determined, persevering and ambitious in their character and disposition. Their every movement and aspect indicates decision of purpose. Their mental operations are vigorous and powerful. Persons of a Nervous Temperament, are very sensitive, and are easily excited. Their mental operations are rapid, but they are soon exhausted. THE END. Transcriber’s notes: Archaic spellings have been retained. A number of typographical errors have been corrected silently. "5." has been added to the heading of Concentrativesness for consistency. Some commas and semi-colons were changed to semi-colons and commas where there was evidence they were inconsistent.	22,564	common-pile/project_gutenberg_filtered	64998	project gutenberg	project_gutenberg-dolma-0012.json.gz:1319	https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/64998.txt.utf-8
7aovuspP9ANWRZQQ	10.1: Microbiology Regulations	10.1: Microbiology Regulations After reading this section, you should be able to: - Explain the Total Coliform Rule - Compare the Groundwater Treatment Rule and Surface Water Treatment Rule - Describe the concern with Cryptosporidium Total Coliform Rule The Total Coliform Rule (TCR), a National Primary Drinking Water Regulation (NPDWR), was published in 1989 and became effective in 1990. The rule sets a health goal (Maximum Contaminant Level Goal (MCLG)) and legal limits (Maximum Contaminant Levels, MCLs)) for the presence of total coliforms in drinking water. The Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) published the Revised Total Coliform Rule (RTCR) in the Federal Register (FR) in February 2013 (78 FR 10269) and minor corrections in February 2014 (79 FR 10665). The RTCR is the revision to the 1989 Total Coliform Rule (TCR) and is intended to improve public health protection. All public water systems (PWSs), except aircraft PWSs subject to the Aircraft Drinking Water Rule (ADWR) (40 CFR 141 Subpart X), must comply with the RTCR starting April 2016, or an earlier state effective date. Total coliforms are a group of related bacteria that are, with few exceptions, not harmful to humans. This is very important to note. The EPA considers total coliforms a useful indicator of other pathogens for drinking water. Total coliforms are used to determine the adequacy of water treatment and the integrity of the distribution system. Key provisions of the RTCR include: - Setting a maximum contaminant level goal (MCLG) and maximum contaminant level (MCL) for E. coli for protection against potential fecal contamination. - Setting a total coliform treatment technique (TT) requirement. - Requirements for monitoring total coliforms and E. coli according to a sample siting plan and schedule specific to the PWS. - Provisions allowing PWSs to transition to the RTCR using their existing Total Coliform Rule(TCR) monitoring frequency, including PWSs on reduced monitoring under the existing TCR. - Requirements for seasonal systems (such as, Non-Community Water Systems not operated on a year-round basis) to monitor and certify the completion of a state-approved start-up procedure. - Requirements for assessments and corrective action when monitoring results show that PWSs may be vulnerable to contamination. - Public notification (PN) requirements for violations. - Specific language for CWSs to include in their Consumer Confidence Reports (CCRs) when they must conduct an assessment or if they incur an E. coli MCL violation. Revised Total Coliform Rule Overview of the Rule Revised Total Coliform Rule (RTCR) 78 FR 10269, February 2013, Vol. 78, No. 30 Purpose: Increase public health protection through the reduction of potential pathways of entry for fecal contamination into distribution systems. General Description The rule establishes a maximum contaminant level (MCL) for E. coli and uses E. coli and total coliforms to initiate a find and fix approach to address fecal contamination that could enter into the distribution system. It requires public water systems (PWSs) to perform assessments to identify sanitary defects and subsequently take action to correct them. The Total Coliform Rule applies to all Public Water Systems. Implementation of the Total Coliform Rule will result in: - A decrease in the pathways by which fecal contamination can enter the drinking water distribution system. - Reduction in fecal contamination should reduce the potential risk from all waterborne pathogens including bacteria, viruses, parasitic protozoa, and their associated illnesses. Requirements: - Public Water Systems must develop a written sample siting plan that identifies the system’s sample collection schedule and all sample sites, including sites for routine and repeat monitoring. - PWSs monitoring quarterly or annually must also identify additional routine monitoring sites in their sample siting plans. - Sample siting plans are subject to state review and revision. Routine Sampling Requirements - Total coliform samples must be collected by Public Water Systems at sites which are representative of water quality throughout the distribution system according to a written sample siting plan subject to state review and revision. - For Public Water Systems collecting more than one sample per month, collect total coliform samples at regular intervals throughout the month, except that ground water systems serving 4,900 or fewer people may collect all required samples on a single day if the samples are taken from different sites. Repeat Sampling Requirements Within 24 hours of learning of a Total Coliform positive routine sample result, at least 3 repeat samples must be collected and analyzed for total coliform: - One repeat sample must be collected from the same tap as the original sample. - One repeat sample must be collected from within five service connections upstream. - One repeat sample must be collected from within five service connections downstream. - The PWS may propose alternative repeat monitoring locations that are expected to better represent pathways of contamination into the distribution system. If one or more repeat sample is Total Coliform Positive: - The TC+ sample must be analyzed for the presence of E. coli. - If any repeat TC+ sample is also EC+, then the EC+ sample result must be reported to the state by the end of the day that the PWS is notified. - The PWS must collect another set of repeat samples, unless an assessment has been triggered and the PWS has notified the state. Routine Sampling Requirements - Each total coliform-positive (TC+) routine sample must be tested for the presence of E. coli. - If any coliform-positive (TC+) sample is also E. coli-positive (EC+), then the EC+ sample result must be reported to the state by the end of the day that the PWS is notified. - If any routine sample is TC+, repeat samples are required. - Public Water Systems on quarterly or annual monitoring must take a minimum of three additional routine samples (known as additional routine monitoring) the month following a TC+ routine or repeat sample. - Reduced monitoring may be available for Public Water Systems using only ground water and serving 1,000 or fewer persons that meet certain additional Public Water System criteria. Assessments and Corrective Action The RTCR requires PWSs that have an indication of coliform contamination (e.g., as a result of TC+ samples, E. coli MCL violations, performance failure) to assess the problem and take corrective action. Two levels of assessments exist (i.e., Level 1 and Level 2) based on the severity or frequency of the problem. Purpose of Level 1 and Level 2 Assessments To find sanitary defects at the Public Water System including: - Sanitary defects that could provide a pathway of entry for microbial contamination - Sanitary defects that indicate failure (existing or potential) of protective barriers against microbial contamination. Deadline for Completing Corrective Actions When sanitary defects are identified during a Level 1 or Level 2 Assessment, they should be corrected as soon as possible to protect public health. The Public Water System must complete corrective actions by one of the following timeframes: - No later than the time the assessment form is submitted to the state, which must be within 30 days of triggering the assessment, or - Within state-approved timeframe which was proposed in the assessment form. Level 1 Assessments Conducting Level 1 Assessments - Performed by the PWS owner or operator each time a Level 1 Assessment is triggered. - Upon trigger of a Level 1 Assessment, the Level 1 Assessment form must be submitted within 30 days to the state. Level 1 Assessment Triggers Level 1 Assessment is triggered if any one of the following occurs: - A Public Water System collecting fewer than 40 samples per month has 2 or more TC+ routine/ repeat samples in the same month. - A PWS collecting at least 40 samples per month has greater than 5.0 percent of the routine/repeat samples in the same month that are TC+. - A PWS fails to take every required repeat sample after any single TC+ sample. Level 2 Assessments Conducting Level 2 Assessments Performed by the state or state-approved entity each time a Level 2 Assessment is triggered. - The Public Water System is responsible for ensuring that the Level 2 Assessment is conducted regardless of the entity conducting the Level 2 Assessment. - (3)Upon trigger of a Level 2 Assessment, the Level 2 Assessment form must be submitted within 30 days to the state. Level 2 Assessment Triggers Level 2 Assessment is triggered if any one of the following occurs: - A Public Water System incurs an E. coli MCL violation. - A Public Water System has a second Level 1 Assessment within a rolling 12-month period. - A Public Water System on state-approved annual monitoring has a Level 1 Assessment trigger in 2 consecutive years. Seasonal System Provisions The Total Coliform Rule defines seasonal systems and specifies additional requirements for these types of PWSs: - A seasonal system is defined as a non-community water system that is not operated as a PWS on a year round basis and starts up and shuts down at the beginning and end of each operating season. Start-up Procedures for Seasonal Systems At the beginning of each operating period, before serving water to the public, seasonal water systems must: - Conduct state-approved start-up procedures. - Certify completion of state-approved start-up procedures. - An exemption from conducting state-approved start-up procedures may be available for seasonal systems that maintain pressure throughout the distribution system during non-operating periods. Examples of state-approved start-up procedures, which need to be completed prior to serving water to the public, may include one or more of the following: - Disinfection. - Distribution system flushing. - Sampling for total coliform and E. coli. - Site visit by state. - Verification that any current or historical sanitary defects have been corrected. Routine Monitoring for Seasonal Systems - The baseline monitoring frequency for seasonal systems is monthly. - A reduced monitoring frequency may be available for seasonal systems that use ground water only and serve fewer than 1,000 persons. Other Provisions for the State Drinking Water Agency Special Monitoring Evaluation The state must perform a special monitoring evaluation at all ground water systems serving 1,000 or fewer persons during each sanitary survey to review the status of the Public Water System and to determine whether the sample sites and monitoring schedule need to be modified. Major Violations E. coli MCL Violation A Public Water System will receive an E. coli MCL violation when there is any combination of an E.coli positive sample result with a routine/repeat Total Coliform positive or E. coli positive sample result: E. coli MCL Violation Occurs with the Following Sample Result Combination Routine Repeat EC+ TC+ EC+ Any missing sample EC+ EC+ TC+ EC+ TC+ TC+ (but no E. coli analysis) Treatment Technique Violation A PWS will receive a Treatment Technique violation when any of the following occur: - Failure to conduct a Level 1 or Level 2 Assessment within 30 days of a trigger. - Failure to correct all sanitary defects from a Level 1 or Level 2 Assessment within 30 days of a trigger or in accordance with the state-approved timeframe. - Failure of a seasonal system to complete state-approved start-up procedures prior to serving water to the public. Key Points for Public Water Systems to Remember Find and correct sanitary defects as soon as you become aware of them. This can help reduce E. coli MCL violations, which trigger a Level 2 Assessment. This can help reduce TC+ sample results, which may trigger a Level 1 Assessment. Make sure to collect all routine and repeat samples as required. Timely and correct monitoring can help reduce triggering a Level 1 or Level 2 Assessment because: - Failure to conduct repeat monitoring triggers a Level 1 Assessment. - A Level 1 Assessment triggered twice within a certain timeframe triggers a Level 2 Assessment. Ground Water Treatment Rule EPA issued the Ground Water Rule (GWR) to improve drinking water quality and provide protection from disease-causing microorganisms. Water systems that have groundwater sources may be susceptible to fecal contamination. In many cases, fecal contamination can contain disease-causing pathogens. The purpose of the Ground Water Rule (GWR) is to reduce disease incidence associated with harmful microorganisms in drinking water. The Ground Water Rule applies to public water systems that use ground water as a source of drinking water. The rule also applies to any system that delivers surface and ground water to consumers where the ground water is added to the distribution system without treatment. The Ground Water Rule was published in the Federal Register in November 2006. Overview of the Rule Ground Water Rule (GWR) 71 FR 65574, November 2006, Vol. 71, No. 216 Correction 71 FR 67427, November 2006, Vol. 71, No. 224 Purpose The rule should reduce the risk of illness caused by microbial contamination in public ground water systems (GWSs). General Description The Groundwater Rule establishes a risk-targeted approach to identify groundwater systems susceptible to fecal contamination, and the rule requires corrective action to correct significant deficiencies and source water fecal contamination in all public groundwater systems. Utilities Covered The Ground Water Rule applies to all public water systems that use groundwater, including consecutive systems, except that it does not apply to public water systems that combine their groundwater with surface water or with groundwater under the direct influence of surface water prior to treatment. Public Health Benefits Targeted protection for over 70 million people served by groundwater sources that are not disinfected or receive less than 4-log treatment or reduction in 99.99% harmful microorganisms. Implementation created an avoidance of 42,000 viral illnesses and 1 related death annually. Requirements for Drinking Water Systems New groundwater sources must meet triggered source water monitoring requirements or conduct compliance monitoring. Groundwater systems must conduct triggered source water monitoring if the system does not provide at least 4-log virus inactivation, removal, or a state-approved combination of these technologies before or at the first customer and the system is notified that a sample collected for the Total Coliform Rule (TCR) is total coliform-positive. Groundwater systems identified as a significant deficiency and systems that have had at least one of the five additional groundwater source samples that has tested positive for fecal contamination must comply with the treatment technique requirements. Analytical Methods for Source Water Monitoring Fecal Indicator Methodology Method - E. coli Colilert - Colisure - Membrane Filter Method with MI Agar - m-ColiBlue24 Test - E*Colite Test - EC-MUG - NA-MUG - 9223 B - 9223 B - EPA Method 1604 - 9221 F - 9222 G - Enterococci Multiple-Tube Technique - Membrane Filter Technique - Enterolert - 9230 B - 9230 C - EPA Method 1600. - Coliphage Two-Step, Enrichment, Presence-Absence Procedure - Single Agar Layer Procedure - EPA Method 1601 - EPA Method 1602 Major Provisions of Rule - Compliance Monitoring - Treatment - Technique - Compliance - Monitoring In order not to be subject to triggered source water monitoring, a groundwater system can notify the state that it provides at least 4-log treatment of viruses using virus inactivation, removal, or a state-approved combination of 4-log virus inactivation and removal before or at the first customer. The groundwater system must then begin compliance monitoring designed to show the effectiveness of their treatment processes. Groundwater systems that use chemical disinfection and serve more than 3,300 people must continuously monitor their disinfectant concentration. These systems must maintain the minimum disinfectant residual concentration determined by the state. Groundwater systems that use chemical disinfection and serve 3,300 people or fewer must take daily grab samples or meet the continuous monitoring requirements described for public groundwater systems serving more than 3,300 people. Groundwater systems using membrane filtration for 4-log treatment of viruses must monitor the membrane filtration process according to state-specified monitoring requirements. Groundwater systems may use alternative treatment technologies (e.g., ultraviolet radiation [UV]) approved by the state. Groundwater systems must monitor the alternative treatment according to state specified monitoring requirements and must operate the alternative treatment according to compliance requirements established by the state. Source Water Monitoring Triggered Source Water Monitoring Groundwater systems that do not conduct compliance monitoring and are notified of a total coliform-positive routine sample collected in compliance with the Total Coliform Rule (40 CFR 141.21) must conduct triggered source water monitoring. Groundwater systems must collect at least one ground water source sample from each source in use at the time the total coliform-positive sample was collected. The triggered source water sample must be analyzed for the presence of a fecal indicator as specified in the rule. If the triggered source water sample is fecal indicator-positive, the Groundwater system must either take corrective action, as directed by the state, or if corrective action is not required by the state and the sample is not invalided by the state, the Groundwater system must conduct additional source water sampling. States may waive the triggered source water monitoring requirement if the state determines and documents, in writing, that the total coliform-positive routine sample is the result of a documented distribution system deficiency. States may develop criteria for distribution system conditions that cause total coliform positive samples. A Groundwater system can document to the state that it met the state criteria within 30 days of the total coliform-positive sample and be exempt from collecting triggered source water sample(s). States may invalidate a fecal indicator-positive groundwater source sample under specific conditions. If a fecal indicator-positive source sample is invalidated, the Groundwater system must collect another source water sample within 24 hours of being notified by the state of its invalidation decision. Additional Source Water Sampling If the state does not require corrective action in response to a fecal indicator-positive triggered source water sample, the Groundwater system must collect five additional source water samples (from the same source), using the same indicator as used in triggered source water monitoring, within 24 hours of being notified of the fecal indicator-positive sample. Assessment Source Water Monitoring States have the opportunity to target higher risk GWSs for additional testing. States independently can determine on a case by case basis whether monitoring is necessary and when corrective action needs to be taken. Treatment Technique Requirements Groundwater Systems with Significant Deficiencies or Source Water Fecal Contamination Groundwater systems must take corrective action if a significant deficiency is identified, or if the initial source samples (if required by the state) or one of the five additional groundwater source samples tests positive for fecal contamination. The Groundwater systems must implement at least one of the following corrective actions: - Correct all significant deficiencies - Provide an alternate source of water - Eliminate the source of contamination - Provide treatment that reliably achieves at least 4-log treatment of viruses (using inactivation, removal, or a state-approved combination of 4-log virus inactivation and removal) before or at the first customer for the groundwater source. New Sources New Ground Water Sources New sources which come online after November 2009 are required either to conduct triggered source water monitoring as required by the Groundwater Rule, or provide at least 4-log inactivation, removal, or a state-approved combination of these technologies and conduct compliance monitoring within 30 days of the source being put in service. Sanitary Surveys All Ground Water Systems States are required to conduct sanitary surveys of all Groundwater systems in order to identify significant deficiencies, including deficiencies which may make a system susceptible to microbial contamination. Following the initial sanitary survey, states must conduct sanitary surveys every 3 years for most Community Water Systems and every 5 years for Non-community Water Systems that provide at least 4-log treatment of viruses or have outstanding performance records, as determined by the state. Existing Regulations for Microbial Pathogens in Drinking Water - The Surface Water Treatment Rule (SWTR) (54 FR 27486, June 1989) applies to all PWSs using surface water or ground water under the direct influence (GWUDI) of surface water as sources (Subpart H PWSs). It established MCLGs of zero for Giardia lamblia , viruses, and Legionella , and includes the following treatment technique requirements to reduce exposure to pathogenic microorganisms: - Filtration, unless specific avoidance criteria are met - Maintenance of a disinfectant residual in the distribution system - Removal and/or inactivation of 3-log (99.9%) of Giardia lamblia and 4-log (99.99%) of viruses - Maximum allowable turbidity in the combined filter effluent (CFE) of 5 nephelometric turbidity units - (NTU) and 95th percentile CFE turbidity of 0.5 NTU or less for plants using conventional treatment or direct filtration - Watershed protection and source water quality requirements for unfiltered PWSs - The Total Coliform Rule (TCR) (54 FR 27544, June 1989) applies to all PWSs. It established an MCLG of zero for total and fecal coliform bacteria and an MCL based on the percentage of positive samples collected. Coliforms are used as an indicator of fecal contamination and to determine the integrity of the water treatment process and distribution system. Under the Total Coliform Rule, no more than 5 percent of distribution system samples collected in any month may contain coliform bacteria (no more than 1 sample per month may be coliform positive in those PWSs that collect fewer than 40 samples per month). The number of samples to be collected in a month is based on the number of people served by the PWS. - Interim Enhanced Surface Water Treatment Rule (63 FR 69478, December 16, 1998) (USEPA 1998a) applies to PWSs serving at least 10,000 people and using surface water or GWUDI sources. Key provisions established by the interim rule include the following: - An MCLG of zero for Cryptosporidium - Cryptosporidium removal requirements of 2-log (99 percent) for PWSs that filter - More stringent turbidity performance standards of 1.0 NTU as a maximum and 0.3 NTU or less at the 95th percentile monthly for treatment plants using conventional treatment or direct filtration - Requirements for individual filter turbidity monitoring - Disinfection benchmark provisions to assess the level of microbial protection that PWSs provide as they take steps to comply with new disinfection by-products standards - Inclusion of Cryptosporidium in the definition of GWUDI and in the watershed control requirements for unfiltered PWSs - Requirements for covers on new finished water storage facilities - Sanitary surveys for all surface water systems regardless of size The interim surface water treatment rule was developed in conjunction with the Stage 1 Disinfectants and Disinfection Byproducts Rule (Stage 1 DBPR) (63 FR 69389, December 1998), which reduced allowable levels of certain DBPs, including trihalomethanes, haloacetic acids, chlorite, and bromate. - Long Term 1 Enhanced Surface Water Treatment Rule (67 FR 1812, January 2002) builds on the microbial control provisions established by the interim rule for large PWSs through extending similar requirements to small PWSs. The long-term interim rule applies to PWSs that use surface water or GWUDI as sources and that serve fewer than 10,000 people. Like the interim rule, the long-term rule established the following: - 2- log (99 percent) Cryptosporidium removal requirements by PWSs that filter - Individual filter turbidity monitoring and more stringent combined filter effluent turbidity standards for conventional and direct filtration plants - Disinfection profiling and benchmarking; inclusion of Cryptosporidium in the definition of GWUDI and in the watershed control requirements for unfiltered PWSs - The requirement that new finished water storage facilities be covered. - Filter Backwash Recycle Rule (66 FR 31085, June 2001) requires PWSs to consider the potential risks associated with recycling contaminants removed during the filtration process. The provisions of the filter backwash rule apply to all PWSs that recycle, regardless of population served. In general, the provisions include the following: - PWSs must return certain recycle streams to a point in the treatment process that is prior to primary coagulant addition unless the State specifies an alternative location - Direct filtration PWSs recycling to the treatment process must provide detailed recycle treatment information to the State - Certain conventional PWSs that practice direct recycling must perform a one-month, one-time recycling self-assessment Introduction to Cryptosporidium Concern with Cryptosporidium in Drinking Water EPA is promulgating the Long-Term Surface Water Treatment Rule to reduce the public health risk associated with Cryptosporidium in drinking water. Cryptosporidium is a protozoan parasite that lives and reproduces entirely in one host. Ingestion of Cryptosporidium can cause cryptosporidiosis, a gastrointestinal (GI) illness. Cryptosporidium is excreted in feces. Transmission of cryptosporidiosis occurs through consumption of water or food contaminated with feces or by direct or indirect contact with infected persons or animals. In the environment, Cryptosporidium is present as a thick-walled oocyst containing four organisms (sporozoites). The oocyst wall insulates the sporozoites from harsh environmental conditions. Oocysts are 4–5 microns in length and width. Upon a host’s ingestion of oocysts, enzymes and chemicals produced by the host’s digestive system cause the oocyst to excyst, or break open. The excysted sporozoites embed themselves in the surfaces of the epithelial cells of the lower small intestine. The organisms then begin absorbing nutrients from their host cells. When these organisms sexually reproduce, they produce thick and thin-walled oocysts. The host excretes the thick-walled oocysts in its feces. The thin-walled oocysts excyst within the host and contribute to further host infection. The exact mechanism by which Cryptosporidium causes GI illness is not known. Factors may include damage to intestinal structure and cells, changes in the absorption/secretion processes of the intestine, toxins produced by Cryptosporidium or the host, and proteins that allow Cryptosporidium to adhere to host cell surfaces. Upon excretion, Cryptosporidium oocysts may survive for months in various environmental media, including soil, river water, seawater, and human and cattle feces at ambient temperatures. Cryptosporidium can also withstand temperatures as low as 20 °C for periods of a few hours, but they are susceptible to desiccation. Cryptosporidium is a widespread contaminant in surface water used as drinking water supplies. Cryptosporidium contamination can come from animal agriculture, wastewater treatment plant discharges, slaughterhouses, birds, wild animals, and other sources of fecal matter. Cryptosporidium parvum (C. parvum ) has been the primary species of concern to humans. Cryptosporidium infection is characterized by mild to severe diarrhea, dehydration, stomach cramps, and/or a slight fever. Incubation is thought to range from 2 to 10 days. Symptoms typically last from several days to 2 weeks. In a small percentage of cases, the symptoms may persist for months or longer in healthy individuals. Symptoms may be more severe in immunocompromised persons. Such persons include those with AIDS, cancer patients undergoing chemotherapy, organ transplant recipients treated with drugs that suppress the immune system, and patients with autoimmune disorders. Cryptosporidium oocysts are highly resistant to standard disinfectants like chlorine and chloramines. Consequently, control of Cryptosporidium in most treatment plants is dependent on physical removal processes. However, due to their size (4–5 microns), oocysts can sometimes pass through filters. Monitoring data on finished water show that Cryptosporidium is sometimes present in filtered, treated drinking water. Certain alternative disinfectants can be more effective in treating for Cryptosporidium . Ozone and chlorine dioxide have been shown to inactivate Cryptosporidium at doses higher than those required to inactivate Giardia , which has typically been used to set disinfectant doses. Studies have also demonstrated a synergistic effect of treatment using ozone followed by chlorine or monochloramine. UV light has recently been shown to achieve high levels of Cryptosporidium inactivation at feasible doses. Other processes that can help reduce Cryptosporidium levels in finished water include watershed management programs, pretreatment processes like bank filtration, and additional clarification and filtration processes during water treatment. Further, optimizing treatment performance and achieving very low levels of turbidity in the finished water has been shown to improve Cryptosporidium removal in treatment plants. Cryptosporidium has caused a number of waterborne disease outbreaks since 1984 when the first was reported in the United States. Data from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention include ten outbreaks caused by Cryptosporidium in drinking water between 1984 and 2000, with approximately 421,000 cases of illness. The most serious outbreak occurred in 1993 in Milwaukee; an estimated 403,000 people became sick, and at least 50 Cryptosporidium -associated deaths occurred among the severely immunocompromised. A PWS that begins using a new surface water source after the date the PWS is required to conduct source water monitoring under the Long-Term 2 Surface Water Treatment Rule must monitor the new source on a schedule approved by the State. This applies to new plants that begin operation and previously operating plants that bring a new source on-line after the required monitoring date for the PWS. The State may determine that monitoring should be conducted before a new plant or source is brought on-line or initiated within some time period afterward. The new source monitoring must meet all long-term rule requirements. The PWS must also determine its treatment bin classification and comply with any additional Cryptosporidium treatment requirements based on the monitoring results on a schedule approved by the State. Background and Analysis Monitoring requirements in the rule are designed to ascertain Cryptosporidium levels with suitable accuracy for making treatment bin classifications and in a time frame that does not delay the installation of Cryptosporidium treatment where needed. A mean Cryptosporidium concentration of 0.01 oocysts/L determines whether unfiltered PWSs are required to provide 2 or 3-log Cryptosporidium inactivation. No E. coli concentration was effective in determining whether PWSs were likely to fall above or below this level. Consequently, the rule requires all unfiltered PWSs to monitor for Cryptosporidium , unless they choose to provide 3-log Cryptosporidium inactivation. Sampling location The requirements in the rule for the source water sample collection location are designed to achieve two objectives: - Characterize the influent water to the treatment plant at the time each sample is collected. - Ensure that samples are not affected by treatment chemicals that could interfere with Cryptosporidium analysis. The first objective is the basis for requiring PWSs that use multiple sources to analyze a blended source sample or calculate a weighted average of sources that reflects the influent at the time of sample collection. It is also the reason that PWSs are required to sample after certain pretreatment processes like bank filtration that do not involve chemical addition. The second objective is why PWSs are generally required to sample upstream of chemical addition and prior to backwash addition (for PWSs that recycle filter backwash). However, EPA recognizes that in some situations, sampling prior to chemical addition will not be feasible and discontinuing chemical addition for a period of time prior to sampling will not be advisable. This situation could occur when a treatment chemical is added at an intake that is difficult to access. Further, some treatment chemicals may not interfere with Cryptosporidium analyses when present at very low levels. Consequently, the rule allows States to approve PWSs sampling after chemical addition when the State determines that collection prior to chemical treatment is not feasible, and the treatment chemical is not expected to interfere with the analysis of the sample. EPA believes that States should review source water monitoring locations for their PWSs. Sampling Schedule The requirement will help to ensure that monitoring determines the mean concentration of Cryptosporidium in the treatment plant influent. To achieve this objective, the timing of sample collection must not be adjusted in response to fluctuations in water quality, such as the avoidance of sampling when the influent water is expected to be of poor quality. EPA believes that the 5-day window for sample collection and associated allowances for sampling outside this window provide sufficient flexibility. If circumstances arise that prevent the PWS from sampling within the scheduled 5-day window, such as a weather event or plant emergency, the PWS must collect a sample as soon as feasible. In this case, feasibility includes the ability of the PWS to safely collect a sample and the availability of an approved laboratory to conduct the analysis within method specifications. In addition, the rule allows States to authorize a different date for collecting the delayed sample. Failing to Monitor For most monitoring and testing procedure violations under the Long-Term Rule 2, PWSs must provide a Tier 3 public notification, which is standard for this type of violation under an NPDWR. However, if a PWS fails to collect three or more Cryptosporidium samples, the violation is elevated to a Tier 2 special public notice. The reason for elevating the public notice at this point is the persistence of the violation and the difficulty the PWS will have in collecting the required number of samples for bin classification by the compliance date. The rule requires bin classification within six months following the end of the monitoring period specified for the PWS. This six-month period provides some opportunity for collecting and analyzing missed samples. The number of samples that can be made up in this period is limited, though, due to the need for samples to be evenly distributed throughout the year, as well as for PWSs and States to spend time during this period evaluating monitoring results to determine bin classification. Failure by a PWS to collect the required number of Cryptosporidium samples for bin classification by the compliance date is a treatment technique violation with a required Tier 2 public notice. This violation reflects the inability of the PWS to determine and comply with its Cryptosporidium treatment requirements under the rule and provide the appropriate level of public health protection. The violation ends when the State determines that the PWS is carrying out a monitoring plan that will lead to bin classification. A PWS that has already provided a Tier 2 public notice for missing three sampling dates and is successfully meeting a State-approved sampling schedule is not required to issue another public notice for missing the bin classification date. Alternatively, the PWS can choose to provide the highest level of Cryptosporidium treatment required under the rule, which is 5.5-log for filtered PWSs and 3-log for unfiltered PWSs. Requirements for grandfathering previously collected monitoring data in the rule based on the principle that to be eligible for grandfathering, previously collected data must be equivalent in quality to data that will be collected under the rule. The Stage 2 M–DBP Advisory Committee recommended that EPA accept previously collected Cryptosporidium data that are equivalent in sample number, frequency, and data quality (volume analyzed, percent recovery) to data that would be collected under the long-term rule to determine bin classification in lieu of further monitoring. Ongoing watershed assessment treatment requirements under the rule are based on source water quality. Consequently, the rule requires watershed assessment and, a second round of monitoring following initial bin classification to determine if source water quality has changed to the degree that the treatment level should be modified. States are allowed to use programs other than the sanitary survey to assess changes in the watershed. The rule leverages the existing requirement for States to perform sanitary surveys on surface water PWSs. During the source water review in the sanitary survey, the rule requires States to determine if significant changes have occurred in the watershed that could lead to increased contamination by Cryptosporidium . The State can also choose to make this determination through an equivalent review of the source water under a program other than the sanitary survey, such as a Source Water Protection Assessment. If the State determines that significant changes have occurred, the State may specify that the PWS conduct additional source water monitoring or treat the potential contamination. This approach allows the PWS and State to respond to a significant change in source water quality prior to initiating a second round of monitoring or any time thereafter. Second Round of Monitoring A more rigorous reassessment of the source water occurs through a second round of monitoring that begins six years after initial bin classification. If EPA does not develop and finalize modifications to the rule prior to the date when PWSs must begin the second round of monitoring, then this second round must conform to the same requirements that applied to the initial round of monitoring. PWSs may be classified in a different treatment bin, depending on the results of the second round of monitoring. Process Summary Source water monitoring to determine additional treatment requirements for Cryptosporidium. - Sampling parameters and frequency, sampling location, sampling schedule, monitoring plants that operate only part-year, failing to monitor, providing treatment instead of monitoring, grandfathering previously collected data, ongoing source water assessment, second round of monitoring, and new source monitoring. The Rule requires filtered PWSs using surface water or GWUDI sources to provide greater levels of treatment if their source waters have higher concentrations of Cryptosporidium . Filtered PWSs are classified in one of four treatment bins based on results from the source water monitoring. PWSs classified in the lowest concentration bin are subject to no additional treatment requirements, while PWSs assigned to higher concentration bins must reduce Cryptosporidium levels. All PWSs must continue to comply with the requirements of the SWTR, IESWTR, and LT1ESWTR, as applicable. This section addresses procedures for classifying filtered PWSs in Cryptosporidium treatment bins and the treatment requirements associated with each bin. Microbial toolbox that PWSs must use to meet additional Cryptosporidium treatment requirements. - Bin classification-after completing initial source water monitoring, filtered PWSs must calculate a Cryptosporidium bin concentration for each treatment plant where Cryptosporidium monitoring is required. This Cryptosporidium bin concentration is used to classify filtration plants in one of the four treatment bins. In general, the Cryptosporidium bin concentration is calculated by averaging individual sample results from one or more years of monitoring. Specific procedures vary, however, depending on the frequency and duration of monitoring. These procedures are as follows: - For PWSs that collect a total of at least 24 but not more than 47 Cryptosporidium samples over two or more years, the Cryptosporidium bin concentration is equal to the highest arithmetic mean of all sample concentrations in any 12 consecutive months of Cryptosporidium monitoring. - For PWSs that collect a total of at least 48 samples, the Cryptosporidium bin concentration is equal to the arithmetic mean of all sample concentrations. - For PWSs that serve fewer than 10,000 people and monitor for Cryptosporidium for only one year (collect 24 samples in 12 months), the Cryptosporidium bin concentration is equal to the arithmetic mean of all sample concentrations. - For PWSs with plants that operate only part-year that monitor for less than 12 months per year, the Cryptosporidium bin concentration is equal to the highest arithmetic mean of all sample concentrations during any year of Cryptosporidium monitoring. In data sets with variable sampling frequency, PWSs must first calculate an arithmetic mean for each month of sampling and then apply one of these four procedures using the monthly mean concentrations. PWSs may grandfather previously collected Cryptosporidium data where the sampling frequency varies (one year of monthly sampling and one year of twice-per- month sampling). Filtered PWSs serving fewer than 10,000 people are not required to monitor for Cryptosporidium if they demonstrate a mean E. coli concentration less than or equal to 10/ 100 mL for lake/reservoir sources or 50/ 100 mL for flowing stream sources or do not exceed an alternative State-approved indicator trigger. PWSs that meet this criterion are classified in Bin 1. When determining the Cryptosporidium bin concentration, PWSs must calculate individual sample concentrations as the total number of oocysts counted, divided by the volume as saved. In samples where no oocysts are detected, the result is assigned a value of zero for the purpose of calculating the bin concentration. Sample analysis results are not adjusted for analytical method recovery or the percent of Cryptosporidium oocysts that are infectious. PWSs must report their treatment bin classification to the State for approval following initial source water monitoring. The report must include a summary of the data and calculation procedure used to determine the bin concentration. PWSs must recalculate their bin classification after completing the second round of monitoring and report the results to the State for approval. If the State does not respond to a PWS regarding its bin classification after either report, the PWS must comply with the Cryptosporidium treatment requirements of the rule based on the reported bin classification. - Bin treatment requirements. All filtered PWSs must comply with the treatment requirements based on their bin classification. The total Cryptosporidium treatment required for plants in Bins 2, 3, and 4 is 4.0-log, 5.0-log, and 5.5-log, respectively. Conventional treatment (including softening), slow sand, and diatomaceous earth filtration plants in compliance with the IESWTR or LT1ESWTR, as applicable, receive a prescribed 3.0-log Cryptosporidium treatment credit toward these total bin treatment requirements. Accordingly, these plant types must provide 1.0 to 2.5-log of additional treatment when classified in Bins 2–4, respectively. Direct filtration plants in compliance with existing regulations receive a prescribed 2.5-log treatment credit and, consequently, must achieve 0.5-log greater treatment to comply with Bins 2–4. For PWSs using alternative filtration technologies, such as membranes, bag filters, or cartridge filters, no prescribed treatment credit is available because the performance of these processes is specific to individual products. Consequently, when PWSs using these processes are classified in Bins 2–4, the State must determine additional treatment requirements based on the credit the State awards to a particular technology. The additional treatment requirements must ensure that plants classified in Bins 2–4 achieve total Cryptosporidium reductions of 4.0- to 5.5-log, respectively. PWSs can achieve additional Cryptosporidium treatment credit through implementing pretreatment processes like pre-sedimentation or bank filtration, by developing a watershed control program, and by applying additional treatment steps like ozone, chlorine dioxide, UV, and membranes. In addition, PWSs can receive a higher level of credit for existing treatment processes through achieving very low filter effluent turbidity or through a demonstration of performance. A combination of options from the microbial toolbox can be used to gather additional credit. PWSs in Bin 2 can meet additional Cryptosporidium treatment requirements by using any option or combination of options from the microbial toolbox. For Bins 3 and 4, PWSs must achieve at least 1-log of the additional treatment requirement by using ozone, chlorine dioxide, UV, membranes, bag filtration, cartridge filtration, or bank filtration. - The rule increases protection against Cryptosporidium and other pathogens in PWSs with the highest source water contamination levels. This targeted approach builds upon existing regulations under which all filtered PWSs must provide the same level of treatment regardless of source water quality. The rule is to ensure that PWSs with higher risk source waters achieve public health protection commensurate with PWSs with less contaminated sources. The rule establishes risk-targeted Cryptosporidium treatment requirements and sets specific bin concentration ranges and treatment requirements that apply to filtered PWSs. The IESWTR established a Cryptosporidium MCLG of zero and requires large filtered PWSs to achieve 2-log Cryptosporidium removal. The LT1ESWTR extended this requirement to small PWSs. After these rules were promulgated, advances were made in analytical methods and treatment for Cryptosporidium, and EPA collected new information on Cryptosporidium occurrence and infectivity. Consequently, EPA assessed the implications of these developments for further controlling Cryptosporidium to approach the zero MCLG. The risk-targeted approach for filtered PWSs in the rule stems from four general findings based on new information on Cryptosporidium : - New data on Cryptosporidium infectivity suggest that the risk associated with a particular level of Cryptosporidium is most likely higher than EPA estimated at the time of earlier rules. - New data on Cryptosporidium occurrence indicate that levels are relatively low in most water sources, but a subset of sources has substantially higher concentrations. - The finding that UV light can readily inactivate Cryptosporidium , as well as other technology developments, makes achieving high levels of treatment for Cryptosporidium feasible for PWSs of all sizes. - EPA Methods 1622 and 1623 are capable of assessing annual mean levels of Cryptosporidium in drinking water sources. These findings led EPA to conclude that most filtered PWSs currently provide sufficient treatment for Cryptosporidium , but additional treatment is needed in those PWSs with the highest source water Cryptosporidium levels to protect public health. Further, PWSs can characterize Cryptosporidium levels in their source waters with available analytical methods and can provide higher levels of treatment with available technologies. Consequently, risk-targeted treatment requirements for Cryptosporidium based on source water contamination levels are appropriate and feasible to implement. Basis for bin concentration ranges and treatment requirements. To establish the risk-targeted treatment requirements in today’s rule, EPA had to determine the degree of treatment that should be required for different source water Cryptosporidium levels to protect public health. This determination involved addressing several questions: - What is the risk associated with Cryptosporidium in a drinking water source? - How much Cryptosporidium removal do filtration plants achieve? - What is the appropriate statistical measure for classifying PWSs into treatment bins? - What degree of additional treatment is needed for higher source water Cryptosporidium levels? - How should PWSs calculate their treatment bin classification? The risk of infection from Cryptosporidium in drinking water is a function of exposure (the dose of oocysts ingested) and infectivity (likelihood of infection as a function of ingested dose). Primary (direct) exposure to Cryptosporidium depends on the concentration of oocysts in the source water, the fraction removed by the treatment plant, and the volume of water consumed (secondary exposure occurs through interactions with infected individuals). Thus, the daily risk of infection (DR) is as follows: DR = (oocysts/L in source water) × (fraction remaining after treatment) × (liters consumed per day) × (likelihood of infection per oocyst dose). Assuming 350 days of consumption per year for people served by community water systems (CWSs), the annual risk (AR) of infection is as follows: AR = 1 ¥ (1 ¥ DR)350. EPA has estimated the mean likelihood of infection from ingesting one Cryptosporidium oocyst to range from 4 to 16 percent. Median individual daily water consumption is estimated as 1.07 L/day. Key Terms - Cryptosporidium - a protozoan parasite that lives and reproduces entirely in one host; ingestion of Cryptosporidium can cause cryptosporidiosis, a gastrointestinal (GI) illness; cryptosporidium is excreted in feces. - Ground Water Rule (GWR) – the purpose is to improve drinking water quality and provide protection from disease-causing microorganisms; water systems that have groundwater sources may be susceptible to fecal contamination; applies to public water systems that use ground water as a source of drinking water - Surface Water Treatment Rules (SWTRs) – the purpose is to reduce illnesses caused by pathogens in drinking water, including Legionella , Giardia lamblia , and Cryptosporidium ; the SWTRs requires water systems to filter and disinfect surface water sources. - Total Coliform Rule (TCR) - a National Primary Drinking Water Regulation (NPDWR), published in 1989 and became effective in 1990; sets a health goal (Maximum Contaminant Level Goal (MCLG)) and legal limits (Maximum Contaminant Levels, MCLs)) for the presence of total coliforms in drinking water Review Questions - What are the primary components of the Total Coliform Rule? - What is the basis of the Total Coliform Rule? - What is the primary requirement in the Groundwater Rule? - List four EAP approved laboratory methods for testing for coliforms. - What are the major provisions of the Long-Term Surface Water Treatment Rule? Chapter Quiz - Total coliforms are used as a(n) _______ of the possible presence of pathogens in drinking water. Total coliforms are used to determine the adequacy of water treatment and the integrity of the distribution system. - indicator - model - log removal - alternative - The Revised Total Coliform Rule establishes _________for E. coli and uses E. coli and total coliforms to initiate a find and fix approach to address fecal contamination that could enter into the distribution system. - a log removal - a maximum contaminant level (MCL) - a secondary maximum contaminant level (SMCL) - a model - Within 24 hours of learning of a Total Coliform positive routine sample result, at least ____ repeat samples must be collected and analyzed for total coliform. - 1 - 2 - 3 - 4 - States are required to conduct __________ of all groundwater systems in order to identify significant deficiencies, including deficiencies which may make a system susceptible to microbial contamination. - hydrologic studies - microbial examinations - a sanitary survey - laboratory studies - The Surface Water Treatment Rule requires water systems to ________ surface water sources. - filter and disinfect - conserve - aerate - disinfect - In order not to be subject to triggered source water monitoring under the Groundwater Rule, a groundwater system can notify the state that it provides at least _______ treatment of viruses using virus inactivation, or removal, before or at the first customer. - 2-log - 3-log - 4-log - 6-log - The Long-Term Surface Water Rule establishes risk-targeted treatment technique requirements to control _________ in PWSs using surface water or groundwater under the influence of surface water. - E.coli - Giardiasis lambdia - Cryptosporidium - Coliforms - What is the maximum allowable turbidity in the combined filter effluent? - 0.5 NTU - 1.0 NTU - 3.0 NTU - 5.0 NTU - EPA promulgated the Long-Term Surface Water Treatment Rule to reduce the public health risk associated with ________ in drinking water. - Giardiasis lambdia - Cryptosporidium - Coliforms - E. coli - _________ is a protozoan parasite that lives and reproduces entirely in one host, - E. coli - Coliforms - Cryptosporidium - Fecal streptococcus	10,635	common-pile/libretexts_filtered	https://workforce.libretexts.org/Courses/Northeast_Wisconsin_Technical_College/Ground_Water_and_Distribution_(NWTC)/10%3A_Sampling_and_Regulations/10.01%3A_Microbiology_Regulations	libretexts	libretexts-0000.json.gz:2246	https://workforce.libretexts.org/Courses/Northeast_Wisconsin_Technical_College/Ground_Water_and_Distribution_(NWTC)/10%3A_Sampling_and_Regulations/10.01%3A_Microbiology_Regulations
kFJsHr7DVqdfYS-O	Developing Organizational and Managerial Wisdom - 2nd Edition (Audio plus text version)	Section audio Chapter I identified three themes of wisdom: - Values: Values guide wise action - Rationality: Knowledge is required but insufficient for wise action - Power: Wisdom is action-oriented Under a critical realist framework, values, rationality, and power are structures that enable or constrain actions.[1] Values, for example, inform the ends we find worth achieving and the means we find appropriate to achieve them. By defining the ends we pursue and the methods we use, values enable those actions consistent with our values (or those of the organization) and constrain actions that oppose them. Rationality encompasses what we know, how we know it, and how we justify our actions.[2] Rationality, therefore, informs action by giving us our understanding of the environment in which we operate. What we know (or think we know) and what we consider valid evidence enables some activities while constraining others. Power is the creative force that organizes social systems and allows them to act.[3] People within social systems (such as organizations) create this power network by distributing resources and authority among its members. Depending on the role an individual fills in the organization, this distribution enables them to perform some actions while constraining them from performing others. To develop organizational wisdom, individuals need to understand the underlying structures of values, rationality, and power with their organization. They must then use that understanding to develop and enact strategies to achieve desired outcomes. Key Takeaways - Values, rationality, and power are essential themes of organizational wisdom. - Values, rationality, and power are structures under the critical realist framework. - Anderson, B. C. (2019). Values, Rationality, and Power: Developing Organizational Wisdom--A Case Study of a Canadian Healthcare Authority. Bingley, United Kingdom: Emerald Group Publishing Limited. ↵ - Townley, B. (2008). Reason’s Neglect: Rationality and Organizing. New York, NY: Oxford University Press, Inc. ↵ - Foucault, M. (1977). Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison. Toronto: Random House. ↵	417	common-pile/pressbooks_filtered	https://pressbooks.saskpolytech.ca/developingwisdomaudiobook/chapter/what-does-this-have-to-do-with-organizational-wisdom/	pressbooks	pressbooks-0000.json.gz:33077	https://pressbooks.saskpolytech.ca/developingwisdomaudiobook/chapter/what-does-this-have-to-do-with-organizational-wisdom/
zLj6zQL13FqGm7g7	Some factors in the development of chain stores.	THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF SCIENCE IN BUSINESS ORGANIZATION AND OPERATION IN THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS, fines a chain store system as a nuiiher of retail stores operating under one management.^ Obviously such a definition excludes groups of stores v/hich are separately ov^ued and managed, as the Rexall drug stores and the Winchester hardware stores. Butler says that if we confine the term strictly to stores ’’under one ownership and direction,” then retail corporations and manufacturers ’ chains are the only ones properly inclu-ded. He would include retail huj^ing associations, or ’’combines, " as the Rexall dr’j.g stores, the American Drug .Syndicate, and the United Buyers ' Service; likewise consumers’ cooperative retail chains. 2 Copeland says that a chain store system is a group of scattered stores with a single ownership and centralized management.'" Cheringtcn realized the difficulty of giving a hard and fast definition.'^ For the purpose of this study chain stores will be defined as a group of stores all centrally ov/ned and operated, or collectively ovmed and managed for the conmon benefit of all the members of the group, or separately ov/ned but ov/ning stock in a corporation for v/hich they act as exclusive agents. 4, Elements of Marketing, p, 30. having started the first chain store systeir. y;ith the establishing of a srmll tea store in New York City in the year 1859. Basically the principle dates back about 150 years when Benjamin Franklin operated a chain of seven printing shops with a separate partner for each. The plan v/as very siinils-r to one used at the present time by the J. C. Penney Company (Department stores), except that Franklin finally retired from each firm.^ Most of the early development took place in the East, v;here v/e find such pioneer organizations as the Jones Tea Company of Pennsylvania (Grocery, 1872), James Butler of Brooklyn (Grocery, 1882), the V.'oolv/orth 5 and 10 cent stores (lS79) , and the Douglas Shoe stores (1876), and in more recent years the Liggett Drug stores, the United Cigar Stores, and the Baltimore and Childs restaurant chains. The chain store movement spread over other sections of the country at a later date. There are no official figures showing the extent of chain store grov;th. Hurd and Zimrcennan in Printers* Ink^ estimated that there were approximately 2,000 chain systems with over 25,000 stores. In 1915 Boyd's City Dispatch advertised that it could supply lists of over 10,000 chain systems. It should be taken into consideration, however, that the latter figure includes many chains which have only two or three stores in the organization. In a recent address before the National Chamber of Commerce^, Nystrorn said that there are nov/ probably over 2,000 chain organizations in this country, with a total of over 100,000 retail outlets. In an address before the Ari'.erican Economdc Association Alfred K. Becktaann, secretary of the National Chain Grocers' A.ssociation, said that less than 75 chain grocery organizations operate about Such figures as these do not give as comprehensive an idea of the grov/th of chain stores as might he desired. The tables and charts on the following page contain figures from authoritative sources and are intended to give a concrete idea of the enormoiis growth in the chain store field. is the attitude of jobbers, manufacturers, and retailers toward chain stores. By going over the literature of the subject it is possible to find a great variety of attitu.des on the part of each of the three classes mentioned, some of them denoimcing the chains, others assuming an air of indifference, and still others upholding the new system of merchandising. In the case of the jobbers it is rather difficudt to find pointed statements which would be of value in a treatise such as this. However, a few are available in the wholesale grocer;/ business. Theodore V.liitmarsh, president of the National Vliolesale Grocers’ Association makes the statement that the chain store is not to be regarded as a serious menace to the stmll grocer even with their "jnfair practice of "loss-leaders. "2 Nelson Gray, secretary of the V/holesale Grocers' Association, points out that it is folly to think that chain stores are only ten:porary factors in the food trade. He says that they are a legal and business proposition that has the endorsement of many manufacturers. "The question that confronts the wholesale grocer is not how to prevent the chain store, but hov/ to adapt his and his own cmistomers' business to meet the nev; conditions. "2 A large wholesale grocer ran this advertisement in a trade jo-urnal; "The chain store... is threatening the survival of the individual merchant. Let us hecome ycrxr ally to comhat this evil by suppl2^ing your requirements in the grocery line...."^ As regards their attitude toward chain stores, manufacturers fall into two classes, i.e., those v/ho sell to chain stores and those who do not. Without going into the advantages and disadvantages of selling to chain systems it can be said that the former class sees in chains stores a ready market, wide distribution, and cash. So we find many manufacturers w'hc sell their goods, either in whole or in part, in this way. But there are some manufacturers who will under no conditions sell to chain organizations. More than that, there are some who vigorously fight the chain stores. A typical example of this class is the Kellogg Toasted Corn Flakes Company, whose attitude is shown by the following statements extracted from a letter sent to its jobbers; "We have announced to the trade quite firmly that we will not sell the chain stores ':jntil either the government forces us..., or the chain stores become such a dominant factor that we cannot refuse longer to sell them direct.... Any jobber is blind who shuts his eyes to the increasing iranace of the chains...." The remainder of the article is a pilea for the support of retailers and jobbers. 2 The attitude of the retailers has been as varied as that of the jobbers and manufacturers. In the first place, there have been retailers who threw up their hands and quit as soon as a chain store opened its doors near their location. Such retailers spent their energy in denouncing rather than progressing. The attitude of the second class of retailers is illustrated in the case of the merchant who adepts the policy of laissez-faire when a chain opens a store near him. It is possible to find many examples of this class, the outstanding characteristics of v;hich are lack of adaptation to new circumstances, and a decrease in sales and profits. The third type comprises those merchants who are so alert and progressive as to be able to see the advantages of chain store methods and apply them to their ov/n business. These are the merchants who learn from chain stores and consequently welcome them as instruments for generally raising business efficiency. A high official of a prominent chain system is often quoted as asserting that he could open an independent store next to one of his chain stores and almost force the chain store to close its doors. It is a pretty generally accepted fact that chains are maldng independents better merchants.^ In connection with this phase of the problem it might be well to examine some of the iiterat’ore of the Illinois Chamber of Cormc-erce. This organization has been for a long time interested on the subject of "The Relation of the Chain Store to the Coimunity." A cori2::itt8e was appointed by the Illinois Chai'nber of Coxiraerce several months ago to study the "Chain Store .'Tvil." The coimr.it tee found that eighty-three out of 261 chain stores in forty-five Illinois cities outside of Chicago are members of local chaimbers of coxnmerce; but of the eighty-three the managers of forty-one rather than the concerns themselves, hold mexabership. Forty- three of the fort3^-five towns reported that such large chains as V/oolvxorth and Kresge belong to the Chamber of Coxamerce. The findings of the committee are given in full: in yo-or tov/n other than the profit that they can gain there. They do not acquire any property. The miaiiagers do not become home owners. They do not, as a rule, do their banking in your own town any longer than is required to secure a draft to send their money back to headquarters. They do not, excej^t rarely, assist yo'or newspapers to exist, so that you will have a medium of publicity when you waiit to boost something for the good of your tovm. They ;vill never enter into any collective trade expansion work. It is said that a man who will take no part in civic affairs or advancecient is stealing a ride on the chariot of progress. The chain stores are those people. The reinainder of this introductory chapter is to give, in a general way, the plan of the study. The thesis is divided into ten chapters, not including introduction and conclusions, and presents a fionctional study of chain stores. ITo attempt has been made to cover the entire field - it v/ould take perhaps several years to do this - but i’ather to present sor’e of the outstanding methods of perforiiiing the various functions. Consequently each chapter may be taken as a separate study. and "CO” uiaans that a consolidation has taken place. Thus, if the name of an organization is followed hy "I", "P", "C", "R", and "CS", it means that it has passed through five stages of development, viz., individual proprietorship, partnership, incorporation, reincorporation or recapitalisation, and consolidation.^ a more or less general tendency in the evolution of the organic structures of chain systems, and that this evolution has been in fonr steps as indicated above. The reason for t/iis common evolution can clearly be seen by examining the financial history of one of the typical chain organizations and citing other exangsles, The S. S. Kresge Company was formed i :divi dually hy Mr. S. S. ICresge in 1897, and ncw^ operates a chain of 1S9 Five and Ten Cent Stores in 171 cities and tovms located in 24 states. Between 189? and the date of its incorporation, 1312, the comreaij?’ opened on an average four stores pier year solely throiigh the reinvestment of surplus earnings. In 1912 the company was incorporated rath a capitalization of $2,000,000 C’.Tioulat ive 7?^ preferred stock andOS, 000, 000 common stoclr. In an analysis of the company the statement is given; "The nev/ money provided hy the sale of this stock, together with the use of surp'lus p^rofits, enabled the corrpany to broaden the field, of its chain rmch faster.... The introduction of new capital also enabled the company to develop more profitable territory, and to op^'erate under more satisfactorj^ conditions afforded by larger quantitative purchasing and a relatively lower cost of operation per store." In 1915 the company was reincorporated and the authorized $5,000,000 of couuon stock raised to $10,000,000. Lilcewise in 1920 the cora.:on stock was increased to $20,000,000, and $3,000,000 of bends were sold to bankers. In both cases the additional n.oney was used for providing additional merchandising facilities - for empans x on . opment as above. Tliat this evolution in chain stores has been perfectly natural and logical is evidenced by the fact that in all the organizations studied the prinury reason for passing through the various stages was to get outside capital with which to facilitate op'arations. A secondary reason was that the fo\inders of chain 1 April, 1922 George H. Burr and' Corapany, Investment Eard^ers, New York 3 F. 7'. Woolworth, V/. T. Grant Cavpany, '^hs Great Atlantic and Pacific Tea Company '!J. L. Dcruglas Shoe’ Company, Regal Shoe Compai-iy, Jones Brothers Tea Company, Nroger Grocery and Banlcing Cor;.pany, J. C. Penney Corr,p)any, United Drug Company, and United Cigar Stores of America. Ylhen Hurd and Zimmerman, investigators for Printers' Ink, made their report on chain stores, (1914) they erni;hasized the jiower which large capitalization gives to such organizations. Since that time this Importance has become even greater. Chain stores now, more than ever, fall under the class of ’^big business," as is seen by the self-explanatory table on the follo;ving page. Since financing is properly included ajKong the various functions of cnain soores, and since it is so much emjjhasized by investigators, it might be v/ell here to inquire into the methods used.^ The first of these methods has to do with the reinvesting of surplus earnings. Practically all chain systems, especially those starting as individ\ial proprietorships or partnerships, hxave used this basic method of financing. The fundamental factors in this method are those of setting aside a certain part of the net earnings each year into v/hat might be termed an "expansion fxmid, " and building or acquiring new stores as fast as is justified by the size of the fund. One of the best examples of this type of financing is contained in an analysis of the S. S. ICresge Company Pive and Ten Cent Stores. ^ Spealcing of the financial history of the company, the statement is made; "... Betv/een 1897 and tne date of its incorporation in 1912, the coi'pany extended its chain of stores solely through the reinvestment of s’orplus profits, adding only the nuraber of stores which net profits from, the preceding years justified...." The same is 1 As linder Organization, it is very difficult directly to learn v/hat are the methods of the various chain systemis. In the preparation of this section it nas been necessary to gather most of the material indirectly through the various financial services and financial papers. There has been no attempt to rr^ake a complete analysis of the whole field, for, as the reader will realize as he precedes further into the chapter, it would involve many scores of pages and the results would not be commensurate with the effort required. However, the m.aterial reported on is sufficiently representative so that from, it may be deduced the fact that there are two general methods of financing. trae of the Kroger Grocery and Baking Corajitmy of Cincinnati. Between 1884 and the date of its incorporation, 1S02, the only outside capital injected into the Business was when Kroger took in a partner (1884) with $350.^ This method was also used By the Great Atlantic and Pacific Tea Company from 1859 to 1901. Until recently the entire issued stock was held By interests identified with the companj'’. In the last few years, however, it has Been necessary for the company to seek outside capital to the extent of one-half its outstanding preferred stock. The W. T. Grant Comijany, 1^ to $1 Department Stores, operated on its ov/n capital from the start, 1900, to three years after its incorporation in 1901. ^ The five largest Philadelphia chain grocery systems have recently comBined to form the American Stores Company . These are the Acrae Toa Con;pany, The Bell Company, RoBinson and Crawford, George M. Dunlap Company, and the Childs Grocery Corripany. Kot one of the companies has had to Borrow a dollar for extension or improvements. Today we see raany chains springing up here and there, organized along corporate lines and depending largely upon syndicates. Banks, and even the general puBlic for their capital. But conditions aro-and the latter part of the nineteenth century were quite different. This difference is pointed out in an article published in Printers' Ink,^ which states that time was when Bankers were rather unenthusiastic over chain store financing. Railroad earnings could Be computed and industrial undertakings had something substantial luider th.em. But new commercial ventures like chain stores depended more than either of the classes upon personal ability, quick turnovers, anticipation of popular tastes, 3.nd fashions. A single mistake in B'oying might ruin a chain. For these reasons Bankers preceded with caution whenever the financing of chains was concerned. 5 October 29, 1914, p. 80. The second ir^ethod is closely allied with the method treated in that it is a combination of reinvesting sxu2->lus earnings and outside capital. This method has three separate aspects: The first aspect has already been referred to above in the discussion of the ICrcger C5-rocerj’’ and Bailing Conpany. Some other corrpanies which have used this method are: F, IV. Woolworth Company, W. T. Grant Company, and the J. C. Penney Companj'. In the case of the J. C. Penney Company this method varies to the extent that if a partner has not sufficient money to make the investment it is- loaned to him by the compariy with the condition that it is to be paid back out of the net earnings of his store. The Continental Grocery Stores, Inc., requires each mianager of its 100 stores to parchase stock to the amount of $1,000. However, this is not prirr.arily for the purpose of getting outside capital, but rather to bind the managers more closely to the system. That the second aspect of this method is of less imrjortance than it was forraerly, was intimated by the stateraent that bankers were rather 'onenthusiastic about chain store financing. There is no doubt that at least the larger chain systeias could get bank loans much more easily today than a fev/ decades ago. This is, of course, due to the fact that they have established theK:selves more firmly not as "f ly-by-night" ventures but as responsible business units. Probably all chain stores give to their shareholders and employes the first chance to subscribe to new issues of stock. In some of the systems investigated employes were pem:itted to bioy stock on the installment plan at prices considerably below the r.;arket. Perhaps the most common method of floating issues of stock is through bankers or dealers in stocks and bonds. Bankers and financial houses often beC0E;e interested in the chains, sometimes even to the extent of interlocking directorates. There are tv/o bankers in the board of directors of the Woolworth Company. Often stock and bond houses become attracted to the chains and specialize in their stocks, as for exaiaple, George H, Biur and Company/, also Merrill, L^^lch and Company handling Kresge stock, and M. L. Meyer and Company, Inc., Investment Bankers, handling that of the Cox Cash (Grocery) Stores. Another plan is to sell the stock in small blocks to the public. Thus the United Drug Comp'any raises money by selling stock to druggists. The American Drug Syndicate sells its stock to iroggists and physicians, in this way gaining the good will of many physicians. The Owl Drug Company scatters its stock broadly in small lots. The Continental Grocery Stores, Inc., has sold small lots of stock to over 4,000 families. Printers’ Ixik^ suggests that the reason for distributing stock broadly and in small lots is to make it appear as thcji^ the chains are not embodiments of ”big business.” I'liile this may have been the 1 November 5, 1S14, p. 64. iTiotivating force some decade or two ago, today chains generally will adri'it that they are arixioas to secure as maroy "share -hoi ding boosters" as possible in the neighborhoods where their stores are located. Nothing has been said about the part played by bonds in the financing of these enterprises. Not raich can be said except that preferred stock takes the place of bonds in niost cases. Chain stores with outstanding bond issues are rare. Occasionally some chains float bond issues when they need capital for expansion. In 1316 and 1917 the Great Atlantic and Pacific Tea Company issued five-year gold notes to the extent of ahr.ost $5,000,000 "to provide f'onds for the establishment of nev/ stores in sections of the country hitherto uncovered."^ Prom what has been said it may be concluded that the general tendency is for a chain to finance itself first by reinvesting s-o.rplus earnings; but after it has reached a certain limit in size outside capital is necessary. The outside cajjital comes into the business at time of incorporation and recapitalization. Periods of readjustment in "business are accompanied by a realization on the part of merchants and manufacturers of the necessity of iriiproving business methods. It might be stated, parenthetically, that this statement does not apply so rmach in the case of chain stores for, as is generall3’- conceded, their methods are very, efficient . Aside from the fact that selection of sites is one of the most important functions of a chain organization, there are two justifications for a treatment of this subject here, /in the first place, the amaant of rent paid for a site usually varies directly with the value of that site for any particular business./ The implication hers is that a man cannot afford to pay a proportionately higher rent ’unless he can correspondingly increase his sales or cut down some other item of expense. In other words, the business man is (or sho'old be) paying special attention to his expense budget in this period. Since rent ranks second only to salaries in practically all types of bu.siness, it is evident that a study of the relation of rent to sales is necessary at this t ime . /in the second place, since chain stores use efficient r-ethods in selecting sites it may be inferred that a study of these methods should prove profitable to a merchant, v/hether or not he expects to expand, or to the prospective merchant. I It is probabl2/ true that every merchant makes some sort of a business analysis before he locates his store - even a newsboy does this v/hen he locates his stand; but how scientific these analyses are is a different question. Charles C. ilicholls, Jr., President of the Chain Stores Leasing Company, and one of the foremost authorities in the United States on the selection of sites for chain stores, sets forth several principles to be talcen into consideration in selecting retail chain store sites. ^ detem:ine the proportion of employers to employes. In the same article Mr. Nicholls points out that chain stores analyze more carefully than any other organizations this problem of selecting sites. A summary of some of the specific principles considered hy Mr. Nicholls is given here : 1. Close attention to the physical condition of the buildings, the street level, location of windows and doors, the height of ceilings, the size of the posts and whether or not the buildings have available baseiiiGnts, These are necessary in the case of the five and ten cent stores, department stores, and some others. 2. Women v/ill walk to a basement more readily than they will take an elevator, or clirub a flight of stairs, especially if they can catch sight of the merchandise dov/nstairs. 3. Men will v/alk up one flight of stairs to save money. However, the increased amoimt of advertising necessary makes it doubtful whether second-floor locations are more econonucal in the long run. they can rarely be expected to purchase. 5. Undesirable locations can often be detected by watching carefully the advertising of local merchants, noting what part is that of the merchant who must coax people to come to his store. 6. Different classes of people freq’aent different blocks. One block may be favorable for the sale of high-priced goods, while in another nothing but cheap goods can be sold. Likewise, some blocks are given over exclusively to women's trade. 7. The shady side of the street is usually the women's side, and rents are about 35 per cent higher. Notable exceptions are Tremont Street, Boston; and iv'iain Street, Rochester, where the department stores started on the sunny side in the first place and drew trade across the street. stores. Ex^ptions are Scruggs, Vandervoort and Barney, of St. Louis, who moved to Tenth and Olive Streets, two blocks from any other retail stores; also Sanger Brothers, of Dallas, Texas, who went from the main business district and drew other stores to their neighborhood. going to center during the whole term of their lease. I/Iention has already been made of the important relationship which exists between the arfto’ont of rent paid and net sales. Practically all the larger chain systems have given this relationship a manerical correlate. Charles Nicholls, Jr., gives the following average per centages of net sales which chains in various lines can afford to pay for rent.^ That the work of selecting sites has been spiecialized to a high degree has already been inferred. Four general methods of handling the problem are taken up in the order of their increasing specialization. Locating and renting is done by: The first r^thod is con'ir;:On to srriall chain systems. It is the first evidence of specialization and api:lication of the principles of scientific managerr.ent which pertain to standardization. Some merr:ber of the firm, because of his aptitude, is chosen to look for new locations. In some cases he may devote only a part of his time to the matter; but as the chain of stores extends itself he is reoprdred to give more of his time. Next it logically follows that he may train one or more assistants to take care of the grov/ing volurae of details. At this point comes the transition to the second method. Separate real estate dei;artruents are organized for effecting economies in time and money. In fact, this is the essence of specialization. Kov/ever, expansion of the chain likewise carries v/ith it the impilication referred to in the first method, viz., that the work can be performed more economically by means of further specialization. The third and fourth methods are more or less interrelated in that the evolution under discussion may include either, but not both, of the two. Ilov/ever, this aspect will be treated under the policies of various tj’pical chairorganizations and exaiiiples given of subsidiary realty corporations and independent leasing companies. Chain stores us\\ally try to obtain long-term leases but will often buy buildings outright in order to get desirable locations. The Childs Company (Restaurants)^ has been known to v/ait as long as five years to get a suitable location. The company ovms the buildings where many of its stores are located, as for example the site at 194 Broadv;ay, New Yoi’k. The ground is assessed at $925,000, and the three-story building certainly cost not less than $73,000, ifiaking a total investment of $1,000,000. Interest on the investment is $60,000. The ajan^jial gross earnings are about $600,000. The difference, $540,000, is a large one out of which to talce net profits. The real estate subsidiary of the Guilds CoiT'pany "clocks" and analyzes the x-'®opls passing a certain point daily. Leases run from 21 to 99 years. It has data on all available sites in the country. Kaufman Brothers (Nev/ York, Hatters) generally go where rents are nignest because they feel they can do business there. In fact, increased sales due to superior locations cut their operating cost to about 20fb.^ Some low-priced grocery cha,ins select sites on the basis of their deliveries in certain sections. 1/hen deliveries to a certain section reach a certain point a new store is op'ened there and the driver put in as manager. Ee tries it out for thirty days and if it does not pay the store is closed immediately.^ The United Cigar Stores of America^ do not hesitate to open a store directly across the street from one that is already in operation if the traffic past the new place seems to warrant it. When this is done sales never fall off in the first store. The "clocking" is performed by ruen from the United Merchants Realty and Irmprovement Company, who study carefully the general trend of traffic. They also estircate the hours during the day when a certain nximber of people will pass a given spot, and they study such local conditions as proximity to manufact\iring plants, factories, or other large enterprises. A condition avoided in opening a store is that of raising it either a step above or below the street. Stores are floored exactly to the street level. Another policy is that of placing the entrance to one side so that the center of the store can be seen and easily reached from the street. 3 Adu.inistration, l arch, 1921, p. 229. It has "been said that the realty subsidiary of the United Cigar Stores is the most profitable part of the business. The only information available is that in 1913 it paid a $500 cash dividend on its $100,000 of comion stock. The fourth method is e;cer/;plified by the Chain Stores Leasing Company, of which Mr. Charles C. Nicholls, Jr., is president. This company handles and advises on real estate all over the country for a number of large chain systems, including the Schulte Cigar Company (of which Mr. Nicholls is vice-president), the T. Grant Company, the Bond Clothing Company, and others. This company, which has offices in large cities all over the co^mtrj'', has detailed data on hand concerning sites for all sorts of businesses. One of ths irost difficult prol:lerr,s with which chain store officials are required to cope is the selection of Hianagers. It is practically irupossilole to find ready-made rnaiiagers "because of the complexity of the worh, and hecaase such men can ordinarily make more money by opening stores for themselves. So, as might well be expected, the common practice is to train employes up to a point where they are capable of taking charge of a store, lhat this method of makir.g managers is significant of the high degree of standardization found in chain sp'-stems will be brought out in the discussion of the selection, training, and promotion of employes. In all systems investigated the general method of training men for maiiagers was the same. It is X-''s^i^'‘issible, therefore, to treat the subject rather generally at first azid later shov/ l:cw the r.iethod works in some typical chain organizations. It is characteristic of all these chains that the prospjective manager nxist start at the very bottom, which is usri.ally the stockroom. At first he op-ens boxes, carries stock, acts as Janitor, and doss odd Jobs of all sorts. Yliile working in the stockroom he learns the stock, hov/ it Is packed, what assortments it comes in, and how it is arranged. After some time - in some cases two or three months, and in others a year or more - he receives his ne:ct step) in training, which is learning how to display goods. Training along this line consists of breaking up window displays a:id learning sorce of the fundamental principles of window trinniing. At this time he becomes either a clerk or an assistant manager. P/hile assistant manager he acts as floorv/alkor , directing people to and fro, gats change for clerks, and assists the clerks dm’ing rush hours. All the while he is learning the paper work, window trirrring, interior display, which are the duties of a manager. In some chains the manager is req'iired to do most of the e.d'ncational work, b.it in the majority of cases printed pamphlets, hocks, and even complete husiness training courses are prepared "by a sp'ecial department of the orgaiiization headed hy an educational director. Vhien the assistant manager is thoroughly trained, and this is usually determined hy the manager and inspector, he is ready to take charge of one of the smaller stores. After demonstrating his ability in the small store he is given a larger one. In the ?. Fcolv/orth COnpaaiy^ the method is practically identical with that outlined above. Unless a man possesses more than average intelligence it takes him about three years to become an assistant manager. Tlie prospective manager gets educational helps, from time to time, in the form of manuals, bocks and pamphlets. Ee is also encouraged to re.ad business books and magazines. Ills compensation during this period is very small. Tl-ie theory is that if a man is paid low wages he will work harder to gain proiiiotion. In one to tbjree years, depending on his ability, he becomes a manager. Sut he is compensated in addition to this according to his ability. Each manager is guaranteed a certain salary. In addition he receives a percentage of the net profits of his store. Years ago this contrdssion was 49^, later it v/as reduced to 35^, and now it- is said to be S^. It is said that a mianager usually earns twice his guaranteed salary after the first year. In one instance last year a manager of one of the largest stores earned over 025,OOC. tecowea a r.ianager of one of the sr.alleot stores, after having passed an eigl'.t weeks' edncational course at the Hew York office. There are five grades of stores: A, E, C, E, and E, A "being the "best and E the poorest. E^.e new inanagsr tal^es charge of an "S" store until he has made a "D" store of it. Tl.en he is pushed up to a "D" store, etc. After managing an "A" store for five years he is ready for an executive position on the staff. Tl'.e method of the Grant chain is peculiar in that the r.anager has charge cf the education of all his errplcyes. lie gives tallos at "banquets held for the employes once a week. It is interesting to note that four phrenologists are employed "by the company for the x'urpose of ascertaining the efficiency of clei’ics. It is dou"':tfrJ whether this is an effective test.^ The principles in the Penney Corrpany ■ method are practically the same as in the other methods discu.ssed. TI:at there is a difference in the working of the plan, however, is s'.ov.Ti "by the fact that last yeai’ the la’oor turnover was only Prospective managers are selected with great care. It is a policy of the co:iipa:'.y never to hire a nan vvl'^o s.okes cigarets, drinlos, or has no religious fa-ith. The educational department, under a prondnent educator, has worked cut a very coniplete "business training course which covers all phases of retailing and store nanagernent. All erployes are encouraged to talce the lessons, which are sent to the main office a,s completed. I.Ianagers are j;aid a s:i3all salary 'beside their dividends. Clerks receive a salary and bonus according to lengf': of service. 2 Interview with local manager. K.akes gccd as manager of the try-oiit store h.e hecomes manager of a new store, with the gnivilege of buying a one-third interest in it with monej'" loaned him by the company, to be repaid from future profits. Tl:e new manager i:^.-ediately begins training clerks for managers of new stores, blien they talce charge cf stores the manager who trained them receives a one-third interest in their stores. Tlie process is repeated continually, each manager receiving a one-third interest in the next two "generations" of stores, i. e. , in the stores of the maiiagers he trained and in the stores of the managers trainedby his previous clerks. In conclusion, attention is brouglit to the fact that most chain stores do not make any spiecial effort to educate their clerks. Obviously/, this is due to the high degree of standardization found which malces it possible to employ low-priced sales help. ClUFTED. Y, Tlie general opinion is that the greatest advantage of the chain store rests in its ability to secra’e quantity prices. T ere is no doubt that the simple principle whereby tv/o stores by pooling their pnrchasos are able to secure lower prices exists in tho case of the chain store, Tlie buying advantage is uore eppai'ent when the fact is considered that seme chains for several hundreds, or even thousands, of stores. In this connection it is wortlijo to note that direct buying connections are made possible with manufacturers. P-arthermore , as will be seen later, the departmental bn^rsrs can go to the manufacturers and buy scientifically . Txie charge is often made against the chains that because of their enormous p’ur chasing and distributing power they 'ire often able to cornrrsnd "inside prices." Tnese "inside prices" taloe various forms, the -ost conraon of which are secret discounts in addition to the reg-oJar quantity discounts, and long datings on bins. Vdiatever iLsy be the aavguments for or against quantity prices, it is ce-.-tain that chain stores are getting the benefit of them. It is likewise true thau these discounts cannot be increased indefinitely as the quantity increases, but only to a point where the law of increasing returns ceases to apnly. I/lost c’r^ain systems "bTiy at least some of fieir items in tlie sa:..e way the individual merchant dees, vis., "hy criering froi-i various manufacturers according to tlieir needs. T::.e only difference is that the chains huy in larger quantities and consecraently get lower nrices. Again, like fie department store and some few of t' e largest retailers, f e chain is able to secure the surplus stock of manufa-cturer s and jobbers at low prices for cash. Incidentally , it might be added that a,ll chain systems investigated sell for cash and are consequently able to buj' for casli. ^inother source is the controlled cut put of factories. Ilany chains control part or all of the o’utput of marq- factories, llr. V. V.’oolworth is reported as having been the originator of this nlan. It is said that when he approached the president of a manufacturing concern and asloed for his lowest cash price for a yeai^'s outp-ut he was lau^ued at. Todaj” all of the chains investigated control at least part of the outwaf 6f one factory, and seme, the United Dri^g Company for example, control the entire output of a dozen or more. Perhaxis one of the outstanding factors in the success of c::ain store buying is that expert buyers are able to forecast market trends and b-uy accordingly. Hie buyers are specialists. In some cases they buy only one particular line, such as shoes, notions, cotton goods, etc. Another advantage, alre.ady referred to, is that each buyer Icriows his market thoroughly and is on the spot with Ms check book whenever exceptionally good offers are male. In the majority of cases these b^uyers have been stock beys, store managers, and inspectors, and has I'eached the prescx-ihed nxinircuKi. Such actions, however, are watched very caref’j.ir.y frorr. the district office, and a reT^riinand is in order if his Judgroent proves had. If the store 'nanagor has a demand for an article which the 'bu2/er cannot readily obtain, he may purchase the article locally. Hov/ever, sn:,ch cases are rare. ■Warehouses are located in ITew York City, Dallas, and San Francisco. Fnese are used merely for storing articles of v.h.ich there is a surplus due to t„e fact that it is sometir.es necessary fcr the buyer to take very large quantities in order to get the best prices. Ordinarily, however, drop shipments are made from the factories to the v.'arious stores. However, when stores order less than case lots the tra,ffic men at the warehouses break up the cases and send to the stores the quantity desired. Incidentally, it right be added that the Woolworth chain owns no factories but controls the entire output of several, and a large part of many. Before a buyer closes a contract for new articles he sends saigples to tne different stores. Each o^anager signs up for the quantity he believes he will be able to sell. The orders are telegraphed to the buyer, and he closes the deal. T-vice a year, and sornetires oftener, the buyer makes foreign trips. One Ox 0 — e so ^rips xs to C^lna and Capan, and the other covers Surc''^G, '"•r'^ncioal — ly Fr.ance and Oermary. In these co-ontries ha visits the ex'-.ibitions at which the prcnir.ent manufacturers displa^y their goods. The J. C. Penney Conpany^ maintains tliree 'o-uying offices, viz., hew York City, St. Lonis, and St. Paul. f'-S 'brying force consists of ahoiit twenty hvyers. Some of these have heen trained in the Penney system as mariagers, but many come from retail establishjnents, mail order houses, and jobbing concerns. It should be stated at the cutset that manager-partners are not required to buy their goods of the J. C. Penney Con^anj''. It is rare, however, to find a manager who doss net take advantage of the enorm;Ous purchasing power of the Penney organization. riany of the buyers are interested in the stores, since the^^ have the sane opportunity that luanagers have to acquire an interest. Obviously there is an advantage in such an arranger-ent . TliS buyers go cut into the market and malce puurchases. Pvery day a printed sheet is sent to each of the stores containing a list of new purchases and the s-rrulus of old purchases. T.iese lists contain the following information: T:ia store Manager malies np his order frora his record of previous sales and his estimate of what the natural increase should hs. In doing this he is aided hy the Daily Report which he sends in to the main office. Tl:is sheet is r«^led non zont ally, one line for each department, and has four vertical rulings. Hie four vertical spaces are ''-eaded "Amount G-oods Purchased," "Amount C-oods Received," "Amount Goods Transferred to Other Stores," and "Orders Cancelled." At the hcttom of the sheet is placed the aisount cf the day's sales in e ach dep ar tment . lh.e order is sent to the .main office (IJcw Ycrh City), where it is approved oy the Ilerchandise Ilanager before it is passed on to the buyers. Shipments are always made in case lots direct from the factory, store managers breaking them up among themselves. Hvice a year. Spring and Pall, buying conventions are held at ITew York City, St. Louis, Missouri, Salt Laice City, YtA:, Portland, Oregon, and St. Paul, Miruiesot^ in the order mentioned. Tlien the convention is on in a certain city, store managers from that partinular district get together and order their goods from tne samples laid out. Some of these sarmiles are stock items, but many cf tnera are t..ie wares of manufacturers who are seeking to sell. As soon as the conventions are over the b-ayers consoli-’ate the orders of all the stores and close tae deals \vith the manufacturers. Goods are charged to the stores at cost rlus a, small percentage for handling. Hie H. T. Grant Company's^ method is similar to the methods alread^^ discussed. However, there are seme differences. Most of the goods purchased by the seventeen buj^ers ai'e sent to the fourteen warehouses and distributed from there to the stores. Hue goods are billed to the stores at cost plus seven percent for .iaxidling, packing, and reshipping. Hne daily letters are sent from the 1 Interview with Ik. Prady, inspector for the cempanju warehouses. The "buyers get a straight two per cent . corar.issiorx on all goods purchased. Should any of the goods urove unsaleable they ai'e auctioned off and the particular buyer charged v/ith the' net loss. In the ISroger Grocery and Baking Cowpary^ the buyers are part of a separately organized wholesale bu.siness. That t?~.e wholesale business is managed efficiently is shovm by the fact that goods are billed tc the stores at /.ll of the chains discu-ssed so far have done their buying centrally, i. e., through the r.air office. At this ~'cint it is proper that attention be paid to another uethod, inasiruch as it promises to present some important problems in t:^-8 f>ato3 development of chain stores. This method has alread.y been referred to as being characterized by decentralization. The nest irnportant chain using this system is the Great Atlantic a:id Pacific Tea Company. Before discussing the buying system of this chain it might be well tc consider some of the underlying factors which have brought about this decentralization. Tr.e first factor has already been discussed. It is simply that after a certain quantity has been reached the manufactm’er s can no longer afford to give increasingly lov/er prices. Again, as the chain e:xpands into gigantic proportions it is physically irapossible tc supply its needs from one factory, or even section of the country. In addition to this, s^-.ipping and warehousing expenses become greater as the ends of the c'''’.ain become more distant from the central buying i^oint. Hiese are the factors, then, which have brought about the change in the largest chain system in the v/orld. grov/th has rcade it wise to dscertralize its hj.ying operations hj the establis/Ksnt of disti’ict '-varehcnses with resident h'.'iysrs in nan^/ of f^'ie larger cities. These resident b'.yers receive orders from the store rrai-iagers of their districts an.l do f’'e h-r'ing in the same general v;ay as in the other s.ystens outlined. Tl.e hryers are paid on a commission "basis. All goods are hilled to the stores at retail nr ices. The advantage here is that accounting both at the store and at the main office is simplified. Little mention has been made up to this point of the erctent to -iv-n Grains are engaging in rnanufact'oring. The enormous iiicrease in the arrount of mamif'',cturing done can he seen hy looking over tl.ie stock in chain stores, especially grocery and drag. A recent inspection of the local A. d: P. store shewed that perhaps fifty per cent or more of the articles ai’e manafactured by, or under close sr.pervision for, the company. Tliere are two reasons for this increase in manufactrring. First, it is generally conceded that chains make more money on t— eir ovai brands, and second, it is '■ rfxtically impossible to btiy goods from several different mairafacUu’er s w]:ich are s-afficiontly uniform to be sold under one brand. -i.n coni^lasicn it mig..t be stated that there seems to be a farther tendency in the chain store field toward integration. T!:is is esp.ecially nrencrnced in the .grocer- and drug chains. r..is tendency toward ac opairing sources • of supply has been motivated naUu’ally by the desire on the part of tdie chains In spite of tho criticism presented by both retailers and mamfact^ares in regard to the unfair buying practices of chains, there is one aspect which has proven beneficial to the cons'jimer, viz., the education, on the part of experts in t’le e^iiloy cf chain syster^is, of rnanafacturer s in cntting down tl:.ei cost cf prohjicticn throu^a increased efficiency. One has hut to go to one of the Five and Ten Cent stores to convince hir:self of this fact. There he v/ill see nany articles which, before these stores handled them, sold for twice as CHAPTER VI. It is not the piirpose of this chapter to determine whether chain stores price their goods lower than those of independents.^ The parpose is rather to make a survey of the field and to present soiae of the outstanding points in connection with this important part of selling. One of the most ir.portant factors in pricing is that of turnover. Other conditions equal, a merchant can as well afford tc turn $1,0CC worth of merchandise tv/elve times a year with a net profit of two per cent as to turn the same amount of goods six times a year at a foiu: per cent net profit. A comparison of turnovers oetween index^endent s and chains in some typical lines reveals a marked difference in their rate.^ The fact that the difference is small ’between independents and chains in varietx'" goods is due to the education the former get from such variety goods Jo-otars as Butler Brothers. goods rarely rem.ain on shelves. Second, the methods of display and arrangement 1 It is impossible tc make generalizations of this kind without su’bstantiating t— em witc a multitude of statistical data. It would "be necessary to collect data on tnousands of articles in various lines and compare average nrices in chains with those of independent retailers. are ver^ effective in selling goods. Tliird, chains have a reputation for lov/er prices. 1 discussion of the first tv;o factors has teen talcen up elsewhere, aiid the third has been referred to in the heginning of this chapter. The following statement is made:^ ”It is obvious that the chain does price very low on a score or more of nationally advertised brands in its line v;hich have standardized values and known prices, and also on certain goods where costs ai’e more cr less IcnoWi’n to crastorn, but it is possible for one to satisfy himself by shopping .around and inquiring of any retailers, jobbers, and manufacturers that the majority of chains do, as a matter of fact, in many instances price higher on other goods and get a larger profit on their ov/n private brands than do the independents in their nei^fcox-hcod cr in similar neighborhoods." T;i0 third method is used wher. "buying is irregi'.lar or speculative and competition is keen. Srocery and drug chains use the depart.'isnt store scheae of shoppers in keeping tab on their competitors' prices. Special sales and all special offers come under this method. Examples of these are t?ae "1 cent sales” of the Eexall ■dr'ag stores, in which instance the purchase of an article at the regular price carries with it the privilege to Vay another one for one' cent additional, also, the special offers of the United Cigar Stores. At certain times these stores have clearance sales of pipes, for exarqr.le, and each purchaser is given a certain percentage of his purchase in tohacco. Althougla prices are maintained, in the finad analysis this is a form of price-cr.tting. Tlie fourth method is "best exeim:>lified hy the buying of the Five and Ten Cent stores. In this case, no matter what is paid for the article, it must be sold for five or ten cents, so pricing is the constant factor while buying is the variable. Another example of this method is seen in the practice of buying men's clothing to sell at a standard price. Host chains, especially in the drug and grocery lines, cut prices consistently. However, :k. Bov/srs' Stores, Inc., v;as the only chain found which does tuis on all articles. The general practice is to cut prices on established, nationally advertised brands - where the cut can readily be seen by tie public. In the majority of chains the advertisements refer r.ostly to well kncv.n brands arid staples. However, when a chain becomes very strong, as in the cases of the Sreat Atlantic and Pacific Tea Conp^an^r, the Hexall stores, and the United Cigar Stores, it is no longer necsssarj^ to feature such articles most prominent ly in the advertising. It is interesting to note the change mads by the S. S. ICresge Cor:3pan’’’ during the recent period of high prices. Variety goods stores were faned v/ith the problem of either discontinuing some of the lines which could no longer "be "bouglit to sell at ten cents, or changing their v-olicies so as to sell goods at more than the nsual ten cents. The Ilresge Compai'iy established its "G-reen ■Fircnt” stores, selling in them articles up to $1.00. Tlie res^jilt was that while some of the variety goods chains were forced to discontiirae several items, is to cut jjrices on standard articles and maintain prices on their cv/n brands, and (2) Whether or not chains sell at lower prices than independents, nevertheless, they have the reputation, gained largely through advertising, of selling at lower prices. Selling forces are of two kinds - personal and inpersonal. The fornicr deals with the personnel, from the rmanager to the lowest paid clerk. It has already "been shovm that standardization "balances these personal forces in chain stores to a large degree. But the impersonal forces, which include v/indov/ displays, interior merchandise displays, and the efficient arrangement of counters, ta"bles, shelves, etc., are of vital importance. "... Fully forty per cent of our total sales may "be traced directly to shop arrangement, " says a successf’:! retailer. The man who visits a store planning on purchasing a shirt seldom realizes hcv/ cleverly that departn.ent is located so that he rrnist pass collars, neckties, socks, etc. in order to reach it. This is one of the fundarrient a 1 principles observed by chain stores (and many successful independents) in planning the arrangement of their stores. Another principle to be kept in mind is that window displays must be supported by an attractive store, for no matter how efficient the arrangeir.ent, or how good the window displays, an unattractive store will not draw trade . That chain stores have made infinitely more progress than independents in this matter of arrangarent is apparent even to the most casual observer. If anyone is skeptical on this point, let him enter one of the stores of any chain system; three things will strike him favorably as soon as he enters the door and often before - cleanliness, order, .and the ease with which he can make his way from counter to counter. Store arrangements have been so highly systematized that in almost any chain an employe who is transferred fi'Orr. aie store to another can start work imniediately - he knows that the goods are in the same relative places as in the favorite cigar is. As mi^t well he expected, all chains investigated have a special department to taice care of the problems connected with store arrangement. Building a store exactly to one's requirements is a simple matter; remodeling an old store so that it v/ill exactly meet the needs of the chain store is a rciatter calling for greater skill. The chains have acquired just such skill. Recently the writer was interested in v/atching the Great Atlantic and Pacific Tea Company's man remodel a vacant building. The man arrived on the scene early one afternoon, laid out his blueprint and sawed the lumber for the shelves and counters. By noon of the third day the store was ready for business. The shipments of stock and fixtures were so tinned that the manager began his work of arranging stock on the prescribed seventy-two feet of shelves even while the service r'an was yet at work. Practically all chains now use this standardized method of oi^ening nev/ stores which seeixis to have originated with the S. S. Kresge Company.^ Perhaps no better idea of the details of arrangement can be had than by exan.ining into a system, the success of which depends largely upon arrangement. Clarence Saunders, of i.lemphis, Tennessee, inventor of the Piggly-Uiggly system of self-serving stores, explains^ that he adopted the na.me "Piggly-Wiggly" in order to have a nam^e which would be distinctly individual. Under this system provision is made for an arrangement which utilizes as efficiently as possible all floor space, and which provides for the selection of goods by the customers v/hile they maice a circuitous path thrcu^ the store. Gastomers are provided v/ith baskets while in the store, into which tiiey put the merchandise selected. ment station. The Saunders Self-Serving Store, one of the elements in the system', was patented October 9, 1917. It is "an apparatus for vending merchandise arranged in merchandise display cabinets or holders at distances apart fonrdng aisles, with passage ways at alternate ends of the adjacent holders, a turnstile at the entrance, with another turnstile at the exit, whereby customers that pass thro^igh the store are controlled, and in which there is a packing, checking and settlement station adjacent to the exit." Other details of the system are: and lard counters for stock room. 19. Specially constructed stock room, counter with bins above and below providing a dual capacity for econor.Ty of time in assembling at one point, articles to be weighed on automatic weiring m.achine and also those articles that can be weighed only by hand methods. Some interesting and instructive facts can be determined by a study of the arrangement of goods in chain stores. More attention has been paid in the Five and Ten Cent stores to the scientific arrangement and display of goods than in any other line. The reasons for this are obvious, viz., most of the goods sold in these stores are convenieiice goods, and the sales help is of a low grade. Thera are three general factors in the arrangement of Five and Ten Cent stores. In the first place, everything on sale is displayed v/here it can be plainly seen. Second, despite the large volume of goods displayed, the general appearance of the store is orderly. Again, the arrangement of counters and fixtures is such as to make it easy for the customer to pass from counter to counter without undue effort. Aside from, these general factors sane specific ones brought out in the investigation are sumriarized as follows: the store, 3, Toilet articles and drugs are given a place almost as prominent as candy. In the larger stores they are directly opposite one of the eatraiices, hut in srr.aller stores they occupy the counter directly hehind the candy, 4. The soda fountains and I'unch counters of the larger stores are usually placed opposite the right-hand entrance and against the wall, because this side is less congested than the left. In this way they draw not only the people who are in the store but also an appreciable amount of trade from without. The largest V/oolworth stores also have cafeterias which take up part of the second floor. However, it is said that the cafeteria is maintained more for convenience of the customers than for profit, than convenience lines, 7. In general, shopping goods are so located as to necessitate the customer's walking past as many other lines as possible. This is why hardware, garden goods, etc., are in the back of the store and related lines are around therri, 8. In stores having basements, stairways are found both in the front and in the rear of the store. Stairways are always very wide and so arranged as to enable several lines of merchandise to be seen from above. Ixi drixt; stores this natter of arrangenient has also received considerable attentiozi but apparently not so much as in Five and Ten Cent stores. There are two reasons for this: first, the nuaber of lines in the drug store is smaller, and second, personal salesrrianship is an important factor. However, some principles of arrangement were noted in this investigatioii and are sumEiarized here: 1. Counters and cases are arranged around an open middle space. Excep't for an occasional magazine stand, the center of the floor is kept open. So the line of passage is along the counters rather than between them as in the Five and Ten Cent stores. This is explained by the fact that the drug stores pay twice as iruch rent in proportion to sales as Five and Ten Cent stores and conseq^uently must confine themselves to less space. This is because men insist upon convenience. 3. Soda fountains usually occupy a prominent place near the entraxice, for the purpose of dra\'dng trade from the street. However, in sonB cases the fountain is located crosswise in the rear of the store. In the latter case it attracts the customer who is already in the store rather than the passerby. Indications are that the location near the entrance is the t'ore profitable one. 4. Patent medicines and prescriptions are usually near the rear of the store. The reason here is that people are willing to v/alk. back for tliese, v/hich might be called quasi -shopping goods. independent druggist. 7. In general, it can he said thiit some effort has been rra.de to display goods in such a way that one article suggests another. However, it must be borne in mind that the chain store druggist receives considerable sales training and consequently suggest ions are made rather by word of mouth. lay-outs has been developed and standardized to a high degree by chain stores, and (2) Low-grade sales help is balanced by this standardization of arrangement, which is one of the Important factors in selling. CIIAPTER YU I T^iere is a general tendency among independent retailers to conduct their husinesses without adequate accounting systems. Since the advent of the income tax there has heen some inprovement in this resx:sct, hut it is safe to say, even if they had uniform systems of accounts, they do not know how to use them to get desired resr.lts. Chain stores, on the other hand, have efficient acco'anting sj'-stems which give a maximum of information in simplified form. 4. Provides a scientific oasis for buying. First, since cha,ins operate on a low margin of profit, it is im.perativo that they know^ their operating costs. 'P..9 United Cigar Stores, for exai:p;le, knows that when the percentage of rent to sales exceeds Sp in a certain store somaething must be dons to increase the sales. Second, statistical information is necessary/ for a comprehension of the financial status of the corapany. Tiie directors and stockholders of a chain insist on knowing whether tlie business is making money and at what rate. Tnird, in the h;ands of exf-^ert accountaiits a scientific system of cost accounting can be made to shew leaks in t’ae bmisiness by analyzing the various 9:qvense3 and by checking reported irrentories against physical. Perhaps the :nost iKportant f-anction of accounting is to serve as a ’oasis for tuying. In all c’io.in systen-s statistics! departir.ents ar-e iiair.tained v/liic do nothing tut compile elatcrats, yet simple, statistics on all phases of the tusiness. Vhelan, the foremost executive in the United Cigar Stores Company' of Anierica, has evolved pjerhaps the most complete statistical method in use among chain stores,” Without leaving his deslc lie can refer instantly to data which will tell ’lim exactly how mar,^'- cigars of any rarticulai* "brand v;ere sold in ai'^'’ of his stores on any day, and what the p:er cent of increase was over the previous year. In all chains sucl. comparative data are used in determining sales quotas. Invar lahxy tne general accounting is done at headquarters, store managers "being required to keep only records of goods received and sold, and an expense account. Every store manager is req'aired to send to the main office a daily or weekly report of sales, summarized by departments. Eness reports s’ncw amount of goods ordered, ar/iount recei-'.-ed, and balance on hand. This balance is checked with an inventory report made monthly by the store manager. Cash is us’cally deposited ddly in a local bank: and the deposit slip mailed to the trea^arer. In some cases a draft is sent. Conclusions here are hardly necessarj^. Ilov/eyer, one iriportant point hrou^it out deserves emphasis, viz., that the reporting system developed "by the accounting departments of chain stores is invaJuahle in that it shows the T.iat inspection has played an important part in the development of chain stores cazi he seen h^’’ examining first the reasons for its existence as a fanction, and second, the riethcds used. Keference to seme of the characteristics of chain stores f-arnishes a good basis for the discussion of inspection. In the first place, a high degree of standardization is alw.aj'’s found. This cannot he maintained hy the low class of help unless some all-inclusive system of inspection is inaug’arated. Tloe fau.lt is net due directl2^ to the store manager for he is alwa^rs striving to maintain the ^■‘ign standards required. It is due rather to the psycholop'ical fact that low-grade help will not perform in tho best manner unless it is constantly s-rpervised and its ^7ork inspected. It cannot be expected that tho manager will detect eac"'-? and ever^A deviation from the standard. Sc it is necessary for the inspector to look with perspective or. the vdiole situation and point out the details v/hich do not conform with set standamds. Again, there are many points on which the manager ma;/ become lax, s"ach as piling goods too high, permitting dust tc collect on ther.;, etc. Such matters are noticed and corrected by the inspector. Since chain stores operate on a low margin of profit it is necessary that all sources of loss be eliminated. Hiis is especially true in ccmecticn with weighing and measuring. Another characteristic is the substitution of window displays for advertising. Esi^ecially in the case of Five and Ten Cent stores the inspector m.ust pay particular attention to the window displays and determine whether they follov/ the general policy of the company and the dictates of reason. V.ith cne exception (J. C. Penney Conipany) all chains investigated x'.ad systems of inspection. Por the most part there is not r.aich variation in the methods used, so a rather general treatment is permissible here before considering the methods used by some typical chains. Tl.e following qaestionriaire form of outline^ gives a very comprehensive idea of hew the inspector goes about his work. If the outline seems long it umst be remembered that the work of th.e inspector is long and tedious. 4. Undeveloped selling possibilities. In the larger chains the work of inspection is iierfomed by highly specialized inspection departments. For example, in the Great A^tlantic and Pacific Tea Coirxj-any there is a general field supper intendent at the home office. Under him, in each of the fifteen district offices, are general shaper intendents. Under th.e fifteen general superintendents are forty-four s'aperintendents, each supervising about seventy-five stores. There are about six assistant S'o.ner intend- In the case of the V'oolworth and Ihresge stores each inspector visits about tv/enty stores each month. As a matter of fact, inspection once a month is the rule in all chains investigated. as in the United Cigar Stores of Ainerica. /in interesting point brought cut in the investigation is that in every instance the inspectors v/ere promoted from store managers. That this is perfectly logical, however, can he seen when one considers v;hat on intimate knowledge of the stock and policies of the organization the inspector rust have. Mention has already 'been made of t!:e fact that the J. C. Penney Company has no system of inspection. As was explained under Ci^ganizaticn, this companj'' differs greatly from others in that it is an ingenious combination of a corporation and partnership. Since the Penney managers are partners in the business and receive reiomeration accordingly as net profits are made in their stores, the necessity of insp^ection is obviated. 'Tliile formal conclusions ai's not necessary in this chapter, it might be well to emphasize the fact that inspection is a necessary f'anction which cannot be eliminated unless, as in the Penney system, something else is dene to take its place. 111 1918, the Childs Coupany (restaurants) began large-scale advertising in the local papers.^ At first this advertising was very general, btit it has , gradually hecorie quite specific in nature. It is reported that its advertising has been ver;^ sxiccessful from the beginning. In the last few years man;y- advertisements featuring Woolworth products have appeared in magazines. Their wording has been such as to give the impression that they originate with, and are paid for by the V.’oolworth organization. As a matter of fact these advertisements are vol'untarily initiated and paid for in every instance by the manufacturers of the articles advertised.^ Another fonn of chain advertising is that which featiires a few products, Examples of this kind are the Great Atlantic and Pacific Tea Company, which has been using rrnich newspaper space to advertise its leader, Bokar coffee;^ and the United Drug Company, which advertises nationally perhaps less than a score of its products, usually concentrating attention on one product at a time.^ I'To doubt every chain which does any appreciable amount of advertising has a more or less definite advertising appropriation. In the case of the United Cigar Stores Company two per cent of sales is charged against every store for the advertising fund."' Since two per cent is rather high it seems jiistifiable to believe that this incltides charges for the profit-sharing coupons which are an integral piart of the advertising policy of the canpany. The United Drug Company sets aside a certain per cent of profits each year for promotion work. The advertising appropriation is planned one year ahead but is revised every three months From what has been said it is possible to generalize so far as to state that although there is evidence o: considerable chain store advertising, still in the aggregate it is not yory irriportant. Those lines in v/hich advertising is used most are grocery and drug, while five and ten cent stores are the strongest non-advertisers. There are three factors which account for the small amount of advertising done by chain stores;- Cl) Their better locations obviate it to a certain extent a,nd the high rents forbid it; (2) V.'indow displa^/s take the place of advertising; and (o) host chain stores carry convenience goods, which, in contrast with shopping lines, require less a-dvertising. Although there is no statistical data upon which to base conclusions, it does not appear that chain store advertising will increase in the near fut’ure. Such an increase ir.ay be expected when ca-;petition with other chains and with retail buying associations becomes ver,y keen. At the present tim;e there are no indications that such a situation is near at hand. Only recently have retailers beg"m to realize the ah..ost endless possibilities of window displays. As usual, the chain store has talcen the lead and shown what could be done with windows, hr. IJ. Mitchell, display manager for the Hexall Stores says:^ "Window advertising is tremendously valuable because it is done so close to the so-orce of supply that the people who see a display have no time to forget the article shown in the interval between seeing it and entering the store to b'oy." 3. Suggestive The first type functions to sell the goods in the window. It is usually most effective when it is composed of a large quantity of an article Sxiov;n at a special price. Related articles are often placed in the window, but their number should never be so large as to detract from the main display. These disj-lays are especially effective if they are tied-up with the manufacturer’s advertising. the product . The third type is or^e v/hicli is used to suggest some definite fact or facts. For exaraple, last winter a fresh fruit display in a drug store was suggestive in that it showed that fresh fruit v/as used at the soda foimtain even in the winter. Chain stores generally use the coi.miercial type of display, although the educational and suggestive types are soi;ietimes used. Five and ten cent stores rarely depart from the ccru::iercial type of display. Both the ’foolworth and Kresge stores use the principle of mass display, although there are times when the suggestive type is used. An exariple of this is the display in the early spring which suggests household and garden articles. The educational type of display is used very rarely. This is on siccoiuit of the fact that chain stores will not carry articles which are not well knovm. The attitude of the F. W. Y.'oolworth Company is strikingly portrayed in a statement by the President 2 Ibid, p. 8. "...VJith any product the chances of interesting us are very r/uch better if the article is known to the public; and r.any prod’octs, no matter how rfier.it orious they may be... have no appeal at all for us unless they are well kno\'/n." The dnig chains are perharjs the greatest users of the educational type of display, especially in connection with appeals to the instincts of fear - as, for example, the display which points out the diseases carried by insects, and vanity - as in the case of the display illustrating the use of a cleansing cream. Before tailing up the consideration of how the problerf of v;indow displays is met by some of the typical chain systems, it rr.ight be well to inquire into scfrae of the f'undamsntal factors considered by scientific window trimmers. Hr. '’'illiarn Gellar, the windov; display expert who arranges the windows for the Pennsylvania Dr'ug Company's stores, sa^rs:^ a definite sales message. In all of the chains investigated there was some provision for the training of window trimmers. In the Woolworth and Kresge stores'^ the stock boy after being promoted to assistant manager begins to learn the details of window triiiirina tjr tearing down old displays and assisting in putting in the new ones. These chains do not furnish plans for a standardized window display; each manager uses his own J-jdgir.ent in rralcing up the display. However, it v/as reported that the managers acquire such skill in determining which goods v/ill sell "best during certain seasons that as a result most of the stores show the sa.me goods during a given week. Md to this the fact tliat the nanagers gradually acquire definite methods of displa^s^ing and combination, and you liave another step toward the standardized display. ilany of the chains have standardized the Wfindov/ displays in all stores. I'-otable among these are the United Drug Company (Rexall Stores), United Cigar Stores Company of America, and the Great Atlantic and Pacific Tea Company. The United Urug Company started its sales pron'-otion service^ about 1913. The first move was to acq.uaint about 100 Eexall dealers in different sections of the co-ontry with the service. The agreement at the tin-e v/as to pay $95 ann-oally for the service, if found valuable. That it was fo'und valuable is evidenced by the fact that there were 8,000 subscribers in 1918. Every two weeks each subscriber receives material and instructions for a new window disp'-lay, which has been worked out by a corps of experts at the main office. In addition to this, expert advice is given on such iriatters as business analysis, turnover, newspaper advertising, store fronts, interiors and displays, etc. Service r;en make i^requent personal visits to the stores. The plan of the United Cigars Stores of America is very siroilar to tin,t of the Rexall Stores except that standard practice is carried o\'tt tc a greater degree. The displays are designed in the same manner as those of the Rexall Stor:^s, but each store is required to install their, exactly according to the directions furnished. In addition to the displays window banners are used offers. The sart:e high degree of standardization, and nmch the san^e :r;ethcd, was observed in the display service of the Great Atlantic and Pacific Tea CoiJiparij'-. Here again the staiidard ir.ethod is used for devising displays, and each week instructions sent to every store aanager. A cojy of the weel:ly display service sheet is appended here. It is reported"^ that the "Talking Point" plan (see page 4 of tajr.phlet) has resulted in a tremendous increase in sales of the articles featured. Prom the material presented in the second part of this chapter two conclusions are inevitable. First, v/indow displays to a large extent take the place of advertising; second, the systems of window display have reached a remarkably high degree of standardization and efficiency. No. 86 Chicago, III. and Cincinnati, Ohio July 20, 1922 AIN’T N aturc grand ! Six months ago we were battling with a blizzard and wishing for / % the good old Slimmer time. Now the twin pests, Heat and Humidity, bring a long^ ing for January’s snow, ice and cold. Hut all the wishing in the world won’t change 1he weather one jot — you’ye got to take it as it comes, but you can make hot weather a lot easier to endure by using good judgment about your own eats — and your recommendations to your patrons. First of all, of course. Iced Tea and Iced Coftee will knock any thirst for a goal. Salads, Fresh Fruits, Oliyes, Spaghetti, Macaroni, and so on, you know the story if you’ll stop lo think a little about it. People liyc in comfort in climates a lot hotter than ours, hut they eat the right foods. Crackers. Paj)er is laid on the floor. Trij)le columns of Bokar stand in the front corners with opened cartons at the base of the middle column. Two round baskets are in the middle, one witli 8 O’Clock and the oilier with Red Circle Coffee. Bags are arranged around \| the baskets. Other bags form curved rows behind. Between the flaskets is a column of Bokar cartons. Other cartons are in the middle of the background on a box. At the sides are cans and jiackages of N. B. C. Crackers. Near the entrance Coffee is disjilayed. Place signs on the glass. Baked T>eans, Canaied S]5a.gl\etti, Potted Meats, Devilled Ham, Pickles, Jams, Jellies, Mayonnaise and Salad Dressings, Vinegar, Peanut Rutter, Apple Butter, Marma^ lade, M. M. Creme, Olives, Ketchup, Chili Sauce, Shredded Wheat, Kellogg’s Corn Flakes and Puffed Rice arc shown. Pa])or is laid on the ffoor. In the middle near the glass Potted Meats and Devilled Ham are shown. Behind are Pickles. Nearby Marmalade and Jelly are displayed. Steps of Beans ' run down from the front corners, lower steps of Beans and Spaghetti are nearby. Behind Grandmother’s Beans. Bottles of Mayonnaise and Salad Dressing stand at the sides on low boxes. Higher boxes hold Ketchup and Chili Sauce. Puffed Rice and columns of Pea; nut Butter are in the middle of the background. In the back corners are columns of Shred- dividuals who had succeeded as irnlependent retailers. 2. Tl'.ere has been a more cv less general tendency in the evolution of the organic structures of chain stores. T}-ie step's have been (a) Indiviaual proprietor, (b) Partnership, (c) Corporation, (d) He incorporation, and (e) Consolidation. 3. Purtiier integration is pointed to by the continued expansion of Ci_&ins at a rapid rate, and by the rc.any large consolidations T’lis tendency toward consolidation will probably be pai'tly balanced by the creation of new chains. chain stores. 5. Vi'ithin the next decade there should be an influx of jobbers into tlie chain store field. Tliis seems inevitable because their customers are leaving them. Jobbers are the logical chain store operators. 6. Bu^^ing associations have been increasing, but it is not likely tha,t they will have a curtailing effect on chain stores for some time to come. T’ois is due mainly to the fact that chain stores v/ill be able to maintain a higher degree of efficiency for at least a considerable length of time. 8. The agitation against chain stores "by many Cliambers of Ccraoerce seems to indicate that chain stores will not meet with the average aiiiount of success in small towns. 9. Jo"b"bers have done much to educate independents, "’:ut efficiency, economy, and cleanliness will have to "be more firmly impressed upon them "before they can compete with the chains. 10. C}-:ain stores lose many good managers because they do not pay ths!:i well enough. It seems that the Penney System offers the best inducement to its managers. 11. Roger V'. Pabson su.ggests the possibility of chain store employes forming a union as a means of gaiiiing increased recognition. 7hth the present low standard of wages in most chains this would be neither impossible nor imiprcbable. 12. llaimfacturers' chadns will probably not increase. Theirs seems to have been but a temporai’y ir.ovs to gain control over pricing and distribution. Tnis seems especially apparent in the shoe tr.ade, where the national Slioe Retailers’ Association is bringing pressure to bear against the mairafactra-’er s' sh^ chains. 13. Investigation has shown that the majority of criains are still headed by the originators. TZiis might lead to the conclusion that the rapid ejq:ansion of chains has been due to the driving force of these leaders and that chains v;ill sraffer a sliuGp v/he longer head the organizations. I-Ovvever, the policies of chain ly standardized that continued success maj;- he expected vdien th give way to the new generation. January 15, 1S2C, pp. 17-20, 177-180, ”Is Collective Buying the Answer to the Chain Store Ilenace?” x^ehraary i.9, 1920, p. 44, ’’Row to iCQep Informed on Chain Store	17,269	common-pile/pre_1929_books_filtered	somefactorsindev00mach	public_library	public_library_1929_dolma-0014.json.gz:2165	https://archive.org/download/somefactorsindev00mach/somefactorsindev00mach_djvu.txt
7Og5eBcr4XXz7oyw	1.6: Oregon at the Turn of the Twentieth Century	1.6: Oregon at the Turn of the Twentieth Century Oregon was a land of promise for settlers who came from the Eastern and Southern states of America. Official and popular discourses framed the West as a land of limitless opportunity. It was a narrative that had resonance in American nationalism. The idea of opportunity aligned with the making of the West and within popular imagination it was periodically viewed as a place of refuge for those suffering economic hardship, or political and religious persecution such as Russian Jews who established the New Odessa commune in Roseburg, Oregon. The acolytes of Oregon Fever professed people could start anew in Oregon, enjoy the fruits of the earth, live off the land, and claim their legacy. Frederick Jackson Turner and other American historians from the turn of the twentieth century perpetuated the cultural discourse of an unsettled “primitive and savage” West eagerly awaiting for the march of progress and development by a civilized society. They prophesied a golden age of rugged frontier individualism and industrialization conquering nature and unlocking its vast riches and resources. Not all American intellectuals shared a vision of authentic diversity nor the pioneers who came to work in the extractive industries of Oregon. Diversity was rejected for an assimilationist worldview based on 100% Americanism. But with immigration American identity underwent a seismic shift that resonated through the West and Oregon. There was no longer one racial stock who could claim supremacy over American progress and development. This erosion of the dominant group triggered cultural and social clashes in the modernization of Oregon during the twentieth century. From the middle of the nineteenth century many workers and their families came to Oregon. As immigrants arrived in America, many were willing to “brave the conditions” of the West similar to the rugged pioneers of the frontier. Many came to Oregon to work in the extractive industries of timber, mining and European-styled agriculture, incentivized by private industries like the railroads that were subsidized by the federal government through millions of acres in public land grants. The menial laborers of the “modern era” were part of a new frontier of economic growth and expansion. Frontier ideals of individualism and personal advancement clashed with dependency inherent in working for wages breaking the phantasmic vision of self-reliant pioneers who lived off the land, prospering from their own blood, sweat and tears. Promoters of western opportunity and the rewards out West gave people the idea they were entitled to those successes. Manifest Destiny and Oregon Fever took on a new narrative fueled by promotional pamphlets put forth by the railroad industry and real estate speculators, and immigration bureaus that cast their labor recruitment nets into Eastern and Southern Europe. The Union Pacific Railroad distributed a pamphlet called The Wealth and Resources of Oregon and Washington which continued the message from the pioneer days that Oregon was a land bonanza ready for the taking by settlers. The Union Pacific told prospectors, “[The Pacific Coast Real Estate Company’s lands] have been selected and classified, and embrace some of the finest lands in the State now open to settlement…the country is in process of rapid development. This open and extensive region offers unequalled opportunities for colony settlements.” [1] Colony settlements were part of the speculative wave of a real estate boom furnished by generous land grants obtained by the railroads from the federal government and financed by banks. Settlers could establish themselves within forty miles of railroad access, enabling distribution and shipping of commodities and resources across the country. Land grants from the federal government were beyond generous in scope, and the continual annexation of Native lands were part of those claims. The Umatilla Indian Reservation near the town of Pendleton agreed to have their land portioned off in severalty whereby they would retain 120,000 acres, and the remainder was granted to the federal government to be sold off to investors like the Union Pacific Railroad and its real estate affiliates. The Union Pacific sought to establish farming families by which 148,000 acres were to be sold from the Umatilla Reservation, and gave outlandish promises to incoming settlers that they would become wealthy. “A very large portion of this is fine agricultural land, and the remainder valuable for timber and pasture. Any one person can buy only 160 acres of agricultural, and 40 acres of timber land…Remember now the man who comes here and exercises the same frugality…will in five years be well off and in 10 moderately rich.” [2] The Union Pacific pamphlet reported agricultural yields so vast and abundant in size that it boggled the imagination. Oregon was conveyed through a utopian vision as a place that had virtually no unemployment or labor unrest. Immigrants came to the Northwest guided by misinformation they had faithfully digested from salesmen and propagandists. Migrants continued to arrive into the state thinking they had arrived in a land of Eden. A clash between unrealistic expectations and harsh reality brought to life radical movements and violence, and encouraged the growth of progressive politics and social reforms. Oregon, still carrying the frontier worldview, went through a difficult social and economic transition from a rural-agrarian to an urban-industrial based economy. New Odessa Commune The New Odessa commune, named after the port city in Ukraine, was a colony settlement established near Roseburg that ushered in the changing face of immigration into Oregon and the United States. Under the reign of Czar Alexander III, Russian Jews of Kiev and Odessa succumbed to waves of violent pogroms during a period of increasingly rabid Anti-Semitism. The czar was a reactionary politician who blamed the Jews for the assassination of his father Czar Alexander II. In 1882, a group of Russian Jews from Odessa sought to establish agricultural colonies in America, and to escape violent persecution of their people. They were called Am Olam or The Eternal People a reform-minded organization shaped by a socialist utopian vision. There were other Russian Jewish groups also looking into establishing agricultural communities in North Dakota, Louisiana and Connecticut as well. About sixty members of Am Olam found their ideal spot near Glendale in southern Oregon. Am Olam’s emblem was a plow and the Ten Commandments, they were socialists dedicated to common property, shared work, harmony and brotherhood. Henry Villard, the Oregon railroad magnate, suggested they build their commune between Roseburg and Ashland. He also promised to arrange transport for the entire group. On March 8, 1883, the commune settled on 768 acres which included part of the present-day City of Glendale. In remembrance of their former homes in Odessa, Russia, they called their new home on Cow Creek, New Odessa. As many as 65 people lived on the commune, and a Communal Hall was built alongside a farm and outbuildings. They spoke Russian and wore traditional eastern European clothes. One of the challenges for the group was that they were inexperienced in agriculture. Their neighbors helped them plant their first crops. Within their communal home, married couples had private rooms and everyone else slept in a large room upstairs in the Communal Hall. They established a large community garden and were mostly vegetarian. There was a disproportionate amount of men to women in the community by 1884. Funds were raised for essentials and farm payments, and they sold timber to the Oregon and California Railroad for ties and fuel. There was harmony in the first year the commune was established. They had a little library of philosophical works and its favorite form of entertainment was discussion and debate. But New Odessa would not last very long broken apart by political divisions leading to the commune’s demise. They had invited an older charismatic non-Jewish émigré from Russia named William Frey, to join the commune. He became a polarizing force, and fifteen followers left with him to London. A fire destroyed the library in 1885, and some of the younger members were searching for a return to the world of learning, careers and marriage. In 1887, the commune was declared bankrupt and some members moved to New York. By 1888 the land was foreclosed and returned to its original owners. [3] The commune at New Odessa signifies two larger trends within Oregon history, the gradual acceptance and integration of Jewish people within the community, and how different self-appointed leaders of utopian communities took root on Oregon soil such as Rajneeshpuram in Wasco County, or hippie communes that blossomed across the state during the 1960s. Populism and Labor Unrest Financial panic swept through the United States, including Oregon in 1893. Similar to the Panic of 1873, it was marked by the collapse of railroad overbuilding and shaky financing, setting off a series of bank failures and the collapse of 15,000 businesses, including two of the country’s largest employers. Many Portland businesses were going bankrupt, and about 4 million were unemployed nation-wide. Since the state social welfare system did not exist yet, charities were completely strained to the breaking point. Farmers were not adequately paid for their products and were being gouged by prohibitive shipping rates on the newly established and politically dominant railroads. Oregon’s economy was mostly situated in the agricultural sector with the exception of Portland and a few other cities. Racial tension continued in Oregon during the depression of 1893. Anxieties over job competition swelled and resulted in the burning of the city of La Grande’s Chinatown in northeast Oregon and the expulsion of its residents by a white mob. Labor union prospects dimmed during the mid-1890s as the depression undercut their bargaining power. Many workers were disenfranchised and impoverished and sought out populism as a political cure to their ills. Unemployed workers of Portland resorted to street work to pay their rent. Some unemployed men joined Jacob Coxey’s army of protestors to demand that the federal government act immediately and address their grievances. Such jobless men became known as “Coxey’s Army” named after the Ohio businessman Jacob Coxey, who organized a movement to protest the widespread lack of jobs and encouraged monetary reorganization and government sponsored public works projects. Coxey and his “army” called for a “march in boots” to petition Washington D.C. to meet its demands. Coxeyism was similar to the Populist and the Grange movement among Oregon farmers, who insisted that the state had an obligation toward its unemployed citizens, and every citizen had “a right to face up to their boss” and petition the government for a redress of their grievances. Portland rallies enlisted several hundred members. American populism developed during the latter part of the nineteenth century and held the idea that the common people were oppressed by an elite class. In Oregon, the farming sector and the Granger movement protested against the unfair business practices of the railroad industry. The ideas of populism merge with political ideologies like liberalism or conservatism. Coxey’s Army was situated politically with a developing liberalism that the government is obligated to support the well-being of individuals. Also within this vision is the people have a voice to create political change and reform society. Critics in Oregon, depending on their political ideology and social class, saw populists as “opportunistic demagogues who also appealed to nativism and fears of conspiracy to build support.” [4] Governor Sylvester Pennoyer seized upon populist appeal and nativist antipathy toward Chinese immigration. He was a populist whose views aligned with the Knights of Labor and viewed Asian immigration as an existential threat to Oregonians. Pennoyer agitated support for the common worker and was critical of the business establishment but ironically was an intricate part of the corporate elite. Critics of Pennoyer referred to Coxeyites as “lowest grade Populists” and chastised politicians like him who stirred up turmoil to win over voter’s in the ballot box. [5] The Oregonian newspaper seized upon the idea that the Coxey Army was a corrupting influence from California shipping its undesirable elements to Oregon. [6] Social class issues blurred criticism of Pennoyer and Coxey populism as woven from the same fabric. Pennoyer was an ethnic nationalist advocating for a racially monochromatic Oregon whereas Coxey was a wealthy man and an exceptionally rare individual who fought for unemployed workers. Oregonians formed their petitions in boots for Coxey’s Army at train stations in Ashland, Roseburg, Cottage Grove, and Salem. Many people of Portland sympathetic to their cause, provided food for Coxey’s army. During their stay in Portland, the protestors were camped at Sullivan’s Gulch in Northeast Portland (which is now occupied by the light-rail train and Interstate 84), where five hundred additional men joined their ranks. Harvey Scott, the editor of The Oregonian, scathingly referred to “Coxey’s Army” as “tramps” and “beggars”, but in reality the Army, according to observers, were well-mannered and disciplined and posed no threat to the city of Portland. [7] The conservative press viewed the Coxeyites as “the lowest grade of Populists,” such as Harvey Scott: “The American tramp is the product of the American system of indiscriminate almsgiving … The Coxey army shows us what the effect has been. The national vice of indiscriminate almsgiving has fastened upon us the national disease of professional mendicancy, organized and inclined to demand rather than supplicate relief from want and salvation from work.” [8] The Coxeyites made their way to Troutdale where they took over the telegraph office and the train station. When the Coxey Army successfully occupied the train station, the federal marshal urged the Multnomah County sheriff to respond to protect private property there. The Union Meat Company, together with merchants in Troutdale, supplied meat, flour, and potatoes to the men and allowed them to live in vacant homes. The Coxeyites seized a train in defiance of a federal injunction and headed eastward. Their train was stopped in Arlington, Oregon and five hundred were taken into custody and brought back to Portland. Several other armies of unemployed men made the journey to Washington D.C. and when Coxey’s army arrived at the nation’s capital, Jacob Coxey was arrested for walking on the grass in front of the Capitol Building. Although Coxey’s proposal for government jobs was radical for its time, it gradually became part of American federal policy that established a partnership with state government to improve roads for the fledgling automobile and trucking industries. Later President Dwight Eisenhower enabled the federal government to subsidize the development of the interstate highway system which made transportation and the flow of commerce more efficient. William S. U’Ren: Father of the Oregon System A People’s Party was formed in the Pacific Northwest and they aligned with Jacob Coxey’s vision: government ownership of the railroads and utilities, and supportive policies for farmers. They anticipated the Oregon System by calling for the initiative, referendum and recall, and the direct election of U.S. Senators. The initiative and referendum, which would be known as the Oregon System, helped accomplish several reforms: women’s suffrage, Prohibition, improved working conditions, and stronger regulation of corporations. Reformers began advocating for the system in the 1880s. As the Populist movement was gaining momentum in the Plains states, U’Ren hoped to make constitutional changes to Oregon laws. William S. U’Ren felt the initiative and referendum were protections against the passing of any revolutionary laws. He forced state legislators to initiate legislation by petition and subject new laws to referendum (which many states have adopted since). The initiative amendments in the Oregon State Constitution allowed registered voters to place on the ballot any issue that amends the Oregon Constitution or changes to the statutes. The referendum permitted registered voters to reject any bill passed by the legislature by placing a referendum on the ballot. U’Ren also created the Voter’s Pamphlet which contained proposed amendments and measures with official supporting and opposing arguments that were, and still are, distributed to every registered voter in Oregon. U’Ren and his fellow radicals founded the People’s Power League. It was said Oregon had two legislatures, one at the capitol and “one under William S. U’Ren’s hat” according to Harvey Scott of The Oregonian . These reformers sought to make the capitalist economic system more humane and fair. Once in place the Oregon System was a tool of moderate, not radical reform. U’Ren drove legislation like the Corrupt Practices Act, the presidential primary, the direct election of senators, and the recall, which other states adopted. William S. U’Ren was feared by many politicians in the state of Oregon. In an editorial in the Oregonian in 1906, by Harvey Scott, editor of The Oregonian, commented on U’Ren’s presence in Oregon politics: “In Oregon, state government is divided into four departments: the executive, judicial, legislative and William S. U’Ren…and it is still an open question which exerts the most power. Mr. U’Ren has boldly clipped the wings of the executive and legislative departments, and when he gets time will doubtless put some shackles on the Supreme Court…the indications are that Mr. U’Ren outweighs anyone, and perhaps all three of the other departments.” The Corrupt Practices Act was an effort allied with Jonathon Bourne, Jr. that targeted political corruption by limiting expenditures by corporations to influence political campaigns. It was patterned after Britain’s Corrupt and Illegal Practices Act of 1883 which criminalized bribing of voters and placed limits on campaign expenditures. Each candidate running for office was limited to spending fifteen percent of their salary in their primary campaign, and ten percent in the general election. U’Ren was determined to change public participation in Oregon government. Later in historical memory, he was referred to as “Oregon’s modern Thomas Paine.” [9] Perhaps it is a historical exaggeration, since U’Ren and Paine share very few similarities in their background, but both supported natural rights, and the idea that government should represent the interests of the people. Paine was a product of Enlightenment thinking and the abdication of monarchical rule in America, and U’Ren was a product of reformist Populism, but both sought to improve the lives of the common man. The populist movement would fade, but the reform movement grew stronger and empowered U’Ren’s intentions, with him famously stating he would “go to Hell for the people of Oregon.” William S. U’Ren was a strong proponent of the single tax which was the most contentious legislative issue at the time. The single tax involved government appropriation of all “unearned” increases of land values. Tax revenues would have been directed to fund state government, encourage development and break up the concentration of wealth in landholding. “Single taxers” believed inequity in landholding was the primary cause of poverty and inequality in the United States. The intention of the single tax was to simplify the tax system by removing all the other forms of taxation. Charles Erskine Scott Wood and Will Daly were advocates of the single tax crusade. Single taxers believed property ownership would reduce poverty, political corruption and unearned wealth. “Single taxers” thought it was unjust for speculators to purchase land and then hold it idle, waiting to cash in only after others had improved their nearby properties and increase the value of their own land. For the single taxers, appreciation in the value of landholdings belonged to the public and should be collected as a tax. According to single taxers, the tax dollars would be enough to support government, and it would force speculators to sell their land, enabling more people to own property. Political corruption was another target of U’Ren’s efforts. He objected to the practice of buying out voters, bribery, and intimidation of delegates attending political conventions. He was also concerned about the amount of influence wielded by lobbyists at the State’s Capitol. The standards of political morality had, in some cases, devolved into openly lewd behavior; this was particularly true of the legislature. “Members were brought on the floor so drunk that it took two sober men to get them to their seats…It was not unusual for members to retire for a season…to recover after a term in the Oregon legislature” [10] Most legislators who were successfully elected to the Oregon Senate did so through their “gentleman agreements” with the wealthy businessmen involved with railroads, oil, textiles, iron and steel, mining and sugar. Despite the best efforts of lobbyists representing the industrial sector, U’Ren curbed the political grasping of the timber and transportation barons. Many within the railroad industry had deep influence in the transportation sector in Oregon. For example, Ben Holladay of the Southern Pacific Railroad had a large home in the town of Seaside for entertaining Oregon legislators, Henry Villard with the Northern Pacific, Edward Harriman with the Union and Southern Pacific, and James Hill of Great Northern were also “hospitable for their benefit”. Harriman regarded Oregon as his private estate boasting, “I have eastern Oregon bottled up and I’ll pull the cork when I’m ready.” [11] Railroad developers and operators showed little interest in the public, and neither did the public’s representatives in the legislature. Judge Henry McGinn told the Republican Club in Portland in 1909 that he had never seen an honest election in Oregon under the old system. It was well known that homeless and unemployed Oregonians were paid as much as $2.50 to vote for specific candidates, and many qualified citizens were kept from voting by the police, who were part of the effort to deny voters access to the polls. LAND FRAUD TRIALS The practice of obtaining land under false pretenses had been going on since the arrival of the first setters of Oregon, ostensibly framed for the benefit of small homesteaders. [12] Under the Timber and Stone Act, huge areas of land were bought by timber companies through real estate agents like Stephen Douglas Puter. He and other agents rounded up “dummies” to file private homestead claims on tens of thousands of acres of valuable federal timber lands given to the Oregon and California Railroad. Every claim was for 160 acres and timber land could be sold for a profit. Lumbermen and their agents were operating throughout the West, but only Oregon cracked down on this practice. While Puter was considered the kingpin of the operation, several Oregon politicians benefitted from the scheme, including U.S. Senators John H. Mitchell and Binger Hermann. According to Puter, “our idea was to locate as many persons as possible in a township under the homestead law, and to furnish them the money with which to make final proof and cover incidental expenses, to have them deed the land to us at a price agreed upon in advance.” The State Land Office indicated in their records a great deal of speculation in lands of the Indian reservations; the Klamath, Umatilla, Siletz, and Warm Springs reservations together lost approximately 133,564 acres of land through these alleged settlers under the Homestead Act. The Republican Party of Oregon fell in influence after 1905 as a direct result of exposures to land fraud trials, and their own internal strife. Puter fled to Berkeley, California with his family, and was indicted that same year. He co-wrote the book Looters of the Public Domain in collaboration with Horace Stevens a former land office clerk. Puter confessed his role in the land fraud scheme and pointed out others who had a role in the scandal. Portraits of collaborators and incriminating documents were provided which was later used in court. He served as witness for the prosecution who successfully brought charges against Senators Hermann, Mitchell and John Williamson along with other prominent Oregonians and federal officials. The politicians involved in the scandal were indicted under U.S. Revised Statutes that states “no senator or representative in the employ of the government shall receive or agree to receive any compensation for any services rendered.” American constitutional law prohibits members of Congress from receiving emoluments or remuneration for their performed services. According to Stephen Puter, “John Mitchell who had so long controlled political affairs of the state with such supreme autocratic power,” tried to cover up his involvement in the scandal. Mitchell accepted a $2,000 bribe from Puter. The Senator was a close associate of Ben Holladay of the Southern Pacific Railroad, and worked with him in controlling the legislature. He was sentenced to six months in Multnomah County jail in Portland and imposed a fine of $1,000, pending appeal. Mitchell died soon after sentencing, perhaps due to complications from a tooth extraction, though many feel it was from the stress of the exposure from a dose of Oregonian “muckraking,” and the national exposé of an elected leader with racial proclivities like Mitchell, who was an anti-Asian crusader during his political career. [13] The movement for direct legislation after the Land Fraud Trials was looked on by an increasing number as a cure all for government illness. The direct election of senators is the most important instance of the nation following Oregon’s lead when it comes to election reform during the Progressive era. The Oregon System was a widely discussed topic in muckraking journals during the early part of the twentieth century, and was just one manifestation of a nationwide liberal movement to make elections, and the legislative process, more democratic. U’Ren could only reach so far into his democratic vision for Oregonians and in turn, for Americans. One of the bills he proposed that did not successfully pass was one that would have made it virtually impossible to be unemployed. The purpose was to provide for every citizen at all times an opportunity for voluntary, cooperative and self-supporting employment in producing the necessities and comforts of life. The work and products would have been for the benefit of members of a United States Volunteer Workers’ Executive Department and their families. This can be seen as an early model of New Deal style policies that would create federal departments and organizations to coordinate labor and enable completion of massive public works projects such as the Bonneville and Grand Coulee Dams on the Columbia River of Oregon. WOMEN’S SUFFRAGE Another impactful legacy of the Progressive Movement in Oregon was the extension of the political franchise, or the right to vote to women. Western states passed women’s suffrage in their state constitutions earlier than the Nineteenth Amendment was enacted in the Federal Constitution. The progress for women’s suffrage was much more sluggish in the eastern states, and nearly non-existent in the American south. One of the first states to give women the right to vote was Wyoming in 1869. The history of women’s suffrage in Oregon dates back to the formative years of the Oregon State Constitutional Convention in 1857. One of the provisions it carried was on suffrage and elections in Article II Section 2: “In all elections, every white male citizen of the United State of the age of 21 years and upwards who shall have resided in the state during the six months immediately preceding any such election.” In other words, you had to be white and male in order to vote in Oregon. When the report on Suffrage and Elections was being considered by the Convention, in the Committee of the Whole, David Logan moved to strike out the word male in Section 2. [14] This would have resulted in giving women the vote, but the motion failed to carry, and women remained disenfranchised for several more decades. African American men gained their voting privileges in 1868 when the 15th Amendment of the United States Constitution nullified the restrictions imposed by Oregon’s Constitution. Many officials in Oregon opposed the ratification of the 15th Amendment, and it was not officially ratified by the state until 1959. National figures in the American suffrage movement, Susan B. Anthony and Elizabeth Cady Stanton, pushed for the inclusion of universal suffrage, or unrestricted voting rights for men and women in a Constitutional amendment. Congressmen Thaddeus Stevens, leader of the Radical Republicans in the House, presented petitions signed by Anthony and Stanton advocating for universal suffrage or the right to vote for men and women to be included in the Civil War amendments. According to the historian Eric Foner, Stevens was not an advocate for women’s suffrage unlike other Radical Republicans. Perhaps if he had backed a voting amendment that included women then this would have impelled states to abide to federal law, but for Stevens, he was primarily focused on establishing equality before the law for all citizens in the United States, not women’s suffrage. ABIGAIL SCOTT DUNIWAY One of the greatest and most influential activists for women’s suffrage in Oregon was Abigail Scott Duniway. [15] Her sustained suffrage agitation began in 1871 after facing bitter disappointment when women were not granted the right to vote in the Fifteenth Amendment. That same year, Duniway moved from Lafayette, a small town in the Yamhill Valley, to Portland, Oregon, and started The New Northwest , a newspaper embracing women’s suffrage and equal economic and social rights for women. At the time, the renowned suffragettes Susan B. Anthony and Elizabeth Cady Stanton were traveling on a speaking tour through the West Coast. Duniway invited both of them to come to Portland and Anthony accepted her invitation. Anthony arrived by steamship into Portland, and used the city as her base. Duniway and Anthony along with the Oregon State Equal Suffrage Association wanted to air their grievances in public speeches in Portland, but soon they discovered “no church was open to us anywhere, and the old Orofino Theater was our only refuge.” The group established the Multnomah County Woman Suffrage Association at the Orofino Theater. From Portland they continued their lecture tour into Salem where Duniway and Anthony camped at the Oregon State Fair. There was no assembly hall, so they held an open-air meeting “under the shade of the pavilion”. Eventually they travelled to The Dalles and Walla Walla, Washington on their lecture circuit. Duniway then became the president and founder of the Oregon State Equal Suffrage Association (OSEA) in 1884. On their letter head it stated, “Women pay taxes, women should vote,” a harkening back to the American Revolution when the Stamp Act Congress jump-started the rebellious cause of the colonists declaring “no taxation without representation.” Duniway had “favorable mention” of Bethenia Owens-Adair of Roseburg, a devoted social reformer and one of the first female physicians in the state of Oregon (she will be mentioned later in this chapter). Owens-Adair arranged a meeting at the Douglas County Court House on behalf of the OSEA. Duniway was a gifted orator and writer, but often struggled with building coalitions with other reformers. At one point, Owens-Adair and other members of the OSEA asked Duniway to step down as president of the group stating her stubborn attitude was impeding the progress of the organization. Eventually the Oregon State Equal Suffrage Association succeeded in getting suffrage on the ballot in 1884, but 72 percent of the electorate rejected it. The OSEA pursued similar arguments in their Declaration of Principles as the Women’s Social and Political Union of the British suffrage movement: “The mother half of the people is rated in law with idiots, insane persons and criminals from whose legal classification we are looking to you, voters of Oregon, to release us, your wives…” Suffrage narrowly lost by a margin of 2,000 votes. Duniway formed a rift with the Women’s Christian Temperance Union (WCTU) who supported prohibition and women’s suffrage. She blamed the temperance movement for the loss, and feared well-financed brewing and liquor interests associated suffrage with prohibition. Rather than building an alliance with a national organization with far-reaching influence, she was unable to work with the WCTU. She branded its leaders as impractical elitists who had “sat in the sanctuary singing, ‘Where is My Wandering Boy Tonight’, when the little hoodlum was kicking up a rumpus at my suffrage meetings.” Suffragettes in Oregon rarely played the race card of nativist hysteria, unlike other states that sought out to diminish the influence of Southern European voters who were considered “racially inferior”. Instead the suffragettes of Oregon laid the blame on the saloons, brothels, trusts, railroads, career politicians, and the high society women of Portland. Duniway felt compelled to challenge the status quo as a woman in American society. In her autobiography she stated from an early age, “[she] had been led to believe that women who demanded rights were man haters, of whom I certainly was not one.” Early in her career as an activist, she had a humiliating experience in an Oregon court of law when an attorney told her, “Of course, Mrs. Duniway, as you are a lady, you are not expected to understand the intricacies of the law,” to which she deftly responded, “but we are expected to know enough to foot the bill though.” At the time of the incident, court houses in Oregon were known as “a place for men.” American women were held to limited professional opportunities in nursing and teaching at the end of the nineteenth century. Exposing the contradictions of antiquated Victorian culture that framed women as nurturing educators purveying the values of republican motherhood and the virtues of the domestic sphere, Duniway pointed out that there were over 10 thousand teachers in California schools, and 85 percent of them were women. Among them the teaching of civics was obligatory. If women were not qualified to vote or run for office then, “How can she teach the great truths of democracy…and [at the same time] explain the non-representation of women to clear-sighted boys and girls?” In a campaign letter from May 1906, Duniway stated: “We believe the mothers, wives, sisters and daughters of Oregon are as intelligent and patriotic as women of [other states and nation’s that have passed women’s suffrage]. We appeal to every liberty loving man in Oregon…for all to prove his faith in the mothers and wives of Oregon.” Abigail Scott Duniway’s brother Harvey Scott, the long-time editor of The Oregonian, defended his sister against critics who blamed her for women’s suffrage not getting enough votes in a ballot initiative in 1906: “This newspaper has not supported, but has opposed women’s suffrage; and it will not take no part in the dispute between women supporters as to why women suffrage was defeated in the recent election. The agitation was begun by Mrs. Duniway and has been carried on by her unceasingly; and whatever progress it has made has been due to her. The progress it has made is an extraordinary tribute to one woman’s energy.” Duniway was a gifted orator, and in public speeches, she channeled the right to vote as a foundational right to all citizens dating back to the American Revolution. She compared the enfranchisement of women to the last vestige of taxation without representation since women had to pay taxes but had no voice in the political establishment. Confidently she felt a majority of Oregonians would fulfill their civic duty and grant women the right to vote as the “earnest prayer of every patriotic pioneer.” The historical reality for Duniway and the suffrage movement was challenging since women had to appeal to men and their sense of social justice, allowing them permission to have a political voice in Oregon like masters declaring the freedom of their slaves. The right to vote for women was on the ballot in 1908 and again in 1910, but would not pass until 1912. At that point, Washington gave women the right to vote in 1910, and California had the following year. For Oregonians the issue became a “local grievance,” and voters grew impatient. [16] Another factor that made 1912 different from other years, was a greater presence of coalition building and unity that took place between suffrage groups, and the diversity of the movement that extended into the African American and Chinese communities who created equal suffrage leagues. When women’s suffrage finally passed, Duniway in celebration, spoke in honor of past suffragettes, “Elysian fields! Our dear ones are not dead but risen. We shall surely meet again. Heaven is near us.” Duniway passed away three years later, having been able to live to see her long-awaited goal achieved. Policing of Sexuality in Portland The women’s suffrage movement was a critical bookend to the social reforms of the Progressive era and the anxieties of the modern age. Women were entering the public sphere, and sexual codes of conduct were being loosened between men and women, no longer under the pseudo-scientific guise of the Victorian era. While Oregon and America experienced a vast economic transformation, a sexual revolution was transforming the middle and working classes: the flapper girl. During the Victorian era, the middle classes adhered to a strict social code that separated the genders into their respective spheres limiting women’s political and economic power and sexual autonomy. This transcended into the public sphere where men controlled the political stage, but the suffrage movement upended this cultural worldview. Oregon served as an exceptional example of the social anxieties of the modern age. A sex scandal erupted in the city of Portland, occurring amidst growing concerns of prohibitionist reformers and activists that social vices like gambling, prostitution and “sexual degeneracy” have deteriorated the health and morality of American cities. Owners of properties in which “vice activities” were conducted had profited by an incredible 84 percent to 540 percent return on their investments. Venereal disease accounted for at least 25 percent of all diseases treated by city doctors, without counting any unrelated cases or occurrences treated only with home remedies. The social concerns over sexual vice in the cities is not a new development in the story of Oregon, or for that matter in the frontier societies of the American West. Many women worked as prostitutes in cities, towns, and frontier outposts around the country, serving gold miners, cowboys, lonely bachelors, and unfaithful husbands. Under public pressure, the city of Portland created a Vice Commission in 1911 to investigate. It was revealed that liquor, gambling and prostitution flourished in part thanks to the “better” families who controlled the city’s economy and politics. In Portland, as in the majority of larger cities in the United States, power was exercised predominately by white men who possessed wealth, social standing and political authority. They constituted “a patrician class” that gained the support of the masses through propaganda and empty promises. This power also historically discouraged newspapers from conducting thorough investigative reporting. In the 1890s, the ever-present Harvey Scott of the Oregonian “absolutely declined” to use his newspaper to help enforce vice laws, admitting that “the persons most concerned in the maintenance of these abuses were the principal men of the city – the men of wealth whose patronage the paper relied and it could not afford to alienate them. It would ruin this paper.” [17] In response to pressure from the Young Men’s Christian Association (YMCA), Governor George Chamberlain founded the Oregon Social Hygiene Society in 1910, and initially it focused on heterosexual relations. The YMCA promoted physical fitness and disseminated information about medical issues. Their intent was to limit the spread of sexually transmitted infections, combat “social vices” like prostitution and gambling, and prevent childhood immorality. Oregon legislation banned prostitution and Portland’s “red-light district” was outlawed. As a result, the prostitution industry was driven underground. Few publications in the city of Portland’s history attracted the degree of attention that was afforded the famous 1912 vice report that the commission published. Portland was the only city in the Northwest to create a Vice Commission to curb what reactionary reformers called “morally profligate” behavior. The concern about the prevalence of vice activities in Portland came to a head when a nineteen-year-old white male was arrested for a petty crime. During his interrogation, he confessed to belonging to a local homosexual subculture and connected it to other individuals who were involved in similar groups in major cities. More stories of sexual scandal started to roll in by 1913 and the progressive reformers reacted fiercely. Few publications in the city of Portland’s history attracted the degree of attention that was afforded the famous 1912 vice report, and in 1913, after reviewing the report and in light of the recent concerns about homosexual behavior in the city, Governor Oswald West, a Democrat, announced his intention to clean up the perceived moral depravity of Portland. The vice commission investigated for nine months before reporting that Portland contained some 431 establishments devoted to prostitution, and Portland City Council agreed that the public had a right to know who owned the buildings that housed the prostitutes. Sexual promiscuity and homosexuality were considered unfortunate byproducts of modernism according to social reformers. The Oregonian warned “certain signs of race decay, or national degeneration…have preceded the downfall of every great empire from Athens to Bourbon France.” Male degeneration would indicate a loss of masculine attributes and a decline into femininity. Degeneracy during this historical time referred to those who were deemed abnormal because they were perceived as deviant according to official and public discourse on sexuality and social mores. Public imagination at the end the nineteenth century came to associate male-to-female cross-dressing and male effeminacy more generally with people of color. Chinese theaters in Portland, Oregon featured men who cross-dressed as women, including the San Franciscan Chinese performer, Lee Hoo. Into the twentieth century, female impersonators became the favorite among audiences. Many performers including Chinese, African Americans and whites, regularly appeared in cross-dress on western American stages. [18] Social reformers began efforts in the 1920s to strengthen existing laws and promote legislations designed to punish severely those participating in same sex relationships. When newspapers published stories identifying native-born middle class male homosexuals in Portland, many fled the city. Some were arrested in Salem, Medford, Vancouver, Washington, and Forest Grove, Oregon. The American Social Hygiene Society would be used to tackle the problem of the “homosexual subculture”. Governor Oswald West adopted the measure of the American Social Hygiene Society by promoting sterilization as the solution to “sexual degeneracy” in Oregon. Some of the state’s most determined reformers favored the sterilization of people deemed unfit to have children. “Degenerates and the feeble minded should not be allowed to reproduce their kind,” asserted Governor Oswald West. The state’s sterilization law included “habitual criminals, moral degenerates and sexual perverts”, and eventually the “feeble-minded.” Forced sterilizations, the most radical demand of the eugenics movement in the United States, was considered an acceptable solution to many Oregonians at the time. Bethenia Owens-Adair The physician, suffragette and social reformer, Bethenia Owens-Adair, adopted a political agenda supporting eugenics and recommended the sterilization of the “feeble minded” or developmentally disabled people of Oregon. Myths were widely accepted that people with cognitive disabilities were oversexed, irrational, prone to violence and a threat to society. In the United States and Oregon, families were told by medical professionals and government authorities that institutionalization of developmentally disabled people was the best solution for their own interests and livelihood since they were not fully accepted in society. [19] Owens-Adair believed that heredity was a directing force of all life, and the inexorable laws of nature must be understood to protect the nation from the unfit and degenerate. It was a Social Darwinist belief the continuation of progress and the preservation of civilization was endangered by “sexual perverts” and members of “inferior races” who allegedly propagated at a faster pace than the “higher races”. As a result of degeneration theory propagated by racial science and Social Darwinists, concluded that homosexuals, “inferior races”, and those with developmental disabilities should be the target of sterilization. The practice of forced hysterectomies and ovariectomies continued well into the 1970s with women of color, particularly Native Americans, African-Americans and Puerto Ricans often targeted. As part of a hardened Malthusian worldview, the justification for performing the operations was the notion that if a woman could not care for herself, the medical establishment was helping them lower the costs of raising more children. [20] LEFTISTS IN THE PROGRESSIVE ERA Emma Goldman, prominent socialist and one of the founders of modern American feminism, came to the Rose City to speak in 1915. Before her arrival into Portland she changed the topic of her speech from “The Intermediate Sex: A Study of Homosexuality” to the topic of birth control. Several Portland residents lodged a protest with the mayor since Goldman was a socialist and discussion and dissemination of information on birth control was considered obscene material according to the Comstock Laws. The Comstock Laws were passed under the Grant administration in 1873 in response to reports that soldiers during the Civil War possessed pornography creating a national scandal. Anthony Comstock was an activist advocating for Victorian social mores and chaste sexual behavior. He founded the New York Society for the Suppression of Vice and gained political influence with the passing of anti-obscenity laws colloquially named after him. The Act for the Suppression of Trade in, and Circulation of, Obscene Literature and Articles of Immoral Use , forbade even the possession of any article intended for prevention of contraception. Violations subjected offenders to fines up to $5,000 and/or five years in prison. Portland police arrested Goldman and her colleague Dr. Ben Reitman for the crime of distributing literature on birth control at the Turn Verein Hall in downtown Portland. Goldman was charged for speaking on the topic of birth control while several plainclothes police were among the audience in attendance. Eventually her birth control case was dismissed by Portland Circuit Judge William Gatens who stated, “There is too much tendency to prudery these days.” Goldman was released on a $500 bail provided by Charles Erskine Scott Wood who became a legal advocate of progressive and leftist activists including Margaret Sanger and Marie Equi. Another “radical” activist standing up for the reproductive rights of women was Margaret Sanger, who embarked on a seventeen-city lecture tour instructing girls and women on hygiene and sanitation. She began publishing literature in 1911 that spoke frankly about sex, with titles like “What Every Mother Should Know”. She stated to the Oregonian that she had seen the misery of poverty and sickness in her visits to primarily working class and poor families as a nurse stating “poverty and large families go hand in hand”, and she made up her mind to “get at the cause of the trouble.” Sanger was not going to fight the uphill battle against mainstream perceptions of moral degeneracy. Instead, she tried to argue that birth control among couples would enhance the “moral health” of American society and the condition of the working class: “I am of the opinion that a greater knowledge of birth control will raise the standard of morality instead of lowering it and I am making an appeal to the Western women voters to help in my campaign to repeal the puritanical laws [Comstock Laws] as they exist. They are a relic of the dark ages.” During her visit to Portland, Sanger met with another advocate for women’s reproductive freedom, Dr. Marie Equi. She was an open lesbian and one of the few women who practiced medicine in the state of Oregon providing access to contraception and abortions, which were illegal at the time, to working class women. She was a widely respected caregiver and affectionately known as “Doc”. A wild demonstration ensued the night of June 19, 1916 when Sanger spoke at the Heilig Theatre on Southwest Broadway. Several labor leaders attended the lecture and asked if they could sell copies of Sanger’s pamphlet Family Limitation that evening. Portland police arrested the men that night for “selling and distributing obscene literature” The arrests were not made until a large number of the pamphlets were distributed, and the activists were prepared for police intervention. A crowd of 30 or 40 persons, most of them women, followed the patrol wagon to the police station where policemen barred them outside. “I was selling the books too!” cried one woman. Sanger left for Washington State to complete that phase of her tour and asked Equi to revise her pamphlet. Dr. Equi was an expert in the field and a member of the Birth Control League. She added an introduction and closing statement to Family Limitation . She brought attention to birth control as an issue for women’s emancipation and the betterment of the working class of Oregon. During Sanger’s trip to Washington, the Portland City Council held an emergency session and declared the pamphlet Family Limitation indecent and obscene. They passed an ordinance making it a crime to distribute the pamphlet. [21] On June 29, local women organized a rally at the Baker Theater in support of the arrested men. Margaret Sanger and Marie Equi, and two other women distributed pamphlets on birth control until they were arrested and put in jail for the night. On July 7, all seven defendants were found guilty, and Judge Arthur Langguth stated the pamphlet was indecent. He did not take offense to the subject of birth control and saw scientific value in the pamphlet, but felt it should only be read or studied in a more controlled setting like a bookstore or a clinic. “[It] becomes obscene when circulated publicly if it is of a nature calculated to excite lascivious thought in youthful minds.” He then fined the men ten dollars (the fines were later suspended), with no fines for the women. Sanger upon returning from her speaking tour opened a birth control clinic in Brooklyn, New York. Her organization the American Birth Control League would be renamed Planned Parenthood Federation of American in 1942. Dr. Equi directed her energies towards imperialism and mass mobilization of war support by protesting against America’s entrance into World War I. Since the Spanish-American War, the United States became hyper-militaristic and bore the “White Man’s Burden” and annexed Puerto Rico, Guam, the Philippines and led the so-called liberation of Cuba. Under the administration of President Woodrow Wilson, the United States clamped down on civil liberties and the freedom of speech and assembly which was primarily directed against people who were opposed to American foreign policy and the communist threat. Wilson walked a fine line between avoiding entrance into a war with Germany and supporting demonstrations for war preparedness as a cultural and political mandate. The American Preparedness Movement was initiated by President Theodore Roosevelt. Under the Wilson administration, fellow Democrats like William Jennings Bryan was opposed to it, and Wilson remained silent on the issue. Dr. Equi spoke out during Patriotic Preparedness Day events in Portland, calling the war an “imperialist” venture of war profiteering for munitions manufacturing and the financial sector. American cities like Portland, with the support of local businesses, hosted a War Preparedness Day in Portland. On June 3rd, 1916 a War Preparedness Parade was held that night in the streets of downtown Portland to a mass of spectators estimated at 20,000 people. Equi driving her automobile onto the parade route with an American flag mounted on the front of her car and on the side of her vehicle unfurled a banner proclaiming “Prepare to Die, Workingman – JP Morgan & Co. Want Preparedness for Profit – Thou Shall Not Kill.” [22] She was physically assaulted by local attorneys in the parade who felt her actions were unpatriotic and treasonous. She and two men were arrested but later released. Charles Erskine Scott Wood defended Equi in court and rationalized the public speeches she made against the preparedness movement. Wood was an advocate for radical leftists and progressive thinkers during his career as an attorney. He defended both Equi and Sanger, and maintained friendships with them. Wood served in the United States military with General Oliver Otis Howard and recorded Chief Joseph’s surrender speech in the Wallowa country of Oregon, and became personal friends with the leader of the Nez Perce tribe. Wood was disillusioned by the Nez Perce affair and the government’s treatment of Native Americans. He pursued a career in law defending the freedom of speech of reformers and activists during the turbulent phase of the federal government’s suppression of civil liberties in the early twentieth century. In court, Wood felt the government wanted to try Dr. Equi for her speeches because Americans were not only emotionally aroused by war, but pointing out her association with the Socialist Party before a jury, would inflame them and make a conviction more likely. For Wood, “that was the Government’s deliberate purpose.” [23] During his comments, he described the scene of preparedness events as jingoistic displays of imperial bravado: “Fences, walls, windows, hotel lobbies and banks were decorated with posters inspiring fear and hate. Fear hate and intimidation was the purpose of every headline and news item and editorial in the great press and of every “Liberty” loan campaign. Truth was suppressed and lies deliberately and knowingly published, atrocities that never happened, fears of invasion foolish and groundless. Falsities fostered by Government because bonds must be sold and soldiers conscripted till finally sauerkraut became “liberty cabbage” German pancakes “Victory” pancakes, and American noodles refused to eat German ones. This was the atmosphere: the news rigidly censored, and books on the war were prohibited.” [24] When the United States entered World War I in the spring of 1917, Equi was bitterly disappointed with President Wilson, and officials in both parties thought American involvement in a European war was a terrible mistake, especially the Republican wing of Progressive senators Hiram Johnson and George Norris. The United States Congress passed into law the Espionage and Sedition Acts which criminalized American citizens who spoke out against the war. Critics and historians viewed these acts as a form of coercive patriotism. One of the more famous historical figures who was incarcerated for violating this law was the leader of the American Socialist Party, Eugene Debs. He was arrested in Canton, Ohio for speaking out against the war, and Dr. Equi was also indicted under the Espionage and Sedition Acts for making an anti-war speech, and charged with sedition in 1918. [25] The Sedition Act gave the government power to remove people who posed a security threat to the United States, but it also stamped down the influence of socialism on American soil. Her defense lawyers felt federal investigators demonized her because she was a lesbian and seen as “morally degenerate”. Previous to her incarceration, Dr. Equi had been living with Katherine “Kitty” O’Brennan an Irish nationalist and journalist. Officials had wiretapped her home and office. During her trial the prosecution objectified Equi as the “unsexed woman”, and referred to the doctor as “her kind.” She served part of her one year sentence at San Quentin Prison and was later pardoned by President Woodrow Wilson. EUGENICS AND STERILIZATION IN OREGON The movement to “clean up Portland” and improve the moral health of Oregonians would pose as an obstacle to reforms in birth control, and created legislation that barred “sexual deviance.” Concerns over moral degeneracy influenced the passing of laws barring sodomy. Oregon House Bill 145 barred sodomy, and described it as equivalent to bestiality: “Every person who shall commit sodomy, or the crime against nature, either with mankind or any beast, shall, on conviction be punished.” Governor Oswald West advocated for sterilization of homosexual men after the exposé by the Portland Vice Commission. Governor West put homosexuals in a category apart from murderers and thieves who were permitted to work on road crews around the state, but recommended that homosexuals be kept in isolation while in prison. In his mind, politically backing sterilization bills would put the protocol into effect to prevent homosexuality from spreading. For Eugenicists and social reformers focused on homosexual relationships, “emasculation” was “an effective remedy”, implying that discipline could, and should, be used to change peoples’ sexual identity. In 1913, the State Legislature passed the Oregon Sterilization Act with little debate from legislators. For the first time in the history of Oregon, the people who society represented as homosexual, or of an “undesirable class” were singled out for state-sanctioned sterilization. Later that year William S. U’Ren and Charles Erskine Scott Wood formed the Anti-Sterilization League along with influential physicians, clergy and societal elites. The League and critics of sterilization felt the Oregon Sterilization Act was “cruel and inhuman”. Wood thought the bill was dangerous and anti-democratic, “I disapprove of the law because it accomplishes nothing, may be an engine of tyranny and oppression and is ROT.” Portland reformer, Lora Little, was the vice-president of the organization. Little was an ardent crusader against orthodox medicine, and brought a populist approach to health care reform. Little thought the medical profession was tyrannical and was an antivaccine agitator. She desired to put the medical profession on trial, and thought a “necessity for open, uncompromising hostility toward the [medical] profession as a whole,” was necessary for health care reform in Oregon. [26] She used the legislative power of the Oregon System, the initiative and referendum measures, and collected signatures for a voter referendum on the sterilization bill of 1909. Little was blunt about her opinion on Eugenics, “Eugenics laws are asked for by persons who think they can set themselves apart from their kind and make themselves dictators over their less fortunate fellows.” [27] In the next few years, more legislation was passed to promote sterilization, and accepted procedures were expanded to include castration. The 1917 bill “To Prevent Procreation of Certain Classes in Oregon” created the Oregon State Board of Eugenics, empowering the Board to conduct hearings about patients at state institutions. This is precisely what the Anti-Sterilization League feared that secret surgeries could be planned by a small handful of officials with no oversight of the process. The Oregon State Board of Eugenics also gathered data to identify ethnic and racial minorities, people from working class backgrounds, and the developmentally disabled. By 1920, two Oregon sterilization laws were on the books. However, both were declared unconstitutional by the Circuit Court of Marion County in 1921, and the decisions were not appealed. Bethenia Owens-Adair campaigned for new eugenics laws in 1922. Owens-Adair is considered the person most responsible for promoting sterilization. She believed the scientific and systematic sterilization of the “mentally deficient” would improve the (white) race. In a letter to the Oregonian she stated, “The greatest curse of the race comes through our vicious criminal and insane classes.” She proposed legislation requiring mental and physical examinations before marriage. Owens-Adair argued for a Eugenic Marriage Law that would determine the fitness of couples to enter into marriage contracts. If either were deemed “unfit” then one or both would have to be sterilized to receive a license. She proposed vasectomies for men and salpingectomies (removal of the fallopian tubes) for women. On the other hand, for rapists, “sodomists” and other “perverts”, she advocated for castration. In 1923, the Oregon legislature passed a new sterilization law that was later amended but remained law until revisions were made in 1967. Governor Walter Pierce signed the nation’s second sterilization bill allowing sterilization of the “feebleminded” and criminally insane residing in state institutions. He was a long-time advocate for eugenics. As a state senator, he supported the sterilization of the “unfit” when legislation went into effect in 1917 and 1919. Pierce saw sterilization as a necessary means to birth control since the children of working class families were ignored by Americans and that put unnecessary strains on welfare and social services. In defense of birth control, he stated the law: “deals with human lives and if the country as a whole had as much regard for the welfare of mothers and children as they do for the proper rearing of hogs, there would not be six million children in the United States on public relief and the mother deprived of the legal right of securing proper medical information regarding the deferring of bringing children into the world during her period of ill health or economic stress.” [28] Among the residents of Oregon who had been sterilized were abandoned children living in state institutions, people with epilepsy, and “wayward” teenage girls. Meeting minutes of the State Board of Eugenics reflect the casual discussion of, and justifications for, the sterilization of inmates and residents of state institutions. The 1923 sterilization law gave the State Board of Eugenics draconian powers, with part 8450 of the law stating, “It shall be the duty of the State Board of Eugenics to examine into the innate traits, the mental and physical conditions, the personal records, and the family traits and histories of all persons so reported so far as the same can be ascertained…then it shall be the duty of said board to make an order directing the state health officer to perform or cause to be performed upon such person a type of sterilization as may deemed best by such board.” The prejudices promoted by the Eugenics movement also influenced Dr. R.E. Lee Steiner, superintendent of the Oregon State Hospital and a council member of the State Board of Eugenics, who emphasized the need for sterilization as a public health concern, “No one now doubts the possibility of inheriting tendencies to mental and moral weakness and to physical frailty.” In the U.S. Supreme Court case of Buck v. Bell in 1927, the court ruled that sterilizations were constitutional. Justice Holmes, as part of his closing arguments, stated that “Three generations of imbeciles is enough.” The Oregon Youth Authority discovered that at least 100 teenage girls were forcibly sterilized while they lived at the state training school for delinquent girls before 1941. The girls sterilized ranged from delinquents to runaways to those who had simply misbehaved or were considered “wayward”. Until reforms in 1967, sterilization was often used as a condition of release from state institutions or to punish people who acted out. In the early 1900s intelligence as perceived by social class, education, income and race became the primary focus of the Eugenicists. For fifty years five men ruled as the Board of Eugenics in Oregon. Their prejudices, personal opinions, political affiliations, economic status, and gender governed the lives of thousands of powerless Oregonians. Eugenics was embraced by many in the mainstream public, and became a spectacle where superior genetics were judged and showcased at county fairs and other arenas. Better Baby Shows were celebrated across Oregon and the winners’ photos were displayed in newspapers giving an appearance similar to livestock shows. A Eugenics contest was held at the Multnomah Hotel in 1913 and featured first through third prize winners in three categories. County fairs were especially popular for baby contests right next to the stock and vegetable contests. A Eugenics baby contest was held at the Yamhill County School Fair in McMinnville in 1913. The Oregon State Fair sponsored a Eugenics contest as well. Winners of the Oregon State Fair Eugenics contest went on to the International Eugenics Contest held in San Francisco. John D. Rockefeller, Theodore Roosevelt, and Andrew Carnegie were the major financiers of the American Eugenics Society, which was officially established in 1926. The organization proposed to sterilize 92,400 individuals in the United States within the next year. Scientists rose up to oppose the movement and bring common sense to the subject, but the practice continued with government support into the 1970s. Sterilizations and the Developmentally Disabled Sterilizations were performed at the Oregon State Hospital, Eastern Oregon State Hospital in Pendleton, and the Institution for the Feeble Minded in Salem. The Oregon State Institution for the Feeble-Minded was opened in 1907, later to be renamed Fairview Hospital and Training Center in 1965. A pamphlet distributed by the Institution for the Feeble Minded stated that, “feeble-minded children living with a family of normal children is both a detriment to the sisters and brothers and a handicap to himself. Living in the company of his own kind he is far more contented for the reason that he is quite unable to compete with those mentally superior, and various problems are presented as a result.” For the Institution and the prevailing thought on the health of the race, “the segregation of the feeble-minded” was necessary and important for the health of Oregonians. [29] The Anti-Sterilization League was strongly opposed to segregation of developmentally disabled people. Compulsory sterilization became a part of the protocol for patients in state institutions. According to the Institution for the Feeble-Minded, those with “feeblemindedness” could procreate and according to Board of Eugenics findings, this would “produce a child or children having an inherited tendency of feeble mindedness and who would probably become a social menace or ward of the state.” [30] Section 1 of chapter 354 of the General Laws of Oregon, 1917, was amended in 1920 to read: Those who are “by reason of feeble-mindedness, is criminally inclined, or is unsafe to be at large, or may procreate children, cause such person to be brought before him at such time and place as he may direct” to the county judge for placement. Two physicians and the county judge would thereby appoint the applicant to the Institution for the Feeble-Minded for “indeterminate detention.” In the case of sterilization, the Board of Eugenics was a board comprising the State Board of Health, the superintendents of Eastern Oregon State Hospital, Oregon State Hospital, State Institution for the Feeble-Minded and the Oregon State Penitentiary. Essentially, the State Board of Eugenics was a synthesis of the Oregon criminal justice system and the state’s mental health services. All cases appeared in person in front of the State Board of Eugenics and, before any operation was performed, written consent was obtained from a parent or a custodial guardian. The State Board indicated the urgency of sterilization of developmentally disabled people as a necessary public health and safety concern: “Sterilization of a feeble-minded person is for the protection of society from the acts of such person, or from the menace of procreation by such person and not in any manner as a punitive measure.” Many people who underwent the medical procedure certainly felt it was punitive as revealed later in newspaper articles. By 1929, more than 300 residents in the Oregon State Institution for the Feeble Minded had been sterilized, for the “protection of society” according to a manual. Medical logs registered pages of sterilization procedures among tonsillectomies and dental surgeries. “Those recommended for sterilization are nearly always patients at the state mental hospital or Fairview (Oregon State Institution),” the state Board of Health Director told the Oregon Journal in 1960. Oregon did not officially abolish its State Board of Eugenics, later called the State Board of Social Protection, until October of 1983. State legislator John Kitzhaber pushed for the termination of the sterilization program. In response to the termination of the program between 1987 and 1988 a nonprofit contractor in Portland shredded hundreds of documents of the Board of Eugenics work at the request of the state, according to employees at the Portland Habilitation Center. The shredding of the last twenty years of Board of Eugenics records was in violation of a state law. Mary Beth Herkert of the Oregon State Archives stated, “Nobody here would have ever scheduled those things for destruction.” From 1960 until 1983, the destruction of historical documents, an unfortunate trend in world history, was suspicious considering the legal implications and victims seeking judicial retribution. In December 2002, Governor John Kitzhaber apologized on behalf of the state for the forcible sterilization of over 2,600 Oregon residents between 1917 and 1981. Oregon was one of thirty-three states that passed sterilization laws in the United States, although scholars have noted it was one of the few states where the policies were met with public opposition. The Progressive period in the history of Oregon was an era of social and political reform, an opening for direct democracy among its citizens, and a time of protest for autonomy and human agency. In the spirit of reform, a positive attribute of Progressive ideas promoted the self-determination of peoples, but at times their ideas were limited by ignorance. Part of the essence of the Progressive movement was to push humanity towards enduring change and elements of perfection in the age of modernity. Like the myth of Icarus, in the strive for perfection, people forget their own flaws and limitations. Nevertheless, the Progressive era should be recognized for bringing positive changes to many Oregonians. While the Progressive agenda had completed some of its goals, tensions arose over the presence of immigrants partly stoked by political demagogues and propagandists. The next period in Oregon history will look into the World War II era as a period of growth and change, and a fight against nativist hysteria that sought to cordon off the politically and socially marginalized. The spirit of reform endured and brought attention to discrimination practices in the labor markets and residential sectors of Oregon. The state experienced rapid industrial growth and urbanization with the onset of World War II. The mass mobilization of the war effort brought tens of thousands to Oregon, and limited job opportunities opened up for African-Americans and other minorities in war industries. Oregon gradually embraced its diversity through struggle, protest and awareness. [1] Union Pacific Railway Company, Wealth and Resources of Oregon and Washington, the Pacific Northwest, A Complete Guide Over the Local Lines of the Union Pacific Railway, (CN Miller, 1889) p. v [2] Ibid., p. 46. [3] Steven Lowenstein, The Jews of Oregon , (Jewish Historical Society of Oregon: Portland, 1987), p. 89 [4] Peterson del Mar, p. 120. There has been a resurgence of global populism especially among the far-right in many nations and has entailed a grievance culture against liberal elites. Many of today’s populists are prone to unfounded conspiracy theories and have cultivated a subculture in social media circles such as QAnon and 8chan. [5] Voeltz, Herman, “Coxey’s Army in Oregon, 1894,” OHQ, Vol. 65, No. 3 (Sep., 1964), pp. 263-295 [6] From this point, a political precedent was established in the mentality of some Oregonians that the migration of peoples from California was a potential threat, danger, and unwanted presence in the state. Simmering populist-minded animosity had resurfaced during the tenure of Governor Tom McCall who stressed Oregon did not need more people living in the state (but they could visit as often as they wish). Californians are scorned even today. They are seen as the cause of gentrification and the escalation of real estate prices. Automobiles have been vandalized by anti-California fanatics on the streets of Portland. The Oregonian, July 12, 2017. [7] Lansing, Jewell: Multnomah: The Tumultuous Story of Oregon’s Most Populous County, (Oregon State University Press, Corvallis, 2012) p. 33 [8] The Oregonian, April 12, 1894, p. 4. [9] The Oregonian, Oct. 6th, 1946. Others like Richard Neuberger likened the reforms instituted by U’Ren and the Oregon System as equal in significance and importance as the Oregon Trail. [10] William S. U’Ren: Oregon Voter, January 15th, 1916. [11] Ibid. [12] Scott Reed: William S. U’Ren and the Oregon System, Bachelor of Arts Degree, Princeton University, 1950. [13] The Progressive period in American history is remembered for its efforts with labor reforms and journalist exposés by Lewis Hine and Upton Sinclair who were known as muckrakers because they brought out issues like child labor and corporate corruption in American society. Muckrakers helped bring legislative change to American politics like the Food and Drug Act. After people read Sinclair’s The Jungle, Americans were horrified by the lack of hygienic and health safety in the meat packing industry. [14] Oswald West Papers: “Woman Suffrage in Early Oregon,” Box 1 MSS 589. [15] During the presidential election of 2016, there were many Americans who considered repealing the Nineteenth Amendment, women’s ability to exercise their right to vote, as potentially great idea. [16] Jensen, Kimberly. “‘Neither Head nor Tail to the Campaign’: Esther Pohl Lovejoy and the Oregon Woman Suffrage Victory of 1912.” Oregon Historical Quarterly 108:3 (Fall 2007), 350-383. [17] Boag, Peter: Same Sex Affairs: Constructing and Controlling Homosexuality in the Pacific Northwest (University of California Press: 2003) p. 158. [18] Boag, Peter: Redressing America’s Frontier Past, (University of California Press: Berkeley, 2011) [19] Near the end of the twentieth century, Americans started to learn that hospitals and institutions were no longer a safe haven or equitable housing option for people with developmental disabilities. Exposures rippled through the newspapers that conditions were squalid with abusive caretakers who violated the residents. Fairview Training Center experienced uprisings from the residents, but the press maintain relative silence about them during the 1960s. [20] Thomas Robert Malthus wrote an essay in the eighteenth century on the principles of population. His theory states that higher population numbers will exhaust natural resources, and curbs in human reproduction are necessary for the survival of societies. Malthusian theory was a foundational tent of the ideas of the Social Darwinists. They sterilization as the “amelioration of the human race,” and later it was adopted as a solution to the perceived economic dependency of the welfare state. [21] Helquist, Michael: “Lewd, Obscene and Indecent”: The 1916 Portland Edition of Family Limitation,” Oregon Historical Quarterly , Vol. 117, No. 2, Regulating Birth (Summer 2016), pp. 274-287 [22] There is historical truth to her argument implicating John Pierpont Morgan the banking magnate as gaining profit from the war. Morgan had significant portions of investment tied to British markets, and he was a critical force in pressuring the American government to participate and engage in World War I. Not everyone was excited about this war since America had rested on a tradition of isolationism, and waves of European immigration made national ideological conformity of the war effort more difficult for lawmakers. Senators of the Midwest like George Norris and Hiram Johnson demanded taxes be placed on war munitions industries since it was they who were making excessive profits in his mind. The Oregonian, June 3rd, 1916. [23] Julia Ruutila Papers, MSS 250 Box 2, Oregon Labor Press, 1918. [24] Ibid. [25] As a result of the Espionage and Sedition Acts and the ensuing Criminal Syndicalism Acts, police in Portland organized a “Red Squad” to conduct surveillance and harassment of radicals. This police group stayed through the 1970s. [26] Robert D. Johnston, The Radical Middle Class : Populist Democracy and the Question of Capitalism in Progressive Era Portland, Oregon (Princeton University Press, 2006) p. 199-203. [27] Dinane Goeres-Gardner: Inside Oregon State Hospital, A History of Tragedy and Triumph (History Press: Charleston, South Carolina, 2013) p. 133. [28] Schwartz, Gerald: “Walter M. Pierce and the Birth Control Movement,” Oregon Historical Quarterly, Winter, 1987. [29] General Information State Institution for the Feeble Minded, pamphlet, 1929. OHS Archives. [30] Ibid.	16,099	common-pile/libretexts_filtered	https://human.libretexts.org/Bookshelves/History/State_and_Local_History/Oregons_History%3A_People_of_the_Northwest_in_the_Land_of_Eden/01%3A_Chapters/1.06%3A_Oregon_at_the_Turn_of_the_Twentieth_Century	libretexts	libretexts-0000.json.gz:38454	https://human.libretexts.org/Bookshelves/History/State_and_Local_History/Oregons_History%3A_People_of_the_Northwest_in_the_Land_of_Eden/01%3A_Chapters/1.06%3A_Oregon_at_the_Turn_of_the_Twentieth_Century
X_ma8iwbODCp-MO2	3.1: Moment of a Force about a Point (Scalar Calculation)	3.1: Moment of a Force about a Point (Scalar Calculation) The moment of a force is the tendency of some forces to cause rotation. Any easy way to visualize the concept is set a box on smooth surface. If you were to apply a force to the center of the box, it would simply slide across the surface without rotating. If you were instead to push on one side of the box, it will start rotating as it moves. Even though the forces have the same magnitude and the same direction, they cause different reactions. This is because the off-center force has a different point of application, and exerts a moment about the center of the box, whereas the force on the center of the box does not exert a moment about the box's center point. Just like forces, moments have a magnitude (the degree of rotation it would cause) and a direction (the axis the body would rotate about). Determining the magnitude and direction of these moments about a given point is an important step in the analysis of rigid body systems (bodies that are both rigid and not experiencing concurrent forces). The scalar method below is the easiest way to do this in simple two-dimensional problems, while the alternative vector methods, which will be covered later, work best for more complex three-dimensional systems. The Scalar Method in 2 Dimensions In discussing how to calculate the moment of a force about a point via scalar quantities, we will begin with the example of a force on a simple lever as shown below. In this simple lever there is a force on the end of the lever, distance $d$ away from the center of rotation for the lever (point A) where the force has a magnitude $F$. When using scalar quantities, the magnitude of the moment will be equal to the perpendicular distance between the line of action of the force and the point we are taking the moment about. \[ M \, = \, F * d \] To determine the sign of the moment, we determine what type of rotation the force would cause. In this case, we can see that the force would cause the lever to rotate counterclockwise about point A. Counterclockwise rotations are caused by positive moments while clockwise rotations are caused by negative moments. Another important factor to remember is that the value $d$ is the perpendicular distance from the force to the point we are taking the moment about. We could measure the distance from point A to the head of the force vector, or the tail of the force vector, or really any point along the line of action of force $F$. The distance we need to use for the scalar moment calculation, however, is the shortest distance between the point and the line of action of the force. This will always be a line perpendicular to the line of action of the force, going to the point about which we are taking the moment. The Scalar Model in 3 Dimensions For three-dimensional scalar calculations, we will still find the magnitude of the moment in the same way, multiplying the magnitude of the force by the perpendicular distance between the point and the line of action of the force. This perpendicular distance again is the minimum distance between the point and the line of action of the force. In some cases, finding this distance may be very difficult. Another difficult factor in three dimensional scalar problems is finding the axis of rotation, as this is now more complex that just "clockwise or counterclockwise". The axis of rotation will be a line traveling though the point about which we are taking the moment, and perpendicular to both the force vector and the perpendicular displacement vector (the vector going from the point about which the moment was taken to the point of application of the force). While this is possible in any situation, it becomes very difficult if the force or displacement vectors do not lie in one of the three coordinate directions. To further find the direction of the moment vector (which will act along the established line for axis of rotation), we will use the right-hand rule in a modified form. Wrap the fingers of your right hand around the axis of rotation line with your fingertips curling in the direction the body would rotate. If you do this, your thumb should point out along the line in the direction of the moment vector. This is an important last step, because we can rotate clockwise or counterclockwise in about any given axis of rotation. With the final moment vector, we known not only the axis of rotation, but which way the body would rotate about that axis. What is the moment that Force A exerts about point A? What is the moment that Force B exerts about Point A? - Solution What is the moment that this force exerts about point A? What is the moment this force exerts about point B? - Solution What are the moments that each of the three tension forces exert about point A (the point where the beams come together)? - Solution	1,125	common-pile/libretexts_filtered	https://eng.libretexts.org/Bookshelves/Mechanical_Engineering/Mechanics_Map_(Moore_et_al.)/03%3A_Static_Equilibrium_in_Rigid_Body_Systems/3.01%3A_Moment_of_a_Force_about_a_Point_(Scalar_Calculation)	libretexts	libretexts-0000.json.gz:6856	https://eng.libretexts.org/Bookshelves/Mechanical_Engineering/Mechanics_Map_(Moore_et_al.)/03%3A_Static_Equilibrium_in_Rigid_Body_Systems/3.01%3A_Moment_of_a_Force_about_a_Point_(Scalar_Calculation)
VVTng03zXYbnGdgu	Literature, Critical Thinking, & Writing	1 Request Access This text is openly licensed and is accessible to all by navigating using the “Contents” menu in the upper left hand corner. To preserve academic integrity and prevent students from gaining unauthorized access, we have hidden faculty resources and assessments. Please contact<EMAIL_ADDRESS>to request access to the faculty resources for this course. Once you have been given access, you’ll be able to use the resources provided through the drop down in the upper left hand corner. Overview of Faculty Resources This is a community course developed by an Achieving the Dream grantee. They have either curated or created a collection of faculty resources for this course. Since the resources are openly licensed, you may use them as is or adapt them to your needs. Now Available - Essay Prompts Share Your Favorite Resources If you have sample resources you would like to share with other faculty teaching this course, please send them with an explanatory message and learning outcome alignment to oer@achievingthedream.org.	213	common-pile/pressbooks_filtered	https://library.achievingthedream.org/westhillsccenglish1b/chapter/request-access/	pressbooks	pressbooks-0000.json.gz:22210	https://library.achievingthedream.org/westhillsccenglish1b/chapter/request-access/
fefor2xIwLsVDXFm	Instructions for mounting, using and caring for disappearing carriage L.F., model of 1905 MII and 6-inch guns, models of 1905 and 1908.	GENERAL DESCRIPTION. The Emplacement (Plate I). — Emplacements for these carriages are entirely of concrete, and can be arranged for a maximum field of fire of 170°. This limitation is not due to the inability of the carriage to traverse through 360°, but to the requirements of parapet protection for the material and cannoneers. The anchor bolts are set in the concrete during the construction of the emplacement, the depressions for the thrust plates being also provided in the top surface. Access to the counterweight well is given by a vertical shaft in the rear and outside of the base ring. The Carriage (Plates II, III, IV). — These carriages are numbered from No. 20 up; they differ from models of earher dates for mounting the same cahber guns chiefly in having the following features, viz, a single vertical recoil cylinder, increased preponderance of counterweight, a counter-recoil system independent of the recoil system, gears on the recoil roUers. Stops can be arranged so as to permit traversing either 60, 70, 90, or 110° either side of the ^^ front" of the battery, and the piece can be elevated from 5° depression to 15° elevation, stops being arranged to limit the depression to either horizontal or 2.5° when the height of the parapet requires it. When, in the execution of mechanical maneuvers, it may become necessary to traverse the piece breech to the front, which can be done with the gun in battery, the fixed stops must be removed and care exercised that the weights do not foul the flexible conduit in the pit and that the carriage is traversed back to the same side so as to take out the half turn given by the breech to the front. angle of elevation in battery. Action of Careiage. — ^Upon firing the piece the gun-lever axle is moved to the rear by the recoiling energy of the gun, carrying the top carriage with it. The lower ends of the levers move vertically upward, being constrained by the crosshead and bottom plate traveling on the vertical guides. The trunnions of the gun move downward and to the rear in the arc of the ellipse. The energy of recoil is absorbed partly by raising the counterweight and partly by the movement of the masses up the inclined chassis rails, but principally by the resistance of the recoil cy Under; and when the gun comes to rest it has the proper loading angle. After loading, the pawls are released by the tripping gear, and the excess of the moment of the counterweight over the moment of the gun, etc., enables it to raise the gun to the firing position. Principal Parts. — The carriage consists of the following principal parts, namely, base ring, traversing roller system, racer, dust guards, azimuth circle and pointer, chassis and transoms, vertical guides and supporting brackets, top carriage, recoil rollers, counter-recoil buffers, buffer valve, gun levers and axle, crosshead and counterweight, recoil system, retracting gear, tripping gear, elevating system and counterbalance device, traversing system, sighting platforms, sight, lighting apparatus, firing apparatus, and grease cups. The accessories consist of shot trucks, shot tongs, and implements. Base Ring. — The base ring, 11 feet in diameter, is made of iron cast in one piece and is held in position on the foundation by twelve 1.75-inch bolts. Twelve screws for leveling the base ring are set against steel plates through which the foundation bolts pass. The base ring, in addition to having the lower roller path on its upper surface, has an annular flange near its inner edge forming the pintle for the carriage. This flange has near its top edge a Up inward under which the three clips engage, and on its top edge the azimuth circle. The inner upper edge of the lip is rabbeted to receive the inner dust guard. The outer annular flange on the ring projects upward outside of the traversing roUers. The cavities on each side of the roller path are drained into the pit. annular flange. Traversing-roller System. — The racer rests, and is traversed, upon a circle of 24 live, conical traversing rollers whose axes are maintained in the radial position by bearings bolted to the distance each end and with flanges on their inner, small ends. The distance ring is of cast steel, in four sections, bolted together. The bearings for the traversing rollers are formed with a loop on top by means of which any roller with its bearings can be lifted out of the ring through the two holes in the top of the racer. The system is kept concentric with the pintle by the flanges on the rollers in centrifugal contact with the inner edge of the roller path on the base ring. The inner edge of the path on the racer is of a larger diameter so as not to come in contact with the flanges. cast in one piece. It is of box section, and in addition to having the upper roller path on its under surface, has an annular flange lined with bronze near its inner edge and fitting over the pintle, with 0.04 inch diametral clearance. and keyed. An opening sufficiently large for removing a traversing roller is provided at each side of the racer. These holes are habitually kept covered by steel plates provided for the purpose. Four oil holes, passing through the racer, are provided for oiling the pintle surfaces and 14 for oiling the traversing-roller bearings. Two steel clips secured to the racer near the front and one in the rear engage under the lip inside the pintle of the base ring to prevent possible overturning. The rear clip extends downward, forming also the stop lug engaging the traversing stops and providing a bearing for the traversing pinion shaft. Dust Guards. — The outer dust guard consists of a steel angle in four sections with its horizontal flange bolted to the outer part of the base ring. To the vertical flange is clamped a projecting strip of felt which bears against a finished surface on the underside of the racer. removed. Azimuth Circle and Pointer. — ^A brass azimuth circle, attached by countersunk screws to the top of the pintle of the base ring, is graduated in degrees, the numbers of which are to be added after the carriage is erected in its emplacement. The top of the racer is cut away on the right side to expose the azimuth circle and the micrometer pointer and the subscale, fastened to the racer. The subscale has slotted holes to give it a lateral motion for adjustment, after 9979—17 2 which it is fixed in position by two screws. It is graduated and stamped in decimals of a degree, the least reading being 0.1 of a degree. The micrometer screw, actuating the pointer, is graduated to a least reading of 0.01 of a degree. The subscale and pointer are protected by a hinged bronze cover. To adjust the azimuth pointer, point the gun by the bore sights on a target, the exact azimuth of which is known, set the pointer to read the hundredths of a degree in the azimuth reading, loosen the securing screws, move the pointer bodily until the reference mark on its moving part exactly coincides with a degree mark on the azimuth circle, then secure in position. The degree mark should be stamped with the number indicating the azimuth bearing in degrees and the remainder of the azimuth circle should be stamped with numbers from this point as a reference. Chassis and Transoms. — ^The chassis of cast iron are bolted, doweled, and keyed to the racer and are united at their front and rear ends by cast-steel transoms, also bolted to the racer. The rear transom carries the elevating slide and gearing. The upper surfaces of the chassis form the recoil-roller path and slope 1 degree and 20 minutes to the front to facilitate the return of the piece to the firing position, thus reducing the necessary preponderance of the counterweight. Four forged-steel racks, in which the gears on the recoil rollers engage, are secured to the upper surfaces of the chassis, one on each side of each roller path. These racks are not to he removed. ments. Vertical Guides. — A cast-iron guide frame is bolted to the underside of each chassis opposite the counterweight. The lower ends are joined by the piston-rod beam. The inner faces of the guide frames and chassis form continuous finished surfaces, to which are bolted two vertical guides for the crosshead and bottom plate, which extend above the chassis and are supported by brackets bolted to it. Top Carriage. — ^The top carriage is of cast steel, in one piece. It consists essentially of two side pieces, united by a transom. Two bronze-bushed bearings for the gun-lever axle are formed in the upper part, to which the axle caps are bolted. On the underside are two roller paths. Four steel racks, in which the gears on the recoil roUers engage, are secured by screws to the underside of the top carraige, one on each side of each roller path. Tliese racks are not removable. for any reason it should fail to return fully into battery. Recoil Rollers and Roller Cages. — The top carriage rests on 18 live recoil rollers on each side, held in alignment by steel roller cages. They move to the rear with the top carriage at half its speed. The recoil rollers are of forged steel and each alternate one has flanges which serve as guides. Each flanged roller is provided with gears which engage in the racks on the top carriage and chassis and which prevent skidding of the top carriage during recoil. Counter-Recoil Buffers. — ^A counter-recoil buffer is fitted to the forward end of each chassis roller path. The buffer cylinder is securely bolted to the chassis, and on the rear face of the cylinder casting a stop is machined, against which a corresponding machined surface on the forward end of the top carriage abuts when the gun is fully in battery. Each end of the counter-recoil buffer cylinders is closed by a stuffing box fitted with hydraulic packing. Twenty-four rings of packing are furnished for each carriage, five for each stuffing box and four rings for replacements. Each cylinder is provided with a fiUing plug located on the top, in front of the piston head in its rear position. A bronze plate, with instructions as to filling the cylinder, is secured by screws near the filling plug. ' Two holes extend through the wall of the cylinder from the lowest element of the bore, at an angle of 45° downward. To these openings are coupled the pipes connecting with the buffer valve. The openings are located longitudinally, one just in front of the rear stuffing box, so that it is always in rear of the piston head; the other 2.125 inches in rear of the front stuffing box. The piston extends through both stuffing boxes. The piston head, located approximately in the middle of the piston rod, is bronze lined and has a diametral clearance in the bore of 0.008 inch,' which fact necessitates the passage of oil from one side of the piston head to the other during rapid movement, principally by way of the buffer valve, and very little directly past the piston head. On the exterior of the buffer cylinder at its forward end are cast two lateral horizontal lugs, one on each side. Annular projections are formed on their rear faces, centering and supporting the buffer-spring covers and buffer springs, which extend to the rear alongside the hydraulic cylinder. In the center of these projections are holes through which the buffer-spring rods pass. The buffer-spring rods, of steel, are both attached at their forward ends to a buffer yoke, of cast steel, which is attached at its middle to the forward end of the buffer piston. The rear ends of the spring rods are attached to buffer-spring supports, which consist of steel sleeves, inclosing the rods, with flanges at their rear ends fitting easily in the interior of the spring covers and supporting the rear ends of the springs. Collars are machined on the buffer-spring rods, which, by seating against the front face of the buffer-cylinder casting, limit the rearward movement of the piston and parts connected to it. A piston movement of 9 inches is provided for. The action of each- counter-recoil buffer is as follows : When the gun is out of battery, the buffer springs, acting against their fixed supports in front, force the spring supports, spring rods, yoke, and piston rod to the rear until stopped by the collars on the spring rods. The rear end of the piston rod projects 9 inches in rear of the stop of the top carriage when in battery. the buffer springs. For the first 7.5 inches of piston movement the oil in front of piston, being displaced, passes through the forward opening in the bottom of the bore to the buffer valve and returns to the cylinder through the rear opening. The forward opening is at this point closed by the piston head and for the remaining 1.5 inches of piston movement the cylinder acts as a dashpot, it being possible for oil to escape only around the piston head. Unless the energy of the top carriage, etc., is too great at the end of 7.5 inches of movement, due to the buffer valve not being correctly set, they will be brought to rest against the stops without jar to the carriage. If for any reason the retracting clutches should fail to retain the gun out of battery after recoil, it is necessary, to prevent jar to the carriage, that the buffer pistons reach their rearward position before the top carriage strikes them, in order that they may do the full amount of work of retardation. The buffer springs have been designed to accomplish this, assuming that the stuffing boxes do not offer an unreasonable frictional resistance. It is therefore important to screw up the glands only sufficiently to prevent lealcage. From the foregoing description it is evident that it will be necessary to tighten the front stuffing box more than the rear one. Buffer Valve. — Both counter-recoil buffers are joined to the bilffer valve, the different settings of which enable the energy of counter recoil to be absorbed without shock to the carriage under varying conditions affecting the velocity of counter recoil. Aside from mechamical difficulties and those due to differences in the elements of loading, the following sources of variation may be mentioned: Atmospheric temperature, affecting the oil in both recoil and buffer ing position. The equalizing and throtthng pipes serve to connect the buffer valve to the buffer cylinders, to equalize the pressure in the buffer cylinders, and to facilitate filling them. Four plugs are furnished to close the buffer cylinders in case these pipes are damaged in action. The buffer valve is located at the top of the oval opening in the front transom, to which it is attached by two bolts. It is accessible ^rom the front of the carriage. bronze, and a stem of steel and bronze. The body which supports the other parts and provides means for attachment to the front transom has two T-shaped chambers. The horizontal branches are coupled to the equalizing and throttling pipes, the upper leading to the forward ends of the buffer cylinders and the low^er to the rear ends. The vertical branches overlap, that of the upper chamber being in front of that of the lower chamber. A horizontal hole extends from the front of the body through the vertical branch of the upper chamber and through the wall between the two branches to the rear chamber. In the hole through the wall between the chambers is screwed a steel valve seat which has a central hole enlarging in the front face into a conical seat for the point of the valve stem. The larger part of the oil displaced in the counter-recoil buffers during counter recoil passes through this hole. Just in front of the front and upper chamber, the hole is threaded to receive a corresponding threaded portion on the valve stem. So that if the stem be turned clockwise, its conical point wiU bear on the valve seat and close the valve; if the stem be turned counterclockw^ise, the opening about its point will increase and may reach a maximum of about 0.056 square inch. The disk is fixed to the body concentric with the stem. On the front face is an annular flange with 82 internal teeth, in which 3 corresponding teeth on the handle engage in order to retain the valve at any desired setting. The teeth on the disk are numbered counterclockwise from 0 to 80 at intervals of 5 teeth. A pin set in the face of the disk prevents the handle being turned more than 360 degrees. The handle is a bar with a rectangular hole in the middle which fits on a corresponding portion of the stem. At one end is a pointer with teeth which engage in the teeth of the disk. An index line on the handle permits accurate setting at any desired tooth. The rectangular portion on the stem is so laid out that the handle engages at 0 of the disk w^hen the valve is closed. The handle can be moved along the stem to permit disengaging the teeth when changing the setting. A padlock is provided in order that the valve setting may not be tampered with by unauthorized persons. When the carriage has been erected at the fortification and a thorough knowledge obtained of its characteristics in counter recoil, under all conditions, the disk should be stamped, under the direction of the Ordnance Department, at the proper points of the annular space provided for this purpose, with the words "Very hot," '^Hot," '^ Warm," "Medium," "Cool," "Cold," and "Very cold," to facilitate setting the buffer valve. serves to drain the buffer cyhnders. The setting of the buffer valve is best determined by trial. The setting of the recoil valve should be considered in setting the buffer valve. With a higher setting of the recoil valve, counter recoil will be more free, and consequently the buffer-valve setting should be lower. The following data are given as a rough guide in setting the buffer valve before more definite knowledge has been gained by trial: buffer valve and not hy adding or removing counterweight. Gun Levers and Axle. — The gun levers support the gun at its trunnions in bronze-bushed bearings at their upper or rear ends; and the crosshead, counterweight, bottom plate, and recoil cyUnder in bushed bearings at their lower or forward ends. The arms of the axle pass through the bores in the gun lever, project beyond them, and rest in the bearings of the top carriage. Crosshead and Counterweight. — ^The crosshead is a steel casting which serves to attach the counterweight to the gun levers, and through the guide chps bolted to both sides of it, together with similar clips cast on the bottom plate, constrains the counterweight to move vertically, preserving the aUgnment of the recoil cylinder. The gun-lever pins of forged steel are inserted from the inside of the crosshead through the bearings in the gun lever. A key covers a segment of the inner end of each, and is secured at both ends to the face of the bearing in the crosshead, serving to prevent the gun-lever pin from working out of place. A tongue on this key rests in a groove in the gun-lever pin and prevents rotation. Each pin is tapped axially at its inner end to receive the extractor used to withdraw it. secured by bolts pinned and permanently finished in place. On the front face of each guide cUp is machined a rack in which pawls pivoted to the chassis rails engage, thus preventing the gun from returnmg to the firing position after recoiling or being retracted. upper end of the recoil cylinder fits closely for alignment. In each comer of the crosshead are bored vertical holes through which the four suspension rods depend. These rods are secured to the crosshead by castellated nuts with split pins which draw the shoulders on the rods firmly against the finished under surface of the crosshead. In a similar manner there is attached to the lower ends of the rods the bottom plate, on which rests the counterweight and to which is attached the recoil cylinder. attached to the crosshead. On the bottom plate is piled the counterweight, consisting, when mounting 6-inch gun, model of 1905, of eleven cast-iron weights; six are about 4,000 pounds each, forming the first six layers. The seventh layer consists of three weights, a total of about 2,000 pounds, the inner placed under the crosshead with an outline and upper surface corresponding to the rods on the crosshead, and two outer ones held in place by T slots, which engage over similar projections cast on the front and rear sides of the crosshead. The eighth layer of about 1,500 pounds consists of two weights in front and rear of the crosshead of the same shape as the outer weights of the seventh layer and held in place by projections on the bottom, which seat in depressions on the upper surface of the weights below. regulate counter recoil, and none is provided for this purpose. The total weight attached to the gun levers, including crosshead, counterweight, bottom plate, and recoil cylinder filled with oil, is about 35,000 pounds. The counterweight alone is approximately 27,000 pounds. The preponderance of the weight of the counterweight, etc., over the weight of the gun is approximately 14,000 pounds. When 6-inch gun, model of 1908 (wire wrapped), is mounted, only four weights are used, viz., the first three layers, and a special layer, the latter having the snme outline but less depth. The fourth layer weighs about 2,800 pounds. The total weight attached to the gun levers, including crosshead, counterweight bottom plate, and recoil cylinders filled with oil, is about 22,600 pounds. The counterweight alone is approximately 14,600 pounds. The preponderance of weight of the counterweight, etc., over the weight of the gun is approximately 10,000 pounds. Recoil System (Plate V). — The energy of recoil is absorbed principally by a single vertical hydraulic cylinder moving with the counterweight and a piston and rod secured at its lower end to the middle of the piston-rod beam. tained in the piston rod. The principal parts of the recoil system are: The recoil cylinder, the upper and lower cylinder heads with stuffing boxes, drain plug, filling plug, piston and rod, valve stem and body, locking disk, hasp and hasp bracket, piston-rod bracket, and recoil indicators. The recoil cylinder has two throttling bars bolted to its inner surface at opposite ends of a diameter. The bars are of variable cross section in order to oppose a constant resistance to the energy of recoil of the carriage. The piston is slotted to receive the throttling bars; the area of the orifice will vary with the position of the piston. The two ends of the cylinder are closed by the upper and lower cylinder heads. Narrow copper gaskets ^ inch thick, seated in recesses at both ends of the cylinder, are compressed in securing the cylinder heads sealing the joints against oil pressure. Around the bore of each cylinder head a stuffing box prevents the escape of oil by the piston rod. Each stuffing box requires 6 rings of hydraulic packing 0.5 by 0.5 inch square. Eighteen rings are issued with each carriage, 6 being for reserve. In the lower cylinder head is a recess 5.25 inches in diameter. On the piston below the head is a corresponding enlargement which enters this recess with slight clearance. If at the end of recoil the energ}^ has not been normally absorbed, these parts, acting as a dash pot, provide a safeguard against possible injury to the carriage. The filling and drain holes are in the upper and lower cylinder heads, respectively. The filling plug is in the form of a tap bolt; one additional is supplied. The drain plug is so arranged that the oil can be withdrawn from the cylinder without unscrewing the plug more than a few turns. A brass gutter is bolted to the piston-rod beam under the plug for the purpose of conducting the oil within reach of the receptacle. The piston and rod are of forged steel in two pieces, the lower part of the rod being formed in one piece with the piston. ITie lower end passes through a hole in the piston-rod beam. Two nuts engage on threaded portions of the rod above and below the beam, cylindrical portions on them seating in counterbores in the beam, thus aligning the rod. The upper nut is secured by a taper pin; the lower is castellated and secured by a split pin. The upper end of the rod is bored axially to receive the stem and body of the recoil valve. At the piston two grooves surround the bore. Four holes radiate from each of these grooves, one set opening on each side of the piston. Oil can therefore pass from one side of the piston to the other in three ways, namely, by the outside of the piston head, through the diametral clearance of 0.02 inch, through the orifices between the throttling bars and the slots in the piston, and through the two sets of radial holes. Passage through the radial holes is restricted by the recoil valve body. This is a bronze bar fitting closely in the piston-rod bore opposite the piston. It has a diametral slot 0.4 inch wide, 1.625 inches long, and 1.375 inches from the lower end. With the recoil valve open this slot reaches from one groove to the other. As the valve body is withdrawn upward the portion of the slot open to the lower groove decreases to zero, when the passage between the two sets of radial holes is closed. tit wrench provided for this purpose. The valve stem is a steel rod connecting the valve body with the valve-stem nut for the purpose of actuating the former. The upper end of the valve stem has a flatted portion, over which the locking disk is seated and on which the wrench for the recoil valve engages. This wrench is provided on one end of the tit wrench for the valvestem nut. In order to remove the valve, the valve-stem nut must be taken out. The locking disk is of steel, 3.5 inches in diameter, and has 11 notches on its circumference to indicate the open, closed, and nine intermediate positions of the recoil valve. The notch corresponding to the closed position of the valve is stamped ^^ Closed." The remaining 10 notches are equally spaced and numbered counterclockwise from 1 to 10. When the shoulder on the valve stem stops against the lower end of the valve-stem nut, the '' closed" notch is toward the front of the carriage and opposite the hasp and the bottom of the slot in the valvestem body is 0.25 inch above the lower groove in the piston-rod bore. When the disk is turned clockwise 90°, the valve stem descends 0.25 inch and brings the bottom of the slot to coincidence with the upper edge of the lower groove. A further movement of 18° uncovers the lower groove 0.05 inch, or an area of 0.02 square inch, and brings the first notch of the locking disk opposite the hasp. Similarly each additional notch opens the passage through the piston 0.05 inch. When the tenth notch is opposite the hasp, the lower groove is uncovered 0.5 inch, and the valve is open. 9979—17 3 The upper end of the piston rod is flatted to retain it in a fixed position with respect to rotation. A piston-rod bracket of cast steel maintains the upper end of the piston rod in alignment. The hasp bracket is bolted to the piston-rod bracket in front of the piston rod, seating against the flatted portion on the latter. The hasp, by engaging in notches on the locking disk, retains the recoil valve at any desired setting. A flange on the top of it prevents the locking disk from moving vertically when the hasp is engaged. A slot in the hasp passes over a lug on the hasp bracket, after which a padlock is secured to the lug, preventing any unauthorized change in the setting of the recoil valve. filling plug, so as to be visible from the front of the carriage. The normal recoil is 47.8 inches; 4.2 inches additional recoil is provided for. During this additional recoil, the recoil buffer previously described would act to bring the carriage to rest without shock. A bronze scale 32 inches long is secured to an angle iron on each side of the crosshead joining the guide clip with the bottom plate. Numbered graduations are cast upon it at intervals of 1 inch, from 25 to 52, inclusive. A pointer to indicate the recoil is secured to the inside of each chassis. The pointers and scales are visible through round openings in each side of the chassis. The recoil valve is the only means provided for varying the length of recoil, arid no attempt should be made to use other means for this purpose. Although the setting of the recoil valve slightly affects counterrecoil, it should not he used to regulate the latter movement. firings. For firings with all charges, the recoil cylinder should he filled to the level of the filling hole with the oil issued for this purpose, and frequent inspections should he made of the lower stuffing box during firing to guard against lealcage of oil. If escape of oil occurs, the cylinder should be refilled and the cause of leakage remedied. Retracting System. — The retracting system enables the gun to be retracted from the firing to the loading position when desired. The effort required is least at the start and steadily increases. Retraction is by hand power only, power being applied to cranks on each side of the carriage. The extremities of the shaft on which the cranks engage are flat on three sides, and the cranks are secured by two split-pin fastenings, making them easily removable. hooks provided for them when they are not actually in use. The retracting crank shaft actuates, through a train of two pairs of spur gearing, two drums, to which are fastened by corrugated clamps two wire ropes, which wind upon the drums. A ratchet and pawl on the right end of the retracting crank shaft prevents the load from overhauling the gearing. From the drums these ropes pass around guide pulleys in the rear ends of the chassis, and are hooked to the upper end of the gun levers. These ropes remain with the carriage, and when not in use are wound upon the drums mitil the ropes project but a short distance beyond the guide-pulley brackets. In hauling down, care should be taken to see that the ropes are under equal tension. After taking up the slack in the ropes, and putting some strain on them, they should be vibrated slightly, and if found to be unequally loaded adjustment should be made at the rope clamps on the driuns. After the loop of the rope is passed over the hook on the upper end of the gun lever, and while winding up the slack, especial care should be taken that the rope is guided to the pulleys without any kinks or any slack and that the coils lie smoothly upon the driuns without crossing the ridges between the grooves. before tripping. Bearings of the shafts of the retracting gearing are provided with roller bearings. Longitudinal motion is in general prevented by thrust collars pinned to the shaft and having grooves fitted with felt to protect the bearings from dust. Ample means of lubrication are provided, and it is important that parts of the retracting gearing be kept well lubricated. Retracting Clutch and Brake. — To permit the most rapid overhauling of the wire ropes possible there is provided a spring engaging claw clutch for rotating the drum shaft from the drum shaft gear in retracting. With the clutch disengaged the ropes can be drawn out quickly, revolving the drums and drum shaft rapidly in the drum -shaft gear. The clutch is disengaged by pushing in the loop handle on the left and giving it a quarter turn, which locks the clutch out with the spring compressed. In order to prevent overrunning and injury to the ropes a band brake is added, gripping a brake wheel keyed to the drum shaft upon lifting a brake lever. This is on the left of the carriage. When enough rope has been overhauled the brake handle is raised to stop the shaft, the loop handle is given a quarter turn back to permit the the drum shaft to engagement. Tripping Gear. — The tripping gear is for the purpose of releasing the pawls from the racks on the guide clips, permitting the gun to return to the firing position; of automatically holding the pawls released until the counterweight has descended sufficiently for the top of the racks on the guide clips to be below the pawls; and of automatically releasing the pawls, permitting them to reengage when the gun recoils or is retracted. The tripping gear consists of the following principal parts: Tripping lever and shaft; tripping crank and link; locking lever and link; tripphig-lever latch; safety latch; safety-latch dog (on front face of left guide clip, to right of rack); and pawls. The tripping lever is located outside of the front end of the left chassis, and is keyed on the end of the tripping-lever shaft. This shaft extends across the front of the carriage and rests in bronze bushed bearings in each chassis. Vertical rotation upward of the tripping lever is limited by the safety latch. Downward rotation of the tripping lever is limited by a stop bolted to the racer. To prevent injury to the carriage from tripping the gun when the buffer pistons have not been returned to the rear by the buffer springs, a tripping-lever latch is provided, which is connected through the locking lever and link to the buffer yoke. The latch engages the tripping crank and prevents lifting the tripping lever till the buffer yoke has completed 7 inches of the 9-inch movement to the rear, when the latch is disengaged and the gun may be tripped. To trip the gun the lever is moved upward as far as it will go, which will bring it about horizontal. This disengages the pawls from the racks, and the safety latch, catching the end of the pawl lever, holds the pawls away from the racks during the descent of the counterweight till released by the dog on the left guide clip. The safety latch is not released till the tops of the racks are below the pawls. When the dog releases the safety latch, the tripping lever is returned by its own movement to its normal position against the stop. The pawls are then ready to engage the racks when they again rise. The Elevating System (Plate VII). — The gun is moved in elevation by turning an elevating handwheel, located on the left side of carriage, which is connected through its shaft and bevel gears to a screw fixed to the rear transom. A moving nut on the screw is connected with the lower end of the elevating arm, whose upper end is attached to the gun 66 inches in rear of the trunnion. The elevating system consists of the elevating band and arms, slide, slide nut, slide spring, screw, shaft gear, shaft and handwheel; also pinions, intermediate gear, intermediate pinions, elevation disk device. The elevating band seats in a groove in the gun. On the extremities of a horizontal diameter are band trunnions which are inserted after the elevating arm is in position. The elevating arm is connected at its lower end to the elevating slide by means of the elevating pin, which is inserted through bronze bushed bearings in the shde and through a hole in the elevating rod; at its upper end it is connected to the elevating band. The elevating slide consists of two side pieces connected by transoms. Along the lower edges are bronze-Hned flanges. In the rear transom are planed guideways for these flanges. The slide is held in place by two cast-steel gibs bolted to the rear transom. To the side of the right guideway is bolted the elevating stop. Due to the severe downward shock received through the elevating arm when the gun is fired, the thrust is transmitted from the elevating slide to the slide nut by a helical spring surrounding the shde nut. It is compressed between the flange on the lower end of the nut and the upper transom of the elevating slide. In order that the elevating shde and slide nut shall have the same relative position at all times, except when the spring is compressed by firing, a spring-conpressing nut is screwed into the lower transom of the slide, with its upper end bearing on the bottom of the slide nut. The spring-compressing nut is set up so as to give the spring an initial compression, which will positively return the compressing nut to a bearing against the slide nut after the spring is compressed by firing. This initial compression is given during the shop test of the carriage, and a taper pin is inserted in the elevating shde through a hole in the flange on the head of the compressing nut. In case the nut should later he removed, care must he exercised that it he returned to exactly its original position, as the 0 of the elevation scale will otherwise he thrown out of adjustment. The elevating shaft is located at the rear and left side of the carriage. It rests in three roller bearings, one in the left chassis and two in lugs cast on the middle of the top of the rear transom. To the outer extremity is keyed the elevating handwheel shaft of wrought iron with cast-iron hub. Between the two inner bearings of the shaft is keyed a forged steel elevating shaft bevel pinion engaging in the gear on the elevating screw. The elevation disk and pointer are for the purpose of indicating the elevation of the gun, both in degrees and yards of range, for a given weight of projectile and muzzle velocity. It consists principally of a German silver disk, range and elevation scales, pointer base, pointer, and spring. The elevation disk of German silver is graduated in yards of range, service velocity, on its outer circumference; on its inner circumference appear graudations for yards of range with subcaUber ammunition; the elevation scale is graduated at 5° intervals, the graduations being between the two range scales. The interval of graduations for range scales is 20 yards; range scales to be graduated after piece is mounted in emplacement, from data furnished by the Ordnance Department; elevation scale to be graduated in shop by use of cHnometer. The elevation disk is secured to the face of the elevation disk gear by 24 German silver screws, and is rotated by means of the train of gears upon changing the elevation of the gun. A spiral spring, assembled under tension, takes up all back-lash in the gears. The pointer base is bolted to the left chassis, and serves as a support for the pointer. The latter is of bronze, with an approximately rectangular opening for viewing the scales. Three German silver strips for zero marks are dovetailed and pinned in place. A correction screw with knurled head, turning in a seat in the pointer base, engages teeth on the outer circumference of the pointer, thus providing a means of correcting the scale by shifting the index. The counterbalance device tends to equalize the force required for elevating and depressing, with the gun in the loading as well as in the firing position. A cast-iron cylindrical weight of 580 pounds is suspended by means of an equalizing bar fork extending through it axially from the equahzing bar. To the extremities of the latter are attached the ends of the rope. Its bight passes over two pairs of guide sheaves to the upper end of the guideways of the rear transom, thence to the lower end of the elevating slide nut, to which it is secured by two clamps bolted to the slide nut. gun is depressed. All gears of the elevating system are provided with cast-iron gear covers in halves bolted together. Oil plugs in them provide easy means of oiling the gears. Roller and other bearings are also provided with ample means of lubrication. Traversing System. — The traversing system enables the racer and parts supported by it to be easily and quickly moved in azimuth on the traversing rollers, either from the working platform or from the sighting platform. Traversing is accomplished by rotation of the traversing pinion, which is attached to a vertical shaft at the rear of the carriage and engages in a steel rack fixed to the interior of the base ring. The traversing system consists principally of gearing for rapid movement from the working platform at the right side of the carriage and of slow-motion gearing for smooth slow movement, as in shaft, crank shaft, and gears. The traversing rack is of six sections joined in such a manner that they can be easily removed individually and secured to the base ring by 60 screws set below the surface of the bottom of the teeth. Traversing pinion is keyed and secured by a castellated nut to the traversing pinion shaft. The latter has two roller bearings and one ball-thrust bearing in the rear clip and traversing bracket, which is a steel casting bolted to the rear transom and to the racer. It also provides two roller bearings for the traversing crank shaft, to which is keyed a forged steel traversing crank shaft bevel pinion, which engages in a cast-iron gear keyed and secured by castellated nut to the upper end of the traversing pinion shaft. A traversing crank is secured by a split pin to the right extremity of the crank shaft outside of the chassis. The traversing crank is easily removable, and hooks for it when not in use are provided on the chassis. The slow-motion traversing gearing consists essentially of a handwheel, shaft, and gears ; intermediate shaft; clutch gears, plunger, rod, fork, and fork lever; foot lever; spring stirrup and spring, and the necessary bearings. The handwheel is attached to the right end of its shaft, which is connected to the traversing intermediate shaft. The intermediate shaft is keyed to a bevel gear, which engages in a pinion secured to the handwheel shaft near the handwheel. The upper end of the intermediate shaft is supported by a ball-thrust bearing in the upper traversing bearing, which is bolted to the sight standard. The lower end of the intermediate shaft passes through a bushing in the lower traversing bearing which is bolted to the left chassis at the traversing crank shaft. There is keyed to its lower extremity a forged-steel clutch bevel pinion. The cast-iron gear in which it engages is bronze bushed and is free to rotate on the traversing crank shaft. The traversing clutch is a bronze collar having a sHding fit over two keys on the crank shaft to the left and outside of the clutch gear. Six 30° lugs on its right end engage between corresponding ones on the left end of the hub of the gear. The clutch mechanism is for the purpose of moving the clutch in and out of engagement with the clutch gear. When engaged the rotation from the sighting platform of the clutch gear is transmitted to the crank shaft and traversing pinion ; when disengaged the crank shaft can be rotated in the bushing of the clutch gear without movement of the slow-motion gearing. It is operated from the sighting platform by pressure of the foot on a plunger which actuates a series of levers, moving the clutch into engagement; releasing the foot pressure causes the disengagement under the action of the clutch-rod spring, which returns the plunger to its original position. Oil holes are provided for lubrication. Sighting Platforms. — Two sighting platforms are provided, one on each side of the carriage. Means for traversing only are provided by a handwheel operated from the left platform. Sight. — The sight with which carriages Nos. 20 and 21 are equipped is the 3-inch telescope sight, model of 1904, which, together with its cradle and sight arm, is described in Form 1955. The sight arm is mounted on a sight-arm bracket, which is in turn mounted on the upper end of the sight standard. The sight standard is of cast steel. The upper end of the sight standard is turned to a diameter of 6.497 inches for a height of 6 inches, below which is a flange with two set screws in front screwed into lugs 2.5 inches apart. The sight-arm bracket is of cast steel with a socket at the rear bored to fit the upper end of the sight standard. An arm projects to the front 25.44 inches, having at the extremity a double bearing for the sight-arm bracket pin which passes through the hole in the forward end of the sight arm. A lug at the base of the sight-arm bracket is engaged by the set screws of the sight standard, which enables the Hne of sight to be brought into exact parallelism, with the bore of the gun with respect to azimuth. To make the adjustment, point the gun at a distant object (about 6,000 yards away, if practicable) by means of a bore sight, set the deflection scale of the telescopic sight at 0, then bring the sight on the target by means of the set screws. Four tap bolts are screwed into the sight standard through holes in the flange at the base of the sight-arm bracket. These holes are 0.188 inch in diameter larger than the bolts, which allows sufficient play to make the desired adjustment, after which the screws should be tightened and the adjustment verified. Two lugs project upward from the rear of the sight-arm bracket and afford a double bearing for a second sight-arm bracket pin passing through the sight arm. In this case the cradle movement in elevation is merely for the purpose of bringing the target into the field of the telescope. Carriages after No. 21 are equipped with 3-inch telescopic sight,, model of 1912, described in pamphlet No. 1959. The cradle yoke is mounted on the sight bracket, which is in turn mounted on the sight standard. The sight standard for these carriages is capped by a round flange 12 inches in diameter, to which the cast-steel sight bracket is bolted. The cradle yoke is bolted to the sight bracket, and adjustment in azimuth for bore sighting is provided for by elongated bolt holes in the rear end of the sight bracket. show the plan of the electrical equipment and the wiring diagram. Lighting Circuits. — The power for lighting is obtained from the power mains of the emplacement through lead-covered cables which enter a terminal box at the rear of the pit. From that point it is distributed by insulated wires with flexible metallic and insulated wrought-iron pipe conduits to four 8-candlepower lamps, one at the azimuth pointer, one at the elevation pointer, one at the recoil valve, and one at the buffer valve; to three 16-candlepower lamps, one on each chassis and one at the rear transom; to one portable 16-candlepower lamp at the rear end of the right transom; and to two 2-candlepower lamps on the telescopic sight. The 2-candlepower lamps are for the illumination of the cross wires and the deflection scale. All lamps are 110 volts, in parallel. Where emplacements are equipped with power at 220 volts, lamps are placed in parallel series of two lamps each. The azimuth and elevation pointer lamps and the buffer and recoil valve lamps, as well as those for illuminating the sight, are controlled by a single snap switch on the lamp fitting of the elevation pointer lamp at the rear of the carriage; the chassis lamps and the lamp at the rear transom are provided with key sockets for their control. The portable lamp has a snap switch on its base. Cross wires of the sight are provided with a mechanical dimmer, by which the lamp is occulted to any desired degree. The portable water-tight lamp is for general use within the limit of its reach. The lamp itself is covered by a globe of heavy glass seated in a bronze base, to which is attached a handle. The flexible steel conduit containing the conductors passes through this handle. A substantial wire guard surrounds the globe and is attached to the base. Firing Circuits. — The gun may be fired either electrically or by lanyard. The current for firing electrically is obtained either from a battery of dry cells carried in a box supported in a bracket attached to the underside of the sighting platform, in which case the firing circuit is closed through a firing pistol mounted on a bracket bolted to the upper traversing bearing, above the left sighting platform, or from a hand-operated alternating current magneto mounted on the firing-pistol bracket in place of the firing pistol, the dry-cell battery being dispensed with. When using the battery the gunner may determine whether the circuit is complete without actually firing a primer by pressing a projecting button on the pistol, thereby closing the firing circuit through a coil of high resistance, which, with the voltage ordinarily used, permits the passage of sufficient current to operate a buzzer, but not sufficient to endanger the firing of the primer. closed whether the gun be in the loading or in the firing position. A safety firing switch on the carriage prevents the possible firing of the gun electrically except when fully into battery or nearly so. This device consists of a double-pole, single-throw switch, the parts of which are separated by the recoil, one part being attached to the chassis, the other part to the top carriage. The part attached to the chassis is so arranged that when the top carriage recoils it drops out of position, so that on counter recoil contact is not made until this part is raised into position by a lever on the outside of the left chassis. The gun is fired by lanyard from the loading platform. A safety device has been added to prevent the possible firing of the gun by lanyard except when fully in battery or nearly so. The device consists of a short lanyard running from the primer to a ring at the end of a copper cable wound on a reel. The reel is carried in a housing attached to the rear face of the elevating band on the gun. One end of the firing lanyard is attached to the ring on the copper cable^ the other is held by the cannoneer who is to fire the piece. The short lanyard can be pulled to the rear so as to fire the primer only by first imwinding the copper cable from the drum. This is prevented while the gun is from battery by the action of a pawl which engages a ratchet on the drum. When the gun rises into battery, this pawl is automatically tripped by a cam attached to the rear face of the elevating arm. This permits the reel to be unwound and the pull to thus come upon the short lanyard attached to the primer. The reel is provided with a spiral spring which causes it to rotate and wind up the copper cable as soon as the pull upon the lanyard is released. The initial tension of this spring should be such as to cause the copper cable to be wound up with certainty with the lanyard attached. Should the initial tension be much in excess of the proper amount, the spring may become woimd solid before sufficient cable has been unwound to permit the firing of the primer. Too much tension on the spring is otherwise objectionable, since it brings unnecessary strains on the parts when the reel automatically winds up. Should the tension of the spring require adjustment, it may be done as follows: Loosen the nut on the spring shaft projecting from the center of the case; hold with a screw wrench the square end of the shaft to prevent the spring from unwinding; remove the spring shaft pin, and, by means of the wrench, turn the spring shaft in such direction as to increase or decrease the tension as required. Holes are provided wherein the pin may be inserted at any quarter turn of the shaft. A safety device on the firing mechanism proper prevents possible firing of the primer by lanyard until the breechlock is locked, whether the gun be in the loading or in the firing position. Shot Trucks. — Four shot trucks are furnislied with eacli carriage for bringing projectiles to the gun. Each truck carries six projectiles. They are to be taken from the truck and inserted in the gun by hand. All shot-truck wheels are equipped with rubber tires, set in grooves on the wheels, and vulcanized in position. Shot Tongs. — Each battery is provided with one pair of shot tongs with each shot trolley installed, and a reserve of two pairs for the battery. In order to provide tongs having a small height over all and thus to increase the amount of possible hoist in the galleries of the emplacement, the tongs are designed with a lock which must be operated by hand before they will grip a projectile. This lock consists of a dog, the inner end of which presses against the top of the projectUe while the outer side is held by a U-shaped piece rotated into position after the tongs have been placed on the projectile. Grease Cups. — ^Ten grease cups are provided for lubricating the heavy bearings of the gun levers and the front and rear bearing surfaces of the vertical guides, with the heavy grease necessary for this purpose. The grease cup consists essentially of a body for carrying the grease and a cap carrying a piston actuated by a coiled spring. When the cap is screwed down over the body of the cup, the piston bears against the grease. By further movement of the cap the spring in rear of the piston is compressed, thus putting a sustained pressure on the grease. This cap should habitually he Tcejpt screwed down so as to maintain a clearance of about 0.25 inch between its face and the face of the nut on the projecting piston, affording a visible indication that the grease is being forced into the bearing. Implements. — Each carriage is equipped with the wrenches, screw drivers, lifting hooks, pinch bars, and oil cans required for its mounting and care. These parts, except those too large, are stored in an armament chest, together with the necessary implements for the gun. INSTKUCTIONS FOR ASSEMBLING THE CARRIAGE. General Remarks. — ^The carriage is dismounted for shipment, the heavy parts being separated, the finished surfaces slushed and covered with boards. The chassis and transoms are sometimes shipped assembled. The small parts are disassembled sufficiently for boxing them conveniently. Except where impracticable on account of the size or other characteristics, each part bears a piece mark shown on the drawing near the designation of the part. The first number of this piece mark indicates the drawing on which the part is detailed. Where it is possible to assemble the parts in more than one way, they are sometimes marked to indicate the way in which they were assembled during shop test — as, for instance, the two ends of two distance ring sections which adjoin are marked with the same number. The shipping list itemizes the contents of each box. 92,000 In assemhling the carriage no part sJiould he directly strucTc with a steel hammer or sledge. A wooden buffer should he used on the part to he struck, or soft-metal drifts or hammers should he used. In handling parts, care must he exercised that machined surfaces do not hecome hurred. All hearing surfaces should he clean, smooth, and well lubricated prior to being brought together. The assembling of the carriage requires the use of such blocking, way plank, hydraulic jacks, ropes, and pulleys as are usually found at seacoast forts. In addition to these a derrick or shears capable of safely lifting 4 or 5 tons will be found very useful. Instructions for Assembling. — Carriages should be mounted under the immediate supervision of an ordnance machinist famihar with the work, so that the following instructions are intended to be general only. Base Ring. — Move the base ring into position over the pit by means of the derrick or by skids and rollers, placing the part marked *' Front" in the axis of the emplacement. Place a thrust plate on each holding-down bolt in such position as to receive the thrust from the leveling screws. Clean and oil the threads of the holdingdown bolts, then lower the base ring, exercising great care not to burr these threads. grouting. Leveling. — The base ring should be carefully leveled by means of an accurate straightedge and a well-adjusted machinist's level. The straightedge should be used on the roller path by resting it on the inner edge with no blocks or other supports. The level should be reversed in every position and the mean position of the bubble taken as the correct one. Preliminary leveling may be done from the azimuth circle by supporting one end of the straightedge on blocking in the center of the pit, but the final adjustment should be verified by readings taken on the roUer path as described above. At the conclusion of the leveling, moderately tighten all holding-down bolts, verify the level, then add a grouting of neat Portland cement. Care must be exercised that this completely fills the entire space under the base ring. No weight should be added to the base ring until the grouting has thoroughly set. The leveHng screws should then be backed off two turns. Distance Ring and Traversing Rollers. — Carefully clean all parts, assemble the roUers in their bearings, with the distance ring in place, and run the system around by hand to see that aU parts operate freely. Racer. — ^Move the racer into position, clean the roller path and pintle surface, then carefully lower into position on the traversing rollers. Care should be exercised not to injuriously rub or cramp the pintle surfaces during the lowering. Assemble the outer and inner dust guards and the covers for openings in racer in order to prevent the possible entrance of dirt or metal chips. The racer should then be run around by hand to determine whether it be entirely free in its operation. Front Clips may now be bolted in place. Chassis and Guide Frames. — Place either chassis in position, dowel, key, and bolt it to the racer. The rear of the racer may be identified by its being beveled for the rear transom. Lower its guide frame into position and bolt it to the underside of the chassis. Proceed similarly for the other chassis and its guide frame. guide frames. Vertical Guides are then added. A series of circles about J inch in diameter are located on the center of the right-hand guide about 2 feet apart, as measuring points for paraQelism of guides. The Front and Rear Transoms are bolted in place. Bottom Plate. — ^Place blocking in the counterweight well to within 18 inches of the base ring, being careful to leave the center of the bottom plate uncovered as well as the holes for the four suspension rods. The bottom plate should be laid on this blocking, the clips on it engaging the vertical guides. It should be carefully leveled to prevent distortion of the bronze gibs. secured to the bottom plate. Crosshead is then added from above. If the upper end of the recoil cylinder 'is found not to be exactly in position with respect to its bore in the crosshead the bottom plate should be tipped slightly as necessary by means of jacks applied to its underside. Retracting and Tripping Gear. — The retracting and tripping gear are then assembled. After this is done, the crosshead may be attached to the counterweight by means of the suspension rods. No attempt should be made to lift the counterweight with the retracting gear before the gun is in place. Piston Rod and Upper Cylinder Head are then placed. Counter-Recoil Buffers and Roller Cages should now be added, the latter being so placed that the zero marks on rack teeth and recoil roUer teeth coincide. The Gun with Elevating Band attached is then put in place. The remaining parts of the carriage may now be assembled as convenient, including the elevating arm, slide, etc. ; guide brackets, sight standard, piston-rod brackets, elevating and traversing gearing, sight platform, sights, electrical equipment, recoil and buffer valves. After the gun and elevating arm are in place, the gun may be retracted slightly, freeing the blocking under the counterweight, the blocking removed, and the carriage run slowly into battery by means of the retracting cranks. This will permit the attaching of those parts which require the gun to be in battery. Important Points. — ^After the carriage has been completely assembled and the gun mounted, the recoil and buffer cylinders filled, and the valves set as indicated in the description of the carriage, the following points should be noted, namely: the graduation. 12. Orient the gun, add numbers to the degree marks on the azimuth circle, adjust azimuth pointer to indicate correct azimuth, and dowel pin it in position. Muzzle at true south is 0 degrees in azimuth and numbers are placed around clockwise to include 359. CARE OF CARRIAGE. General Instructions. — Carriages should be traversed from time to time throughout their entire allowed movement. They should not be allowed to stand for long periods at a particular azimuth, as this might cause uneven settling of the platform. The habitual position of guns on disappearing carriages is '^from battery," but at intervals the gun should be allowed to rise to the firing position and be elevated and depressed within the limits of the stops. It is required that all parts of carriages he Icept free from rust at aU times. If this be allowed to accumulate, its removal from bearing parts, and especially piston rods, requires particular attention, in order that clearances may not be unduly increased. The use of sandpaper for this purpose is forbidden, and emery cloth No. 1 should be used, the rust being softened, if necessary, by kerosene. raw linseed oil. If any leakage occurs from the hydraulic recoil system, it should be immediately remedied, calling if necessary upon the district armament officer for the services of skilled labor. The repacking of stuffing boxes may be done, when necessary, by trained enhsted men under the supervision of an officer, but will preferably be done by skilled labor. Before removing a cylinder head containing a stuffing box, or drawing a piston rod through a stuffing box, the pressure of the packing on the rod should be released by unscrewing the follower or gland several turns. The copper gaskets between cylinders and their heads should be in good condition, and consequently should be replaced whenever necessary in order to prevent leakage. Cleaning Hydraulic Cylinders. — Recoil and buffer cylinders should be emptied and refilled at least every three months, and thoroughly cleaned every six months. For cleaning, a plumber's hand force pump is supplied to each Coast Artillery post, with about 10 feet of suction hose and 15 feet of discharge tube. (b) Kemove the piston-rod bracket, locking disk, and the upper cylinder head. Remove the lower piston-rod nut, screw the upper nut downward, raising the rod until the nut is removed. Allow the rod to rest on a block over its hole in the piston-rod beam. (c) Run the gun slowly into battery by means of the retracting cranks, raising the ratchet pawls, and give the gun its maximum elevation. Raise the piston rod vertically until its upper end strikes the gun, then incline it to one side and remove it from the cylinder. {d) Thoroughly clean the cylinder from its upper end with kerosene oil forced in with the hand pump, then wipe dry with clean cotton waste. Clean also the cylinder heads, glands, and followers; and the piston rod inside and out, removing the recoil valve. (e) After the removal or evaporation of all kerosene oil, reassemble the parts and refill the cylinder with hydrolene oil, carefully inspect all parts which were dismounted, and complete the retraction of the gun. gland, valve stem, and emptying plug of the buffer valve. (b) Clean the cylinders as described for the recoil cylinder. The equalizing and throttling pipes should also be thoroughly cleaned by forcing the oil into them with the pump, permitting it to run out through the emptying hole. (c) After the removal or evaporation of all kerosene oil, reassemble the parts and refill the cylinders with hydrolene oil, after which close the buffer valve to its normal setting. Removing Packing from Stuffing Boxes. — ^A packing extractor for removing packing from the stuffing boxes of the recoil cylinder is issued to each post at which these carriages are mounted. To use the extractor, the gun must be retracted sufficiently to afford access to the stuffing boxes. Close the extractor around the piston rod and insert the locking pin, turn the extractor counter-clock wise, pressing it against the packing until the needles are firmly engaged. Draw the packing out, turning slowly counter-clock wise. Extractor bars are provided for use in starting the packing from its seat by inserting the toes of the bars in the rack teeth and prying over the edge of the box, being careful not to injure it. The packing of the buffer cylinders and of the buffer valve can generally be removed with any pointed instrument by merely removing the glands. In case of difiiculty, the stufiing boxes of the former can be removed and the packing taken out with the finger; and in the latter, the valve stem may be removed. put in after the new. To repack a stuffing box after the packing has been removed, insert one ring of packing and force it well to the bottom of the box by a wooden stick and mallet. Treat each layer of packing in a similar manner, being careful that successive rings break joints. Six rings of packing are required for each stuffing box of the recoil cylinder, five rings for each stuffing box of the buffer cylinders, and four rings for the buffer valve. In screwing up the glands or followers, no other tools should he used than those provided for the purpose, nor should excessive force he applied to them, such as the addition of a pipe to the handle of the wrench. Care should be exercised in tightening the glands to advance all of the bolts evenly so as not to throw the gland out of alignment. It will be found necessary to tighten the glands of the buffer cylinders but slightly. Attention is invited to the caution given in regard to this under the description of the counter-recoil huffers. It is to be expected that a slight amount of oil will soak through and drip from boxes of carriages when not in use. Also when tightening the followers a slight amount of oil will squeeze out of the saturated packing. This oil should be caught and not allowed to render the carriage unsightly. Filling Cylindeks. — To fill the recoil cylinder, remove the filhng plug and pour clean hydrolene oil into it through a funnel until the oil overflows. Allow any air that may he present to escape, then pour in more oil until the cylinder is again filled. About 7.5 gallons are required. The cylinder should be filled with the gun slightly out of the recoiled position. To fill the buffer cyfinders, remove both filling plugs and pour clean hydrolene oil through a funnel into one cylinder, allowing the air to escape from the other, until both cylinders are filled. AUow any air that may he present to escape and pour in more oil until the system is again filled. A full gallon of oil is required. Service Condition (Lubrication, etc.). — When the carriage is to be kept in readiness for service, and is in daily or frequent use, aU bearing parts must be kept thoroughly cleaned and lubricated. Especial attention should be given to the lubricating of trunnion beds, roUers, pintle surfaces, shaft bearings, and sliding surfaces; gun-lever axle beds, gun-lever pins, elevating screw, elevating band trunnions, crosshead guides, and the elevating, traversing, tripping, and retracting mechanisms, including the teeth of all gears. for all hut the most severely used parts. Proper lubricating and cleaning of the traversing rollers and their paths are essential to free working of the carriage. The dust guards should be removed to clean the upper roller paths. By removing the cover plates on the racer the traversing rollers may be lifted out with their bearings for cleaning and for cleaning the lower roller path. Four oil plugs are screwed into steel tubes in the upper surface of the racer, outside of the front and rear of each chassis, which are provided with passages to the pintle surface. Eight oil plugs, two at each of the above points, are also provided, connected to brass tubes reaching down to the oil grooves of the distance ring, thus providing lubrication for the bearings of the rollers. Six additional of such oil pipes are also provided, two each at the front, right, and left of the racer for exceptional use in lubricating the roller bearings. They are closed by countersunk screws. For oiling the rollers or pintle through these holes the carriage must he traversed in order to distribute the oil through the entire circumference. It will occasionally be necessary to examine all ball and roller bearings to see that the dust guards are in proper place and that the rollers themselves are clean. If they be found dirty, they may be flushed with kerosene oil; but care must be taken to fill the bearings with synovial oil after the kerosene has drained away. If the rollers have rusted, they must be well removed and cleaned. Condition '^In Ordinary'^ (Not Ready for Immediate Service). — If the carriage is to remain unused for a time, all unpainted surfaces should be covered with a thin coat of hght slushing oil. It can be applied as in painting, using sash tool No. 6, except in cold weather, when it should be applied by stippling, i. e., light tapping, with the brush held perpendicular to the surface to be covered. needed to give good protection. This oil is easily removed by the use of burlap or waste dipped in kerosene oil. In order to save oil, the thickest of the slushing oil should be well removed by a scraper before applying the kerosene. Before applying the slushing oil, the surfaces should be thoroughly cleaned, so as to be entirely free from rust, water, kerosene, or lubricating oil, as the first three would cause rusting underneath, and the latter would cause it to run off when heated. Rollers and roUer paths should be cleaned and slushed from time to time and the dust guards examined to see that the felt strips are in order and make the openings dust tight. empty, as in that case the interior waUs soon become rusty. Oil Holes. — Oil holes should be cleaned out frequently to keep them free from sand and grit, and should habitually be kept closed by the screw plugs provided, except when in the act of oiling. with the oil. Compression Grease Cups. — Where compression grease cups are provided similar precautions against dirt and grit must be observed. When adding grease to these cups do not fill them completely, but fill only to the bevel at the top of the cup; if too full, the leather packing will become inverted and will not act effectively. In putting on the cap see that the leather packing enters the cup without being caught or bent by the edge of the cup. Screw the cap down on the cup until the spring rod projects about 0.25 inch above the top of the cap. The cap should be screwed down from day to day as required to maintain about this projection for the rod. When the cap is screwed nearly home the cup should be refilled. Oils and Grease. — The Vacuum Oil Co.'s No. 4^ lubricant is issued for use in the compression grease cups; it will not be used for lubricating any other parts, nor will any other oil be used in its place. in current use. Engine oil should be used to lubricate the bearings where oil holes and oil plugs are provided. It will also be used as a lubricant for breechblock threads. No other lubricant will be used on such threads during firings. purposes only. A special grade of neutral oil called ^^hydrohne," having a specific gravity of about 0.85, is furnished for filhng the recoil cylinders. A barrel of this oil should be kept on hand to replace leakage. The different kinds of oil, etc., will be kept in receptacles plainly marked with their contents. The enlisted men should be carefuUy instructed in the use of the several kinds of oil, grease, etc., and should be taught to distinguish one from another. nation by water, dirt, etc. Oils which have been used for any purpose should not be used again without being filtered or carefuUy strained. They should never be returned to receptacles containing new oils. A suitable receptacle should be kept by each battery in which oil from cylinders can be placed and allowed to stand undisturbed imtil all sediment in it has settled. In removing the oil great care should be taken that no sediment is included. Mere discoloration does not affect the serviceability of the oil. Painting. — In general, three coats of paint will be given carriages the first year; two coats annually thereafter will probably suffice, the actual needs depending somewhat upon the climate and local conditions. Before painting, surfaces should be rubbed smooth and made perfectly clean and dry. As soon as the carriage is completely assembled and the piece mounted, all parts which have been marred in transportation will be primed, after which one complete coat of olive paint will be applied. All steel and iron nonbearing surfaces, both covered and exposed, will be painted. This includes the exposed parts of shafts (except squared ends), the exterior of the recoil cylinder, and springs. Large bronze pieces, including the web and spokes of wheels, and cylinder heads should also be painted. The following parts are not painted: All wearing or bearing surfaces, including the handles of handwheels and cranks, teeth of all gears, the rollers and the surfaces on which they travel, the piston rods, and the vertical guides, etc. 1 breech cover. 1 combined tompion and muzzle cover. 1 slush brush to connect with sponge staff. 1 wire cleaning brush and coupling to fit sponge staff. 3 files, pillar. No. 6, 6-inch.2 3 files, three-cornered. No. 4, 6-inch. ^ 3 files, half-round, smooth, 8-inch. ^ 3 files, round, smooth, 8-inch. ^ 1 file, flat, dead smooth, 8-inch. 1 file, round, second-cut, 8-inch. location, and material of which they are made. The parts are listed alphabetically under the following headings: Carriage proper; counter-recoil system; azimuth pointer; the electrical equipment; shot trucks; shot tongs; and grease cup. When referrmg to a part, always mention its piece mark, where given on the list.	16,635	common-pile/pre_1929_books_filtered	disappearcarria00unitrich	public_library	public_library_1929_dolma-0023.json.gz:278	https://archive.org/download/disappearcarria00unitrich/disappearcarria00unitrich_djvu.txt
3JoaQc9WeDNfeiX3	5.3: Connecting with Professional Associations	5.3: Connecting with Professional Associations Professional associations are a great way for you to connect with professionals working in the industry you may be considering. These associations are organizations where people in the same profession come together, engage and connect with each other to discuss current trends in the industry. Most professional associations have membership fees and often offer reduced fees for student membership. These associations also usually host regional, national and perhaps even international conferences. Check online to see if an association in a career field in which you are interested is hosting a conference nearby. Professional associations often list a job bank with current job openings in the industry. These job listings are a great way for you to see what industry is demanding and what skills, qualifications, and training are required. The more you know now, the better prepared you will be when you enter the industry. View the following YouTube video titled “Career Cafe Students” to gain a student’s perspective of how professional associations can help with career research and networking. Remember CareerOneStop, the resource for research listed earlier in this chapter? This site also has a professional association finder. Go to the following link to check out this great resource where you can search by industry, occupation or association name: Career OneStop [www.careeronestop.org] Researching Professional Associations Consider the top occupational choice in which you are interested at this time and search for professional associations linked to this industry. - What is your top occupational choice at this time? - Explore two professional associations linked to the industry. - Give a brief description of the associations and how you think they may be helpful in your career exploration and development. - What are the membership fees? Is there a discount provided for students? - Are there any upcoming conferences being sponsored by the association? If so, when, where, and how much is registration? Are you considering attending?	417	common-pile/libretexts_filtered	https://socialsci.libretexts.org/Courses/HACC_Central_Pennsylvania's_Community_College/FS_101_Career_Development_and_Decision-making_Open_Educational_Resource_(OER)/02%3A_PART_2_-_Whats_Out_There/05%3A_Researching_Careers/5.03%3A_Connecting_with_Professional_Associations	libretexts	libretexts-0000.json.gz:37267	https://socialsci.libretexts.org/Courses/HACC_Central_Pennsylvania's_Community_College/FS_101_Career_Development_and_Decision-making_Open_Educational_Resource_(OER)/02%3A_PART_2_-_Whats_Out_There/05%3A_Researching_Careers/5.03%3A_Connecting_with_Professional_Associations
YFfgrtZchr0ZWi2k	The UMass Amherst Libraries Falcon Curriculum: An Open, Common Core PreK-12 Curriculum on Peregrine Falcons	Resources 33 Glossary Accipitriformes: (axe-SIP-ih-trih-forms) N. An order of birds including hawks, eagles, and Old World vultures. Active Soaring Wings: (ACK-tihv SOHR-ing WINGS) N. Long and narrow wings so birds can soar for a long time. See Soar. Aerodynamic: (AIR-oh-dye-NAHM-ick) Adj. Streamlined with less drag so it can go faster. See Drag. Band: (BAND) V. To put specially colored, numbered and lettered metal bands around a chick’s legs to help wildlife experts and other birdwatchers identify the chicks as they grow and eventually leave the nest. Biomagnification: (BYE-oh-MAHG-niff-ih-CAY-shun) N. When the amount of a toxic substance gets more and more concentrated in organisms at each step up the food chain. Birds of Prey: N. See Raptors. Branch: (BRANCH) V. (For chicks) To explore the environment around their nest, often climbing around on top of objects. Brood Patch: (BROOD PATCH) N. An area on falcons’ bellies that loses feathers after egg-laying and develops additional blood vessels close to the surface so that the patch is nice and warm in direct contact with the eggs. Cache: (CASH) N. A store of prey items saved for later. V. To store prey items for later. Cade, Tom: N. A falconer, field biologist, Cornell professor, and the founder of The Peregrine Fund. Cariamiformes: (carry-AM-ih-forms) N. An order of birds including seriemas. Carson, Rachel: N. An American marine biologist, writer, and conservationist famous for Silent Spring, which began the environmentalist movement. Cast Pellets: (CAST PELL-uhts) V. To regurgitate pellets to keep the digestive tract clean. See Pellet. Cathartiformes: (cuh-THAR-tih-forms) N. An order of birds including New World vultures. Cere: (SEER) N. Prominent yellow fleshy base of the falcon’s bill. Conservation: (cahn-sihr-VAY-shun) N. The act of protecting nature so it will be around in the future. Crop: (CRAHP) N. An organ that aids in breaking down and storing food for digestion. Courtship Display: (CORT-ship diss-PLAY) N. A series of behaviors to attract a mate, including head bows (they bow their heads low to each other), aerial displays, scraping of the ground, and beaking (playfully nipping at each other). DDT: N. Dichloro-diphenyl-trichloroethane (DYE-clohr-oh-DYE-fehn-uhl-TRY-clohr-oh-EH-thayn). A synthetic chemical discovered to be a successful insecticide, but very harmful to humans and the environment. Diurnal: (dye-URN-uhl) Adj. Active during the day. Down: (DOWN) N. Fine feathers underneath a bird’s exterior feathers that help keep it warm. Drag: (DRAHG) N. A force that slows down the movement of an object when it passes through a liquid or a gas. Egg Tooth: (EGG TOOTH) N. A temporary sharp tooth-like projection on the beak of a chick used to break the shell during hatching. Elliptical Wings: (ee-LIHP-tick-uhl WINGS) N. Wings that are rounded/oval-shaped. They are good for flying fast for short amounts of time, but can’t keep up that high speed for too long. Elliptical wings also allow for fast takeoffs and tight maneuvering. Endangered: (ehn-DAYN-juhrd) Adj. (For a species) At risk for extinction. Enfluffel: (en-FLUFF-uhl) V. To pull, push, roll, and rotate the eggs around underneath them so that they develop properly. Environmentalism: (ehn-vye-rahn-MEN-tuhl-iz-uhm) N. Support for the environment and laws and other actions that protect it. Extinct: (eck-STINKT) Adj. (For a species) Completely gone and can no longer be found. Extirpate: (ECK-stuhr-payt) V. To wipe out. Eyas/Eyass: (EYE-uhs) N. Peregrine falcon chick. Also called hatchling or nestling when it hatches. Eyrie: (EYE-ree) N. A peregrine falcon’s nest site. Falconiformes: (fal-CON-ih-forms) N. An order of birds including falcons. Falconry: (FAHL-con-ree) N. The ancient practice of training birds of prey to hunt and fly for you. Feak: (FEEK) V. To rub the beak against other surfaces to clean or wipe it and maintain beak shape. Fledge: (FLEJ) V. (For chicks) To fly (for the first time). Fledgling: (FLEJ-ling) N. Chick that has fledged. Floater: (FLOH-tuhr) N. A falcon that doesn’t have its own territory or mate. Gastrolith: (GAS-troh-lith) N. Small pieces of gravel/rocks/sand that birds eat and store in their gizzard. Stones held within the gizzard break down the food the birds eat before it gets to the stomach. Also called “gizzard stones.” Gravity: (GRAH-vih-tee) N. A force that pulls things towards each other. Hack: (HACK) V. To put unfledged falcon chicks in a special structure where they are fed and protected with minimal human contact until they fledge and fly away. Hallux: (HAL-ucks) N. The toe facing backwards. Hard Incubation: (HARD ink-yoo-BAY-shun) N. Constant incubation. See Incubation. Hatchling: (HATCH-ling) N. See Eyas. High-Speed Wings: (HYE-SPEED WINGS) Wings that are long, thin, and pointed (but not as long as active soaring wings). They allow a bird to fly very fast and keep up the high speed for a while. Hovering Wings: (HUH-vuhr-ing WINGS) N. Wings that are very small and quick. Incubation: (ink-yoo-BAY-shun) N. Sitting on the eggs to keep them warm so they can develop and hatch. Insecticide: (ihn-SECK-tuh-syde) N. Keel: (KEEL) N. An extension of the sternum (breastbone) that acts like an anchor for a bird’s wing muscles. Lift: (LIHFT) N. An upward force where air moves faster over the top of a bird’s wing and slower under the bottom of the wing. This means that air pressure is lower over the top of the wing. Since air automatically goes to places with lower pressure (like when you deflate a balloon and the air comes out of it fast), the air moves from over the top of the wing to underneath it, which pushes the bird up. Loaf: (LOHF) V. (For birds) To display relaxed behaviors not specifically related to feeding, breeding, or predator evasion. Lower Mandible: (LOH-uhr MAN-dih-bull) N. Lower beak. In peregrine falcons, it is shorter, and the hook tip of the maxilla goes right over it. Mantle: (MANT-uhl) V. To spread wings over prey to protect it from rivals, including siblings. Maxilla: (macks-ZILL-uh) N. Upper beak. In peregrine falcons, it is curved and hook-tipped. Mid-Air Prey Exchange: (MID-AIR PRAY ECKS-change) N. Quick feat where one falcon flies underneath the other that is carrying prey, turns upside down, and grabs the prey from the carrier with its talons. Migrate: (MY-grayt) V. To move seasonally from one location to another. Molt: (MOHLT) V. To lose old feathers and grow new ones to replace them. Nest: (NEST) V. To find a mate and territory and raise chicks. Nestling: (NEST-ling) N. See Eyas. Nictitating Membrane: (NICK-tih-tay-ting MEM-brane) N. A third eyelid that protects and moistens the eye. It is translucent (clear) so the falcon can still see when it’s closed. Nocturnal: (knock-TURN-uhl) Adj. Active at night. Pair Bonding: (PAIR BON-ding) N. A continuation of courtship display activities throughout nesting to strengthen the connection between the mates. Passive Soaring Wings: (PASS-ihv SOHR-ing WINGS) N. Wings with long primary feathers that spread out so hot air can get through and help the birds fly higher. Pellet: (PELL-uht) N. Collection of indigestible material gathered in the stomach of birds that occasionally need to be disposed of. Peregrine Falcon: (PAIR-uh-grin FAL-cuhn) (Falco peregrinus) N. A bird of prey belonging to the Falconiform order with a gray back, hook-tipped beak, yellow feet and legs, and malar stripes or “sideburns” on its face. Pip: (PIHP) N. The first hole in the egg made by the chick when it starts to hatch. Preen: (PREEN) V. Cleaning arranging, and oiling their feathers to keep them in good condition. Raptor: N. Birds that evolved from a common ancestor (a bird that lived on land and ate vertebrates, or animals with backbones), and many of that ancestor’s descendants continue to have a raptorial lifestyle (meaning they also eat vertebrates). Also referred to as birds of prey. Scrape: (SCRAYP) N. A peregrine falcon’s nest. Sexual Dimorphism: (SECK-shoo-uhl dye-MORE-fizz-um) N. A difference in size or physical appearance between males and females of a species. Soar: (SOHR) V. To fly without flapping wings. Stoop: (STOOP) N. A controlled dive done by falcons. V. To drop straight down in a controlled dive. Strigiformes: (STRI-jih-forms) N. An order of birds including owls. Subspecies: (SUHB-spee-sheez) N. A classification rank below species used to describe populations of a species that live in different areas and have different physical characteristics, but are still able to interbreed. Talons: (TAL-uhns) N. Sharp curved claws. Tarsus: (TAR-suhs) N. Part of a falcon’s leg between backwards “knee” and ankle.” (Pl. Tarsi) Territory: (TAIR-uh-tore-ee) N. With regard to peregrine falcons, it is a large area around the nest site. Thermoregulate: (THUHR-moh-REG-yoo-late) V. To control one’s own body temperature. Tiercels: (TEER-suhls) N. Male peregrine falcons. From the old word for “third,” since they are approximately one-third smaller than females. Tomial Teeth: (TOE-me-uhl TEETH) N. Sharp points that fit into corresponding notches on the lower mandible when the falcon closes its beak. Unihemispheric Slow-Wave Sleep (USWS): (YOO-nee-HEM-uhs-FEER-ick SLOW-WAYV SLEEP) N. When a bird sleeps with half of their brain alert and half of it asleep, so actually sleeping with one eye open. This lets them get the rest they need while also staying alert in case a predator approaches.	1,924	common-pile/pressbooks_filtered	https://openbooks.library.umass.edu/thefalconproject/chapter/glossary/	pressbooks	pressbooks-0000.json.gz:31936	https://openbooks.library.umass.edu/thefalconproject/chapter/glossary/
b2l7HxoxKp0CVGzJ	1.4: Models of Communication	1.4: Models of Communication Linear Model There are many models of communication, and there are many components within these models that will be discussed in detail throughout this chapter. One of the earliest models of communication in the Western world was the linear model of communication , which shows that a communication event took place. It contains one sender of the message and the message itself being sent to one receiver, as shown in Figure $\PageIndex{1}$. The message is encoded (created) by the sender and sent out via the channel, then received by the receiver. This model does not include the concept of feedback as an integral component. One of the criticisms of the linear model is that it lacks the component feedback and the idea that meaning is created amongst communicators. Interactional Model Over time the linear model has evolved into the interactional model of communication . This newer model takes into account that for there to be a sender of communication, there needs to be a receiver who takes an active role in the communication event. The interactional model of communication, as shown in Figure $\PageIndex{2}$, has both the sender and receiver actively using feedback so that communication is no longer seen as simply linear. However, this model lacks the co-creation of meaning that takes place in true communication interactions. When a pilot is getting ready to take off, they must listen to Air Traffic Control (ATC) on their radio to hear what is happening on the runway. When they are ready to take off, they will press a button inside the cockpit to send a request to ATC for clearance. When they are done, they have to release the button so they can hear the response from ATC. If they continue to hold down the button, they won’t be able to receive a message and ATC won’t be able to hear any other messages. The communication between pilots and ATC is linear; it can only go one way. You can either send or receive a message; you cannot do both. For a long time this is how we thought about human communication. There is a sender (the pilot), who encodes a message (“request takeoff”) and sends it via a channel (radio) to the receiver (ATC), who then decodes the message. While this might be an accurate way to describe a two-way radio conversation, it is not an accurate reflection of human communication in general. When the pilot is sending a message to ATC, the pilot is also receiving messages simultaneously from a co-pilot or other crew. Likewise, the ATC contact is managing a number of different aircraft as well as coworkers in the tower. Communication is not linear. We are simultaneously sending and receiving, encoding and decoding, and managing several channels across contexts, all while we try to block out noise. Today, we have moved past this linear model of communication to embrace a transactional model. Transactional Model The current transactional model of communication was created to showcase the entirety of what humans experience when we communicate with one another, as shown in Figure $\PageIndex{3}$. The transactional model better acknowledges the complex nature of communication. Let’s take some time to break down the individual parts. First, rather than identifying the individual parties as sender and receiver, the transactional model simply refers to the parties involved as communicators . Communicators The communicators are simultaneously encoding and decoding throughout the exchange. Encoding occurs when an individual constructs a message using symbols; decoding happens when someone attempts to interpret the message. We create messages in our heads and then decide how to share those messages with others. Simultaneously, we are taking in messages from our communication partners, and trying to derive meaning from their feedback. The concepts of noise and feedback must taken into account as this occurs. The transactional model shows how meaning is co-created and feedback is at the core of shared meaning as all communicators are acting as senders and receivers in a synchronized manner. Take for instance a scenario where you have come home from work and your roommate is home. You are tired but the monthly bills will be late if they are not paid. You make eye contact with your roommate and verbally ask your roommate if they have a minute. You have already begun the transaction of communication. In this scenario you are both communicators. You use verbal and nonverbal means of communicating. You knew it was imperative to discuss the bills and your mind started to create or encode messages. While you made eye contact and verbalized a message, your roommate was actively communicating with you. Did they make eye contact? What did this say to you? We are actively decoding and encoding simultaneously. Decoding in this scenario may be lack of eye contact or focused eye contact. We are attempting to make meaning from messages we receive while creating messages or responses. The feedback we give can be verbal and nonverbal. Perhaps your roommate had a tone that you interpret as irritated, which then changes how you respond. This message negotiation helps us co-create meaning. Understanding how each role in the model affects communication can help us to understand our communication and how to become behaviorally flexible and thereby competent communicators. Message The message is the meaning or content that one communicator is attempting to get the other to understand. The message can be verbal or nonverbal. A Verbal message is one that uses language. When a customer walks into a coffee shop and the barista says “good morning,” they are using language to express their message. Verbal messages can be spoken or written. If the message is nonverbal then there is an absence of language. When the customer walks into the coffee shop and the barista waves their hand, they have conveyed a similar message nonverbally because no language was used. Often the message contains both: for example, if they wave and say “good morning,” the message is both verbal and nonverbal. Channel In order for a communicator to send a message they must use a channel. The channel is how a message moves from one communicator to another, through different mediums of communication that extend the richness or leanness of the message. In the previous example the channel is face-to-face. This channel is the richest because it allows for all kinds of messages. We can hear, see, smell, touch, etc. so we can send all kinds of different messages. Every other channel limits the kinds of messages that we can send. For example, you could place a coffee order online through an app on your phone. In this case, you won’t talk to the barista or see them wave or smile, but they will still get your specific order. Technology has vastly expanded the number of different channels that we have to communicate with one another. For instance, after you pick up your coffee you can snap a picture and post it on Instagram or text a friend to show them how your name was misspelled. Each of these channels influences the kinds of messages and the potential communicators. The relationship between these different components of communication will be something we return to as we learn more about interpersonal communication. Feedback Feedback is a large part of how we co-create understanding by negotiating meaning, clarifying messages, and adding to our messages. We do this verbally and nonverbally. This occurs in face-to-face communication and in computer-mediated communication, or communication via electronic means. That may sound odd at first, but let's say that you sent an important text message to your roommate about getting their share of the rent transferred today to avoid the rent being late. Your normally responsive roommate does not respond for hours. How might you interpret this feedback? In Chapter 5, you will learn about the nonverbal elements of communication, and more in-depth examples will show how feedback plays a crucial role in interpersonal communication. Context Communication requires communicators, at least one message, and a channel—but to limit the complexities of communication to just these three aspects would not give us a complete understanding of what communication truly is. Communication does not take place in a vacuum. Every time we communicate, we do so within larger contexts while also managing noise. We cannot separate the message and the channel from the larger contexts that the communicators are in. Each communication encounter is situated in a relational, environmental, and cultural context that impacts not only the individual people, but the communication itself. Relational Context When we communicate, there is a relational component involved that affects various aspects of the interaction, such as the message we send, the way we send it, and how the other person receives and interprets the message. The relational context is the relationship between the communicators that influences the other aspects of communication. While not all communication may seem to have a relational component involved, even a lack of relationship is part of the relational context and impacts the way we will communicate. Relational contexts impact our communication in various ways. For example, If you miss a day of class, you might reach out to a classmate via text: “Hey, did I miss anything?” That same communication with your instructor would be very different because of the relationship between a student and professor. When you reach out to your professor, you might do so face-to-face or via email, and you might start by referring to them by name rather than “hey.” Because of the contextual nature of these relationships, peer-to-peer versus student-to-professor, we tend to treat the message differently because of the social norms and rules we have been taught growing up. For instance, we may show a small amount of respect to the instructor, including more detailed descriptions of why we missed class, and ask permission to turn in work late — as compared to texting our peers, where we might not feel the same level of responsibility to give that much detail. While the relationship influences communication, the relational context will also be different for each communicator. Again, this will influence not only the content of the message, but also how the message is delivered. For example, one of the authors, as a teenager often used curse words at home when talking to their mother, because it was seen as acceptable in their relationship and within their family. However, a lot of their peers were shocked when they found this out. They would never dare use curse words with their parents. While the relational communication with the author's mother was different than other peers had with their parental relationships, it doesn’t mean one version of the communication was “wrong” and one was “right.” They were different given the different and varying relational contexts involved. While there are some generalities regarding what may be socially acceptable for certain relationships and relational context, our individual relationships are unique and therefore so is the communication they have. Environmental Context Where we communicate also influences our communication. The environmental context includes the setting, the circumstance, the situation, etc. that influence communication. Since this context can include a variety of situational factors, it has an impact upon the complex nature in which our communication takes place. The environmental context affects the communication interaction by helping or hindering the communicators effectiveness in creating and responding to the messages. If you wanted to have a serious conversation with a friend or significant other, it wouldn’t make sense to invite them out to a loud restaurant with live music. That kind of conversation would be better suited in a quiet and more intimate setting. This way the two of you could discuss the serious matter in private, where you wouldn’t have to worry about people overhearing, and you could be more forthcoming. You could hear each other well and make sure you are paying attention, invested in the conversation, and not distracted by what's around you. The circumstance of the communication encounter also dictates the appropriate nonverbal communication that is used. Take, for example, the appropriate attire one might wear to a funeral. In Western cultures like in the United States, family and friends in mourning will typically wear dark colors such as black, whereas, in East Asian cultures such as in Cambodia, white is the appropriate color worn to celebrate the reincarnation and circle of life of the person who has passed. Wearing white to a Western funeral or wearing black to an East Asian funeral would not be expected given the cultural norms of this type of event. The attire we wear and our appearance work as tools within our nonverbal communication to create meaning. Cultural Context Throughout the various relational contexts we may find ourselves in, and the various environments those relationships are happening in, the cultural context is always influencing our communication as well. Culture is defined as a group of people who share values, beliefs, norms, and a common language. Due to this shared way of thinking and behaving, people from the same culture often share similar perspectives on the world. Cultural context includes these learned perceptions of the world. What we find effective and/or appropriate in a given situation is greatly influenced by and influenced from our culture and cultural identity. Some of the most basic understandings of culture and cultural context can be found in research conducted by Professor Geert Hofstede on cultural dimensions, which showcase six ways in which a culture’s values, needs, and social behaviors are analyzed (Cho et. al, 2019). The six value dimensions that Hofstede established from their research are Collectivism versus Individualism, Nurturing versus Achievement, Power Distance (high or low), Uncertainty Avoidance (high or low), Time Orientation (long-term versus short-term), and Indulgence versus Restraint. The six value dimensions are explained in more detail in the sidebar titled “Hofstede’s Cultural Dimensions.” Hofstede proposed that to understand how a particular culture utilizes communication, it is important to understand where its social behaviors lie on these dimensions. With regard to our understanding of interpersonal communication, these cultural dimensions are important building blocks in understanding the cultural context we may face when interacting within our relationships. Cultural dimensions can be important in romantic relationships, where couples from two different cultures may have to learn each other's cultural norms in order to understand the ways their partner’s family dynamics function as compared to their own. They can be also found in friendships, where each friend must respect and accept certain boundaries in the relationship because of their cultural differences, and in family relationships, where elder family members expect a certain level of respect and honor from younger generations. In order to promote understanding of our interpersonal relationships, fundamental understanding of our cultural differences is key. Through dissecting the interpersonal scenarios that happen in our everyday life, we will explore the intersection between the relational context, environmental context, and most importantly, the cultural context to showcase the complex ways in which we communicate with others. While becoming a competent communicator includes a high amount of awareness, understanding, knowledge, and skill, it can help us build confidence and help to strengthen our relationships. The cultural dimensions are an excellent tool in beginning to analyze the different identity and cultural perspectives through a communicative lens. They allow us a small glimpse into the unique characteristics that make up the values, traditions, rituals, and practices of various cultures around the world. But just like each person is unique, so too is our understanding of cultural identity. It is difficult to place absolutes on human behavior, and therefore impossible to put absolutes on how someone’s cultural identity will be displayed. While Hofstede’s cultural dimensions are a beginning step in understanding interpersonal communication through a cultural lens, there are many more exciting steps to take along our learning journey. Collectivism versus Individualism The level of individual or group needs practiced within a culture. Collectivistic cultures are guided by collaborative support, interdependence, tight-knit large family structures, and a “we” identity. Individualistic cultures are guided by independence, autonomy, individuality, and the prioritization of immediate family structures over extended family structures. Nurturing versus Achievement The level of cooperation or competition practiced within a culture. Nurturing-based cultures are guided by concern for people and their well-being, emphasizing relationships and support. Achievement-based cultures are guided by markers of success such as material gain or status, and emphasize personal responsibility and stereotypical gender roles. Power Distance (High or Low) The level of, or distribution of, resources within a culture and the acceptance of those patterns of distribution from members of the culture. A high-power- distance culture emphasizes and accepts differences in status, title, hierarchy and authority. Cultures with low power distance have more equal divisions of power and do not put significance in titles, status, hierarchies, or authority. Uncertainty Avoidance (High or Low) The level to which a culture expects and accepts predictability, rules, regulations, and guidelines. A culture with high uncertainty avoidance will emphasize the need for rules and regulations. These cultures will find confidence in following guidelines and erring on the side of caution. A culture with low uncertainty avoidance will be more comfortable with variability, vagueness in rules or guidelines, riskiness, and adventure. Time Orientation (Long-Term versus Short-Term) The positionality of a culture’s understanding of time being future-oriented or present-oriented. A culture with long-term orientation will be focused on instilling value in generational wisdom of elders, long-term relationships, and persistence as important to goal achievement. A culture with short-term time orientation focuses on short-term goals, having high respect for past traditions, and creating quick and efficient results. Indulgence versus Restraint The level to which a culture embodies the goals and virtues of personal happiness. A culture that is indulgent will be focused on individual satisfaction through leisure and personal freedom. A culture that values restraint emphasizes self-control and strict social norms, and individual freedoms like leisure are not valued as much as hard work and dedication. Discussion Questions - Can you identify where you think you might fall within any of these cultural dimensions? Name the dimension and explain why. - Do you think having multiple cultural identities (for example, identifying as a Mexican American) will impact where you are in any one of these dimensions? Explain. - Have you had an instance where you can now see how a cultural dimension might have impacted your communication with someone in your life? Share your experience and the outcome of that interaction. Noise Noise is the last part of the communication model. Noise is interesting because we do not need noise to communicate, but we cannot communicate without it. Noise is always present. Noise refers to anything that interrupts the communication process and prevents the message getting from one communicator to the other. Physical Noise Physical noise is anything in our environment that is loud enough to prevent one communicator from hearing the other. If you are at a large sporting event there is going to be a lot of physical noise that will interfere with your communication with the friend sitting next to you. In this case you will probably have to raise your voice to make sure they can hear you over the roar of the crowd, or the noise of the buzzer, etc. However, if you are texting with someone who is not with you, the loud noise wouldn’t necessarily interfere with your conversation. Physical noise can interfere with the communication differently depending on the channel. Psychological Noise When we communicate, we not only have to manage the interference from cognitive noise, but we also have to keep from being distracted by our own internal noise. Psychological noise is noise within ourselves. For example, if you are reading a book but at the same time you are thinking about where you are going to meet up with friends later that night, your communication is being affected by psychological noise. You can physically read the whole page but not really decode the message within the page's content because you are distracted by your thoughts. Another example could be when you are walking into class and you receive a text message from a friend that you haven’t heard from in a while. But because you are in class, you can’t check your phone right away. So instead of being able to concentrate on the lecture, you are just thinking about what the text message could say. That message has now created psychological noise. Physiological Noise We also have physiological noise. This relates to our bodies on a physical level. Sometimes our bodies speak to us and that can be distracting. For instance, have you ever slept in a way that when you woke up your back or neck hurt? That discomfort may stay with us for hours and that prevents us from active listening or even taking in messages from other communicators. Maybe we have a cast on a broken bone and the itchy nature of that cast is consistently distracting. Any physical distraction that prevents us from taking in our communication partners’ messages is considered physiological noise . Similarly, if you are sitting in class while the instructor is speaking but you are hungry because you didn’t eat breakfast, your body’s needs create thoughts that interfere with your ability to receive the message—and once again noise has impeded communication. This example shows both psychological and physiological noise both interfering with communication being received and understood. Cultural Noise Lastly, we have cultural noise. Cultural noise includes the barriers that exist among people from different cultural groups. This can range from speaking different languages, differences in meaning of nonverbal cues, or differences in cultural dimensions that create misunderstanding within relationships. Cultural noise creates obstacles in meaning that can become problematic in receiving messages accurately and appropriately. One of the most difficult aspects of cultural noise is when we are unaware that it is impacting our ability to be competent in our communication, or when we are unaware that the cultural noise is present within the environment. For example, an American individual is interviewing for a company where the boss conducting the interview is Filipino. While the company resides in the United States, the boss identifies as collectivistic and finds value in creating a team that focuses on collaboration and group goal setting. The American interviewing for the company identifies as individualistic, and sees their greatest strengths as their self-reliance, freethinking, and having strong initiative. The individualistic person interviewing with the collectivistic boss may not understand the cultural noise that is being created within this situation by highlighting aspects of their work ethic and ability to do the job in ways that are not culturally valued by the person they are speaking to. This cultural noise creates miscommunication between the interviewer and interviewee in a way that would have negative outcomes of them not feeling this job was the right fit, while the interviewee doesn’t get a chance to explain their ability and eagerness for teamwork. Noise is always present in communication, but different types of noise interact with various channels and messages differently. No matter what noise is present, we must learn to manage it if we are going to communicate effectively. Now that you have a better understanding of the individual components of communication, we can turn our attention to the principles of communication.	5,059	common-pile/libretexts_filtered	https://socialsci.libretexts.org/Bookshelves/Communication/Interpersonal_Communication/Interpersonal_Communication%3A_Context_and_Connection-OERI/01%3A_Introduction_to_Interpersonal_Communication/1.04%3A_Models_of_Communication	libretexts	libretexts-0000.json.gz:40237	https://socialsci.libretexts.org/Bookshelves/Communication/Interpersonal_Communication/Interpersonal_Communication%3A_Context_and_Connection-OERI/01%3A_Introduction_to_Interpersonal_Communication/1.04%3A_Models_of_Communication
dYyStcPs1RP47GFD	5.5: Influence of a Research Question	5.5: Influence of a Research Question - What you’re interested in finding out. - What is feasible for you to find out given your time, money, and access to information sources. - How to find information, including what research methods will be necessary and what information sources will be relevant. - What kind of claims you’ll be able to make or conclusions you’ll be able to draw about what you found out. For academic purposes, you may have to develop research questions to carry out both small and large assignments. A smaller assignment may include doing research for a class discussion or to, say, write a blog post for a class; larger assignments may have you conduct research and critical assessment, then report it in a lab report, poster, term paper, or article. For large projects, the research question (or questions) you develop will define or at least heavily influence: - Your topic , which is a part of your research question, effectively narrows the topic you’ve first chosen or been assigned by your instructor. - What, if any, hypotheses you test. - Which information sources are relevant to your project. - Which research methods are appropriate. - What claims you can make or conclusions you can come to as a result of your research, including what thesis statement you should write for a term paper or what you should write about in the results section based on the data you collected in your science or social science study. Influence on Thesis Within an essay, poster, or term paper, the thesis is the researcher’s answer to the research question(s). So as you develop research questions, you are effectively specifying what any thesis in your project will be about. While perhaps many research questions could have come from your original topic, your question states exactly which one(s) your thesis will be answering . For example, a topic that starts as “desert symbiosis” could eventually lead to a research question that is “how does the diversity of bacteria in the gut of the Sonoran Desert termite contribute to the termite’s survival?” In turn, the researcher’s thesis will answer that particular research question instead of the numerous other questions that could have come from the desert symbiosis topic. Developing research questions is all part of a process that leads to the specificity of your project. Sometimes students inexperienced at working with research questions confuse them with the search statements they will type into the search box of a search engine or database when looking for sources for their project. Or, they confuse research questions with the thesis statement they will write when they report their research. The activity below will help you sort things out. Influence on Hypothesis If you’re doing a study that predicts how variables are related, you’ll have to write at least one hypothesis. The research questions you write will contain the variables that will later appear in your hypothesis(es). Influence on Resources You can’t tell whether an information source is relevant to your research until you know exactly what you’re trying to find out. Since it’s the research questions that define that, they divide all information sources into two groups: those that are relevant to your research and those that are not—all based on whether each source can help you find out what you want to find out and/or report the answer. Influence on Research Methods Your research question(s) will help you figure out what research methods you should use because the questions reflect what your research is intended to do. For instance, if your research question relates to describing a group, survey methods may work well. But they can’t answer cause-and-effect questions. Influence on Claims or Conclusions The research questions you write will reflect whether your research is intended to describe a group or situation, to explain or predict outcomes, or to demonstrate a cause-and-effect relationship(s) among variables. It’s those intentions and how well you carry out the study, including whether you used methods appropriate to the intentions, that will determine what claims or conclusions you can make as a result of your research. Exercise: From Topic to Thesis Statement An interactive H5P element has been excluded from this version of the text. You can view it online here: https://minnstate.pressbooks.pub/ctar/?p=64#h5p-11	925	common-pile/libretexts_filtered	https://human.libretexts.org/Bookshelves/Research_and_Information_Literacy/Critical_Thinking_in_Academic_Research_(Gruwell_and_Ewing)/05%3A_Research_Questions/5.05%3A_Influence_of_a_Research_Question	libretexts	libretexts-0000.json.gz:36645	https://human.libretexts.org/Bookshelves/Research_and_Information_Literacy/Critical_Thinking_in_Academic_Research_(Gruwell_and_Ewing)/05%3A_Research_Questions/5.05%3A_Influence_of_a_Research_Question
NEmh0fzE2sCcAN5Y	7.2: Is there a "hidden curriculum"? Where is it hiding?	7.2: Is there a "hidden curriculum"? Where is it hiding? - - Last updated - Save as PDF by Aubrey W. Bibbs, Jr. Learning Objectives 1. Reader should be able to recognize various types of hidden curriculum/character education. 2. Reader will be able to identify reasons for implementing a hidden curriculum/character education into an existing curriculum. 3. Readers are expected to distinguish the differences between the goals associated with hidden curriculum/character education from those of a traditional/formal curriculum Introduction The Random House College Dictionary (1988) defines curriculum as: “the aggregate of courses of study given in a school, college, etc” (p. 328). The term “hidden curriculum” comes from the concept that such an aggregate of courses is comprised of a curriculum which is both formal and informal, also known as written or directed curriculum and unwritten or undirected curriculum respectively. Formal curriculum is traditionally an explicit lesson plan, either produced by the individual teacher or created by the school/school district intended to address intellect and/or vocation, and teach lessons in areas of study such as: mathematics, science, reading, writing and art. Informal curriculum, commonly referred to as hidden curriculum, due to its implicit nature, addresses behavioral and character aspects of life which include, but are not limited to: social responsibility, personal relationships, competition, respect for authority and time management. These aspects are taught by such methods, techniques and procedures as class bells, restroom passes, dress codes, classroom etiquette, class rank charts, etc. The general consensus is that hidden curriculum has the potential to teach, stimulate and foster good or bad lessons, behavioral pattern and character traits respectively. Some educators feel that hidden curriculum is creating more negative repercussions for students and society, than it is positive results. John Taylor Gatto (1992) expressed his concern during a speech by stating, “…these are the things you pay me to teach. 1. CONFUSION…2. CLASS POSITION…3. INDIFFERENCE…4. EMOTIONAL DEPENDENCY…5. INTELLECTUAL DEPENDENCY…6. PROVISIONAL SELF-ESTEEM…7. ONE CAN’T HIDE…” (p. 2-12). His main argument was that hidden curriculum was “dumbing us down” (Gatto). This was a popular sentiment echoed throughout school systems and communities in the U.S. over the past thirty to forty years. Teaching Character Recently, in the past ten to fifteen years, there has been a collective effort by parents, educators and politicians alike for schools to look into placing more focus on areas of hidden curriculum such as, character education; also referred to as value education or moral education intended to help students “to acquire certain character strengths: sound judgment, a sense of responsibility, personal courage, and self-mastery” (Ryan & Bohlin, 1999, p. 207), and realize both the individual benefit and the benefit to the greater good of society when they “internalize these lifelong habits” (p. 207). This movement was brought on by obvious indications that our nation's youth was lacking sufficient moral fiber as demonstrated through “frightening statistics about youth homicides and suicides and by soaring numbers of teen pregnancies“ (p. xiii), staggering high school drop out rates and gang affiliation. As a result of the movement to create formal programs which propagate positive outcomes by focusing on the potential that hidden curriculum has to influence character development, the term “hidden curriculum” has become synonymous with character education. Another point presented by advocates for character education is that a value/moral driven curriculum was deemed a necessity by our nation’s founding fathers, such a Thomas Jefferson, who believed that formally teaching virtue early on was integral to the ultimate success of our nation and its established structure (Lickona, 1991). Note “To educate a person in mind and not in morals is to educate a menace to society” (Lickona, 1991, p. 3). Criticism One would be hard pressed to find a teaching philosophy, idea or technique that was introduced without some form of criticism, skepticism or opposition. So, despite concerns from educators in regards to the countless challenges that students face beyond the scope of academics, an air of skepticism still lingers among many. Taking into consideration the enormous pressures placed on educators to create and implement lesson plans in accordance with No Child Left Behind legislation, consequently forcing many teachers to make drastic adjustments to their preexisting curricula and teaching styles; many educators find it unfeasible to introduce and implement a character driven curriculum while simultaneously maintaining a traditional academic driven curriculum (Allred, 2008, November). Another source of pessimism stem from claims that character education “amounts to imposing particular values or personality traits on young people or crude manipulations of children by dominant powers in their lives” (Ryan & Bohlin, 1999, p. 140). Simply put, some educators feel that character education is nothing short of “brainwashing” (Ryan & Bohlin, p. 140) children. Aside from fear of a decline in academic standing, failing to meet academic benchmarks or indoctrination, educators are open to and optimistic about employing a curriculum that encompasses both academic advancement and character development. Character Education Programs There are dozens of character education programs in practice today, making it unfeasible to discuss each one individually. Instead, an overview of some of the key overlapping points from the numerous character education programs currently in use is a more practical approach. Most programs adopt a curriculum centered on a structure that promotes a synergy among the individual student, community and society. Essentially, these programs expect to teach students to make positive decisions not just for self benefit, but for the well being of others. Due to the nature of such programs and their goals, they are often divided into components or levels. Some programs consist of more components than others (components within components), but essentially share three similar components: the school, the family and the community. Additionally, these programs rely heavily on a philosophy that encourages students to use a three division cycle of self-reflection in order to develop good character habits. This cycle is comprised of a continuum of moral knowing/thoughts/thought, moral feeling/feelings/emotion, moral actions/actions/response. Supplemental lessons/techniques common to character education programs include: leading by example, moral literature, storytelling, and cooperative learning to name a few. Positive Action, a character education program which has been widely used in the state of California for over five years is an example of a program that has successfully incorporated a synergistic structure in its lesson format combined with a self-reflecting philosophy in efforts to build good character traits and behavior while maintaining, and in many cases improving academic standards. In fact, “it was recognized as the only program in the nation to simultaneously improve academics and behavior in character education” (Allred, 2008, November, p. 27) by the U.S. Department of Education What Works Clearinghouse. Note “Only a virtuous people are capable of freedom. As nations become corrupt and vicious, they have more need of a master…Nothing is of more importance for the public weal, than to form and train up youth in wisdom and virtue" (Ryan & Bohlin, 1999, p. 220). Conclusion Hidden curriculum, more specifically, character education has been revered by many as an essential educational element since the birth of our nation and the development of our nation's educational system. Despite mild criticism, character education has an abundance of benefits on an individual, communal and societal level having both immediate and long term pay outs. Additionally, taking inventory of the moral issues associated with our nation’s teenage demographic couple with evidence that character education has the ability to simultaneously instill strong morals and values, creating good character and improve academic performance is proof positive that there is an ever present need for a curriculum that incorporates character education into traditional academic driven education. References Allred, C.G. (2008, November). Improving academics, behavior and character. Leadership , 38(2), 26-29. Retrieved December 12, 2008, from Education Research Complete database. Gatto, J.T. (1992). Dumbing us down . Philadelphia: New Society. Hagee, A. (2003). Educating the heart . Tucson, AZ: Zephyr Press. Licona, T. (1991). Educationg for character: How our schools can teach respect and responsibility . New York: Bantam Books. Ryan, K., Bohlin, K.E. (1999). Building character in schools: Practical ways to bring moral instruction to life . San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. Ryan, K., Bohlin, K.E. (1999). Preface. Building character in schools: Practical ways to bring moral instruction to life . San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. Ryan, K., Bohlin, K.E. (1999). Appendix. Building character in schools: Practical ways to bring moral instruction to life . San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. Stein, J., Hauck, L.C., SU, P.Y. (Eds.). (1988). Curriculum. The Random House college dictionary (Revised ed.). New York: Random House.	1,829	common-pile/libretexts_filtered	https://socialsci.libretexts.org/Courses/Fresno_City_College/Introduction_to_Education_(Perez)/07%3A_Curriculum/7.02%3A_Is_there_a_hidden_curriculum_Where_is_it_hiding	libretexts	libretexts-0000.json.gz:1673	https://socialsci.libretexts.org/Courses/Fresno_City_College/Introduction_to_Education_(Perez)/07%3A_Curriculum/7.02%3A_Is_there_a_hidden_curriculum_Where_is_it_hiding
L8S2oPFKRFIGk0Et	Construction Management from a Modernized Perspective	First Project: 50fifty office building Background and Introduction: Hensel Phelps was the contractor that built the 50 fifty tower. It is 12-story tower with six floors of office space, an enclosed parking garage, and ground floor retail space. The focus for this building was to bring in natural light on both the interior and exterior. This structure appeared successfully through about a 24-month period, opening its door in November of 2018 in Denver, Colored. This commercial structure was built with materials such as steel, concrete, and glass. This allowed construction managers to utilize ironworkers, pipefitters, and glaziers to produce this project in a timely manner. The owner (Corium Real Estate Group) wanted to have, not just another average office building, but one that was different from the rest and had everything their employees deserved. This building consists of a convenient location with nearby restaurants and amazing 360 views throughout the building, conference rooms, fitness center, bicycle storage, and 100% covered parking garages. In addition to these amazing features, the building is of the top tier, both elegant and luxurious. Pros and Cons: A complex design like this seems almost too good for an office building, although that was the whole goal of this building. Not only is this building visually pleasing but it is built with amazing ecofriendly features. For instance, it is LEED gold certified. The windows are made to reduce heat and glare, as well as the insulated roof and walls to limit heat transfer. Very high-quality water source heat pumps for space conditioning. Twenty-six percent energy cost savings over LEED baseline design, and low flow fixtures. Although like every project there are disadvantages. With this specific project it is hard to recognize these disadvantages, but if I had to say, I would go with the fact that there is limited office space and of course that it is only available to the companies that rent out the spaces. Also, the bookings for the offices will be booked for quite some time since this will be the desired office location in Denver. Future Impacts, Recommendations, and Conclusions: the design of this project was unique and risky. This is a great example for architects and interior designers or even property owners who need inspiration, and the concept behind this building well thought out. The project represents an office space building with some fashion and efficient workspace for their employees and good return on investment by building an ecofriendly building. Second Project: Assault Battalion Maintenance Hanger Background and Introduction: The US Army Corps of Engineers (USACE) and the 4th Infantry Division (ID) Combat Aviation Bridge (CAB) needed a home for their fleet of 30 Black Hawk helicopters, also known as the Sikorsky UH-60, so the USACE built one on Butts Army Airfield on Fort Carson. According to (Barth, 2014), the general contractor (David Boland Inc.) was awarded the $52 million contract to build the hanger both designed and owned by USACE, Omaha District. The building is a Commercial/Military use 88,000 square foot high-bay hangar. The overall square footage of the project was 113,800. The contract also included 92,667 square yards of concrete on the airfield flight line and the demolition of six buildings on the airfield. Special concrete pads were used due to the corrosive nature of the soil. Additional features include six helicopter bays, a two story interior space for office space, classrooms, administrative areas, supply storage, company readiness purposes, pedestrian bridge and bridge cranes, an elevator and fire suppression systems which include wet, dry and foam application in their perspective areas. Over 1,250 tons of steel and 107,375 square feet of decking were used in the process. The project was completed on December 6, 2017. Pros and Cons: One very interesting feature of the fire suppression system is the use of foam. In the event of a fire inside the hangar a certain type of foam is released which begins to fill the entire maintenance bay extinguishing the fire before it is all drained back out. This process takes only a matter of minutes to complete its cycle. The Project Manager at Pioneer Civil Construction showed us a video he recorded with his cell phone of the test of the foam system being deployed. It is amazing how quickly a building that size can be filled with foam. Our time on the jobsite concluded with finishing items on the punch list like, installing test stations for the utilities we installed, raising and lowering valve boxes, and using loaders and skid steers to bring the dirt back to final grade before the landscapers came in to spray the area to promote grass growth. Third Project: The Construction of the Pentagon Background and Introduction: The pentagon is a very strange looking building located in Washington DC. It can be seen in a multitude of movies, television shows, and many other forms of media. Yet the Pentagon serves a much larger purpose in the United States. The Pentagon is the main department building for the US Department of defense. Being that the Pentagon is a building meant for a government agency, it falls under the Commercial building sector of construction. There were many powerful players in the construction of the Pentagon. For example the main architect of the Pentagon was G. Edwin Bergstorm (History.com, 2009). Being that the building was for the US Department of Defense, they are the owners of the building. The main contractor of the Pentagon was John McShain, who owned one of the largest construction companies in the US (Fowler, 1989). Pros and Cons: According to the (History.com, 2009), the construction of the Pentagon was a very lengthy process. Yet the process was forcefully rushed after a few events in history. There were over 3000 workers on the site at a time. The Pentagon was finished in only 16 months, which was due to the start of World War II. This was due to the attack on Pearl Harbor. There were upwards of 10,000 to 15,000 workers on site at a time; yet it seems as if the construction of the Pentagon has not ended yet. For example the terrorist attack of 9/11 forced the Department of Defense to rebuild part of the Pentagon. Along with the two planes that attacked the twin towers, another plane was hijacked and flown at the Pentagon Future Impacts, Recommendations, and Conclusions: countless time and money has been constantly poured into the Pentagon. In fact the initial completion of the project cost was around $83 million dollars (Fowler, 1989). The pentagon first opened its doors in 1943, yet the many attacks on the building have caused it to open and close almost periodically. The building covers over 29 acres of land and has a 5 acre court in the center (Fowler, 1989). It has 5 floors and around 17.5 miles of hallways throughout the building. Therefore, the Pentagon was one of the largest construction projects of US defense history. The project had thousands and thousands of workers at a time. Including the best of the best when it came to architects and project managers. The project has been under constant construction and repairs. Yet the building still stands as a show of US power and hard work. Fourth Project: Leaning Tower of Pisa Background and Introduction: the leaning Tower of Pisa is a famous building that intrigues tourists to Pisa daily due to the fact that it leans over 16 feet south off its centric. The purpose of constructing the tower was to show the advanced construction technology and capability Pisa city had at the time. Future Impacts, Recommendations, and Conclusions: many people had participated in building the building, so the building undergone three phases. During the first phase, which started in the year 1173, two architects were in-charge on the design and construction Bonanno Pisano and Din Gherardo (Rodriguez, 2019). As the third floor was being built in the year of 1178, the two architects noticed the lean in the structure, which were due to the facts soil moving about and destabilizing the foundation and the building materials were clay and fine sand and shells. When this happened, the construction stopped. The second phase started again in 1275 by Giovani di Simone, who tried to alter the angle that the three previous levels were built at for the next four, but this did not fix the problem. The construction stopped again in the year1284 due a war, but then it started back up in the year1350. The overall construction took 176 years from start to finish and costed around $35,462,550. The failure of planning and construction resulted in a remarkable historical building; similarly, it was able to withstand all the war Pisa went through.	1,890	common-pile/pressbooks_filtered	https://pressbooks.pub/husamalshareef/chapter/chapter-6-sample-of-projects-and-special-construction-challenges/	pressbooks	pressbooks-0000.json.gz:1465	https://pressbooks.pub/husamalshareef/chapter/chapter-6-sample-of-projects-and-special-construction-challenges/
ZAzaBdCgUVcGo8Wk	Microbiomes: Health and the Environment	6 The Oral Microbiome The Oral Microbiome The oral microbiome as with other site-specific microbiomes on and inside the human body is very distinct for each individual and its makeup and function is reflective of a variety of factors. Even within the context of the oral cavity, there are several unique niches with their own microbial ecosystem, including saliva, tongue, teeth, gingiva, throat, tonsils, and others. Each of these habitats exhibit diverse and complex interactions between bacteria, archaea, fungi, viruses, and protozoa, where dysfunction can lead to a number diseases, both rare and common (Wade, 2013, Sampaio-Maia et al., 2016). Factors Affecting Composition The composition of the oral microbiome and its respective niches is inherently dependent on host genetics, but other factors and habits such diet and smoking have a substantial effect on diversity. Members of the oral cavity demonstrate more heritability than the gut microbiome, and higher abundances of certain heritable organisms, such as Prevotella pallens, are associated with a lack of dental caries, while on the other hand, Streptococcus mutans and Lactobacillus species are linked to cavities (Davenport, 2017, Xiao et al., 2018). Detection of the specific groups of microbes has traditionally been difficult since many are fastidious and cannot be cultivated. So other techniques like metagenomics, metatranscriptomics, and proteomics have been implemented to better characterize the microorganisms present and their respective roles (Parahitiyawa et al., 2010, Grassl et al., 2016). These studies have found that the oral microbiota is quite different even between healthy individuals, and so it may be the microbial functionality that is more important in the progression of various diseases, such as the role of biofilm formation, plaque buildup, and sugar metabolism in the development of dental caries (Segata et al., 2012, Takahashi et al., 2010, Duran-Pinedo and Frias-Lopez, 2015, Sato et al., 2015, Davenport, 2017). Dysbiosis and Disease The oral cavity is such a dynamic location that constantly experiences a variety of different foods, drinks, oral hygiene products, and other environmental stimuli with each composed of a multitude of macromolecules, compounds, and potentially other microorganisms, and so it makes sense that its microbiome often fluctuates in diversity (Parahitiyawa et al., 2010). Though there are differences in composition between individuals, specific sites, and over periods of time, species such as Streptococcus mitis and Granulicatella adiacens are conserved and generally present throughout the oral microbiome, while the presence of other specific microbes are associated with a particular disease (Aas et al., 2005). However, diseases like Periodontitis, which is the chronic inflammation of the gums and tooth supporting structures and one of the most common oral diseases, has many organisms associated with the condition, so discerning which ones are primarily responsible is a complex task. There are a variety of viruses that cause oral-related conditions, such as the Human papilloma virus (HPV) which is known for causing lesions and warts in the mouth, as well as head and neck squamous cell carcinoma (Kumaraswamy and Vidhya, 2011). An increase of the protozoa Entamoeba gingivalis and Trichomonas tenax are observed in patients with gingival disease, but are not the causative agents, rather just taking advantage of the increased food sources (bacteria and food debris) from poor hygiene (Wantland et al., 1958). There is also a variety of fungi present in the oral cavity with Candida species being the most common, and many of the members in the oral mycobiome are responsible for chronic diseases, however correlation isn’t exactly clear (Ghannoum et al., 2010). Archaea, primarily methanogens, are also present in the oral microbiome, and while there aren’t technically any known pathogens in this domain, there is an increase in abundance observed in patients with periodontitis (Lepp et al., 2004, Mattarazo et al., 2011, Wade, 2013, Willis and Gabaldon, 2020). Generally, the oral microbiome is linked with aspects oral health and has primary implications in dental and periodontal diseases, however it can contribute to vitality and diseases in other parts of the body such as cardiovascular disease, stroke, Alzheimer’s disease, cystic fibrosis, rheumatoid arthritis, diabetes, pneumonia, and preterm birth (Seymour et al., 2007, Duran-Pinedo and Frias-Lopez, 2015, Kori et al., 2020, Willis and Gabaldon, 2020). Additionally, the oral microbiome is implicated in various forms of cancer including esophageal, pancreatic, gastric, liver, colorectal, and oral (Willis and Gabaldon, 2020, Bakhti et al., 2021, Mohammed et al., 2021). In many of these types of cancers the Gram-negative anaerobe, Fusobacterium nucleatum, is a primary culprit as it can promote cancer by activation of cell proliferation, promotion of cellular invasion, induction of chronic inflammation and immune evasion (Al-hebshi et al., 2017, McIlvanna et al., 2021). Another contributing factor to cancer development is the use of tobacco products which cause oral microbiome dysbiosis (Al-habshi et al., 2017, Gopinath et al., 2021, Sajid et al., 2021). As with other microbiomes, deviation from the normal composition can result in altered function and progression of disease. Saliva Saliva is an important component in maintaining homeostasis in the oral cavity, as it lubricates food, initiates the digestive process, and defends against bacteria. Disruption in secretion can lead to changes in the oral microbiome which promotes progression of oral and other diseases (Grassl et al., 2016). Since saliva contacts virtually all surfaces within the oral cavity it is involved with all other duties of the mouth, and adaptive and innate immune defense mechanisms can be considered the most important in terms of microbiological clinical relevance. The protein and gycoprotein content regulates the oral microbiome by promoting the colonization of commensal microbiota while helping eliminate pathogenic microbes (Cross and Ruhl, 2018). These macromolecules aid in bacterial adhesion and biofilm formation so that they aren’t dislodged by salivary flow and other oral physiological processes (Mandel, 1987). The establishment of beneficial microbes prevents pathogenic bacteria from gaining a foothold, and the agglutinins found in saliva aid in removal through binding and then swallowing (Scannapieco, 1994). The co-evolution of the microbiota and humans has cultivated the development of specific bacterial adhesins for colonization of the preferred microorganisms, thus establishing a mutualism, though pathogenic microbes are quick to adapt to changing binding motifs (Springer and Gagneux, 2013, Cross and Ruhl, 2018). Saliva can harbor numerous microbes, with one milliliter containing approximately one hundred million microbial cells (Marsh et al., 2015) and over 600 different species (Dewhirst et al., 2020, Willis and Gabaldon, 2020). In one study, the prominent genera found across various types of saliva samples (i.e. spit, drool, and oral rinse) from healthy individuals were Streptococcus (17.5%), Prevotella (15.5%), Veillonella (15.3%), Neisseria (12.7%) and Haemophilus (10%) (Lim et al., 2017). Though it can be difficult to differentiate a core salivary microbiota from other specific oral niches since it coats the oral cavity. For those suffering from various diseases, the relative abundance of certain microorganisms and general composition of the oral microbiota is altered as compared to healthy controls. For example, patients suffering from chronic obstructive pulmonary disease (COPD) and periodontitis have varying abundances of Veillonella, Rothia, Actinomyces, and Fusobacterium in saliva samples (Lin et al., 2020). Periodontitis and COPD are comorbid diseases that are commonly associated with other conditions like rheumatoid arthritis, diabetes mellitus, and cardiovascular diseases (Scher et al., 2014, Wang et al., 2014, Chrysanthakopoulos and Chrysanthakopoulos, 2014, Lin et al., 2020). Dysfunction of bacterial ecology in saliva is exacerbated by COPD and periodontitis, and so restoration of the salivary microbiota may treat or reduce the severity of these diseases and their comorbidities (Jeffcoat et al., 2014, Zhou et al., 2014, Lin et al., 2020). Alterations of the salivary microbiome are also associated with certain human viral infections like the herpes virus, influenza, and SARS-CoV (Blostein et al., 2021, Miller et al., 2021). Saliva generally is beneficial to oral health, though changes in it’s makeup could be detrimental and further aggravate disease. For instance, the saliva microbiota and their byproducts could be responsible for increased susceptibility of infection of gum tissues with herpes simplex virus 1, especially in individuals with periodontitis lesions (Zuo et al., 2019). Eukaryotic viruses can also directly interact with oral bacteria and affect disease severity, as is the case with streptococci and influenza which results in an increased viral load (Kamio et al., 2015). Similarly, among patients with COVID-19 there are differences in the salivary bacterial community based on SARS-CoV-2 viral load, though the exact dynamics and repercussions of the interaction isn’t yet well understood. It is possible that COVID-19-induced inflammation could directly impact the oral microbiome and contribute to other diseases connected with dysbiosis (Miller et al., 2021). Dysbiosis of the fungal component in the salivary microbiome also contributes to overall oral microbial community changes and detrimental effects to the human host. The mycobiome is an important constituent of the oral microbiome though its member’s abundance is much less than that of the bacteriome. There are two main genera in the salivary mycobiome: Candida and Malassezia, where the former is associated with dental plaque bacteria, carbohydrate-rich microbial communities, and acidic pH conditions which contribute to dental caries (Hong et al., 2020). Other interactions between the mycobiome and bacteriome in saliva has been observed in the chronic inflammatory disease oral lichen planus (OLP). OLP causes swelling, discoloration, and open sores of the mucosal membranes in the oral cavity, primarily affecting the buccal region (cheek), but the lips, gingiva, and tongue may also be affected. Similar to plaque buildup and cavity formation, this disease is characterized by an increased abundance of genera Candida, but also Aspergillus, as well as a decrease in biodiversity (Li et al., 2019). While diversity and abundance of specific groups within the salivary microbiome are associated with various diseases, it is important to consider other factors like diet, lifestyle habits, and genetics that can influence the progression of any particular disease. Teeth, Plaque, and Cavities Plaque formation occurs when a multispecies biofilm builds layers on the surface of teeth over time. This structure not only contains a variety of microbes, some of which are pathogenic, but proteins, carbohydrates, minerals, antimicrobial peptides and other compounds that dictate its structure and activity (Amerongen and Veerman, 2002, Flemmig and Beikler, 2011, Zarco et al., 2011). For normal healthy individuals, plaque biofilms are important in maintaining oral homeostasis and good tooth conditions as they can trap pathogens or prevent them from thriving due to competitive inhibition. However, regular detachment of these biofilms through oral hygiene and salivary flow are necessary to prevent pathogen establishment and their escape from immune responses and antimicrobial therapy (Avila et al., 2009, Filoche et al., 2009, Van Essche et al., 2010, Flemmig and Beikler, 2011, Zarco et al., 2011). The persistence of oral biofilms contributes directly to cavity formation as carbohydrate-fermenting microbes within produce acidic byproducts which lower oral pH and damage tooth enamel (Selwitz et al., 2007, Ling et al., 2010). Cavities form once the surface layers of the tooth wear away and lesions form in the dentin, resulting in oral pain, tooth decay and loss (Selwitz et al., 2007, Zarco et al., 2011). Dental caries are the most prevalent disease for children worldwide, and dental care is the most common unmet need among children in the United States (Loesche and Grenier, 1976, Acs et al., 1999, Low et al., 1999, Peterson et al., 2013). The fastidious nature of several members of plaque polymicrobial communities have made it traditionally difficult to characterize an exact consortium responsible for dental caries, however, recent studies using NGS technologies have detailed a few signature genera. Streptococcus mutans and Lactobacilli spp. are the primary culprits, but other genera such as Fusobacterium, Bifidobacterium, and Actinomyces are found in high abundance in people with cavities (Munson et al., 2004, Chhour et al., 2005, Corby et al., 2005, Peterson et al., 2013). The fungal yeast, Candida albicans, is also found regularly in children with severe early childhood caries (S-ECC) (Xiao et al., 2018). Interestingly, other members of Streptococcus including S. parasanguinis, S. mitis, S. oralis, and S. sanguinis are associated with individuals exhibiting good dental health (Corby et al., 2005, Peterson et al., 2013). Overall, during the progression of caries there is a reduction in species diversity in these communities (Peterson et al., 2013). Gingivae and Periodontitis Aside from dental caries, periodontitis, a.k.a. ‘gum disease’, is the other most common oral disease in humans, and it also results from alterations in oral microbial ecology. This inflammatory condition affects the supporting structures surrounding the teeth where the microbial communities that inhabit the subgingival area serve to trigger its onset (Hajishengallis and Lamont, 2012, Hong et al., 2015). Though progression of the disease comes in episodes, the continual breakdown of periodontium tissue (gingiva, periodontal ligament, cementum, and alveolar bone) leads to alveolar bone breakdown, formation of pocket lesions, and tooth loss (Listgarten, 1986). This condition is very difficult treat as specific antibiotics must be administered, though they are often unsuccessful as pathogens can hide in plaque, develop resistance, and quickly recolonize through reserves in the mucous membranes of the oral cavity. Once pockets form in the periodontium, periodontitis becomes irreversible, as the tissues are unable to reattach to the bone and the pathogens within cannot be completely eradicated or removed (Pihlstrom et al., 2005, Horz and Conrads, 2007, Van Essche et al., 2011, Zarco et al., 2011). Culture-based studies have shown that periodontitis is associated with varying levels of abundance of three bacterial species: Porphyromonas gingivalis, Tannerella forsythia and Treponema denticola, which are collective referred to as the ‘red complex’ (Socransky et al., 1998, Rocas et al., 2001, Socransky and Hafajee, 2005, Teles et al., 2010). More recent genetic analysis has revealed other bacteria associated with the disease, including those from the classes Clostridia, Negativicutes, and Erysipelotrichia; the genera Synergistes, Prevotella, and Fusobacterium; and the species Filifactor alocis (Vartoukian et al, 2009, Griffen et al., 2012, Costalonga and Herzberg, 2014, Willis and Gabaldon, 2020). Some methanogenic archaeal species have even been implicated in the disease, and perhaps serve a metabolic role as a ‘hydrogen sink’ for secondary fermenters (Lepp et al., 2004, Matarazzo et al., 2011). Viruses, both eukaryotic and bacteriophages, are also thought to play a part in the etiology of periodontitis. While bacteriophages manage biofilm formation through bacterial predation, the role of eukaryotic viruses found in the oral cavity such as those in the Herpesvirus family, is more enigmatic (Martinez et al., 2021). The protist Trichomonas tenax is frequently found in patients with severe periodontitis, though it is not known if its presence is a cause or a result of the disease (Benabdelkader et al., 2019. It is generally thought that this condition arises from events of dysbiosis causing an increase in community diversity and richness which then alters antagonistic/synergistic relationships, metabolic functions, and the oral environment (Kolenbrander et al., 2006, Shi et al., 2015, Ng et al., 2021). Those bacteria that may be absent or inhibited during dysbiosis conditions, and are associated with good periodontal health include those from the phylum Proteobacteria and the Firmicutes, class Bacilli, and the genera Streptococcus, Actinomyces, and Granulicatella (Griffen et al., 2012, Liu et al., 2012, Willis and Gabaldon, 2020). Periodontitis resulting from oral microbiome dysbiosis has been linked to other diseases like chronic kidney disease, as well as several types of cancers including oral, esophageal, gastric, lung, pancreatic, prostate, hematologic, and breast (Fitzpatrick and Katz, 2010, Ioanndiou and Swede, 2011, Michaud et al., 2017). These associations stemming from the oral cavity could be due to dysbiosis-induced microbiome changes and recruitment of disease causing pathogens, production of harmful microbial-derived byproducts, and/or modulation of the immune system causing an increase in proinflammatory cytokines (Abnet et al., 2005, Kurkivuori et al., 2007, Chalabi et al., 2008, Meurman, 2010, Willis and Gabaldon, 2020). In reality, there are likely a multitude of factors and interactions between microbial communities and the host that lead to the progression of these diseases, however, it is still important to determine certain organismal signatures or functions that could indicate a condition and perhaps aid in diagnosis or treatment. Tongue The tongue is another niche for a variety of microbial communities, and though it is a maneuverable oral centerpiece that comes into contact with the rest of the cavity, it has its own unique makeup of microbes. The tongue microbiome serves as an ideal model to analyze changing microbial consortia and understand microbial community dynamics. By employing a novel computational method known as oligotyping, which relies on identifying certain nucleotide content of genetic sequences, a better resolution of microbial taxonomic distribution can be achieved (Eren et al., 2014, Welch et al., 2014, Wilbert et al., 2020). As expected, the tongue experiences large fluctuations in relative abundance across taxa, but this isn’t completely explained by obvious human behavior such as oral hygiene and food/liquid intake. The complex microbial organization that is observed is likely a combination of many factors, like other microbiomes, such as host immunity, physiology influenced by circadian rhythm, epithelial cell renewal, other microbial (e.g. bacteriophage) interactions, as well as certain host behaviors and lifestyles (Welch et al., 2014, Wilbert et al., 2020). The changing microbiome of the tongue can also be linked to various diseases and conditions in both the oral cavity and throughout the rest of the body. Viewing the tongue for diagnosis isn’t a novel approach either, as traditional Chinese medical practices have viewed tongue phenotypes to discern various illnesses for thousands of years, and currently physical aspects of the tongue are being connected with its microbiome composition to better diagnosis certain diseases like oral, liver, gastric, colorectal, and pancreatic head cancers (Jiang et al., 2012, Han et al., 2014, Mukherjee et al., 2017, Cui et al., 2019 Lu et al., 2019, Mohammed et al., 2021). It is also interesting that members of the tongue microbiome can help regulate blood pressure and cardiovascular health through metabolism of dietary nitrate, and oral hygiene (e.g. tongue cleaning) can help promote the growth of these beneficial organisms (Tribble et al., 2019). While good habits like proper oral hygiene can cultivate a healthy oral microbiome and improve overall health, bad habits like smoking negatively affect microbial communities which contributes to various diseases. For example, metagenomic analysis investigating bacterial species and their gene content showed significant differences of certain species, strains, and metabolic pathways within the tongue microbiome between smokers and never smokers (Sato et al., 2020). This further demonstrates the usefulness of tongue microbiome analysis as a reliable technique to explore and diagnosis certain diseases and conditions. Conclusion Though not as well characterized as the gut microbiome, the oral microbiome has a significant impact on human health. Within the oral cavity, specific niche microbiomes of saliva, teeth, gums, and tongue are each compositionally unique and implicated in various conditions and diseases. Moreover still, other oral niches like the buccal mucosa, palate, pharynx, and tonsils not detailed here are distinctive and have certain associated diseases initiated with respective microbiome dysbiosis (Gao et al., 2014, Fukui et al., 2018, van der Meulen et al., 2018). Areas within the oral microbiome may eventually become routine sites for medical observation since samples are easily acquired, especially saliva, and microbial analysis can serve as a fast and reliable option for diagnosis and potential treatment of oral disorders as well as other diseases. As the oral cavity is the initial point of contact and entrance for foreign microbial loads into the body, oral disease and its associated microbial ecology appear to serve as a conduit for a multitude of other diseases. In a sense the oral microbiome can be considered a precursor to the gut and lung microbiomes, as microbes are undoubtedly mixed with food, drink, and air before being swallowed or inhaled and taken further into the respective system. It is therefore important to understand and better characterize the oral microbiome so that medical diagnosis and intervention can be improved. However, with vast differences in microbial community diversity and composition between humans across the word, this will be quite the challenge to determine normalized healthy consortia respective to people of various geographic regions, ages, lifestlyes, etc. Hotspot Quiz Check Your Understanding - What aspects of the oral microbiome allow for the formation of unique niches? - How does dysbiosis within the oral microbiome contribute to certain diseases? (What aspects of changes in microbial community diversity and richness could cause oral and other diseases?) - Why may saliva sampling be considered a viable option for diagnosis of oral and other diseases? - How do oral biofilms contribute to cavity formation and tooth decay? - Why are microbial infections associated with periodontitis hard to treat? - How do certain lifestyles influence various niches of the oral microbiome and lead to disease? Media Attributions - Video 1 – GM2: Periodontal Microbiome – Murray Brilliant by National Human Genome Research Institute. Licensed under Creative Commons: By Attribution 3.0 License https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/3.0/ - Figure 1 – Oral and systemic diseases associated with the oral microbiome by Willis and Gabaldon, 2020, caption adapted by Dylan Parks. Licensed under Creative Commons: By Attribution 4.0 License http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/ - Images of body sites and organs in Figure 1 by Servier Medical Art. Licensed under Creative Commons: By Attribution 3.0 License https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/3.0/ - Figure 2 – Examples of metagenomic studies of associations between the oral microbiome and oral diseases by Willis and Gabaldon, 2020, caption adapted by Dylan Parks. Licensed under Creative Commons: By Attribution 4.0 License http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/ References - Aas, J. A., Paster, B. J., Stokes, L. N., Ingar, O., & Dewhirst, F. E. (2005). Defining the Normal Bacterial Flora of the Oral Cavity. Journal of Clinical Microbiology, 43(11), 5721–5732. https://doi.org/10.1128/JCM.43.11.5721-5732.2005 - Abnet, C. C., Qiao, Y.-L., Dawsey, S. M., Dong, Z.-W., Taylor, P. R., & Mark, S. D. (2005). Tooth loss is associated with increased risk of total death and death from upper gastrointestinal cancer, heart disease, and stroke in a Chinese population-based cohort. 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Comparison of oral microbiota in tumor and non-tumor tissues of patients with oral squamous cell carcinoma. BMC Microbiology, 12(1), 144. https://doi.org/10.1186/1471-2180-12-144 - Rôças, I. N., Siqueira, J. F., Jr, Santos, K. R., & Coelho, A. M. (2001). “Red complex” (Bacteroides forsythus, Porphyromonas gingivalis, and Treponema denticola) in endodontic infections: a molecular approach. Oral surgery, oral medicine, oral pathology, oral radiology, and endodontics, 91(4), 468–471. https://doi.org/10.1067/moe.2001.114379 - Sajid, M., Srivastava, S., Joshi, L., & Bharadwaj, M. (2021). Impact of smokeless tobacco-associated bacteriome in oral carcinogenesis. Anaerobe, 70, 102400. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.anaerobe.2021.102400 - Sampaio-Maia, B., Caldas, I. M., Pereira, M. L., Pérez-Mongiovi, D., & Araujo, R. (2016). Chapter Four – The Oral Microbiome in Health and Its Implication in Oral and Systemic Diseases. In S. Sariaslani & G. Michael Gadd (Eds.), Advances in Applied Microbiology (Vol. 97, pp. 171–210). Academic Press. https://doi.org/10.1016/bs.aambs.2016.08.002 - Sato, N., Kakuta, M., Hasegawa, T., Yamaguchi, R., Uchino, E., Kobayashi, W., Sawada, K., Tamura, Y., Tokuda, I., Murashita, K., Nakaji, S., Imoto, S., Yanagita, M., & Okuno, Y. (2020). Metagenomic analysis of bacterial species in tongue microbiome of current and never smokers. Npj Biofilms and Microbiomes, 6(1), 11. https://doi.org/10.1038/s41522-020-0121-6 - Sato, Y., Yamagishi, J., Yamashita, R., Shinozaki, N., Ye, B., Yamada, T., Yamamoto, M., Nagasaki, M., & Tsuboi, A. (2015). Inter-Individual Differences in the Oral Bacteriome Are Greater than Intra-Day Fluctuations in Individuals. PLOS ONE, 10(6), e0131607-. https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0131607 - Scannapieco, F. A. (1994). Saliva-Bacterium Interactions in Oral Microbial Ecology. 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Frontiers in Cellular and Infection Microbiology, 9, 39. https://www.frontiersin.org/article/10.3389/fcimb.2019.00039 - van der Meulen, T. A., Harmsen, H. J. M., Bootsma, H., Liefers, S. C., Vich Vila, A., Zhernakova, A., Fu, J., Wijmenga, C., Spijkervet, F. K. L., Kroese, F. G. M., & Vissink, A. (2018). Dysbiosis of the buccal mucosa microbiome in primary Sjögren’s syndrome patients. Rheumatology, 57(12), 2225–2234. https://doi.org/10.1093/rheumatology/key215 - Van Essche, M., Quirynen, M., Sliepen, I., Loozen, G., Boon, N., van Eldere, J., & Teughels, W. (2011). Killing of anaerobic pathogens by predatory bacteria. Molecular Oral Microbiology, 26(1), 52–61. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.2041-1014.2010.00595.x - Vartoukian, S. R., Palmer, R. M., & Wade, W. G. (2009). Diversity and Morphology of Members of the Phylum “Synergistetes” in Periodontal Health and Disease. Applied and Environmental Microbiology, 75(11), 3777–3786. https://doi.org/10.1128/AEM.02763-08 - Wade, W. G. (2013). The oral microbiome in health and disease. Pharmacological Research, 69(1), 137–143. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.phrs.2012.11.006 - Wang, L., Ganly, I. (2014). The oral microbiome and oral cancer. Clinics in Laboratory Medicine, 34, 711–719. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.cll.2014.08.004 - Wang, T.-F., Jen, I.-A., Chou, C., & Lei, Y.-P. (2014). Effects of periodontal therapy on metabolic control in patients with type 2 diabetes mellitus and periodontal disease: a meta-analysis. Medicine, 93(28), e292–e292. https://doi.org/10.1097/MD.0000000000000292 - Wantland, W. W., Wantland, E. M., Remo, J. W., & Winquist, D. L. (1958). Studies on Human Mouth Protozoa. Journal of Dental Research, 37(5), 949–950. https://doi.org/10.1177/00220345580370052601 - Welch, J. L., Utter, D. R., Rossetti, B. J., Mark Welch, D. B., Eren, A. M., & Borisy, G. G. (2014). Dynamics of tongue microbial communities with single-nucleotide resolution using oligotyping. 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Oral Diseases, 18(2), 109–120. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1601-0825.2011.01851.x - Zhou, X., Han, J., Liu, Z., Song, Y., Wang, Z., & Sun, Z. (2014). Effects of periodontal treatment on lung function and exacerbation frequency in patients with chronic obstructive pulmonary disease and chronic periodontitis: A 2-year pilot randomized controlled trial. Journal of Clinical Periodontology, 41(6), 564–572. https://doi.org/https://doi.org/10.1111/jcpe.12247 - Zuo, Y., Whitbeck, J. C., Haila, G. J., Hakim, A. A., Rothlauf, P. W., Eisenberg, R. J., Cohen, G. H., & Krummenacher, C. (2019). Saliva enhances infection of gingival fibroblasts by herpes simplex virus 1. PLOS ONE, 14(10), e0223299-. https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0223299	9,185	common-pile/pressbooks_filtered	https://uta.pressbooks.pub/microbiomeshealthandtheenvironment/chapter/the-oral-microbiome/	pressbooks	pressbooks-0000.json.gz:50080	https://uta.pressbooks.pub/microbiomeshealthandtheenvironment/chapter/the-oral-microbiome/
viJjz9ecJ0f8iT7o	1.4: SI and Metric Units	1.4: SI and Metric Units Within the sciences, we use the system of weights and measures that are defined by the International System of Units which are generally referred to as SI Units. At the heart of the SI system is a short list of base units defined in an absolute way without referring to any other units. The base units that we will use in this text, and later in General Chemistry include the meter (m) for distance, the kilogram (kg) for mass and the second (s) for time. The volume of a substance is a derived unit based on the meter, and a cubic meter (m 3 ) is defined as the volume of a cube that is exactly 1 meter on all edges. Because most laboratory work that takes place in chemistry is on a relatively small scale, the mass of a kilogram (about 2.2 pounds) is too large to be convenient and the gram is generally utilized, where a gram (g) is defined as 1/1000 kilograms. Likewise, a volume of one cubic meter is too large to be practical in the laboratory and it is common to use the cubic centimeter to describe volume. A cubic centimeter is a cube that is 1/100 meter on each edge, a teaspoon holds approximately 5 cubic centimeters. For liquids and gasses, chemists will usually describe volume using the liter, where a liter (L) is defined as 1000 cubic centimeters. SI base units are typically represented using the abbreviation for the unit itself, preceded by a metric prefix, where the metric prefix represents the power of 10 that the base unit is multiplied by. The set of common metric prefixes are shown in Table $\PageIndex{1}$. \| Factor \| Name \| Symbol \| \|---\|---\|---\| \| 10 -12 \| pico \| p \| \| 10 -9 \| nano \| n \| \| 10 -6 \| micro \| µ \| \| 10 -3 \| milli \| m \| \| 10 -2 \| centi \| c \| \| 10 -1 \| deci \| d \| \| 1 \| none \| \| \| 10 3 \| kilo \| k \| \| 10 6 \| mega \| M \| \| 10 9 \| giga \| G \| Using this Table as a reference, we see the metric symbol “c” represents the factor 10 -2 ; thus writing “cm” is equivalent to writing (10 –2 × m). Likewise, we could describe 1/1000 of a meter as mm, where the metric symbol “m” represents the factor 10 -3 . The set of metric prefixes and their symbols that are shown in Table 1.3 are widely used in chemistry and it is important that you memorize them and become adept at relating the prefix (and its’ symbol) to the corresponding factor of 10.	603	common-pile/libretexts_filtered	https://chem.libretexts.org/Bookshelves/Introductory_Chemistry/Book%3A_Introductory_Chemistry_Online_(Young)/01%3A_Measurements_and_Atomic_Structure/1.4%3A_SI_and_Metric_Units	libretexts	libretexts-0000.json.gz:6684	https://chem.libretexts.org/Bookshelves/Introductory_Chemistry/Book%3A_Introductory_Chemistry_Online_(Young)/01%3A_Measurements_and_Atomic_Structure/1.4%3A_SI_and_Metric_Units
p4GlRZ3NN3woCfkV	28: The Python Programming Language	28: The Python Programming Language This appendix gives a very brief introduction to programming in python and is primarily aimed at introducing tools that are useful for the experimental side of physics. - Be able to perform simple algebra using python. - Be able to plot a function in python. - Be able to propagate uncertainties in python. - Be able to plot and fit data to a straight line. - Understand how to use Python to numerically calculate any integral. In this textbook, we will encourage you to use computers to facilitate making calculations and displaying data. We will make use of a popular programming language called Python, as well as several “modules” from Python that facilitate working with numbers and data. Do not worry if you do not have any programming experience; we assume that you have none and hope that by the end of this book, you will have some capability to decrease your workload by using computer programming. The only way to become proficient at programming is through practice. If you want to effectively learn from this chapter, it is important that you take the time to actually type the commands into a Python environment rather than simply reading through the chapter. Reading through the chapter will at least give you a sense of what is possible and some terminology, but it will not teach you programming!	300	common-pile/libretexts_filtered	https://phys.libretexts.org/Courses/Berea_College/Introductory_Physics%3A_Berea_College/28%3A_The_Python_Programming_Language	libretexts	libretexts-0000.json.gz:4666	https://phys.libretexts.org/Courses/Berea_College/Introductory_Physics%3A_Berea_College/28%3A_The_Python_Programming_Language
nV5IVOhX2C7c2kZZ	Business/Technical Mathematics	6. Health Option 6.2 Ratio, Rate, and Percent; Health Applications Learning Objectives By the end of this section it is expected that you will be able to: - Write a ratio as a fraction - Application of ratio - Write ratio as a fraction - Find unit rate - Use the definition of percent - Convert percents to fractions and decimals - Convert decimals and fractions to percents Write a Ratio as a Fraction Ratios A ratio compares two numbers or two quantities that are measured with the same unit. The ratio of to is written In this section, we will use the fraction notation. When a ratio is written in fraction form, the fraction should be simplified. If it is an improper fraction, we do not change it to a mixed number. Because a ratio compares two quantities, we would leave a ratio as instead of simplifying it to so that we can see the two parts of the ratio. EXAMPLE 1 Write each ratio as a fraction: a) b) . \| Write as a fraction with the first number in the numerator and the second in the denominator. \| \| \| Simplify the fraction. \| We leave the ratio in b) as an improper fraction. \| Write as a fraction with the first number in the numerator and the second in the denominator. \| \| \| Simplify. \| TRY IT 1 Write each ratio as a fraction: a) b) . Show answer Applications of Ratios One real-world application of ratios that affects many people involves measuring cholesterol in blood. The ratio of total cholesterol to HDL cholesterol is one way doctors assess a person’s overall health. A ratio of less than to 1 is considered good. EXAMPLE 2 Hector’s total cholesterol is mg/dl and his HDL cholesterol is mg/dl. a) Find the ratio of his total cholesterol to his HDL cholesterol. b) Assuming that a ratio less than to is considered good, what would you suggest to Hector? a) First, write the words that express the ratio. We want to know the ratio of Hector’s total cholesterol to his HDL cholesterol. \| Write as a fraction. \| \| \| Substitute the values. \| \| \| Simplify. \| b) Is Hector’s cholesterol ratio ok? If we divide by we obtain approximately , so . Hector’s cholesterol ratio is high! Hector should either lower his total cholesterol or raise his HDL cholesterol. TRY IT 2 Find the patient’s ratio of total cholesterol to HDL cholesterol using the given information. Total cholesterol is mg/dL and HDL cholesterol is mg/dL. Show answer Write a Rate as a Fraction Frequently, using rate, we compare two different types of measurements. Examples of rates are kilometres in hours, words in minutes, and dollars per ounces. Rate A rate compares two quantities of different units. A rate is usually written as a fraction. When writing a fraction as a rate, we put the first given amount with its units in the numerator and the second amount with its units in the denominator. When rates are simplified, the units remain in the numerator and denominator. EXAMPLE 3 A healthy heart has a rate around 72 beats per 60 seconds. Write this rate as a fraction. \| Write as a fraction, 72 beats in the numerator and 60 seconds in the denominator. \| \| So beats in seconds is equivalent to . TRY IT 3 Write the rate as a fraction: heartbeats in seconds. Show answer Find Unit Rate In the last example, we calculated that a healthy heart beats at a rate of . This tells us that every 5 seconds there are 6 heart beats. This is correct, but not very useful. We usually want the rate to reflect the number of beats in one second. A rate that has a denominator of unit is referred to as a unit rate. Unit Rate A unit rate is a rate with denominator of unit. To convert a rate to a unit rate, we divide the numerator by the denominator. This gives us a denominator of . EXAMPLE 4 Marta had heartbeats in. What is Marta’s heartbeat rate? \| Start with a rate of heartbeats to minutes. Then divide. \| \| \| Write as a rate. \| \| \| Divide the numerator by the denominator. \| \| \| Rewrite as a rate. \| Marta’s heartbeat rate is per minute. TRY IT 4 Find the unit rate: in minutes. Show answer \68 heartbeats/minute Use the Definition of Percent How many cents are in one dollar? There are cents in a dollar. How many years are in a century? There are years in a century. Does this give you a clue about what the word “percent” means? It is really two words, “per cent,” and means per one hundred. A percent is a ratio whose denominator is . We use the percent symbol to show percent. Percent A percent is a ratio whose denominator is . According to the data from Statistics Canada (2009), of 6-11 year olds have or have had a cavity. This means out of every of 6-11 year olds have or have had a cavity. As (Figure 1) shows out of the squares on the grid, are shaded, which we write as the ratio . Similarly, means a ratio of means a ratio of and means a ratio of . In words, “one hundred percent” means the total is , and since , we see that means whole. EXAMPLE 5 According to a Government of Canada report updated on \left(July 9, 2021\right \text{,}\phantom{\rule{0.2em}{0ex}}\text{68\%}\) of total population received at least on dose of COVID-19 vaccine. Write this percent as a ratio. \| The amount we want to convert is 68%. \| \| \| Write the percent as a ratio. Remember that percent means per 100. \| TRY IT 5 Write the percent as a ratio. According to the report from example 5, of total population is partially vaccinated. Show answer Convert Percents to Fractions and Decimals Since percents are ratios, they can easily be expressed as fractions. Remember that percent means per , so the denominator of the fraction is . Convert a Percent to a Fraction. - Write the percent as a ratio with the denominator . - Simplify the fraction if possible. EXAMPLE 6 According to the report from example 5, of total population is fully vaccinated.Convert the percent to a fraction: \| Write as a ratio with denominator 100. \| \| \| Simplify. \| TRY IT 6 According to the report from example 5, just slightly over of 12 years and older population is fully vaccinated.Convert the percent to a fraction: Show answer To convert a percent to a decimal, we first convert it to a fraction and then change the fraction to a decimal. HOW TO: Convert a Percent to a Decimal - Write the percent as a ratio with the denominator . - Convert the fraction to a decimal by dividing the numerator by the denominator. EXAMPLE 7 a) Adult males typically are composed of about 60 % water. Convert the percent to a decimal. b) Adult females typically are composted of 55% water. Convert the percent to a decimal Because we want to change to a decimal, we will leave the fractions with denominator instead of removing common factors. \| a) \| \| \| Write as a ratio with denominator 100. \| \| \| Change the fraction to a decimal by dividing the numerator by the denominator. \| \| b) \| \| \| Write as a ratio with denominator 100. \| \| \| Change the fraction to a decimal by dividing the numerator by the denominator. \| TRY IT 7 Convert each percent to a decimal: Show answer - 0.09 - 0.87 To convert a percent number to a decimal number, we move the decimal point two places to the left and remove the sign. (Sometimes the decimal point does not appear in the percent number, but just like we can think of the integer as , we can think of as .) Notice that we may need to add zeros in front of the number when moving the decimal to the left. (Figure 2) uses the percents in the table above and shows visually how to convert them to decimals by moving the decimal point two places to the left. Convert Decimals and Fractions to Percents To convert a decimal to a percent, remember that percent means per hundred. If we change the decimal to a fraction whose denominator is , it is easy to change that fraction to a percent. HOW TO: Convert a Decimal to a Percent - Write the decimal as a fraction. - If the denominator of the fraction is not , rewrite it as an equivalent fraction with denominator . - Write this ratio as a percent. EXAMPLE 8 Convert each decimal to a percent: a) b) \| a) \| \| \| Write as a fraction. The denominator is 100. \| \| \| Write this ratio as a percent. \| \| b) \| \| \| The denominator is 100. \| \| \| Write this ratio as a percent. \| TRY IT 8 Convert each decimal to a percent: a) b) Show answer - 4% - 41% To convert a decimal to a percent, we move the decimal point two places to the right and then add the percent sign. (Figure.3) uses the decimal numbers in the table above and shows visually to convert them to percents by moving the decimal point two places to the right and then writing the sign. Now we also know how to change decimals to percents. So to convert a fraction to a percent, we first change it to a decimal and then convert that decimal to a percent. HOW TO: Convert a Fraction to a Percent - Convert the fraction to a decimal. - Convert the decimal to a percent. EXAMPLE 9 Convert each fraction or mixed number to a percent: a) b) c) To convert a fraction to a decimal, divide the numerator by the denominator. \| a) \| \| \| Change to a decimal. \| \| \| Write as a percent by moving the decimal two places. \| \| \| b) \| \| \| Change to a decimal. \| \| \| Write as a percent by moving the decimal two places. \| \| \| c) \| \| \| Write as an improper fraction. \| \| \| Change to a decimal. \| \| \| Write as a percent. \| \| Notice that we needed to add zeros at the end of the number when moving the decimal two places to the right. TRY IT 9 Convert each fraction or mixed number to a percent: a) b) c) Show answer - 62.5% - 275% - 340% Sometimes when changing a fraction to a decimal, the division continues for many decimal places and we will round off the quotient. The number of decimal places we round to will depend on the situation. If the decimal involves money, we round to the hundredths place. For most other cases in this book we will round the number to the nearest thousandth, so the percent will be rounded to the nearest tenth. EXAMPLE 10 Convert to a percent. To change a fraction to a decimal, we divide the numerator by the denominator. \| Change to a decimal—rounding to the nearest thousandth. \| \| \| Write as a percent. \| TRY IT 10 Convert the fraction to a percent: Show answer 42.9% When we first looked at fractions and decimals, we saw that fractions converted to a repeating decimal. When we converted the fraction to a decimal, we wrote the answer as . We will use this same notation, as well as fraction notation, when we convert fractions to percents in the next example. EXAMPLE 11 Statistics Canada reported in 2018 that approximately of Canadian adults are obese. Convert the fraction to a percent. \| Change to a decimal. \| \| \| Write as a repeating decimal. \| \| \| Write as a percent. \| We could also write the percent as . TRY IT 11 Convert the fraction to a percent: According to the Canadian Census 2016, about people within the population of Canada are between the ages of and . Show answer Access to Additional Online Resources Glossary - ratio - A ratio compares two numbers or two quantities that are measured with the same unit. The ratio of to is written to , , or . - rate - A rate compares two quantities of different units. A rate is usually written as a fraction. - unit rate - A unit rate is a rate with denominator of 1 unit. - - percent - A percent is a ratio whose denominator is . Key Concepts - Convert a percent to a fraction. - Write the percent as a ratio with the denominator 100. - Simplify the fraction if possible. - Convert a percent to a decimal. - Write the percent as a ratio with the denominator 100. - Convert the fraction to a decimal by dividing the numerator by the denominator. - Convert a decimal to a percent. - Write the decimal as a fraction. - If the denominator of the fraction is not 100, rewrite it as an equivalent fraction with denominator 100. - Write this ratio as a percent. - Convert a fraction to a percent. - Convert the fraction to a decimal. - Convert the decimal to a percent. 6.2 Exercise Set In the following exercises, write each ratio as a fraction. - to - to - to - to - to - ounces to ounces - feet to feet - milligrams to milligrams - total cholesterol of to HDL cholesterol of - inches to foot In the following exercises, find the unit rate. Round to two decimal places, if necessary. - calories per ounces - total cholesterol is mg/dL and HDL cholesterol is mg/dL - 584 beats in 8 minutes - pounds in weeks - beats in minute - A popular fast food burger weighs ounces and contains calories, grams of fat, grams of carbohydrates, and grams of protein. Find the unit rate of: - calories per ounce - grams of fat per ounce - grams of carbohydrates per ounce - grams of protein per ounce. Round to two decimal places. In the following exercises, write each percent as a ratio. - A patient health insurance covers of the cost of his medication. - out of nursing candidates received their degree at a community college. In the following exercises, convert each percent to a fraction and simplify all fractions. In the following exercises, convert each percent to a decimal. - COVID-19 vaccines, the Pfizer and Moderna have the hightest efficiency at around - A couple plans to have two children. The probability they will have two girls is . In the following exercises, convert each decimal to a percent. In the following exercises, convert each fraction to a percent. - According to the Government of Canada, in of Canadian adults were overweight or obese. Answers - 11.67 calories/ounce - 2.73 lbs./sq. in. - 73 beats/minute - 2.69 lbs./week - 92 beats/minute - - 72 calories/ounce - 3.87 grams of fat/ounce - 5.73 grams carbs/once - 3.33 grams protein/ounce - - 0.05 - 0.63 - 1.5 - 0.214 - 0.95 - 0.25 - 18% - 135% - 300% - 0.9% - 37.5% - 41.7% - 42.9% Attributions - This chapter has been adapted from “Understand Percent” in Prealgebra (OpenStax) by Lynn Marecek, MaryAnne Anthony-Smith, and Andrea Honeycutt Mathis, which is under a CC BY 4.0 Licence. Adapted by Izabela Mazur. See the Copyright page for more information. - OER.hawaii.edu - Wikipedia - Government of Canada Statistics	3,416	common-pile/pressbooks_filtered	https://opentextbc.ca/businesstechnicalmath/chapter/ratio/	pressbooks	pressbooks-0000.json.gz:59919	https://opentextbc.ca/businesstechnicalmath/chapter/ratio/
-MVWSIuXsNlC3fK1	9.3: Fibrous Joints	9.3: Fibrous Joints By the end of this section, you will be able to: - Describe the structural features of fibrous joints - Distinguish between a suture, syndesmosis, and gomphosis - Give an example of each type of fibrous joint At a fibrous joint, the adjacent bones are directly connected to each other by fibrous connective tissue, and thus the bones do not have a joint cavity between them (Figure $\PageIndex{1}$ ). The gap between the bones may be narrow or wide. There are three types of fibrous joints. A suture is the narrow fibrous joint found between most bones of the skull. At a syndesmosis joint, the bones are more widely separated but are held together by a narrow band of fibrous connective tissue called a ligament or a wide sheet of connective tissue called an interosseous membrane. This type of fibrous joint is found between the shaft regions of the long bones in the forearm and in the leg. Lastly, a gomphosis is the narrow fibrous joint between the roots of a tooth and the bony socket in the jaw into which the tooth fits. Suture All the bones of the skull, except for the mandible, are joined to each other by a fibrous joint called a suture . The fibrous connective tissue found at a suture (“to bind or sew”) strongly unites the adjacent skull bones and thus helps to protect the brain and form the face. In adults, the skull bones are closely opposed and fibrous connective tissue fills the narrow gap between the bones. The suture is frequently convoluted, forming a tight union that prevents most movement between the bones. (See Figure 9.5 a .) Thus, skull sutures are functionally classified as a synarthrosis, although some sutures may allow for slight movements between the cranial bones. In newborns and infants, the areas of connective tissue between the bones are much wider, especially in those areas on the top and sides of the skull that will become the sagittal, coronal, squamous, and lambdoid sutures. These broad areas of connective tissue are called fontanelles (Figure $\PageIndex{2}$ ). During birth, the fontanelles provide flexibility to the skull, allowing the bones to push closer together or to overlap slightly, thus aiding movement of the infant’s head through the birth canal. After birth, these expanded regions of connective tissue allow for rapid growth of the skull and enlargement of the brain. The fontanelles greatly decrease in width during the first year after birth as the skull bones enlarge. When the connective tissue between the adjacent bones is reduced to a narrow layer, these fibrous joints are now called sutures. At some sutures, the connective tissue will ossify and be converted into bone, causing the adjacent bones to fuse to each other. This fusion between bones is called a synostosis (“joined by bone”). Examples of synostosis fusions between cranial bones are found both early and late in life. At the time of birth, the frontal and maxillary bones consist of right and left halves joined together by sutures, which disappear by the eighth year as the halves fuse together to form a single bone. Late in life, the sagittal, coronal, and lambdoid sutures of the skull will begin to ossify and fuse, causing the suture line to gradually disappear. Syndesmosis A syndesmosis (“fastened with a band”) is a type of fibrous joint in which two parallel bones are united to each other by fibrous connective tissue. The gap between the bones may be narrow, with the bones joined by ligaments, or the gap may be wide and filled in by a broad sheet of connective tissue called an interosseous membrane . In the forearm, the wide gap between the shaft portions of the radius and ulna bones are strongly united by an interosseous membrane (see Figure $\PageIndex{5}$ b ). Similarly, in the leg, the shafts of the tibia and fibula are also united by an interosseous membrane. In addition, at the distal tibiofibular joint, the articulating surfaces of the bones lack cartilage and the narrow gap between the bones is anchored by fibrous connective tissue and ligaments on both the anterior and posterior aspects of the joint. Together, the interosseous membrane and these ligaments form the tibiofibular syndesmosis. The syndesmoses found in the forearm and leg serve to unite parallel bones and prevent their separation. However, a syndesmosis does not prevent all movement between the bones, and thus this type of fibrous joint is functionally classified as an amphiarthrosis. In the leg, the syndesmosis between the tibia and fibula strongly unites the bones, allows for little movement, and firmly locks the talus bone in place between the tibia and fibula at the ankle joint. This provides strength and stability to the leg and ankle, which are important during weight bearing. In the forearm, the interosseous membrane is flexible enough to allow for rotation of the radius bone during forearm movements. Thus in contrast to the stability provided by the tibiofibular syndesmosis, the flexibility of the antebrachial interosseous membrane allows for the much greater mobility of the forearm. The interosseous membranes of the leg and forearm also provide areas for muscle attachment. Damage to a syndesmotic joint, which usually results from a fracture of the bone with an accompanying tear of the interosseous membrane, will produce pain, loss of stability of the bones, and may damage the muscles attached to the interosseous membrane. If the fracture site is not properly immobilized with a cast or splint, contractile activity by these muscles can cause improper alignment of the broken bones during healing. Gomphosis A gomphosis (“fastened with bolts”) is the specialized fibrous joint that anchors the root of a tooth into its bony socket within the maxillary bone (upper jaw) or mandible bone (lower jaw) of the skull. A gomphosis is also known as a peg-and-socket joint. Spanning between the bony walls of the socket and the root of the tooth are numerous short bands of dense connective tissue, each of which is called a periodontal ligament (see Figure 9.5 c ). Due to the immobility of a gomphosis, this type of joint is functionally classified as a synarthrosis.	1,333	common-pile/libretexts_filtered	https://med.libretexts.org/Bookshelves/Anatomy_and_Physiology/Anatomy_and_Physiology_2e_(OpenStax)/02%3A_Support_and_Movement/09%3A_Joints/9.03%3A_Fibrous_Joints	libretexts	libretexts-0000.json.gz:17997	https://med.libretexts.org/Bookshelves/Anatomy_and_Physiology/Anatomy_and_Physiology_2e_(OpenStax)/02%3A_Support_and_Movement/09%3A_Joints/9.03%3A_Fibrous_Joints
fDr0OH49YDDyXMC8	ENGL 1213 Online Library Sessions	Scholarly Articles Conclusion You have now learned the basics of reading scholarly articles and using existing sources to find additional information. When you have completed your worksheet, make sure to upload it to Canvas, or submit to your instructor according to their directions. If you have questions about any of the information you learned in this lesson, or need help with research for your classes, please contact the Library! We have a variety of ways for you to get in touch and let us know how we can help. You even have your own librarian who specializes in helping students in Engl 1213 classes. (See information below!) Holly Reiter, Engl 1213 Librarian - Email<EMAIL_ADDRESS>- Phone:<PHONE_NUMBER> - 1213 Library Guide Other Library Resources: - Online chat: instant message a librarian and get your questions answered - Library tutorials: Learn how to use other databases, how to evaluate information, cite your sources, and more	197	common-pile/pressbooks_filtered	https://open.library.okstate.edu/engl1213/chapter/scholarly-articles-conclusion/	pressbooks	pressbooks-0000.json.gz:3142	https://open.library.okstate.edu/engl1213/chapter/scholarly-articles-conclusion/
8_dQ3CySFg-3QT7W	U.S. History	Chapter 24: The Jazz Age: Redefining the Nation, 1919-1929 Transformation and Backlash Learning Objectives By the end of this section, you will be able to: - Define nativism and analyze the ways in which it affected the politics and society of the 1920s - Describe the conflict between urban Americans and rural fundamentalists - Explain the issues in question in the Scopes trial While prosperous, middle-class Americans found much to celebrate about the new era of leisure and consumption, many Americans–often those in rural areas–disagreed on the meaning of a “good life” and how to achieve it. They reacted to the rapid social changes of modem urban society with a vigorous defense of religious values and a fearful rejection of cultural diversity and equality. NATIVISM Beginning at the end of the nineteenth century, immigration into the United States rocketed to never-before-seen heights. Many of these new immigrants were coming from eastern and southern Europe and, for many English-speaking, native-born Americans of northern European descent, the growing diversity of new languages, customs, and religions triggered anxiety and racial animosity. In reaction, some embraced nativism, prizing white Americans with older family trees over more recent immigrants, and rejecting outside influences in favor of their own local customs. Nativists also stoked a sense of fear over the perceived foreign threat, pointing to the anarchist assassinations of the Spanish prime minister in 1897, the Italian king in 1900, and even President William McKinley in 1901 as proof. Following the Bolshevik Revolution in Russia in November 1917, the sense of an inevitable foreign or communist threat only grew among those already predisposed to distrust immigrants. The sense of fear and anxiety over the rising tide of immigration came to a head with the trial of Nicola Sacco and Bartolomeo Vanzetti (Figure 24.9). Sacco and Vanzetti were Italian immigrants who were accused of being part of a robbery and murder in Braintree, Massachusetts, in 1920. There was no direct evidence linking them to the crime, but (in addition to being immigrants) both men were anarchists who favored the destruction of the American market-based, capitalistic society through violence. At their trial, the district attorney emphasized Sacco and Vanzetti’s radical views, and the jury found them guilty on July 14, 1921. Despite subsequent motions and appeals based on ballistics testing, recanted testimony, and an ex-convict’s confession, both men were executed on August 23, 1927. Opinions on the trial and judgment tended to divide along nativist-immigrant lines, with immigrants supporting the innocence of the condemned pair. The verdict sparked protests from Italian and other immigrant groups, as well as from noted intellectuals such as writer John Dos Passos, satirist Dorothy Parker, and famed physicist Albert Einstein. Muckraker Upton Sinclair based his indictment of the American justice system, the “documentary novel” Boston, on Sacco and Vanzetti’s trial, which he considered a gross miscarriage of justice. As the execution neared, the radical labor union Industrial Workers of the World called for a three-day nationwide walkout, leading to the Great Colorado Coal Strike of 1927. Protests occurred worldwide from Tokyo to Buenos Aires to London (Figure 24.9). One of the most articulate critics of the trial was then-Harvard Law School professor Felix Frankfurter, who would go on to be appointed to the U.S. Supreme Court by Franklin D. Roosevelt in 1939. In 1927, six years after the trial, he wrote in The Atlantic, “By systematic exploitation of the defendants’ alien blood, their imperfect knowledge of English, their unpopular social views, and their opposition to the war, the District Attorney invoked against them a riot of political passion and patriotic sentiment; and the trial judge connived at–one had almost written, cooperated in–the process.” To “preserve the ideal of American homogeneity,” the Emergency Immigration Act of 1921 introduced numerical limits on European immigration for the first time in U.S. history. These limits were based on a quota system that restricted annual immigration from any given country to 3 percent of the residents from that same country as counted in the 1910 census. The National Origins Act of 1924 went even further, lowering the level to 2 percent of the 1890 census, significantly reducing the share of eligible southern and eastern Europeans, since they had only begun to arrive in the United States in large numbers in the 1890s. Although New York congressmen Fiorello LaGuardia and Emanuel Celler spoke out against the act, there was minimal opposition in Congress, and both labor unions and the Ku Klux Klan supported the bill. When President Coolidge signed it into law, he declared, “America must be kept American.” Click and Explore The Library of Congress’s immigration collection contains information on different immigrant groups, the timelines of their immigration, maps of their settlement routes, and the reasons they came. Click the images on the left navigation bar to learn about each group. THE KU KLUX KLAN The concern that a white, Protestant, Anglo-Saxon United States was under siege by throngs of undesirables was not exclusively directed at foreigners. The sense that the country was also facing a threat from within its borders and its own citizenry was also prevalent. This sense was clearly reflected in the popularity of the 1915 motion picture, D. W. Griffith’s The Birth of a Nation (Figure 24.10). Based on The Clansman, a 1915 novel by Thomas Dixon, the film offers a racist, white-centric view of the Reconstruction Era. The heroes of the film were the Ku Klux Klan, who saved the whites, the South, and the nation. While the film was reviled by many African Americans and the NAACP for its historical inaccuracies and its maligning of freed slaves, it was celebrated by many whites who accepted the historical revisionism as an accurate portrayal of Reconstruction Era oppression. After viewing the film, President Wilson reportedly remarked, “It is like writing history with lightning, and my only regret is that it is all so terribly true.” Artistic License and the Censor In a letter dated April 17,1915, Mary Childs Nerney, a secretary of the NAACP, wrote to a local censor to request that certain scenes be cut from The Birth of a Nation. My dear Mr. Packard: I am utterly disgusted with the situation in regard to “The Birth of a Nation.” As you will read in the next number of the Crisis, we have fought it at every possible point. In spite of the promise of the Mayor [of Chicago] to cut out the two objectionable scenes in the second part, which show a white girl committing suicide to escape from a Negro pursuer, and a mulatto politician trying to force marriage upon the daughter of his white benefactor, these two scenes still form the motif of the really unimportant incidents, of which I enclose a list. I have seen the thing four times and am positive that nothing more will be done about it. Jane Addams saw it when it was in its worst form in New York. I know of no one else from Chicago who saw it. I enclose Miss Addam’s opinion. When we took the thing before the Police Magistrate he told us that he could do nothing about it unless it [led] to a breach of the peace. Some kind of demonstration began in the Liberty Theatre Wednesday night but the colored people took absolutely no part in it, and the only man arrested was a white man. This, of course, is exactly what Littleton, counsel for the producer, Griffith, held in the Magistrates’ Court when we have our hearing and claimed that it might lead to a breach of the peace. Frankly, I do not think you can do one single thing. It has been to me a most liberal education and I purposely am through. The harm it is doing the colored people cannot be estimated. I hear echoes of it wherever I go and have no doubt that this was in the mind of the people who are producing it. Their profits here are something like $14,000 a day and their expenses about $400.I have ceased to worry about it, and if I seem disinterested, kindly remember that we have put six weeks of constant effort of this thing and have gotten nowhere. Sincerely yours, –Mary Childs Nerney, Secretary, NAACP On what grounds does Nerney request censorship? What efforts to get the movie shut down did she describe? The Ku Klux Klan, which had been dormant since the end of Reconstruction in 1877, experienced a resurgence of attention following the popularity of the film. Just months after the film’s release, a second incarnation of the Klan was established at Stone Mountain, Georgia, under the leadership of William Simmons. This new Klan now publicly eschewed violence and received mainstream support. Its embrace of Protestantism, anti-Catholicism, and anti-Semitism, and its appeals for stricter immigration policies, gained the group a level of acceptance by nativists with similar prejudices. The group was not merely a male organization: The ranks of the Klan also included many women, with chapters of its women’s auxiliary in locations across the country. These women’s groups were active in a number of reform-minded activities, such as advocating for prohibition and the distribution of Bibles at public schools. But they also participated in more expressly Klan activities like burning crosses and the public denunciation of Catholics and Jews (Figure 24.11). By 1924, this Second Ku Klux Klan had six million members in the South, West, and, particularly, the Midwest–more Americans than there were in the nation’s labor unions at the time. While the organization publicly abstained from violence, its member continued to employ intimidation, violence, and terrorism against its victims, particularly in the South. The Klan’s newfound popularity proved to be fairly short-lived. Several states effectively combatted the power and influence of the Klan through anti-masking legislation, that is, laws that barred the wearing of masks publicly. As the organization faced a series of public scandals, such as when the Grand Dragon of Indiana was convicted of murdering a white schoolteacher, prominent citizens became less likely to openly express their support for the group without a shield of anonymity. More importantly, influential people and citizen groups explicitly condemned the Klan. Reinhold Niebuhr, a popular Protestant minister and conservative intellectual in Detroit, admonished the group for its ostensibly Protestant zealotry and anti-Catholicism. Jewish organizations, especially the Anti-Defamation League, which had been founded just a couple of years before the reemergence of the Klan, amplified Jewish discontent at being the focus of Klan attention. And the NAACP, which had actively sought to ban the film The Birth of a Nation, worked to lobby congress and educate the public on lynchings. Ultimately, however, it was the Great Depression that put an end to the Klan. As dues-paying members dwindled, the Klan lost its organizational power and sunk into irrelevance until the 1950s. FAITH, FUNDAMENTALISM, AND SCIENCE The sense of degeneration that the Klan and anxiety over mass immigration prompted in the minds of many Americans was in part a response to the process of postwar urbanization. Cities were swiftly becoming centers of opportunity, but the growth of cities, especially the growth of immigrant populations in those cities, sharpened rural discontent over the perception of rapid cultural change. As more of the population flocked to cities for jobs and quality of life, many left behind in rural areas felt that their way of life was being threatened. To rural Americans, the ways of the city seemed sinful and profligate. Urbanites, for their part, viewed rural Americans as hayseeds who were hopelessly behind the times. In this urban/rural conflict, Tennessee lawmakers drew a battle line over the issue of evolution and its contradiction of the accepted, biblical explanation of history. Charles Darwin had first published his theory of natural selection in 1859, and by the 1920s, many standard textbooks contained information about Darwin’s theory of evolution. Fundamentalist Protestants targeted evolution as representative of all that was wrong with urban society. Tennessee’s Butler Act made it illegal “to teach any theory that denies the story of the Divine Creation of man as taught in the Bible, and to teach instead that man has descended from a lower order of animals.” The American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) hoped to challenge the Butler Act as an infringement of the freedom of speech. As a defendant, the ACLU enlisted teacher and coach John Scopes, who suggested that he may have taught evolution while substituting for an ill biology teacher. Town leaders in Dayton, Tennessee, for their part, sensed an opportunity to promote their town, which had lost more than one-third of its population, and welcomed the ACLU to stage a test case against the Butler Act. The ACLU and the town got their wish as the Scopes Monkey Trial, as the newspapers publicized it, quickly turned into a carnival that captured the attention of the country and epitomized the nation’s urban/rural divide (Figure 24.12). Fundamentalist champion William Jennings Bryan argued the case for the prosecution. Bryan was a three-time presidential candidate and Woodrow Wilson’s Secretary of State until 1915, at which point he began preaching across the country about the spread of secularism and the declining role of religion in education. He was known for offering $100 to anyone who would admit to being descended from an ape. Clarence Darrow, a prominent lawyer and outspoken agnostic, led the defense team. His statement that, “Scopes isn’t on trial, civilization is on trial. No man’s belief will be safe if they win,” struck a chord in society. The outcome of the trial, in which Scopes was found guilty and fined $100, was never really in question, as Scopes himself had confessed to violating the law. Nevertheless, the trial itself proved to be high drama. The drama only escalated when Darrow made the unusual choice of calling Bryan as an expert witness on the Bible. Knowing of Bryan’s convictions of a literal interpretation of the Bible, Darrow peppered him with a series of questions designed to ridicule such a belief. The result was that those who approved of the teaching of evolution saw Bryan as foolish, whereas many rural Americans considered the cross-examination an attack on the Bible and their faith. H. L. Mencken on the Scopes Trial H. L. Mencken covered the trial for Baltimore’s The Evening Sun. One of most popular writers of social satire of his age, Mencken was very critical of the South, the trial, and especially Bryan. He coined the terms “monkey trial “and “Bible belt.” In the excerpt below, Mencken reflects on the trial’s outcome and its overall importance for the United States. The Scopes trial, from the start, has been carried on in a manner exactly fitted to the anti-evolution law and the simian imbecility under it. There hasn’t been the slightest pretense to decorum. The rustic judge, a candidate for re-election, has postured the yokels like a clown in a ten-cent side show, and almost every word he has uttered has been an undisguised appeal to their prejudices and superstitions. The chief prosecuting attorney, beginning like a competent lawyer and a man of self-respect, ended like a convert at a Billy Sunday revival. It fell to him, finally, to make a clear and astounding statement of theory of justice prevailing under fundamentalism. What he said, in brief, was that a man accused of infidelity had no rights whatever under Tennessee law…. Darrow has lost this case. It was lost long before he came to Dayton. But it seems to me that he has nevertheless performed a great public service by fighting it to a finish and in a perfectly serious way. Let no one mistake it for comedy, farcical though it may be in all its details. It serves notice on the country that Neanderthal man is organizing in these forlorn backwaters of the land, led by a fanatic, rid of sense and devoid of conscience. Tennessee, challenging him too timorously and too late, now sees its courts converted into camp meetings and its Bill of Rights made a mock of by its sworn officers of the law. There are other States that had better look to their arsenals before the Hun is at their gates. –H. L. Mencken, The Evening Sun, July 18,1925 How does Mencken characterize Judge Raulston? About what threat is Mencken warning America? Indicative of the revival of Protestant fundamentalism and the rejection of evolution among rural and white Americans was the rise of Billy Sunday. As a young man, Sunday had gained fame as a baseball player with exceptional skill and speed. Later, he found even more celebrity as the nation’s most revered evangelist, drawing huge crowds at camp meetings around the country. He was one of the most influential evangelists of the time and had access to some of the wealthiest and most powerful families in the country (Figure 24.13). Sunday rallied many Americans around “old-time” fundamentalist religion and garnered support for prohibition. Recognizing Sunday’s popular appeal, Bryan attempted to bring him to Dayton for the Scopes trial, although Sunday politely refused. Even more spectacular than the rise of Billy Sunday was the popularity of Aimee Semple McPherson, a Canadian Pentecostal preacher whose Foursquare Church in Los Angeles catered to the large community of midwestern transplants and newcomers to California (Figure 24.13). Although her message promoted the fundamental truths of the Bible, her style was anything but old fashioned. Dressed in tight-fitting clothes and wearing makeup, she held radio-broadcast services in large venues that resembled concert halls and staged spectacular faith-healing performances. Blending Hollywood style and modern technology with a message of fundamentalist Christianity, McPherson exemplified the contradictions of the decade well before public revelations about her scandalous love affair cost her much of her status and following.	3,838	common-pile/pressbooks_filtered	https://pressbooks.online.ucf.edu/osushistory/chapter/590/	pressbooks	pressbooks-0000.json.gz:70785	https://pressbooks.online.ucf.edu/osushistory/chapter/590/
ie-05_o8SrIcCrSI	10.9: Application - RL Circuits with AC	10.9: Application - RL Circuits with AC - - Last updated - Save as PDF Learning Objectives By the end of the section, you will be able to: - Interpret phasor diagrams and apply them to ac circuits with resistors, capacitors, and inductors - Define the reactance for a resistor, capacitor, and inductor to help understand how current in the circuit behaves compared to each of these devices In this section, we study simple models of ac voltage sources connected to three circuit components: (1) a resistor, (2) a capacitor, and (3) an inductor. The power furnished by an ac voltage source has an emf given by \[v(t) = V_0 \, sin \, \omega t, \nonumber \] as shown in Figure $\PageIndex{1}$. This sine function assumes we start recording the voltage when it is $v = 0 \, V$ at a time of $t = 0 \, s$. A phase constant may be involved that shifts the function when we start measuring voltages, similar to the phase constant in the waves we studied in Waves . However, because we are free to choose when we start examining the voltage, we can ignore this phase constant for now. We can measure this voltage across the circuit components using one of two methods: (1) a quantitative approach based on our knowledge of circuits, or (2) a graphical approach that is explained in the coming sections. Resistor First, consider a resistor connected across an ac voltage source. From Kirchhoff’s loop rule, the instantaneous voltage across the resistor of Figure $\PageIndex{2a}$ is \[v_R(t) = V_0 \, sin \, \omega t \nonumber \] and the instantaneous current through the resistor is \[i_R(t) = \frac{v_R(t)}{R} = \frac{V_0}{R} \, sin \, \omega t = I_0 \, sin \, \omega t. \nonumber \] Here, $I_0 = V_0/R$ is the amplitude of the time-varying current. Plots of $i_R(t)$ and $v_R(t)$ are shown in Figure $\PageIndex{2b}$. Both curves reach their maxima and minima at the same times, that is, the current through and the voltage across the resistor are in phase. Graphical representations of the phase relationships between current and voltage are often useful in the analysis of ac circuits. Such representations are called phasor diagrams . The phasor diagram for $i_R(t)$ is shown in Figure $\PageIndex{3a}$, with the current on the vertical axis. The arrow (or phasor) is rotating counterclockwise at a constant angular frequency $\omega$, so we are viewing it at one instant in time. If the length of the arrow corresponds to the current amplitude $I_0$, the projection of the rotating arrow onto the vertical axis is $i_R(t) = I_0 \, sin \, \omega t$, which is the instantaneous current. The vertical axis on a phasor diagram could be either the voltage or the current, depending on the phasor that is being examined. In addition, several quantities can be depicted on the same phasor diagram. For example, both the current $i_R(t)$ and the voltage $v_R(t)$ are shown in the diagram of Figure $\PageIndex{3b}$. Since they have the same frequency and are in phase, their phasors point in the same direction and rotate together. The relative lengths of the two phasors are arbitrary because they represent different quantities; however, the ratio of the lengths of the two phasors can be represented by the resistance, since one is a voltage phasor and the other is a current phasor. Capacitor Now let’s consider a capacitor connected across an ac voltage source. From Kirchhoff’s loop rule, the instantaneous voltage across the capacitor of Figure $\PageIndex{4a}$ is \[v_C(t) = V_0 \, sin \, \omega t. \nonumber \] Recall that the charge in a capacitor is given by $Q = CV$. This is true at any time measured in the ac cycle of voltage. Consequently, the instantaneous charge on the capacitor is \[q(t) = Cv_C(t) = CV_0 \, sin \, \omega t. \nonumber \] Since the current in the circuit is the rate at which charge enters (or leaves) the capacitor, \[i_C(t) = \frac{dq(t)}{dt} = \omega CV_0 \, cos \, \omega t = I_0 \, cos \, \omega t, \nonumber \] where $I_0 = \omega CV_0$ is the current amplitude. Using the trigonometric relationship $cos \, \omega t = sin (\omega t + \pi/2)$, we may express the instantaneous current as \[i_C(t) = I_0 \, sin \left(\omega t + \frac{\pi}{2}\right). \nonumber \] Dividing $V_0$ by $I_0$, we obtain an equation that looks similar to Ohm’s law: \[\frac{V_0}{I_0} = \frac{1}{\omega C} = X_C. \label{15.3} \] The quantity $X_C$ is analogous to resistance in a dc circuit in the sense that both quantities are a ratio of a voltage to a current. As a result, they have the same unit, the ohm. Keep in mind, however, that a capacitor stores and discharges electric energy, whereas a resistor dissipates it. The quantity $X_C$ is known as the capacitive reactance of the capacitor, or the opposition of a capacitor to a change in current. It depends inversely on the frequency of the ac source—high frequency leads to low capacitive reactance. A comparison of the expressions for $v_C(t)$ and $i_C(t)$ shows that there is a phase difference of $\pi/2$ rad between them. When these two quantities are plotted together, the current peaks a quarter cycle (or $\pi/2$ rad) ahead of the voltage, as illustrated in Figure $\PageIndex{4b}$. The current through a capacitor leads the voltage across a capacitor by $\pi/2$ rad, or a quarter of a cycle. The corresponding phasor diagram is shown in Figure $\PageIndex{5}$. Here, the relationship between $i_C(t)$ and $v_C(t)$ is represented by having their phasors rotate at the same angular frequency, with the current phasor leading by $\pi/2$ rad. To this point, we have exclusively been using peak values of the current or voltage in our discussion, namely, $I_0$ and $V_0$. However, if we average out the values of current or voltage, these values are zero. Therefore, we often use a second convention called the root mean square value, or rms value, in discussions of current and voltage. The rms operates in reverse of the terminology. First, you square the function, next, you take the mean, and then, you find the square root. As a result, the rms values of current and voltage are not zero. Appliances and devices are commonly quoted with rms values for their operations, rather than peak values. We indicate rms values with a subscript attached to a capital letter (such as $I_{rms}$). Although a capacitor is basically an open circuit, an rms current , or the root mean square of the current, appears in a circuit with an ac voltage applied to a capacitor. Consider that Note \[I_{rms} = \frac{I_0}{\sqrt{2}}, \nonumber \] where $I_0$ is the peak current in an ac system. The rms voltage , or the root mean square of the voltage, is Note \[V_{rms} = \frac{V_0}{\sqrt{2}}, \nonumber \] where $V_0$ is the peak voltage in an ac system. The rms current appears because the voltage is continually reversing, charging, and discharging the capacitor. If the frequency goes to zero, which would be a dc voltage, $X_C$ tends to infinity, and the current is zero once the capacitor is charged. At very high frequencies, the capacitor’s reactance tends to zero—it has a negligible reactance and does not impede the current (it acts like a simple wire). Inductor Lastly, let’s consider an inductor connected to an ac voltage source. From Kirchhoff’s loop rule, the voltage across the inductor L of Figure $\PageIndex{6a}$ is \[v_L(t) = V_0 \, sin \, \omega t. \label{15.6} \] The emf across an inductor is equal to $\epsilon = - L(di_L/dt)$; however, the potential difference across the inductor is $v_L(t) = Ldi_L(t)/dt$, because if we consider that the voltage around the loop must equal zero, the voltage gained from the ac source must dissipate through the inductor. Therefore, connecting this with the ac voltage source, we have \[\frac{di_L(t)}{dt} = \frac{V_0}{L} \, sin \, \omega t. \nonumber \] The current $i_L(t)$ is found by integrating this equation. Since the circuit does not contain a source of constant emf, there is no steady current in the circuit. Hence, we can set the constant of integration, which represents the steady current in the circuit, equal to zero, and we have \[i_L(t) = - \frac{V_0}{\omega L} cos \, \omega t = \frac{V_0}{\omega L} sin \left(\omega t - \frac{\pi}{2}\right) = I_0 \, sin \left(\omega t - \frac{\pi}{2}\right), \label{15.7} \] where $I_0 = V_0/\omega L$. The relationship between $V_0$ and $I_0$ may also be written in a form analogous to Ohm’s law: Note \[\frac{V_0}{I_0} = \omega L = X_L. \label{15.8} \] The quantity $X_L$ is known as the inductive reactance of the inductor, or the opposition of an inductor to a change in current; its unit is also the ohm. Note that $X_L$ varies directly as the frequency of the ac source—high frequency causes high inductive reactance. A phase difference of $\pi/2$ rad occurs between the current through and the voltage across the inductor. From Equation \ref{15.6} and Equation \ref{15.7}, the current through an inductor lags the potential difference across an inductor by $\pi/2$ rad, or a quarter of a cycle. The phasor diagram for this case is shown in Figure $\PageIndex{7}$. Note An animation from the University of New South Wales AC Circuits illustrates some of the concepts we discuss in this chapter. They also include wave and phasor diagrams that evolve over time so that you can get a better picture of how each changes over time. Example $\PageIndex{1}$: Simple AC CIrcuits An ac generator produces an emf of amplitude 10 V at a frequency $f = 60 \, Hz$. Determine the voltages across and the currents through the circuit elements when the generator is connected to (a) a $100 \, \Omega$ resistor, (b) a $10 \, \mu F$ capacitor, and (c) a 15-mH inductor. Strategy The entire AC voltage across each device is the same as the source voltage. We can find the currents by finding the reactance X of each device and solving for the peak current using $I_0 = V_0/X$. Solution The voltage across the terminals of the source is \[v(t) = V_0 \, sin \, \omega t = (10 \, V) sin \, 120 \pi t, \nonumber \] where $\omega = 2\pi f = 120 \pi \, rad/s$ is the angular frequency. Since v ( t ) is also the voltage across each of the elements, we have \[v(t) = v_R(t) = v_C(t) = v_L(t) = (10 \, V) sin \, 120 \pi t. \nonumber \] a. When $R = 100 \, \Omega$, the amplitude of the current through the resistor is \[I_0 = V_0/R = 10 \, V/100 \, \Omega = 0.10 \, A, \nonumber \] so \[i_R(t) = (0.10 \, A) sin \, 120 \pi t. \nonumber \] b. From Equation \ref{15.3}, the capacitive reactance is \[X_C = \frac{1}{\omega C} = \frac{1}{(120 \pi \, rad/s)(10 \times 10^{-6}F)} = 265 \, \Omega, \nonumber \] so the maximum value of the current is \[I_0 = \frac{V_0}{X_C} = \frac{10 \, V}{265 \, \Omega} = 3.8 \times 10^{-2} \, A \nonumber \] and the instantaneous current is given by \[i_C(t) = (3.8 \times 10^{-2} \, A) \, sin \, \left(120 \pi t + \frac{\pi}{2}\right). \nonumber \] c. From Equation \ref{15.8}, the inductive reactance is \[ X_L = \omega L = (120 \pi \, rad/s)(15 \times 10^{-3} H) = 5.7 \, \Omega. \nonumber \] The maximum current is therefore \[I_0 = \frac{10 \, V}{5.7 \, \Omega} = 1.8 \, A \nonumber \] and the instantaneous current is \[i_L(t) = (1.8 \, A) \, sin \left(120 \pi t - \frac{\pi}{2}\right). \nonumber \] Significance Although the voltage across each device is the same, the peak current has different values, depending on the reactance. The reactance for each device depends on the values of resistance, capacitance, or inductance. Exercise $\PageIndex{1}$ Repeat Example $\PageIndex{1}$ for an ac source of amplitude 20 V and frequency 100 Hz. - Answer - a. $(20 \, V) \, sin \, 200 \pi t$, $(0.20 \, A) \, sin \, 200 \pi t$; b. $(20 \, V) \, sin \, 200 \pi t$, $(0.13 \, A) \, sin \, (200\pi t + \pi /2)$; c. $(20 \, V) \, sin \, 200 \pi t$, $(2.1 \, A) \, sin \, (200 \pi t - \pi/2)$	2,650	common-pile/libretexts_filtered	https://phys.libretexts.org/Courses/Kettering_University/Electricity_and_Magnetism_with_Applications_to_Amateur_Radio_and_Wireless_Technology/10%3A_Inductance/10.09%3A_Application_-_RL_Circuits_with_AC	libretexts	libretexts-0000.json.gz:7628	https://phys.libretexts.org/Courses/Kettering_University/Electricity_and_Magnetism_with_Applications_to_Amateur_Radio_and_Wireless_Technology/10%3A_Inductance/10.09%3A_Application_-_RL_Circuits_with_AC
33nFGwyLAn-V7fpa	Going Deeper into the Promise of Equity Through OER	Rubric Improvements Recommendations Deborah "Debbie" Baker; Siri Gauthier; and Rebecca Karoff Based on these observations, we propose the following recommendations to improve the next iteration of the Equity through OER Rubric: - Provide a high-level, one-page version of the Rubric. - Take further steps to provide a shared language and vocabulary through the use of a glossary to ensure level setting for practitioners, students, and decision makers at all levels of their journey with open education. This can be supplemented through signposting and linking to relevant resources. - Acknowledge the challenges and opportunities associated with various types of institutions (small and large student populations, rural and urban locations, individual campuses and multi-campus systems, etc.). - Provide guidelines on how to adapt the Rubric into different languages and linguistic contexts. - Emphasize the importance of linguistic equity for institutions with student bodies that are not exclusively English speaking. - Incorporate the various activities required to translate and localize an OER into a given context into the Rubric, recognizing that adoption and uptake might require more labor for lower-resourced languages. - Include learning frameworks and taxonomies as methods for designing equitable student learning experiences. - Acknowledge the political climate in the U.S. in ways that facilitate engagement with the rubric for all interested users, regardless of where they are located. Ultimately, the learning and experiences of the grantees synthesized above reveal and reinforce key points that the Equity Working Group is now charged to bring into a planned revision of the Rubric and an anticipated additional round of grant funding and support. The Rubric would benefit from a glossary and evidence-based resource section that provide foundational knowledge and point to how users can dig deeper into some of the categories, including but not limited to topics like inclusive and culturally responsive teaching and learning. Even more, alongside pedagogies as indications of equitable teaching practices (what teachers do), consider incorporating learning frameworks and taxonomies in the Rubric as strategies to foster equitable learning experiences (what students do). The research-based Universal Design for Learning framework is a key example and model. The length, comprehensiveness, and complexity of the Rubric seems to be both a strength and a barrier to its usage. Grantees expressed this but also amplified that despite its comprehensiveness, the Rubric was nonetheless incomplete. They identified missing components to be included and expanded, not only culturally responsive pedagogy named above, but also more intentional integration of student voices, student and practitioner agency, and automatic textbook billing programs, among other topics. In the Rubric 2.0, each of the overarching categories–Students, Practitioners, Leadership–and the dimensions within each of them should be reviewed, expanded, and revised, where needed. The Rubric needs to find ways to better recognize the variety of institutions and institutional types, as well as their challenges and opportunities, as it guides users to focus on the Rubric categories and dimensions. This needs to include consideration of small and large student populations, rural and urban locations, individual and multi-campus institutions and systems, to name a few. Finally, the Rubric needs to emphasize more explicitly its aspirational components, both in terms of the “Emerging” and “Established” dimensions, and the Leadership & Accountability categories. The Equity Working Group/DOERS3 will be revising the Rubric towards the end of 2024. Please visit the DOERS3 website to read or use the next iteration of the Rubric.	725	common-pile/pressbooks_filtered	https://press.rebus.community/oerrubricpilotgrantresults/chapter/recommendations/	pressbooks	pressbooks-0000.json.gz:1765	https://press.rebus.community/oerrubricpilotgrantresults/chapter/recommendations/
Irt3iTnAxkV6svV8	Intermediate Algebra	Solving Linear Equations Solve Compound Inequalities Learning Objectives By the end of this section, you will be able to: - Solve compound inequalities with “and” - Solve compound inequalities with “or” - Solve applications with compound inequalities Before you get started, take this readiness quiz. Solve Compound Inequalities with “and” Now that we know how to solve linear inequalities, the next step is to look at compound inequalities. For example, the following are compound inequalities. To solve a compound inequality means to find all values of the variable that make the compound inequality a true statement. We solve compound inequalities using the same techniques we used to solve linear inequalities. We solve each inequality separately and then consider the two solutions. To solve a compound inequality with the word “and,” we look for all numbers that make both inequalities true. To solve a compound inequality with the word “or,” we look for all numbers that make either inequality true. Let’s start with the compound inequalities with “and.” Our solution will be the numbers that are solutions to both inequalities known as the intersection of the two inequalities. Consider how the intersection of two streets—the part where the streets overlap—belongs to both streets. To find the solution of the compound inequality, we look at the graphs of each inequality and then find the numbers that belong to both graphs—where the graphs overlap. For the compound inequality and we graph each inequality. We then look for where the graphs “overlap”. The numbers that are shaded on both graphs, will be shaded on the graph of the solution of the compound inequality. See (Figure). We can see that the numbers between and are shaded on both of the first two graphs. They will then be shaded on the solution graph. The number is not shaded on the first graph and so since it is not shaded on both graphs, it is not included on the solution graph. The number two is shaded on both the first and second graphs. Therefore, it is be shaded on the solution graph. This is how we will show our solution in the next examples. Solve and Graph the solution and write the solution in interval notation. \| and \| \|\|\| \| Step 1. Solve each inequality. \| \|\|\| \| and \| \|\|\| \| Step 2. Graph each solution. Then graph the numbers that make both inequalities true. The final graph will show all the numbers that make both inequalities true—the numbers shaded on both of the first two graphs. \| \|\|\| \| Step 3. Write the solution in interval notation. \| \|\|\| \| All the numbers that make both inequalities true are the solution to the compound inequality. \| Solve the compound inequality. Graph the solution and write the solution in interval notation: and Solve the compound inequality. Graph the solution and write the solution in interval notation: and - Solve each inequality. - Graph each solution. Then graph the numbers that make both inequalities true. This graph shows the solution to the compound inequality. - Write the solution in interval notation. Solve and Graph the solution and write the solution in interval notation. \| and \| \|\|\| \| Solve each inequality. \| \|\|\| \| and \| \|\|\| \| Graph each solution. \| \|\|\| \| Graph the numbers that make both inequalities true. \| \|\|\| \| Write the solution in interval notation. \| Solve the compound inequality. Graph the solution and write the solution in interval notation: and Solve the compound inequality. Graph the solution and write the solution in interval notation: and Solve and Graph the solution and write the solution in interval notation. \| and \| \|\|\| \| Solve each inequality. \| \|\|\| \| and \| \|\|\| \| Graph each solution. \| \|\|\| \| Graph the numbers that make both inequalities true. \| \|\|\| \| There are no numbers that make both inequalities true. This is a contradiction so there is no solution. \| Solve the compound inequality. Graph the solution and write the solution in interval notation: and Solve the compound inequality. Graph the solution and write the solution in interval notation: and Sometimes we have a compound inequality that can be written more concisely. For example, and can be written simply as and then we call it a double inequality. The two forms are equivalent. A double inequality is a compound inequality such as It is equivalent to and To solve a double inequality we perform the same operation on all three “parts” of the double inequality with the goal of isolating the variable in the center. Solve Graph the solution and write the solution in interval notation. \| Add 7 to all three parts. \| \| \| Simplify. \| \| \| Divide each part by three. \| \| \| Simplify. \| \| \| Graph the solution. \| \| \| Write the solution in interval notation. \| When written as a double inequality, it is easy to see that the solutions are the numbers caught between one and five, including one, but not five. We can then graph the solution immediately as we did above. Another way to graph the solution of is to graph both the solution of and the solution of We would then find the numbers that make both inequalities true as we did in previous examples. Solve the compound inequality. Graph the solution and write the solution in interval notation: Solve the compound inequality. Graph the solution and write the solution in interval notation: Solve Compound Inequalities with “or” To solve a compound inequality with “or”, we start out just as we did with the compound inequalities with “and”—we solve the two inequalities. Then we find all the numbers that make either inequality true. Just as the United States is the union of all of the 50 states, the solution will be the union of all the numbers that make either inequality true. To find the solution of the compound inequality, we look at the graphs of each inequality, find the numbers that belong to either graph and put all those numbers together. To write the solution in interval notation, we will often use the union symbol, , to show the union of the solutions shown in the graphs. - Solve each inequality. - Graph each solution. Then graph the numbers that make either inequality true. - Write the solution in interval notation. Solve or Graph the solution and write the solution in interval notation. \| or \| \|\|\| \| Solve each inequality. \| \|\|\| \| or \| \|\|\| \| Graph each solution. \| \|\|\| \| Graph numbers that make either inequality true. \| \|\|\| Solve the compound inequality. Graph the solution and write the solution in interval notation: or Solve the compound inequality. Graph the solution and write the solution in interval notation: or Solve or Graph the solution and write the solution in interval notation. \| or \| \|\|\| \| Solve each inequality. \| \|\|\| \| or \| \|\|\| \| Graph each solution. \| \|\|\| \| Graph numbers that make either inequality true. \| \|\|\| \| The solution covers all real numbers. \| \|\|\| Solve the compound inequality. Graph the solution and write the solution in interval notation: or Solve the compound inequality. Graph the solution and write the solution in interval notation: or Solve Applications with Compound Inequalities Situations in the real world also involve compound inequalities. We will use the same problem solving strategy that we used to solve linear equation and inequality applications. Recall the problem solving strategies are to first read the problem and make sure all the words are understood. Then, identify what we are looking for and assign a variable to represent it. Next, restate the problem in one sentence to make it easy to translate into a compound inequality. Last, we will solve the compound inequality. Due to the drought in California, many communities have tiered water rates. There are different rates for Conservation Usage, Normal Usage and Excessive Usage. The usage is measured in the number of hundred cubic feet (hcf) the property owner uses. During the summer, a property owner will pay ?24.72 plus ?1.54 per hcf for Normal Usage. The bill for Normal Usage would be between or equal to ?57.06 and ?171.02. How many hcf can the owner use if he wants his usage to stay in the normal range? \| Identify what we are looking for. \| The number of hcf he can use and stay in the “normal usage” billing range. \| \| Name what we are looking for. \| Let the number of hcf he can use. \| \| Translate to an inequality. \| Bill is ?24.72 plus ?1.54 times the number of hcf he uses or \| \| Solve the inequality. \| \| \| Answer the question. \| The property owner can use 21–95 hcf and still fall within the “normal usage” billing range. \| Due to the drought in California, many communities now have tiered water rates. There are different rates for Conservation Usage, Normal Usage and Excessive Usage. The usage is measured in the number of hundred cubic feet (hcf) the property owner uses. During the summer, a property owner will pay ?24.72 plus ?1.32 per hcf for Conservation Usage. The bill for Conservation Usage would be between or equal to ?31.32 and ?52.12. How many hcf can the owner use if she wants her usage to stay in the conservation range? The homeowner can use 5–20 hcf and still fall within the “conservation usage” billing range. Due to the drought in California, many communities have tiered water rates. There are different rates for Conservation Usage, Normal Usage and Excessive Usage. The usage is measured in the number of hundred cubic feet (hcf) the property owner uses. During the winter, a property owner will pay ?24.72 plus ?1.54 per hcf for Normal Usage. The bill for Normal Usage would be between or equal to ?49.36 and ?86.32. How many hcf will he be allowed to use if he wants his usage to stay in the normal range? The homeowner can use 16–40 hcf and still fall within the “normal usage” billing range. Access this online resource for additional instruction and practice with solving compound inequalities. Key Concepts - How to solve a compound inequality with “and” - Solve each inequality. - Graph each solution. Then graph the numbers that make both inequalities true. This graph shows the solution to the compound inequality. - Write the solution in interval notation. - Double Inequality - A double inequality is a compound inequality such as . It is equivalent to and - How to solve a compound inequality with “or” - Solve each inequality. - Graph each solution. Then graph the numbers that make either inequality true. - Write the solution in interval notation. Practice Makes Perfect Solve Compound Inequalities with “and” In the following exercises, solve each inequality, graph the solution, and write the solution in interval notation. and and and and and and and and and and and and and and and and and and and and Solve Compound Inequalities with “or” In the following exercises, solve each inequality, graph the solution on the number line, and write the solution in interval notation. or or or or or or or or or or or or or or Mixed practice In the following exercises, solve each inequality, graph the solution on the number line, and write the solution in interval notation. and and or or and or and and Solve Applications with Compound Inequalities In the following exercises, solve. Penelope is playing a number game with her sister June. Penelope is thinking of a number and wants June to guess it. Five more than three times her number is between 2 and 32. Write a compound inequality that shows the range of numbers that Penelope might be thinking of. Gregory is thinking of a number and he wants his sister Lauren to guess the number. His first clue is that six less than twice his number is between four and forty-two. Write a compound inequality that shows the range of numbers that Gregory might be thinking of. Andrew is creating a rectangular dog run in his back yard. The length of the dog run is 18 feet. The perimeter of the dog run must be at least 42 feet and no more than 72 feet. Use a compound inequality to find the range of values for the width of the dog run. Elouise is creating a rectangular garden in her back yard. The length of the garden is 12 feet. The perimeter of the garden must be at least 36 feet and no more than 48 feet. Use a compound inequality to find the range of values for the width of the garden. Everyday Math Blood Pressure A person’s blood pressure is measured with two numbers. The systolic blood pressure measures the pressure of the blood on the arteries as the heart beats. The diastolic blood pressure measures the pressure while the heart is resting. ⓐ Let x be your systolic blood pressure. Research and then write the compound inequality that shows you what a normal diastolic blood pressure should be for someone your age. Research and then write the compound inequality to show the BMI range for you to be considered normal weight. ⓑ Research a BMI calculator and determine your BMI. Is it a solution to the inequality in part (a)? ⓐ answers vary ⓑ answers vary Writing Exercises In your own words, explain the difference between the properties of equality and the properties of inequality. Explain the steps for solving the compound inequality or Answers will vary. Self Check ⓐ After completing the exercises, use this checklist to evaluate your mastery of the objectives of this section. ⓑ What does this checklist tell you about your mastery of this section? What steps will you take to improve? Glossary - compound inequality - A compound inequality is made up of two inequalities connected by the word “and” or the word “or.”	3,043	common-pile/pressbooks_filtered	https://pressbooks.bccampus.ca/algebraintermediate/chapter/solve-compound-inequalities/	pressbooks	pressbooks-0000.json.gz:45449	https://pressbooks.bccampus.ca/algebraintermediate/chapter/solve-compound-inequalities/
Apx68B4_lnPp_W1s	Statistics for the Social Sciences	184 Goodness-of-Fit (1 of 2) Learning Objectives - Conduct a chi-square goodness-of-fit test. Interpret the conclusion in context. In this section, we learn a new hypothesis test called the chi-square goodness-of-fit test. A goodness-of-fit test determines whether or not the distribution of a categorical variable in a sample fits a claimed distribution in the population. We can answer the following research questions with a chi-square goodness-of-fit test: - According to the manufacturer of M&M candy, the color distribution for plain chocolate M&Ms is 13% brown, 13% red, 14% yellow, 24% blue, 20% orange, and 16% green. Do the M&Ms in our sample suggest that the color distribution is different? - During the presidential election of 2008, the Pew Research Center collected survey data that suggested that 24% of registered voters were liberal, 38% were moderate, and 38% were conservative. Is the distribution of political views different this year? - The distribution of blood types for whites in the United States is 45% type O, 41% type A, 10% type B, and 4% type AB. Is the distribution of blood types different for Asian Americans? The null hypothesis states a specific distribution of proportions for each category of the variable in the population. The alternative hypothesis says that the distribution is different from that stated in the null hypothesis. To test our hypotheses, we select a random sample from the population and determine the distribution of the categorical variable in the data. Of course, we need a method for comparing the observed distribution in the sample to the expected distribution stated in the null hypothesis. Example Distribution of Color in Plain M&M Candies According to the manufacturer of M&M candy, the color distribution for plain chocolate M&Ms is 13% brown, 13% red, 14% yellow, 24% blue, 20% orange, 16% green. This statement about the distribution of color in plain M&Ms is the null hypothesis. The alternative hypothesis says that this is not the distribution. - H0: The color distribution for plain M&Ms is 13% brown, 13% red, 14% yellow, 24% blue, 20% orange, 16% green. - Ha: The color distribution for plain M&Ms is different from the distribution stated in the null hypothesis. We select a random sample of 300 plain M&M candies to test these hypotheses. If the sample has the distribution of color stated in the null hypothesis, then we expect 13% of the 300 to be brown, 13% of 300 to be red, 14% of 300 to be yellow, 24% of 300 to be blue, and so on. Here are the expected counts of each color for a sample of 300 candies: Of course, the distribution of color will vary in different samples, so we need to develop a way to measure how far a sample distribution is from the null distribution, something analogous to a z-score or T-score. Before we discuss this new measure, let’s look at two random samples selected from the null distribution to practice recognizing different amounts of variability. We can compare the distributions visually using ribbon charts. Which random sample deviates the most from the null distribution? We address this question in the next activity. Learn By Doing Observed Counts for Two Random Samples Here are the observed counts for the two random samples shown above. This is the same information shown in the ribbon charts. https://assessments.lumenlearning.com/assessments/3794 Learn By Doing Statisticians use the following formula to measure how far the observed data are from the null distribution. It is called the chi-square test statistic. The Greek letter chi is written χ. [latex]{\chi }^{2}\text{}=\text{}∑\frac{{(\mathrm{observed}-\mathrm{expected})}^{2}}{\mathrm{expected}}[/latex] Notes about this formula: - Recall that the symbol ∑ means sum. Each category contributes a term to the sum, so the chi-square test statistic is based on the entire distribution. If the categorical variable has six categories, then the chi-square test statistic has six terms. If the categorical variable has three categories, then the chi-square test statistic has three terms, and so on. - Notice that the difference “observed minus expected” for each category is part of the formula, but each difference is squared. This is necessary because the differences will add to 0, as we saw in the previous activity. - Notice also that each squared difference is divided by the expected count for that category. The chi-square test statistic looks at the difference between the observed and expected counts relative to the size of the expected count. Example Calculating χ2 For Sample 1, the chi-square test statistic is approximately 12.94. For Sample 2, the chi-square test statistic is approximately 1.53. Usually, we use technology to calculate χ2, but here we show two calculations in detail to illustrate how the formula works. Notice that we are adding six terms. Each term represents the deviation for one color category. [latex]\begin{array}{l}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\mathrm{brown}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\mathrm{red}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\mathrm{yellow}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\mathrm{blue}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\mathrm{orange}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\mathrm{green}\\ {\mathrm{χ}}^{2}=\frac{{(56-39)}^{2}}{39}+\frac{{(44-39)}^{2}}{39}+\frac{{(47-42)}^{2}}{42}+\frac{{(62-72)}^{2}}{72}+\frac{{(53-60)}^{2}}{60}+\frac{{(38-48)}^{2}}{48}\\ \text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}=\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\frac{289}{39}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}+\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\frac{25}{39}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}+\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\frac{25}{42}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}+\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\frac{100}{72}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}+\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\frac{49}{60}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}+\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\frac{100}{48}=\\ \text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\approx \text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}7.41\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}+\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}0.64\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}+\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}0.60\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}+\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}1.39\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}+\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}0.82\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}+\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}2.08=12.94\text{}\end{array}[/latex] Comment: In Sample 1, notice that both blue and green observed counts deviate from the expected counts by 10 candies. But green contributes more to the chi-square test statistic. This makes sense because the chi-square test statistic measures relative difference. Relative to the expected count of 48 green candies, an absolute error of 10 is large. It is almost 20% of the expected count. (10/48 is about 0.20). The squared difference relative to the expected count is 100/48, about 2.08. Relative to the expected count of 72 blue candies, an error of 10 candies is smaller. It is only about 14% of the expected count (10/72 is about 0.14). The squared difference relative to the expected count is 100/72, about 1.39. Here is the chi-square calculation for Sample 2. [latex]\begin{array}{l}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\mathrm{brown}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\mathrm{red}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\mathrm{yellow}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\mathrm{blue}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\mathrm{orange}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\mathrm{green}\\ {\mathrm{χ}}^{2}=\frac{{(39-39)}^{2}}{39}+\frac{{(34-39)}^{2}}{39}+\frac{{(38-42)}^{2}}{42}+\frac{{(76-72)}^{2}}{72}+\frac{{(64-60)}^{2}}{60}+\frac{{(49-48)}^{2}}{48}\\ \text{}\text{ }=\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\frac{0}{39}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}+\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\frac{25}{39}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{ }+\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\frac{16}{42}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}+\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\frac{16}{72}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}+\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\frac{16}{60}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}+\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\frac{1}{48}=\\ \text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\approx \text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}0\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}+\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}0.64\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}+\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}0.38\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}+\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}0.22\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}+\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}0.27\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}+\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}\text{}0.02=1.53\text{}\end{array}[/latex] Calculating χ2 Learn By Doing	1,216	common-pile/pressbooks_filtered	https://library.achievingthedream.org/herkimerstatisticssocsci/chapter/goodness-of-fit-1-of-2/	pressbooks	pressbooks-0000.json.gz:87059	https://library.achievingthedream.org/herkimerstatisticssocsci/chapter/goodness-of-fit-1-of-2/
UgIi61VkAXxh6aBW	Writing Arguments in STEM	Research Writing in Academic Disciplines 16 Conclusions by Pavel Zemliansky As a college student, you are probably taking four, five, or even six classes simultaneously. In many, if not all of those classes you are probably required to conduct research and produce research-based writing. Below, I would like to offer a practical checklist of approaches, strategies, and methods that you can use for academic research and writing: - Approach each research writing assignment rhetorically. Learn to recognize its purpose, intended audience, the context in which you are writing, and the limitations that this context will impose on you as a writer. Also, treat the format and structural requirements, such as the requirement to cite external sources, as rhetorical devices that will help you to make a bigger impact on your readers. - Try to understand each research and writing assignment as best as you can. If you receive a written description of the assignment, read it several times and discuss it with your classmates and your instructor. If in doubt about some aspect of the assignment, ask your instructor. - Develop and use a strong and authoritative voice. Make your sources work for you, not control you. When you write, it is your theories and your voice that counts. Research helps you form and express those opinions. - Becoming a good academic researcher and writer takes time, practice, and rhetorical sensitivity. It takes talking to professionals in academic fields, such as your college professors, reading a lot of professional literature, and learning to understand the research and writing conventions of each academic discipline. To learn to function as a researcher and writer in your chosen academic discipline or profession, it is necessary to understand that research and writing are governed by discourse and community conventions and not by rigid and artificial rules. Attributions “Conclusions” by Pavel Zemliansky is licensed under CC BY-NC-SA 3.0 US Feedback/Errata	409	common-pile/pressbooks_filtered	https://pressbooks.calstate.edu/writingargumentsinstem/chapter/conclusions/	pressbooks	pressbooks-0000.json.gz:32288	https://pressbooks.calstate.edu/writingargumentsinstem/chapter/conclusions/
2Io0B1gnSK0ZVDFu	1.2.9: Trends in Entrepreneurship and Small-Business Ownership	1.2.9: Trends in Entrepreneurship and Small-Business Ownership What Trends are Shaping Entrepreneurship and Small-business Ownership? Entrepreneurship has changed since the heady days of the late 1990s, when starting a dot-com while still in college seemed a quick route to riches and stock options. Much entrepreneurial opportunity comes from major changes in demographics, society, and technology, and at present there is a confluence of all three. A major demographic group is moving into a significantly different stage in life, and minorities are increasing their business ownership in remarkable numbers. We have created a society in which we expect to have our problems taken care of, and the technological revolution stands ready with already-developed solutions. Evolving social and demographic trends, combined with the challenge of operating in a fast-paced technology-dominated business climate, are changing the face of entrepreneurship and small-business ownership. Into the Future: Start-ups Drive the Economy Did new business ventures drive the economic recovery from the 2001–2002 and 2007–2009 to recessions, and are they continuing to make significant contributions to the U.S. economy? The economists who review Department of Labor employment surveys and SBA statistics think so. “Small business drives the American economy,” says Dr. Chad Moutray, former chief economist for the SBA’s Office of Advocacy. “Main Street provides the jobs and spurs our economic growth. American entrepreneurs are creative and productive.” Numbers alone do not tell the whole story, however. Are these newly self-employed workers profiting from their ventures, or are they just biding their time during a period of unemployment? U.S. small businesses employed 57.9 million people in 2016, representing nearly 48 percent of the workforce. The number of net new jobs added to the economy was 1.4 million. The highest rate of growth is coming from women-owned firms, which continues to rise at rates higher than the national average—and with even stronger growth rates since the recession. There were an estimated 11.6 million women-owned businesses employing nearly 9 million people in 2016, generating more than $1.7 trillion in revenue. Between 2007 and 2017, women-owned firms increased by 114 percent, compared to a 44 percent increase among all businesses. This means that growth rates for women-owned businesses are 2.5 times faster than the national average. Employment growth was also stronger than national rates. Women-owned businesses increased 27 percent over the past 20 years, while overall business employment has increased by 13 percent since 2007. These trends show that more workers are striking out on their own and earning money doing it. It has become very clear that encouraging small-business activity leads to continued strong overall economic growth. Changing Demographics Create Entrepreneurial Diversity The mantra, “60 is the new 40,” describes today’s Baby Boomers who indulge in much less knitting and golf in their retirement years. The AARP predicts that silver-haired entrepreneurs will continue to rise in the coming years. According to a recent study by the Kauffman Foundation, Baby Boomers are twice as likely as Millennials to start a new business. In fact, close to 25 percent of all new entrepreneurs fall between the ages of 55 and 64. This has created a ripple effect in the way we work. Boomers have accelerated the growing acceptance of working from home, adding to the millions of U.S. workers already showing up to work in their slippers. In addition, the ongoing corporate brain drain could mean that small businesses will be able to tap into the expertise of seasoned free agents at less-than-corporate prices—and that seniors themselves will become independent consultants to businesses of all sizes. The growing numbers of Baby Boomer entrepreneurs has prompted some forward-thinking companies to recognize business opportunities in technology. At one time there was a concern that the aging of the population would create a drag on the economy. Conventional wisdom says that the early parenthood years are the big spending years. As we age, we spend less and, because Boomers are such a big demographic group, this was going to create a long-term economic decline. Not true, it now appears. The Boomer generation has built sizable wealth, and they are not afraid to spend it to make their lives more comfortable. Minorities are also adding to the entrepreneurial mix. As we saw in Table <IP_ADDRESS>, minority groups and women are increasing business ownership at a much faster rate than the national average, reflecting their confidence in the U.S. economy. These overwhelming increases in minority business ownership paralleled the demand for U.S. Small Business Administration loan products. Loans to minority business owners in fiscal year 2017 set a record—more than $9.5 billion, or 31 percent, of SBA’s total loan portfolio. The latest Kauffman Foundation Index of Startup Activity found that immigrants and Latinos have swelled the growing numbers of self-employed Americans in recent years, increasing the diversity of the country’s entrepreneurial class. Overall, minority-owned businesses increased 38 percent. The SBA notes that the number of Hispanic-owned businesses has increased more than 46 percent between 2007 and 2012. Whether you own chains of dry cleaners in Queens, car dealerships in Chicago, or oil wells in West Texas, fortunes have been made in every state in the Union. There are some places, however, where the chances of creating wealth are much greater than others. That is the reason why people who hope to strike it rich move to places such as Manhattan or Palo Alto. It’s not because the cost of living is low or the quality of life as a struggling entrepreneur is fun. Whether starting a software or soft-drink company, entrepreneurs tend to follow the money But not all companies follow the herd. Guild Education, founded in 2015 by Rachel Carlson and Brittany Stich at Stanford University, left San Francisco due to the high cost of living that could slow down the company’s growth. “We have a lot of women who are executives and department heads here, starting with myself and my co-founder,” CEO Rachel Carlson said. “So when we left, we deliberately chose a place where you can have a family.” Guild Education’s mission is to help large employers offer college education and tuition reimbursement as a benefit to the 64 million working-age adults who lack a college degree. Since moving to Denver, Guild Education has raised another $21 million in venture capital, bringing the total funding to $31.5 million with a company valuation of $125 million. The company headquarters in Denver is next door to a Montessori school and employs 58 employees. “We were joking that we’re the polar opposite of Apple,” said Carlson. “Remember when the new ‘mothership’ came out? Every single parent noticed that it had a huge gym but not a daycare.” According to PwC’s quarterly venture capital study, “MoneyTree Report,” the top regions in the United States for venture-backed deals in the third quarter of 2017 were San Francisco ($4.1 billion), New York Metro ($4.2 billion), Silicon Valley (Bay Area $2.2 billion), and New England ($1.8 billion). In 2017, equity financing in U.S. start-ups rose for the third straight quarter, reaching $19 billion, according to the PwC/CB Insights “MoneyTree Report Q3 2017.” “Financing was boosted by a large number of mega-rounds,” says Tom Ciccolella, Partner, U.S. Ventures Leader at PwC. Twenty-six mega-rounds of $100 million in companies such as WeWork, 23andMe, Fanatics, and NAUTO contributed to the strong activity levels in the first three quarters of 2017. The top five U.S. industry sectors with the most deals and funding were Internet, Healthcare, Mobile and Telecommunications, Software (Non-Internet/Mobile), and Consumer Products. CONCEPT CHECK - What significant trends are occurring in the small-business arena? - How is entrepreneurial diversity impacting small business and the economy? - How do ethics impact decision-making with small-business owners?	1,654	common-pile/libretexts_filtered	https://biz.libretexts.org/Courses/Folsom_Lake_College/BUS_350%3A_Small_Business_Management_Entrepreneurship_(Buch)/01%3A_Entrepreneurship_Risks_and_Rewards/01%3A_Introduction_to_Entrepreneurship/1.02%3A_Entrepeneurship_-_Starting_and_Managing_Your_Own_Business/1.2.09%3A_Trends_in_Entrepreneurship_and_Small-Business_Ownership	libretexts	libretexts-0000.json.gz:30245	https://biz.libretexts.org/Courses/Folsom_Lake_College/BUS_350%3A_Small_Business_Management_Entrepreneurship_(Buch)/01%3A_Entrepreneurship_Risks_and_Rewards/01%3A_Introduction_to_Entrepreneurship/1.02%3A_Entrepeneurship_-_Starting_and_Managing_Your_Own_Business/1.2.09%3A_Trends_in_Entrepreneurship_and_Small-Business_Ownership
Zt-VVRMN9gw8BL8C	Physics 130	Chapter 15: Oscillations (Volume 1) 15 Introduction William Moebs; Samuel J. Ling; and Jeff Sanny Chapter outline We begin the study of oscillations with simple systems of pendulums and springs. Although these systems may seem quite basic, the concepts involved have many real-life applications. For example, the Comcast Building in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, stands approximately 305 meters (1000 feet) tall. As buildings are built taller, they can act as inverted, physical pendulums, with the top floors oscillating due to seismic activity and fluctuating winds. In the Comcast Building, a tuned-mass damper is used to reduce the oscillations. Installed at the top of the building is a tuned, liquid-column mass damper, consisting of a 300,000-gallon reservoir of water. This U-shaped tank allows the water to oscillate freely at a frequency that matches the natural frequency of the building. Damping is provided by tuning the turbulence levels in the moving water using baffles.	195	common-pile/pressbooks_filtered	https://pressbooks.bccampus.ca/physics130/chapter/introduction-15/	pressbooks	pressbooks-0000.json.gz:68732	https://pressbooks.bccampus.ca/physics130/chapter/introduction-15/
ixlnDDSr9dnFPo71	7.1.2: Business Structures - Overview of Legal and Tax Considerations	7.1.2: Business Structures - Overview of Legal and Tax Considerations Learning Objectives By the end of this section, you will be able to: - Understand why a business’s purpose is an important role in the initial business structure decision - Identify major types of business structures (corporation, LLC, partnership, sole proprietorship, joint venture) - Distinguish between for-profit and not-for-profit purposes and structures The structure of a new business creates the legal, tax, and operational environment in which the business will function. In order to choose a business structure, entrepreneurs need to have a clear understanding of the type of business they seek to establish, the purpose of the business, the location of the business, and how the business plans on operating. For example, a business that plans to qualify as a nonprofit—Section 501(c) of the Internal Revenue Code—will be treated differently from a business that aims to earn a profit and distribute the profits to its owners. Therefore, the first step in any entrepreneurial endeavor is to establish the nature and purpose of the business. One of the most important initial decisions an entrepreneur must make, from a legal perspective, is the legal organization of a business, called the business structure or entity selection . The choices are varied, with several basic entities, each with several variations, resulting in multiple permutations. Many business ventures, regardless of humble beginnings, may have the potential to evolve into significantly larger business ventures. This is what makes the initial decisions so important. The founders should think through every step of business development, beyond the inception or formation, and consider the possible paths of the business. How an entrepreneur organizes the business, or which business structure they choose, will have a significant impact on both the entrepreneur and the business. Business structure options include traditional choices such as corporations, partnerships, and sole proprietorships, and hybrid entities such as limited liability companies (LLCs), limited liability partnerships (LLPs), and joint ventures (JVs). Each structure carries different requirements to set up, different requirements to fulfill (such as taxes and government filings), and varying ownership risks and protections. Entrepreneurs should consider these factors as well as the expected business growth in selecting a structure, while being aware that the structure can and should change as the business venture grows. For example, if you think you want to share authority, responsibilities, and obligations with other people, your best choice would likely be a partnership, in which other people contribute money and help manage the business. Alternatively, if you prefer to manage the business yourself, a better choice for you might be a single-member LLC, assuming you can borrow money from a lender if needed. Conversely, if you think your idea is so popular that you may grow rapidly and want the ability to raise capital by selling interests in your business through equity or debt, then a corporation would be your best choice. You should obtain legal and tax advice about your structure. Becoming an Informed Entrepreneur If you are an entrepreneur with an idea for a startup, ask yourself if you are ready to make important decisions. How much do you know about taxation, incorporation, or liability? If you don’t know at least some of the basics, you may have to depend on a lot of advice from accountants and attorneys, and that is very expensive. If you spend too much money on advice, you have too little left for something else such as advertising and marketing. Establishing a Business Purpose A clear understanding of the business purpose helps direct the entrepreneur toward the most appropriate business structure. The business purpose is the reason the entrepreneur forms the company and determines who benefits from it, whether it is the entrepreneur, customers, or some other entity. (The business purpose is different from a business mission or vision.) Drafting the expectations of the entrepreneur and how the business will operate, with a careful analysis of how the business will generate cash flows, realize profits, and to whom the business will owe its primary obligations, is the start of determining the appropriate business structure. A written business plan will help the entrepreneur develop the best legal structure in which the business is to operate because the legal structure of the business should be tied to the nature of the business. Once the entrepreneur is clear on the nature and purpose of the business, consideration of the business structure follows. The first consideration is whether the entity is being created to produce a profit for its owners or shareholders, or whether it will be structured as a not-for-profit entity. A second factor is the state of incorporation, as state law defines each business’s creation, with different states permitting different types of entities and various legal protections. Additional considerations include how the structure facilitates bringing in new investors, allows the owners to transfer profits out of the business, and supports a potential subsequent sale of the entity. Taxation is also a crucial aspect of business success, and the business structure or entity directly affects how it is taxed. Drafting a Business Purpose Can you write an outline of a business purpose? Try this: Your university’s tutoring center is crowded, and those students who need extra help are struggling to find it. You have decided to start a new company to match those students with student tutors at your university. Who determines how much a tutor can charge? Is it a set price, a surge pricing model like Uber, or is it up to the tutor? How much of a profit do you make? In essence, you must determine the purpose of your business. Read this IRS article about shared-economy businesses to learn more. For-Profit versus Not-for-Profit Businesses Owners form businesses for one of two purposes: to make a profit or to further a social cause without taking a profit. In either case, there are multiple options in terms of how a business is structured. Each structure carries its own tax consequences determined by the owners’ financial requirements and how the owners want to distribute profits. The structure, in turn, determines the appropriate income tax return form to file. Characteristics of For-Profit Businesses A for-profit business is designed to create profits that are distributed to the owners. There are multiple entity structures used in for-profit business entities including corporations, LLCs, partnerships, and sole proprietorships. Many for-profit business owners seek some form of limited liability, and thus form a corporation or an LLC, each of which carries with it specific legal attributes. Additionally, for-profit business entities are subject to a variety of local, state, and federal taxes and filings. Liability and tax issues will be discussed later in this chapter. For-profit businesses are commercial entities that generally earn revenue through the sales of products or services, whereas nonprofits are organized for social purposes. Nonprofits are allowed to provide assets or income to individuals only as fair compensation for their services. For-profit businesses can be either privately owned (such as an LLC) or publicly owned and traded (such as a corporation). Publicly held and traded corporations sell stock or interests, and must abide by special rules to protect shareholders, whereas privately owned businesses may be less regulated. Regulations may vary by state and by type of incorporation. Characteristics of Not-for-Profit Organizations A not-for-profit organization (NFPO) is usually dedicated to serve the public interest, further a particular social cause, or advocate for a common shared interest. They must follow particular regulations regarding eligibility, government lobbying, and tax-deductible contributions. In financial terms, a not-for-profit organization uses its surplus revenues to achieve its ultimate objective, rather than distributing its income to the organization’s shareholders, partners, or members. Common examples of not-for-profits include educational organizations such as schools, colleges, and universities; public charities such as the United Way; religious organizations such as places of worship; foundations; trade organizations; and issue-advocacy groups. Other organizations also considered NFPOs include nongovernmental organizations, civil society organizations, foundations that provide funding for various activities, and private voluntary organizations. Nonprofits are usually tax-exempt as categorized by the US Internal Revenue Service (IRS), meaning they do not pay income tax on the money they receive for their organization. These types of organizations are created under state law (but also subject to federal and local laws) and are typically created for the common good. To operate as a not-for-profit business, most states require that the entrepreneur create a corporation that has the specific purpose of acting in the public interest. This type of corporation does not have owners but has directors charged with running the organization for the public good, subject to bylaws. Some states only require a minimum of one director, whereas other states may require three or more directors. This is an important consideration for an entrepreneur because the nonprofit corporation will need the approval of all of the directors, and not just one person for its creation. Careful vetting of the directors is the best policy of any entrepreneur since directors have a duty to the corporation. Because state laws vary, a not-for-profit corporation created for the common good in one state needs permission from another state to operate in that state. The permission is typically an approval from the other state’s secretary of state memorialized in the form of official documents or permits. When operating in different states, the entrepreneur needs to make sure that the business follows all laws, rules, and regulations for each state. Another issue to consider is the creation of a not-for-profit business organization for a particular purpose. One example of a special-purpose organization is an alumni organization, usually incorporated as a 501(c)(3) nonprofit, which incorporates to raise money for a college or university for a specific reason, such as student scholarships. Alternatively, a booster club may incorporate to receive donations for a single function, such as the women’s soccer team. These organizations may need additional approvals prior to the creation or start of operations, depending upon state and local legal requirements. Each state typically has different requirements; depending on the federal tax regulation under which the entrepreneur is attempting to qualify, there may be additional federal regulations. This is why the entrepreneur needs to fully understand the purpose of the business they are starting and the legal operating environment before selecting the business structure. While NFPOs play an important role, most entrepreneurs form for-profit businesses; therefore, the remainder of this chapter will focus primarily on for-profit business entities. ENTREPRENEUR IN ACTION Determining the Purpose of Your Business—Profit versus Non-Profit, or a Little of Both? The Approach Used by Gravity Payments’ Entrepreneur Dan Price Sometimes, a business may be a for-profit company yet act in a way that some may think exhibits a not-for-profit philosophy. Most startups must address their business purpose. In other words, is the primary purpose of the business to enrich the owners or is it to spread the benefits of success to the workers? The history of Gravity Payments illustrates this issue. In 2011, an employee earning $35,000 a year told his boss at Gravity Payments, a credit-card payment business, that his earnings were not sufficient for a decent life in expensive Seattle. The boss, Dan Price, who co-founded the company in 2004, was somewhat surprised, as he had always taken pride in treating employees well. Nevertheless, he decided his employee was right. For the next three years, Gravity gave every employee a 20 percent annual raise. Still, profit continued to outgrow wages, so Price announced that over the next three years, Gravity would phase in a minimum salary of $70,000 for all employees. He reduced his own salary from $1 million to $70,000 to demonstrate the point and help fund the company-wide salary increase. The following week, 5,000 people applied for jobs at Gravity, including a Yahoo executive who took a pay cut to transfer to a company she considered fun and meaningful to work for. Price recognized that low starting salaries were antithetical to his values and to what he felt was a large part of his business purpose. A majority of the initial cost of his approach to employee salaries was absorbed by making less profit, yet revenue continues to grow at Gravity, along with the customer base and the workforce. Price believes that managers should measure purpose, impact, and service as much as profit. - Do you think an entrepreneur can successfully operate a for-profit business while paying its workers substantially more than the competition?	2,693	common-pile/libretexts_filtered	https://biz.libretexts.org/Courses/Folsom_Lake_College/BUS_350%3A_Small_Business_Management_Entrepreneurship_(Buch)/03%3A_The_Business_Plan_-_Marketing_Organization_Location_Finances/07%3A_Organization_Plan/7.01%3A_Business_Structure_Options_-_Legal_Tax_and_Risk_Issues/7.1.02%3A_Business_Structures-_Overview_of_Legal_and_Tax_Considerations	libretexts	libretexts-0000.json.gz:30294	https://biz.libretexts.org/Courses/Folsom_Lake_College/BUS_350%3A_Small_Business_Management_Entrepreneurship_(Buch)/03%3A_The_Business_Plan_-_Marketing_Organization_Location_Finances/07%3A_Organization_Plan/7.01%3A_Business_Structure_Options_-_Legal_Tax_and_Risk_Issues/7.1.02%3A_Business_Structures-_Overview_of_Legal_and_Tax_Considerations
q593crGslv1FXFpo	Once Upon the End: Hovering in the Last Chapter of Cancer	1 November 5 St. Michael, Spring Hill If the size of the church to the number of residents means anything, then St. Michael’s parishioners had a heap ton of faith. The tall spire could be seen for miles from Highway 4, which was good since I had never been there. Farms dotted the landscape all around with a handful of houses in Spring Hill. The church’s cornerstone was dated 1900 and much of the interior had changed little, I suspected. Most churches have modernized, but this church seemed more traditional from my first glance of an ominous statue guarding the main entrance of St. Michael slaying a dragon. The church seemed outsized for a farm community consisting of the classic small Stearns County town with a bar or two and a church. Inside, the confessionals were ornate, heavy structures on the sides that looked like they could handle all the venial and even mortal sins. Statues lined the altar and dozens of unlit beeswax candles stood ready. The tall stained glass windows captured the morning sun through a dove flying over the earth. I couldn’t help but imagine the sunset streaming in the other side through a giant bright blue eye. Most of the windows symbols were familiar but I did not recognize an anchor-type cross and an egg-shaped object. The ceiling featured eight angels in circles facing St. Michael at the front while underneath stood rows of dark pews, probably original, creaky even though they had been reinforced at least twice in the middle of the long sections. Ten souls celebrated Mass in that beautiful church, not all singing acapella, but those few voices harmonized like a well-rehearsed choir. Father Marvin’s homily related using gifts and talent from the first reading Romans 12:5-16 “Since we have gifts that differ according to the grace given to us, let us exercise them” My take-away was this reflection as I am way out of my comfort zone in any matters evangelical. Writing about my faith was a big stretch and helped me hone the gift of finding faith and spirituality in any situation. I definitely felt the presence of regular daily Mass attendees there and wondered if they probably conferred afterward to analyze who this interloper was. Maybe I should have introduced myself to someone, but I mischievously enjoyed the mystery. It also made me wonder if I could do a better job connecting to other lone worshipers and be more like my Mom who would certainly have extended herself. Mom’s Faith Growing up almost in the shadow of the steeple, my Mom surely attended St. Michael’s at some point. Her faith was truly part of her very being, in fact if you looked closely you could see small indentations in her forehead from a sign of the cross mishap. As a young girl, Mom thought she had a bottle of holy water, but it was muriatic acid and burned through her shirt at the shoulders and ate away the skin on her forehead. Truly marked with the sign of the cross! This same faith would prove inspirational when she made decisions at the end of her life. I was fetching the mail when Mom called. Instantly I rolled my eyes and chuckled. It would be Mom letting me know Dad had cancelled our trip to St. Cloud. He had already cancelled twice. When she said, “I’m in an ambulance. They want me to go to St. Cloud Hospital. I stopped in the middle of Becker Lake Circle. So began Mom’s cancer journey, literally and figuratively. We waited in the ED for the OB-GYN who was making a delivery. Mom had vaginal bleeding that wouldn’t stop, but since she had a hysterectomy decades ago there shouldn’t have been any bleeding. In a blur of white, Dr. M introduced herself, covered the medical history and showed Dad and me to the hallway as she did her exam, exemplifying the best traits in a doctor: caring, competent and efficient. In just enough time for us to start looking for reading material, the doctor called us in. Mom needed treatment beyond what St. Cloud could offer and she recommended nationally-ranked Dr O at Fairview. Mom was off via ambulance to the University of Minnesota Fairview, her third ED of the day. Processing her transfer plus the drive would take hours, so the doctor recommended that Dad and I go home to sleep and meet Mom there in the morning. When Dad and I arrived at 5am the next morning, Fairview’s ED was dead quiet. Undoubtedly we looked silly going in the entrance, calling down empty hallways, then stepping back outside to make sure we were in the right place. Finally we heard voices and tracked them to maintenance staff who gave us directions. We walked through long tunnels and took two sets of elevators and eventually found her room. Dad looked worried but pleasantly bantered about how we’d find our way back out and made comments aloud to help us remember the path later, always a lesson to be had near Dad. He ambulated slowly with the aid of two canes he had fashioned from copper tubing. For someone who disliked the chaos of St. Cloud, this trip pushed him out of his element. We found Mom in good spirits and settled in a double room with a view of the Mississippi. Around 9am, the gynecologic oncologist arrived with four fellows and asked a few questions before Dad and I left during the exam. I am 99% sure.” A biopsy would follow to confirm stage IV ovarian cancer. Stage I was considered poor and stage IV dismal. Mom accepted her dismal diagnosis with amazing courage. She cried for a few minutes but was laughing before the tears dried just as she would many times during the next 22 months. While I stayed overnight at Fairview with Mom, I missed a day of back to school teacher workshop. Mom was a veteran teacher who had taught part-time or full-time over 41 years so was well versed in teacher workshop experience. At the end of the next school year I missed part of another day. Somehow, despite the severity of her illness, I never needed to miss work with others pitching in for appointments or scheduling them after school. It was like as a fellow teacher, she somehow kept my school days intact, knowing the burden of planning for a substitute. When I got a call from Coborn Cancer Center on the last Friday morning in May 2016, I slipped into the hall. They wanted me to bring Mom there for the results. Today. In my experience, oncology always scheduled appointments in advance, never with urgency so I knew the last CT scan results were bad. In the past few weeks, Mom had been filling up with fluid. I had taken her to a radiology appointment on Wednesday afternoon in Paynesville to have it drained from her abdomen. They gave her some lovely narcotics so she slept through the procedure, but I sat in the room where the ultrasound gave Scott and I the first glimpses of Ben and where the first images of my first tumor were captured as well. “You may never see this again in your career,” the radiologist whispered to the student and technician as the bottle filled with liquid that resembled lard before it solidified. “Chylous ascites. It should look like beer.” The thick, cloudy liquid indicated that all the fat Mom ingested was not being digested but filling up in her stomach instead. Her system was shutting down. Though she barely ate with little appetite, she had a distended belly that made her miserably uncomfortable. And she burped often and uncontrollably. She had a CT to check on the cancer progression. A short vacation from chemo in the spring had given her more energy, but also proved that taking the foot off the chemo pedal gave the cancer a chance to grow unchecked. Her tumor markers had shot up also indicating the presence of more cancer. We were at the crossroads of quality vs quantity of life. I got through the class and drove to Paynesville to pick Mom up. She was ready at the door of the assisted living facility that had been her home for less than a year, wearing a bright sweater and matching scarf. As we made our way on HWY 23 to St. Cloud, she was chatty, giving details about the new seating arrangements in the dining room due to some personality conflicts. She gave me updates on family members, laughing while she related the latest antics of her youngest granddaughters. As we hit the first stoplight in St. Cloud, I finally had the courage to tell her that the urgency of the appointment had me worried. “I think the CT results are going to be bad, right?” My eyes filled with tears as I nodded and said we might need to start hospice and focus on comfort now. She nodded and shrugged with tears splashing off her face onto the scarf, “who knew this was fashionable and functional?” she laughed as she blotted her face dry with a grin that was a mismatch for her red eyes, runny nose and blotchy cheeks. We were terrible criers with our faces mottled long after we stopped crying. The oncology appointment was marked by the usual waiting room waiting and then waiting in the patient room. The oncologist’s face delivered the news before his voice. Dr. R brought up the scan on the computer and seemed to be searching for options when I quietly said, “We’re ok with hospice.” Sighing loudly with relief, he reached for Mom’s tiny hand, “You will have no pain, MaryAnn. I promise you. Yes, this is time for hospice.” With more eye contact than my teary eyes could handle, he looked at me and said, “You should have all family visit this weekend.” The trip home was the opposite of the trip there. Before we left the parking lot, she squeezed my arm. “I am ready to meet Jesus,” she said both to me and herself. She closed her eyes with no tears in sight. Her acceptance of her end was complete and astonishing. From the moment she asked for hospice care, she was tranquil. As she accepted dying, I pulled from her strength and marvelled at her brightly living faith. On the 45 minute trip back to Paynesville, I kept looking at her napping peacefully. As lively as she had been on the way to St. Cloud, she started shutting down on the return trip. He cited several examples of inmates who gave up hope and the will to live. Once they shut down and moved like they were sleeping-walking, they did not last long. He could identify those who consciously gave up the will to live by the way they moved. I could see this in Mom. It was like an ember in a fire, her spark of life was fading, but I knew her faith was still an inferno. Within hours of being called, the hospice team showed up at her apartment. Dr. R recommended no more food and only ice chips or a wet sponge for liquids. Though it did not seem humane, and a few people brought food or drinks despite his advice, she was not hungry and seldom thirsty. The food would not help, but only prolong her suffering. The fluid in her abdomen indicated that she had not absorbed the proper nutrition from food for some time. At this point anything she ate would only make her uncomfortable. Although she had no IV’s anymore, her wrist bore neon medical alerts: FALL RISK, NO FOOD and DNR. With every hospital stay, she was sure to get her Do Not Resuscitate (DNR) bracelet. When she had issues with her heart years before, Mom had filed her advance directive with DNR status based on advice from her primary care physician, Dr P, who explained that it was not often successful and broken ribs were guaranteed. With her permission, we let her go.	2,629	common-pile/pressbooks_filtered	https://pressbooks.pub/onceupontheend/chapter/moms-faith/	pressbooks	pressbooks-0000.json.gz:68558	https://pressbooks.pub/onceupontheend/chapter/moms-faith/
rSL935aYy16Bfk8T	Introduction to Philosophy: Logic	5 Necessary and Sufficient Conditions Michael Shaffer The concepts of necessary and sufficient conditions play central and vital roles in analytic philosophy. That these concepts are vital to philosophy is beyond question, and it is primarily because the orthodox account of the methodology of analytic philosophy involves the contention that philosophy aims to yield accurate specifications of sets of necessary and sufficient conditions, such as the claim that all bachelors are unmarried men. It is, then, obviously and deeply important to philosophy that we have an adequate logical grasp of these concepts. In terms of both propositional and first-order logic the concepts of necessary and sufficient conditions are intimately related to the concept of the conditional (i.e. a statement of the form “if p, then q”) as the following canonical account makes clear.[1] Where S(p, q) means “p is a sufficient condition for q” and N(q, p) means “q is a necessary condition for p”, [latex]p \rightarrow q[/latex] means “if p, then q,” and [latex]p \equiv q[/latex] means “p and q are logically equivalent,” the following two definitions are supposed to represent these two important ideas: (D1) [latex]\mathrm{S}(p, q) \equiv (p \rightarrow q)[/latex] (D2) [latex]\mathrm{N}(q, p) \equiv (p \rightarrow q)[/latex] In effect, D1 and D2 are then intended to be the standard logical interpretations of our ordinary language concepts of necessary and sufficient conditions framed in terms of classical propositional logic.[2] They are based on the idea that necessary and sufficient conditions can be exhaustively defined in terms of the conditional understood as material implication and represented by the “→” of classical propositional logic with the following familiar truth conditions:[3] \| [latex]A[/latex] \| [latex]B[/latex] \| [latex]A \rightarrow B[/latex] \| \|---\|---\|---\| \| T \| T \| T \| \| T \| F \| F \| \| F \| T \| T \| \| F \| F \| T \| Of course, material implication plays an important role in reasoning in general, particularly with respect to the following valid inferential forms in classical propositional logic, as we saw in Chapter 3. Affirming the Antecedent (Modus Ponens) - [latex]A \rightarrow B[/latex] - [latex]A[/latex] - [latex]/\therefore B[/latex] Denying the Consequent (Modus Tollens) - [latex]A \rightarrow B[/latex] - [latex]\neg B[/latex] - [latex]/\therefore \neg A[/latex] These inference forms have important connections to the concepts of necessary and sufficient conditions, and to how we reason using them. In the case of affirming the antecedent, the first premise can be understood to be the claim that A is sufficient for B, and the second premise the claim that the condition A obtains. So, from these claims it validly follows that B obtains. In the case of denying the consequent, the first premise can be read as the claim that B is a necessary condition for A and the second premise as the claim that B does not obtain. From these premises it validly follows that A does not obtain. However, the following inferential forms involving material implication are invalid in classical propositional logic: Affirming the Consequent - [latex]A \rightarrow B[/latex] - [latex]B[/latex] - [latex]/\therefore A[/latex] Denying the Antecedent - [latex]A \rightarrow B[/latex] - [latex]\neg A[/latex] - [latex]/ \therefore \neg B[/latex] These invalid inference forms also are importantly related to the concepts of necessary and sufficient conditions. In the case of affirming the consequent, the first premise can be read as the claim that A is a necessary condition for B and the second premise as the claim that B is true. But, from these premises it does not validly follow that A is also true. The fact that B is necessary for A does not ensure it is also sufficient for A. In the case of denying the antecedent, the first premise can be read as the claim that A is a sufficient condition for B and the second premise as the claim that A is not true. From these premises it does not validly follow that B is not true, as some other condition that suffices for B might, in fact, obtain. Moreover, where NS(p, q) means “p is necessary and sufficient for q, and q is necessary and sufficient for p,” such jointly necessary and sufficient conditions take the following form:[4] (D3) [latex]\mathrm{NS}(p, q) \equiv [(p \rightarrow q) \,\& \,(q \rightarrow p)][/latex] However, since the formula [latex](p \rightarrow q) \,\&\, (q \rightarrow p)[/latex] is equivalent to the formula [latex](p \equiv q)[/latex] in classical propositional logic, sets of such necessary and sufficient conditions can be more compactly defined in terms of logical equivalence as follows: (D4) [latex]\mathrm{NS}(p, q) \equiv (p \equiv q)[/latex] This concept is just the idea that the truth values of p and q are always the same, and the notion of logical equivalence has the following truth conditions: \| [latex]A[/latex] \| [latex]B[/latex] \| [latex]A \equiv B[/latex] \| \|---\|---\|---\| \| T \| T \| T \| \| T \| F \| F \| \| F \| T \| F \| \| F \| F \| T \| Sets of jointly necessary and sufficient conditions are, then, just definitions regimented as sentences of this sort. For example, it turns out that being a bachelor and being an unmarried male are jointly necessary and sufficient conditions for one another. Now why, specifically, are the concepts of necessary and sufficient conditions, so understood, of such central significance in contemporary analytic philosophy? Conceptual Analysis and Necessary and Sufficient Conditions The central account of the methods of contemporary analytic philosophy is predicated on the claim that philosophical methodology is intuition-driven conceptual analysis that aims to determine true sets of necessary and sufficient conditions. In fact, according to a significant number of philosophers, such conceptual analysis is the only method of philosophy. For the purposes at hand, this account of the methods of philosophy will be referred to as the standard philosophical method (SPM). Conceptual analyses take the form of specifications of the content of a pre-theoretical concept (the analysans) through the articulation of a set of necessary and sufficient conditions (the analysandum or analysanda), and here we find the locus of the connection between the concepts of necessary and sufficient conditions and philosophical methodology. This methodological account of philosophy can be more completely characterized as follows: (1) Conceptual analyses take the form of proposed definitions (i.e. sets of necessary and sufficient conditions) of analysanda. (2) The adequacy of any analysandum can be tested against concrete and/or imagined cases. (3) Whether or not a proposed analysandum is adequate with respect to a given case can be determined by the use of a priori intuition, with a priori intuition being a distinct, reliable and fallible non-sensory mental faculty.[5] (4) Intuition allows us to reliably access knowledge about concepts. (5) The method of reflective equilibrium is the particular method by which intuitions can be used to confirm/disconfirm analysanda.[6] According to the defenders of SPM, this is essentially the orthodox methodology of analytic philosophy, and it has been assumed to be adequate for the solution of philosophical problems by a significant number of both practicing and prominent philosophers throughout the recent history of philosophy. For example, this is the contention made by Colin McGinn in a recent book. McGinn is not in the least bit tentative in his blanket defense of SPM as the one and only method of philosophy. With this aim in mind, early in his 2012 book he makes the following extended declaration about philosophy: … it is not a species of empirical enquiry, and it is not methodologically comparable to the natural sciences (though it is comparable to the formal sciences). It seeks the discovery of essences. It operates “from the armchair”: that is, by unaided (usually solitary) contemplation. Its only experiments are thought-experiments, and its data are possibilities (or “intuitions” about possibilities). Thus philosophy seeks a priori knowledge of objective being—of non-linguistic and non-conceptual reality. We are investigating being as such, but we do so using only a priori methods. (McGinn 2012, 4) As should be immediately apparent, this is a clear, straightforward, and ringing endorsement of SPM as it has been understood here. To buttress this contention we need only take note of his other claims that “…the proper method for uncovering the essence of things is precisely conceptual analysis,” (McGinn 2012, 4) and that “philosophy, correctly conceived, simply is conceptual analysis” (McGinn 2012, 11). In effect, he believes then that we arrive at such analyses by considering possible cases and asking ourselves whether the concept applies or not in those cases—that is by consulting our “intuitions” about such cases (McGinn 2012, 5). What is also important for the purposes at hand is his acknowledgment that this account of philosophical methodology “was really the standard conception for most of the history of the subject, in one form or another” (McGinn 2012, 7). So, not only does McGinn endorse SPM as the sole methodology of contemporary philosophy, but he also claims that it is the enduring methodology of philosophical inquiry throughout its history.[7] One important clarification regarding McGinn’s version of SPM concerns the nature of the object of analysis (the analysans) and, more importantly, the nature of the analysandum itself as they are typically understood (i.e. as definitions of a particular sort framed as sets of necessary and sufficient conditions). Carl Hempel usefully makes a crucial distinction in this regard, which we can use to illuminate the standard view of such definitions: The word “definition” has come to be used in several different senses….A real definition is conceived of as a statement of the “essential characteristics” of some entity, as when man is defined as a rational animal or a chair as a separate moveable seat for one person. A nominal definition, on the other hand, is a convention which merely introduces an alternative—and usually abbreviated—notation for a given linguistic expression, in the manner of a stipulation. (Hempel 1952, 2) Moreover, he tells us further that some real definitions are to be understood as meaning analyses, or as analytic definitions, of the term in question. The validation of such claims requires only that we know the meanings of the constituent expressions, and no empirical investigation is necessary to determine the correctness of the analysandum (Hempel 1952, 8). This is, of course, precisely what McGinn has in mind with respect to conceptual analysis. It is, then, worth making the obvious point that conceptual analysis is the operation of analyzing concepts via proposing definitions, but to point that out is not enough to fully grasp the view. It is true that SPM is a method that takes as inputs our concepts, but it involves the clear recognition that the definitions involved are to be understood as meaning analyses rather than as nominal or stipulative (i.e. “dictionary”) definitions. So, for example, the question of whether knowledge is justified true belief is just the question of the analysis of the concept of knowledge in terms of definitions constituted by sets of necessary and sufficient conditions understood as a meaning analysis. Conceptual analysis is then a method of doing something with concepts that we already possess—wherever they have ultimately come from.[8] It is defining a pre-theoretical concept by offering a synonymous expression. It then appears to be the case that the defenders of SPM must believe that concepts have the form of sets of necessary and sufficient conditions, that such analyses are meaning analyses, and that analyses of our pre-analytic concepts are informative. Typical analysanda are thus kinds of decompositions of pre-analytic concepts. They are conceptual truths with the form of analytic definitions. So, for McGinn and other like-minded thinkers, analysanda have a very simple logical form, and we can see this via the example of the analysis of the concept of knowledge. Where Kx is “x is knowledge”, Jx is “x is justified”, Tx is “x is true” and Bx is “x is believed”, the standard analysis of knowledge looks like this: x is Kx [latex]\equiv[/latex] x is Jx & x is Tx & x is Bx This analysis is supposed to tell us the true nature, or essence, of the concept of knowledge in terms of a finite set of defining essential features, with the logical form of a set of jointly necessary and sufficient conditions. So, providing such an analysis involves decomposing the analysans into a list of features, thus exposing in some important sense the content of the concept. A Problem with the Orthodox View and SPM Many recent critics have attacked SPM in terms of (2)-(5) by challenging the reliability of the faculty of intuition. This is the main line of criticism against SPM offered by many defenders of what is called experimental philosophy, and it is an interesting criticism of orthodox philosophy indeed. However, some critics have alternatively attacked SPM by challenging (1) on the basis of the theory of concepts it assumes; specifically, the idea that concepts can be adequately captured by sets of necessary and sufficient conditions.[9] One version of this latter form of criticism is particularly relevant to this chapter. This criticism is based on the contention that SPM wrongly assumes that concepts take the form of necessary and sufficient conditions at all. Call this the potential vacuity problem. The Potential Vacuity Problem The problem of potential vacuity arises as follows, and is based on Ludwig Wittgenstein’s infamous remarks about the theory of concepts assumed in SPM. He addressed the matter of the reliability of SPM in his Philosophical Investigations and The Blue and Brown Books, and therein Wittgenstein attacks the foundation of the project of conceptual analysis by attempting to undermine (1) via examination of the claim that concepts have the form of sets of necessary and sufficient conditions.[10] First, Wittgenstein rejected the notion that most, or even perhaps any, concepts can be defined precisely via the specification of sets of necessary and sufficient conditions, and that this is a problem central to orthodox philosophy. This important revelation was made by noting that philosophical attempts at conceptual analysis have systematically failed to produce the goods. He tells us explicitly that, We are unable to clearly circumscribe the concepts we use; not because we don’t know their real definition, but because there is no real “definition” to them. (Wittgenstein 1958, 25) Second, he sought to replace the notion of concepts understood as sets of necessary and sufficient conditions with an alternative theory of concepts. This alternative account of concepts is based on the notion of a “family resemblance relation.” To see the first point more clearly, let us look at Wittgenstein’s favorite example from his Philosophical Investigations. Wittgenstein specifically argued that the concept of a game cannot be correctly analyzed in terms of a set of necessary and sufficient conditions. This is because games do not share some set of defining features in common. Rather, the members of the set of games are only similar to one another in some respects, and it is these relations of similarity that constitute the family of games. As we have seen, SPM assumes the following principle: (CON) For any concept C, there exists a set of necessary and sufficient conditions that constitutes the content of C. Wittgenstein’s attack on SPM is mounted via an attack on CON, and this is the fundamental ground of the potential vacuity problem. Essentially, the gist of the problem is that if there are no (or even just very few) concepts that can be correctly regimented as sets of necessary and sufficient conditions, there can be no (or very few) correct conceptual analyses in the sense of SPM. The basis of Wittgenstein’s criticism then can be understood as follows: it is clear from the consideration of examples across the history of philosophy that most or all philosophical attempts to analyze concepts by providing sets of necessary and sufficient conditions have failed. This is because, for any proposed set of necessary or sufficient conditions intended to be the correct analysis of a concept, there are instances of that concept that do not meet the set of proposed defining conditions. Think back to Wittgenstein’s favorite example of the concept of a game. Poker and soccer are both plausibly taken to be games and so we might, for example, posit that something is a game, if and only if, that activity involves a winner and a loser. But, the game patty cake is another plausible case of a game and does not have a winner and a loser. So, this definition of a game in terms of a set of necessary and sufficient conditions fails. Wittgenstein claims that this example generalizes, and the presumptive best explanation for the failed philosophical attempts to articulate the contents of concepts in terms of sets of necessary and sufficient conditions is that the contents of concepts are not captured by sets of necessary and sufficient conditions (i.e. the denial of CON). In other words, Wittgenstein holds that for any (or, at least most) attempt(s) to specify the contents of concepts in terms of necessary and sufficient conditions, we will find counter-examples. As a replacement for CON, Wittgenstein introduces the notion of a family resemblance class. The central idea is that the cases that fall under a concept are related to one another not by a defining set of necessary and sufficient conditions, but rather by complex overlapping similarity conditions that relate groups of members of the total set of cases that fall under the concept. However, no one set of conditions holds for all and only the members that exhibit that concept. Thus, if Wittgenstein is correct, the reason that there are no correct conceptual analyses is due to the fact that concepts cannot be analysed in terms of necessary and sufficient conditions. SPM is, thus, potentially (if not actually) vacuous. Prospective Solutions to the Potential Vacuity Problem Does Wittgenstein’s criticism signal defeat of the SPM, then? Not necessarily. Colin McGinn (2012) proposes a solution to the problem. First, notice that Wittgenstein’s criticism is a direct denial of (1).[11] McGinn responds by biting the bullet against Wittgenstein and arguing that, although they are very often difficult to articulate, concepts are properly characterized by sets of necessary and sufficient conditions. Pace Wittgenstein, our failure to articulate definitive examples of such analyses is no reason to suppose that there are no such things. More cleverly, he shows how Wittgenstein’s criticism can be effectively rebutted in the following way. As we have seen, Wittgenstein’s claim that concepts cannot be captured by sets of necessary and sufficient conditions is supposed to follow from his investigation of the concept of a game. But, as McGinn points out, from the fact that it is difficult to produce the goods in this (or any other) case, it does not necessarily follow that there are no such analyses (McGinn 2012, 21-28). Second, Wittgenstein uses this point in support of the claim that concepts actually have the structure of a set of family resemblance relations between paradigm and non-paradigm elements in the extension of a concept. What McGinn then shows is that Wittgenstein’s own theory of concepts in terms of family resemblances presupposes that concepts can be captured by a special type of necessary and sufficient conditions: for any concept C, the non-paradigmatic members of C bear a family resemblance relation to the paradigmatic case(s) of C.[12] So, it would appear to be the case that according to Wittgenstein, something is necessarily a concept, if and only if, it is a set of entities related by family resemblance relations to one or more paradigm cases. As such, McGinn rightly claims that Wittgenstein does not reject SPM. Rather, in his treatment of the concept of game he is “favoring a particular form of it—one in which the analysis takes the form ‘family-resembles paradigm games’ (such as chess, tennis, etc.)” (McGinn 2012, 18-19). However, this response does nothing to defuse the problem that such specifications of conceptual contents cannot plausibly be necessary truths, as McGinn and other defenders of SPM typically believe. This is because family resemblance relations cannot plausibly be understood to be necessary truths. In other words, it is clearly not the case that resemblance relations between objects are such that they are true in all possible worlds.[13] This is the case because resemblances are not purely objective relations between objects. They are perceiver relative, and so vary depending on what features one focuses on. For example, a pen resembles a pencil when one focuses on the function of writing. But, a pen and a pencil do not resemble one another when one focuses instead on the feature of containing ink. EXERCISES Exercise One For each pair, decide whether the first member of the pair is either a necessary condition for the second, a sufficient condition, or neither. Example: Bob’s car is blue/Bob’s car is coloured Answer: Bob’s car being blue is sufficient for it being coloured, as its being blue ensures that it is coloured. However, it isn’t a necessary condition, for Bob’s car could be coloured without being blue—it could be red, for example. - - Bob drew the eight of Spades from an ordinary deck of playing cards. Bob drew a black card from a deck of ordinary playing cards. - Alice has a brother-in-law. Alice is not an only child. - Alice’s daughter is married. Alice is a parent. - Alice’s daughter is married. Alice is a grandmother. - Some women pay taxes. Some taxpayers are women. - All women pay taxes. All taxpayers are women. - Being a mammal. Being warm blooded. - Being warm blooded. - Being a mammal. - Bob drew the eight of Spades from an ordinary deck of playing cards. Exercise Two For each claim, rewrite it in terms of necessary and/or sufficient conditions. Example: You can’t play football without a ball Answer: Having a ball is necessary for playing football. - You must pay if you want to enter. - A cloud chamber is needed to observe subatomic particles. - If something is an electron it is a charged particle. - Your car is only cool if it’s a Honda. Exercise Three Test for yourself the traditional philosophical assumption that concepts are defined by necessary and sufficient conditions. Try to provide necessary and sufficient conditions for the following concepts, and then test these set of conditions with potential counterexamples: - Spoon - Garden - Success - Health (mental and physical) Potential counterexamples to your analysis of these concepts in terms of necessary and sufficient conditions can either take the form of: - Cases that the concept should apply to, but which don’t fulfill your necessary and sufficient conditions. - Cases that the concept should not apply to, but which do fulfill your necessary and sufficient conditions. - As given previously in Chapter 3. ↵ - See, for example, Copi, Cohen and Flage (2007, 196, 446, 449) and Fisher (2001, 241). ↵ - The concept of the material conditional introduced here is just a formalization of what we were previously and informally calling “conditionals”. ↵ - NS(p, q) is then equivalent to S(p, q) & S(q, p) & N(p, q) & N(q, p). ↵ - A priori knowledge is knowledge totally independent of any experience. ↵ - Recent defenses of SPM include: Bealer (1996), Jackson (1998), and McGinn (2012). For closely related views, see Braddon-Mitchell and Nola (2009). See Shaffer (forthcoming) for extensive discussion of this view. Reflective equilibrium is the method of bringing intuitively true cases into conformity with a rule or principle. ↵ - See McGinn (2012, 4-11) for a summary of significant historical examples of the use of SPM, including some of those discussed here in more detail. ↵ - Strictly speaking, conceptual analyses can also involve some degree of alteration in the content of the pre-theoretical concepts, as often happens when such analysis involves making a concept more precise. ↵ - See Moore (1968) and Wittgenstein (1953), for example. Moore’s paradox of analysis appears to show that such analyses are uninformative, and Wittgenstein claims that concepts have the form of family resemblances, rather than sets of necessary and sufficient conditions. See also Brennan (2017) and Shaffer (2015) for additional worries about the nature of necessary and sufficient conditions. ↵ - See Wittgenstein (1953), Lakoff (1987), Ramsey (1998), Rosch and Mervis (1998), and McGinn (2012, Ch. 3) for more on this matter. ↵ - Wittgenstein’s criticism also has important additional application to views, like that of McGinn, where conceptual truths are understood to be necessary truths. This is because if concepts are not captured by sets of necessary and sufficient conditions, and only have the form of sets of cases related by family resemblances, then it is not easily understood how they could possibly be necessarily true definitions. This is simply because relations of resemblance between things appear to be contingent relations. ↵ - Paradigm members of a family resemblance class are the obvious central cases, whereas non-paradigmatic cases are less central and obvious cases of that class. So, for example, a robin is a paradigmatic case of the class of birds, whereas a penguin is (plausibly) a non-paradigmatic case of a bird. ↵ - This understanding of necessary truth as claims that are true in all possible worlds is the standard concept of a necessary truth. Such truths cannot be false in any consistent arrangement of what could possibly exist. ↵ An event or proposition which is required for another event to occur or proposition to be true. Conditionals express that the consequent is a necessary condition for the antecedent. An event or proposition which ensures that another event occurs or another proposition is true. Conditionals express that the antecedent is a sufficient condition for the consequent.	5,539	common-pile/pressbooks_filtered	https://press.rebus.community/intro-to-phil-logic/chapter/chapter-5-necessary-and-sufficient-conditions/	pressbooks	pressbooks-0000.json.gz:19577	https://press.rebus.community/intro-to-phil-logic/chapter/chapter-5-necessary-and-sufficient-conditions/
qCRdoBMmboQFsIo_	Crimson Clover [1938]	Produced by Tom Cosmas from files generously made available by USDA through The Internet Archive. All resultant materials are placed in the Public Domain. Transcriber Note Emphasis is denoted as _Italics_ and =Bold=. =CRIMSON CLOVER= LEAFLET No. 160 U.S.DEPARTMENT of AGRICULTURE Issued June 1938. =CRIMSON CLOVER= By E. A. Hollowell, _senior agronomist, Division of Forage Crops and Diseases, Bureau of Plant Industry_ =Growth and Distribution= Crimson clover (_Trifolium incarnatum_) is the most important winter annual legume of the central section of the Eastern States (fig. 1). Besides being an excellent hay plant and furnishing an abundance of early spring pasture, it affords protection to the soil during the fall, winter, and spring, prevents soil washing, and provides green manure for soil improvement. This legume has the distinct advantage of being a heavy producer of seed, which can be easily harvested and sown without the use of expensive machinery. [Illustration: Figure 1.--Principal crimson clover region of the United States.] Crimson clover is a native of Europe and is widely grown in France, Hungary, and other central and southern European countries. Seed was introduced into this country as early as 1819, but it was not until 1880 that the plant became of agricultural importance. During the last 6 years the annual commercial consumption of seed in the United States has ranged from 2 to 4 million pounds. In addition, large quantities of home-grown seed are used and handled from farm to farm. The common name of this clover is derived from the distinctive bright crimson color of the blossoms. Other common names, such as German clover and scarlet clover, are frequently heard in different localities. In general the leaves and stems of crimson clover resemble red clover, but are distinguished by the rounding of the tips of the leaves and a greater covering of hair on both leaves and steins. When it is planted in the fall the leaves develop from the crown and form a rosette, which enlarges whenever weather conditions are favorable. In late spring flower stems develop rapidly and terminate their growth with elongated flower heads. Seed forms and the plant dies with the advent of hot summer weather. The seed is yellow, slightly larger, and more rounding than red clover seed. =Adaptation= Crimson clover is adapted to cool, humid weather and is tolerant of winter conditions where the temperature does not become severe or too variable. In this region (fig. 1) it should be planted in late summer or early fall, since early establishment and growth are favorable to its winter survival. It will thrive on both sandy and clay soils and is tolerant of ordinary soil acidity. On extremely poor soils, stands are difficult to obtain and the growth is stunted. The use of manure and phosphate fertilizers on such soils will improve the chances of obtaining good stands. Crimson clover may also be successfully grown as a summer annual in Maine, northern Michigan, and Minnesota. The winter culture of this clover may be extended into Kentucky, southern Missouri, and southern Indiana provided the seed is sown in fertile soil early in August. Production may be successfully extended southward with an increase of soil fertility and with seeding delayed until soil-moisture conditions are favorable. =Seedbed Preparation= The most important and difficult phase of successful production of crimson clover is getting a stand. Sufficient soil moisture to germinate the seed and to establish the seedlings is the greatest factor in obtaining a stand, which when established usually produces a good crop. Seedings are usually made in late August or early September between the rows of cultivated crops. Under such conditions an ideal seedbed is difficult to prepare, therefore careful preparation is necessary. Furthermore, the crop plants in the row shade the clover seedlings and seriously compete with them for the available moisture. Increasing the distance between the rows and planting the row crop more thinly will afford better opportunity for the establishment of the clover. When planted between the rows of other crops, the seed is usually broadcast on the surface and covered by cultivating or harrowing (fig. 2). Drilling the seed after the soil surface has been stirred will usually give more complete stands than broadcasting, and it may be done with a small one-horse drill. The seed should not be planted more than one-half to three-fourths of an inch deep, respectively, in clay and sandy soils. [Illustration: Figure 2.--Seeding crimson clover in corn.] Crimson clover is often seeded following a grain crop, and this is a surer method of establishing a stand than planting between the rows of cultivated crops, providing the seedbed is well prepared. After the grain crop is removed the soil is plowed or disked and allowed to settle. This is followed by light harrowing or disking when necessary to kill weed seedlings. Before the clover is seeded the soil should be firmly packed, because a loose cloddy seedbed is the forerunner of failure. The seed may be either drilled or broadcast, but drilling will give more uniform stands. =Fertilizers= When the crop is planted on extremely poor soils, good stands and growth cannot be expected. Such soil conditions may be improved by the application of manure and phosphate fertilizers or by turning under such crops as cowpeas, soybeans, or lespedeza. In many soils of low fertility the use of 50 to 100 pounds per acre of a nitrogen fertilizer will encourage early seedling growth and establishment. On the fertile soils of this region crimson clover may be successfully grown without fertilizer, but on most soils applications of 200 pounds of phosphate fertilizer per acre are profitable in obtaining stands and vigorous growth (fig. 3). The use of potash is recommended when a deficiency is known to exist. [Illustration: Figure 3.--Effect of phosphate application on good soil: Treated (left); untreated (right).] =Seed Sources= Of the total amount of seed normally used approximately 60 percent is of foreign origin, coming principally from Hungary and France. Most of the domestic crimson clover seed offered on the market is produced in south-central Tennessee. While white-flowered strains and others differing in maturity have been isolated, they are little used. Claims have been made that locally grown seed is superior to seed from other sources including that of foreign origin. Further experiments are needed to determine whether such differences actually exist. =Rate and Time of Seeding= Under ordinary conditions 15 to 18 pounds of hulled seed will give good stands unless there is a deficiency of soil moisture. Depending upon the amount of foreign material 45 to 60 pounds of unhulled seed is comparable to a 15-pound seeding rate of hulled seed. Crimson clover may be sown from the middle of August until October 1 with the expectation of securing a good stand. The later it is seeded the less growth can be expected and the more readily winterkilling occurs. The early establishment of the plants becomes more important as plantings are extended northward. Seeding crimson clover, if possible, either immediately before or following heavy rains will increase its chances of making a stand. The spring planting of crimson clover in or south of the Corn Belt usually results in a short, stunted growth followed by meager blossoming and an unprofitable yield. =Inoculation= In many parts of the crimson clover region it is not necessary to inoculate the seed; but if clover has not been successfully grown on a soil, inoculation of the seed is good insurance. If the plants are not inoculated they will develop slowly, become yellow, and die. Inoculated plants are able to obtain about two-thirds of their nitrogen from the air through their root nodules. The plants may be artificially inoculated by applying pure cultures of the bacteria to the seed or by scattering soil from a field where inoculated crimson clover has been grown. Two hundred to three hundred pounds per acre of such soil evenly distributed at seeding time is sufficient. =Unhulled Seed= The use of unhulled seed offers the distinct advantage of increasing the chance of obtaining thick stands. With the prevalence of dry soil conditions, light rainfall does not cause the unhulled seed to germinate, but hulled seed germinates readily and the seedlings may die from lack of moisture before they can become established. Its bulky nature makes unhulled seed more difficult to distribute uniformly than hulled seed. It must be broadcast and may be harrowed in. It is also difficult to market and is not generally handled by the seed trade. But farmers can harvest seed for their own use and save the expense of having it hulled. =Companion Crops= Rye, vetch, Italian ryegrass, and fall-sown grain crops are often seeded with crimson clover. Besides making a valuable addition to the clover (fig. 4), these companion crops help bolster up a thin stand. Such crops are seeded from one-half to one-third the normal crop rate and the crimson clover is seeded at the normal rate. Planting is done at the same time, but, as a greater depth is required for most of the seed of the companion crops, two seeding operations are necessary. In Tennessee, farmers often use a mixture of 5 pounds of red clover and 10 pounds of crimson clover per acre with excellent results. The first growth of the mixture may be grazed or harvested for hay or for crimson clover seed, while the second crop is wholly red clover. [Illustration: Figure 4.--Crimson clover and rye, an excellent green-manure combination.] =Diseases and Insects= The only serious disease that affects crimson clover is stem rot. The effect of this disease is seen in the early spring and is characterized by the plants dying in patches. The stems rot at the surface of the soil or where they join the crown. The occurrence of continued damp cool weather during early spring favors the development of the disease. Exclusion of clover and other legumes from the rotation for a period of 2 to 5 years is the best control method. Sandy soils in the southern part of the crimson clover belt are often infested with nematodes. Nematode injury results in a stunting and yellowing of the plants and is most prevalent in the southern part of the region. While the clover-seed chalcid, the pea aphid, and other insects sometimes become numerous in crimson clover, insects do not ordinarily cause appreciable damage. =Utilization= Crimson clover grows rapidly in early spring and furnishes an abundance of early grazing (fig. 5). If planted early and an abundant fall growth is made, the clover may also be grazed during the fall and winter months. Such a practice has been successfully followed in Tennessee, where crimson clover has provided the winter pasturage. The grazing, however, should be restricted to periods when the soil is relatively dry, otherwise damage may result from trampling. Animals grazing on crimson clover seldom bloat; however, it is advisable not to turn them into clover fields for the first time when they are hungry. Bloat is less likely to occur when a mixture of clover and grass or grain is grazed than when the clover alone is grazed. As crimson clover reaches maturity the hairs of the heads and stems become hard and tough. When grazed continuously or when fed as hay at this stage of maturity large masses of the hairs are liable to form into hair balls in stomachs of horses and mules. Occasionally the hair balls are responsible for the death of animals. If small amounts of other feeds, particularly roughages, are fed along with the clover, the formation of these balls will be reduced. Cattle, sheep, and swine do not seem to be affected. [Illustration: Figure 5.--Crimson clover provides an abundance of early spring grazing.] Crimson clover makes excellent hay when cut at the early bloom stage although the yield may be slightly reduced. For maximum yields it should be harvested in full bloom. The hay is easily cured either in the swath or in the windrow. Fewer leaves are lost and less bleaching occurs in windrowed hay. Although yields as high as 2½ tons per acre are not uncommon on fertile soil, 1½ to 2 tons is an ordinary production. Crimson clover is an ideal green-manure crop. For the best result it should be plowed under 2 to 3 weeks before planting the succeeding crop. This gives sufficient time for decomposition, which is rapid unless the crop is mature when plowed under. Occasionally, strips are plowed in which row crops are planted, allowing the clover between the plowed strips to mature. Seed may be harvested by hand from the clover between the row crop, and the remaining clover straw allowed to mat and serve as a mulch, or the entire plant may be permitted to form a mulch. A volunteer seeding may be secured in this way, especially in the northern part of this region, but attempts to follow such a practice should be tried on a small scale until experience is gained. When used in orchards, crimson clover is often allowed to mature, after which it is disked into the soil. Occasionally a volunteer seeding may be obtained in the fall. =Seed Production= Crimson clover is a prolific seed-producing plant and yields of 5 to 10 bushels per acre are common, depending upon the thickness of the stand, the amount of growth that is produced, and the care exercised in harvesting the seed. The florets are self-fertile, but bees are effective in tripping and transferring the pollen, with a consequent increase in the number of seed per head. The placing of colonies of honeybees adjacent to blooming fields will effectively increase pollination. More seed is usually produced on soils of medium fertility than on rich soils, since fertile soils seem to stimulate the growth of stems and leaves at the expense of flower-head development. Large yields and ease of harvesting crimson clover seed are the principal reasons why crimson clover is such an ideal legume crop. Farmers may save seed with very little expense other than their own labor. When the seed heads are mature they readily shatter and are easily harvested either by hand stripping or by using horse-drawn homemade strippers. One bushel of unhulled seed contains about 2 pounds of hulled seed, and although bulky in nature, it can be easily stored on the farm until fall. [Illustration: Figure 6.--Cutting a crimson clover seed crop with a mower equipped with a bunching attachment.] When the seed is mature the crop is cut with a mower, which may be equipped with a bunching or windrowing attachment (fig. 6) or it may be harvested with a combine. During wet seasons difficulties in combining the seed from standing plants may be experienced. Under such conditions the plants may be cut and windrowed and then threshed by the combine from the windrow. As crimson clover shatters easily when ripe, cutting with the mower when the heads are damp with dew or rain is recommended. If allowed to stand too long after it is ripe a beating rain will shatter much of the seed. After a few days of curing, the seed is hulled with an ordinary clover huller or a grain separator equipped with hulling attachments. The less the clover is handled, the less seed will be lost by shattering. Troublesome weeds are encountered in growing crimson clover seed; field peppergrass (_Lepidium campestre_) and wintercress (_Barbarea praecox_) are probably the worst, as their separation from the clover seed is difficult. Little barley (_Hordeum pusillum_) is objectionable in unhulled seed, and the use of unhulled seed will naturally increase the prevalence of this weed. U. S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE: 1938 For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, Washington, D. C. -- Price 5 cents =Transcriber Note= Illustrations moved to avoid splitting paragraphs and closer to references in the text. Minor typos may have been corrected.	3,104	common-pile/project_gutenberg_filtered	63169	project gutenberg	project_gutenberg-dolma-0011.json.gz:3780	https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/63169.txt.utf-8
gua-bFN5dNZ-FCSK	The Renewable Anthology of Early American Literature 2.0	From The Blithedale Romance (1852), Chapter XVI: Leave-Takings NATHANIEL HAWTHORNE A few days after the tragic passage-at-arms between Hollingsworth and me, I appeared at the dinner-table actually dressed in a coat, instead of my customary blouse; with a satin cravat, too, a white vest, and several other things that made me seem strange and outlandish to myself. As for my companions, this unwonted spectacle caused a great stir upon the wooden benches that bordered either side of our homely board. “What’s in the wind now, Miles?” asked one of them. “Are you deserting us?” “Yes, for a week or two,” said I. “It strikes me that my health demands a little relaxation of labor, and a short visit to the seaside, during the dog-days.” “You look like it!” grumbled Silas Foster, not greatly pleased with the idea of losing an efficient laborer before the stress of the season was well over. “Now, here’s a pretty fellow! His shoulders have broadened a matter of six inches since he came among us; he can do his day’s work, if he likes, with any man or ox on the farm; and yet he talks about going to the seashore for his health! Well, well, old woman,” added he to his wife, “let me have a plateful of that pork and cabbage! I begin to feel in a very weakly way. When the others have had their turn, you and I will take a jaunt to Newport or Saratoga!” “Well, but, Mr. Foster,” said I, “you must allow me to take a little breath.” “Breath!” retorted the old yeoman. “Your lungs have the play of a pair of blacksmith’s bellows already. What on earth do you want more? But go along! I understand the business. We shall never see your face here again. Here ends the reformation of the world, so far as Miles Coverdale has a hand in it!” “By no means,” I replied. “I am resolute to die in the last ditch, for the good of the cause.” “Die in a ditch!” muttered gruff Silas, with genuine Yankee intolerance of any intermission of toil, except on Sunday, the Fourth of July, the autumnal cattle-show, Thanksgiving, or the annual Fast,–“die in a ditch! I believe, in my conscience, you would, if there were no steadier means than your own labor to keep you out of it!” The truth was, that an intolerable discontent and irksomeness had come over me. Blithedale was no longer what it had been. Everything was suddenly faded. The sunburnt and arid aspect of our woods and pastures, beneath the August sky, did but imperfectly symbolize the lack of dew and moisture, that, since yesterday, as it were, had blighted my fields of thought, and penetrated to the innermost and shadiest of my contemplative recesses. The change will be recognized by many, who, after a period of happiness, have endeavored to go on with the same kind of life, in the same scene, in spite of the alteration or withdrawal of some principal circumstance. They discover (what heretofore, perhaps, they had not known) that it was this which gave the bright color and vivid reality to the whole affair. I stood on other terms than before, not only with Hollingsworth, but with Zenobia and Priscilla. As regarded the two latter, it was that dreamlike and miserable sort of change that denies you the privilege to complain, because you can assert no positive injury, nor lay your finger on anything tangible. It is a matter which you do not see, but feel, and which, when you try to analyze it, seems to lose its very existence, and resolve itself into a sickly humor of your own. Your understanding, possibly, may put faith in this denial. But your heart will not so easily rest satisfied. It incessantly remonstrates, though, most of the time, in a bass-note, which you do not separately distinguish; but, now and then, with a sharp cry, importunate to be heard, and resolute to claim belief. “Things are not as they were!” it keeps saying. “You shall not impose on me! I will never be quiet! I will throb painfully! I will be heavy, and desolate, and shiver with cold! For I, your deep heart, know when to be miserable, as once I knew when to be happy! All is changed for us! You are beloved no more!” And were my life to be spent over again, I would invariably lend my ear to this Cassandra of the inward depths, however clamorous the music and the merriment of a more superficial region. My outbreak with Hollingsworth, though never definitely known to our associates, had really an effect upon the moral atmosphere of the Community. It was incidental to the closeness of relationship into which we had brought ourselves, that an unfriendly state of feeling could not occur between any two members without the whole society being more or less commoted and made uncomfortable thereby. This species of nervous sympathy (though a pretty characteristic enough, sentimentally considered, and apparently betokening an actual bond of love among us) was yet found rather inconvenient in its practical operation, mortal tempers being so infirm and variable as they are. If one of us happened to give his neighbor a box on the ear, the tingle was immediately felt on the same side of everybody’s head. Thus, even on the supposition that we were far less quarrelsome than the rest of the world, a great deal of time was necessarily wasted in rubbing our ears. Musing on all these matters, I felt an inexpressible longing for at least a temporary novelty. I thought of going across the Rocky Mountains, or to Europe, or up the Nile; of offering myself a volunteer on the Exploring Expedition; of taking a ramble of years, no matter in what direction, and coming back on the other side of the world. Then, should the colonists of Blithedale have established their enterprise on a permanent basis, I might fling aside my pilgrim staff and dusty shoon, and rest as peacefully here as elsewhere. Or, in case Hollingsworth should occupy the ground with his School of Reform, as he now purposed, I might plead earthly guilt enough, by that time, to give me what I was inclined to think the only trustworthy hold on his affections. Meanwhile, before deciding on any ultimate plan, I determined to remove myself to a little distance, and take an exterior view of what we had all been about. In truth, it was dizzy work, amid such fermentation of opinions as was going on in the general brain of the Community. It was a kind of Bedlam, for the time being, although out of the very thoughts that were wildest and most destructive might grow a wisdom, holy, calm, and pure, and that should incarnate itself with the substance of a noble and happy life. But, as matters now were, I felt myself (and, having a decided tendency towards the actual, I never liked to feel it) getting quite out of my reckoning, with regard to the existing state of the world. I was beginning to lose the sense of what kind of a world it was, among innumerable schemes of what it might or ought to be. It was impossible, situated as we were, not to imbibe the idea that everything in nature and human existence was fluid, or fast becoming so; that the crust of the earth in many places was broken, and its whole surface portentously upheaving; that it was a day of crisis, and that we ourselves were in the critical vortex. Our great globe floated in the atmosphere of infinite space like an unsubstantial bubble. No sagacious man will long retain his sagacity, if he live exclusively among reformers and progressive people, without periodically returning into the settled system of things, to correct himself by a new observation from that old standpoint. It was now time for me, therefore, to go and hold a little talk with the conservatives, the writers of “The North American Review,” the merchants, the politicians, the Cambridge men, and all those respectable old blockheads who still, in this intangibility and mistiness of affairs, kept a death-grip on one or two ideas which had not come into vogue since yesterday morning. The brethren took leave of me with cordial kindness; and as for the sisterhood, I had serious thoughts of kissing them all round, but forbore to do so, because, in all such general salutations, the penance is fully equal to the pleasure. So I kissed none of them; and nobody, to say the truth, seemed to expect it. “Do you wish me,” I said to Zenobia, “to announce in town, and at the watering-places, your purpose to deliver a course of lectures on the rights of women?” “Women possess no rights,” said Zenobia, with a half-melancholy smile; “or, at all events, only little girls and grandmothers would have the force to exercise them.” She gave me her hand freely and kindly, and looked at me, I thought, with a pitying expression in her eyes; nor was there any settled light of joy in them on her own behalf, but a troubled and passionate flame, flickering and fitful. “I regret, on the whole, that you are leaving us,” she said; “and all the more, since I feel that this phase of our life is finished, and can never be lived over again. Do you know, Mr. Coverdale, that I have been several times on the point of making you my confidant, for lack of a better and wiser one? But you are too young to be my father confessor; and you would not thank me for treating you like one of those good little handmaidens who share the bosom secrets of a tragedy-queen.” “I would, at least, be loyal and faithful,” answered I; “and would counsel you with an honest purpose, if not wisely.” “Yes,” said Zenobia, “you would be only too wise, too honest. Honesty and wisdom are such a delightful pastime, at another person’s expense!” “Ah, Zenobia,” I exclaimed, “if you would but let me speak!” “By no means,” she replied, “especially when you have just resumed the whole series of social conventionalisms, together with that strait-bodied coat. I would as lief open my heart to a lawyer or a clergyman! No, no, Mr. Coverdale; if I choose a counsellor, in the present aspect of my affairs, it must be either an angel or a madman; and I rather apprehend that the latter would be likeliest of the two to speak the fitting word. It needs a wild steersman when we voyage through chaos! The anchor is up,–farewell!” Priscilla, as soon as dinner was over, had betaken herself into a corner, and set to work on a little purse. As I approached her, she let her eyes rest on me with a calm, serious look; for, with all her delicacy of nerves, there was a singular self-possession in Priscilla, and her sensibilities seemed to lie sheltered from ordinary commotion, like the water in a deep well. “Will you give me that purse, Priscilla,” said I, “as a parting keepsake?” “Yes,” she answered, “if you will wait till it is finished.” “I must not wait, even for that,” I replied. “Shall I find you here, on my return?” “I never wish to go away,” said she. If that be the case, I should like to ask you what is about to happen; for I am tormented with a strong foreboding that, were I to return even so soon as to-morrow morning, I should find everything changed. Have you any impressions of this nature?” “Ah, no,” said Priscilla, looking at me apprehensively. “If any such misfortune is coming, the shadow has not reached me yet. Heaven forbid! I should be glad if there might never be any change, but one summer follow another, and all just like this.” “No summer ever came back, and no two summers ever were alike,” said I, with a degree of Orphic wisdom that astonished myself. “Times change, and people change; and if our hearts do not change as readily, so much the worse for us. Good-by, Priscilla!” I gave her hand a pressure, which, I think, she neither resisted nor returned. Priscilla’s heart was deep, but of small compass; it had room but for a very few dearest ones, among whom she never reckoned me. On the doorstep I met Hollingsworth. I had a momentary impulse to hold out my hand, or at least to give a parting nod, but resisted both. When a real and strong affection has come to an end, it is not well to mock the sacred past with any show of those commonplace civilities that belong to ordinary intercourse. Being dead henceforth to him, and he to me, there could be no propriety in our chilling one another with the touch of two corpse-like hands, or playing at looks of courtesy with eyes that were impenetrable beneath the glaze and the film. We passed, therefore, as if mutually invisible. I can nowise explain what sort of whim, prank, or perversity it was, that, after all these leave-takings, induced me to go to the pigsty, and take leave of the swine! There they lay, buried as deeply among the straw as they could burrow, four huge black grunters, the very symbols of slothful ease and sensual comfort. They were asleep, drawing short and heavy breaths, which heaved their big sides up and down. Unclosing their eyes, however, at my approach, they looked dimly forth at the outer world, and simultaneously uttered a gentle grunt; not putting themselves to the trouble of an additional breath for that particular purpose, but grunting with their ordinary inhalation. They were involved, and almost stifled and buried alive, in their own corporeal substance. The very unreadiness and oppression wherewith these greasy citizens gained breath enough to keep their life-machinery in sluggish movement appeared to make them only the more sensible of the ponderous and fat satisfaction of their existence. Peeping at me an instant out of their small, red, hardly perceptible eyes, they dropt asleep again; yet not so far asleep but that their unctuous bliss was still present to them, betwixt dream and reality. “You must come back in season to eat part of a spare-rib,” said Silas Foster, giving my hand a mighty squeeze. It would be more for the general comfort to let them eat us; and bitter and sour morsels we should be!”	3,152	common-pile/pressbooks_filtered	https://open.maricopa.edu/earlyamericanliteratureanthology2ed/chapter/from-the-blithedale-romance-1852-chapter-xvi-leave-takings/	pressbooks	pressbooks-0000.json.gz:73237	https://open.maricopa.edu/earlyamericanliteratureanthology2ed/chapter/from-the-blithedale-romance-1852-chapter-xvi-leave-takings/
7p-tvSQSbHENzoTD	Introduction to Sociology Lumen/OpenStax	Ethics Learning Outcomes - Describe key ethical guidelines in sociology The American Sociological Association, or ASA, is the major professional organization of sociologists in North America. The ASA is a great resource for students of sociology as well. In 1970, the ASA adopted its first Code of Ethics—formal guidelines for conducting sociological research—consisting of principles and ethical standards to be used in the discipline. It was developed out of necessity as a result of several (in)famous studies that were found to have harmed human research participants. Today, the ASA Code of Ethics consists of the following six principles: - Professional competence - Integrity - Professional and scientific responsibility - Respect for people’s rights, dignity, and diversity - Social responsibility - Human rights In addition, there are nineteen ethical standards, covering the following topics: competence, representation and misuse of expertise, delegation and supervision, discrimination, exploitation, harassment, employment decisions, conflicts of interest and commitment, public communications, confidentiality, informed consent, research planning, implementation, and dissemination, plagiarism, authorship, publication process, responsibilities of reviewers, education, teaching, and training, contractual and consulting services, and adherence to the code of ethics. The ethical standards that relate most to the research process itself are: confidentiality, informed consent, research planning, implementation, and dissemination. Each of these principles and ethical standards have detailed descriptions and parameters in the 2018 ASA Code of Ethics. The Tea Room TRade So why did the ASA create a Code of Ethics? What kinds of studies were occurring that necessitated a clear code to mandate researchers’ responsibilities to their human research participants (sometimes referred to as “subjects”)? Read on, and consider the ethical issues that arose in sociologist Laud Humphrey’s The Tea Room Trade: Impersonal Sex in Public Places (1970). Laud Humphreys, a sociologist (and an ordained minister), had a suspicion that sex between men was occurring in public places. To understand this secret behavior, he served as a “lookout” or “watch queen” and gained mens’ trust in a variety of public restrooms, which he called “tearooms.” Humphreys then recorded these mens’ license plate numbers, utilized a contact at the police department, and tracked them down at their homes a year later under the guise of a social health surveyor. He interviewed the subjects to understand their motivation, what types of work they did, and their marital status. In the course of his interviews, he also discovered that only 14% self-identified as homosexual (Humphreys 1970). Observing deviant and (in this case) illegal behavior is risky for the researcher but riskier still for the research subjects. During the 1960s, anti-sodomy laws were on the books in most states and were used to criminalize any behavior that was “unnatural” or “immoral,” including oral sex and anal sex. Not only was Humphreys observing behavior that was considered taboo by most Americans at the time, but this behavior was also criminally prosecutable. Researchers must obtain participants’ informed consent and must discuss with subjects the responsibilities and risks of research before they agree to partake. During a study, sociologists must ensure the safety of participants and immediately stop work if a subject becomes potentially endangered on any level. Researchers are required to protect the privacy of participants whenever possible. Even if pressured by authorities, such as police or courts, researchers are not ethically allowed to release confidential information. In this case, Humphreys did not disclose his role as researcher in the tea rooms nor did he let the men in the restrooms know he was doing sociological research on sexual behaviors in public restrooms. He also did not protect the privacy of the unknowing research subjects—he went to their homes and at that time again failed to disclose his true purpose for being there! Although the ASA Code of Ethics was not in place until Humphreys published his book (drafts of the Code were being written around the time he completed his research), his work was still controversial for that era in sociology due to his methodology. Interestingly, there is evidence that shows a decrease in police raids after Tea Room Trade was published in 1970. Thus, advancing knowledge about deviant behavior and taboo groups can lead to policy changes. Humphreys’ work was published not long after the Stonewall protests of 1969, which were the result of an overzealous police raid on a gay and lesbian nightclub in New York City. This event helped to initiate the LGBTQ Movement in the United States. Humphreys defended concealing his identity and purpose because of the greater scientific knowledge he was able to obtain about this hidden social world. He knew the mens’ behavior would change if they knew he was a researcher writing about informal sexual encounters in public places. Humphreys also promised to protect the identities of the 100 men he observed and had personal contact information for, even if it meant being arrested himself. Ultimately, it did not come to this. A summary of Humphreys’ research and the resulting ethical issues can be found at SexInfo Online, which is maintained by sociology students at the University of California, Santa Barbara. Researchers have long been aware of the tendency of people to act differently when they know they are being watched. In other words, we don’t always behave naturally when we know we are being observed. This is called the Hawthorne effect—where people change their behavior because they know they are being watched as part of a study. The Hawthorne effect is unavoidable in some research. In most cases, sociologists have to make the purpose of the study known. Subjects must be aware that they are being observed, and a certain amount of artificiality may result (Sonnenfeld 1985). How do sociologists do research with this Code of Ethics in place? Some strategies will be discussed with each research methodology, but as it turns out, most people respond well to honesty. Sociologist Kathleen Blee studied women in the neo-Nazi movement and in other racist groups such as the Ku Klux Klan, utilizing the same methodology of participant observation and interviews that Humphries did, but she followed all research protocols and was able to earn the trust and cooperation of her research subjects. Similarly, Philippe Bourgois studied crack dealers in New York City using participant observation and interviews, and was forthright concerning the purpose of his research. Observing ASA principles, he obtained informed consent from all of his research subjects. These projects take years to execute, but provide invaluable information about human behavior and social groups. They also inform policy on issues such as racism or the drug trade. These studies, and many others, show that sociologists can obtain valuable research about behavior that can be highly secretive while still abiding by the ASA Code of Ethics. Researchers must make results available to other sociologists, must make public all sources of financial support, and must not accept funding from any organization that might cause a conflict of interest or seek to influence the research results for its own purposes. For example, if Amazon wants to fund a researcher to study the effects of Amazon Prime on small businesses, sociologists would see a conflict of interest because the corporation would be invested in the results. The ASA’s ethical considerations shape not only the study but also the publication of results. Pioneer German sociologist Max Weber (1864–1920) identified another crucial ethical concern. Weber understood that personal values could distort the framework for disclosing study results. While he accepted that some aspects of research design might be influenced by personal values, he declared it was entirely inappropriate to allow personal values to shape the interpretation of the responses. Sociologists, he stated, must establish value neutrality, a practice of remaining impartial, without bias or judgment, during the course of a study and in publishing results (1949). Sociologists are obligated to disclose research findings without omitting or distorting significant data. Is value neutrality possible? Many sociologists believe it is not feasible to entirely set aside personal values and retain complete objectivity. They caution readers, rather, to understand that sociological studies may, by necessity, contain a certain amount of value bias. It does not discredit the results, but allows readers to view them as one form of truth rather than as a singular fact. Sociologists attempt to remain uncritical and as objective as possible when studying cultural institutions; however, value neutrality does not mean having no opinions. It means striving to overcome personal biases, particularly subconscious biases, when analyzing data. It means avoiding skewing data in order to match a predetermined outcome that aligns with a particular agenda, such as a political or moral point of view. Investigators are ethically obligated to report results, even when they contradict personal views, predicted outcomes, or widely accepted beliefs. Try It Think It Over - Why do you think the ASA crafted such a detailed set of ethical principles? What are other types of studies that could put human participants at risk? Would this type of study always be unethical? Why or why not? - Would you willingly participate in a sociological study that centers around deviant and/or illegal behavior such as underage drinking on college campuses? Why or why not? From a research and policy perspective, why it is important to understand this type of behavior? Glossary - code of ethics: - a set of guidelines that the American Sociological Association has established to foster ethical research and professionally responsible scholarship in sociology - Hawthorne effect: - describes the tendency of people to change their behavior because they know they are being watched as part of a study - value neutrality: - a practice of remaining impartial, without bias or judgment during the course of a study and also when publishing results <a style="margin-left: 16px;" href="https://docs.google.com/document/d/1vy-T6DtTF-BbMfpVEI7VP_R7w2A4anzYZLXR8Pk4Fu4" target="_blank"	2,100	common-pile/pressbooks_filtered	https://pressbooks.nscc.ca/lumensociology2/chapter/reading-ethical-concerns/	pressbooks	pressbooks-0000.json.gz:65797	https://pressbooks.nscc.ca/lumensociology2/chapter/reading-ethical-concerns/
EIxRedw4KzTIsLC3	Admin Industry Readiness	15 You’ve got a good idea of where you want to take your career, and you’re ready to start looking for your next exciting opportunity. Let’s talk about strategies for a successful job search. #1 – Focus To be successful, your job search efforts need to be targeted. Otherwise, you can easily become overwhelmed and spend far too much time and energy on activities that do not suit your goals. Portfolio Activity #21 – Focus and Planning #2 – Vary your approach Most career development professionals agree: the majority of jobs are never posted publicly. Back in Module 3, you learned about networking and tapping into the hidden job market. Remember: reaching out to current and new network contacts – as well as cold calling employers – can be a great way to find out about job opportunities that have not been posted publicly. Although we spend much of this module discussing posted jobs, keep in mind that applying to posted jobs is just one method of job searching. Be sure to include job fairs – whether virtual or in-person – as part of your job search strategy. Many larger companies and industries – including construction, technology, and healthcare – use job fairs as their primary recruitment strategy. Work Integrated Learning (WIL) is the term for learning through an education program that also includes authentic workplace experiences, like an apprenticeship, internship, co-op, clinical/field placement, or applied research project. Combined with extracurriculars like temporary or part-time jobs, clubs, and athletics, WIL is a highly valuable form of experience that you can draw upon during your job search. Whether it’s the knowledge and skills you developed, or the people you met, remember to include your WIL and extracurricular activities when planning out your job search activities. #3 – Put your job search on “project status” It is often said that job searching is a full-time job. By treating your job search as the serious project it is, you’ll have more success planning, executing, and making measurable progress. Some best practices: - Plan out and keep track of your job search activities. - Set SMART goals (Specific, Measurable, Attainable, Realistic, Time-Bound) - Schedule time for your tasks. Use a calendar. - Keep a record of your job search activities in one place, including contact information. Portfolio Activity #22 – SMART Goals Setting goals that are SMART – that is, Specific, Measurable, Attainable, Realistic, and Time-Bound – will help to make steady progress on activities that support your job search. Here are some examples of the some SMART job search goals: - Draft the Education section of my resume by noon today. - Reach out to 3 connections on LinkedIn before Friday morning. - Spend 15 minutes tomorrow evening searching for job postings online. - Take a 5-minute stretch break for every 30 minutes I spend writing a cover letter. To really make your SMART goals work for you, don’t hesitate: schedule your activities in a calendar! A note on job search scams Sadly, there are some bad actors who try to take advantage of job seekers. They do this by posing as a potential employer, then using the information you provide to take money or valuable information from you. Increasingly, we hear about job scams posted on web sites or sent to individuals by email. Job scams do exist and so it is important to be aware of what to look for so that you can protect yourself if someone tries to deceive you. Here are some warning signs that you may be dealing with a scam: - You are promised a lot of earnings for little to no effort. - You are asked to pay for something – like training, materials, or a credit report – as part of the application process. - You are asked to courier, transfer, or “wire” money to someone. - You’re offered a job without an application or interview. - You are asked for banking information, such as credit card data. - There is no job contact information provided or there is no valid company website. Here are some strategies to avoid scams and protect yourself while looking for work. - Don’t click any links in an email from an unknown source. - Never put any of the following personal information on an application form, resume, or cover letter: - Your Social Insurance Number - Your age or date of birth - Your marital status - Your driver’s license number - Your health card number - Your banking or financial information If you are contacted by a potential employer and you think it might be a scam, here are some tips: - Get the employer’s name, address, phone number, website, and email address. - Check websites and research the company to see if it is legitimate. - Look up the company on LinkedIn to find current employees. - Google the company name or email address provided along with the word “scam”. - Remember, if it looks too good to be true, it just might be. General Job Boards We have pulled together a fantastic collection of online job boards for you to explore! There are a number of truly powerful job search sites where you can search for active postings. These “aggregators” or “general job boards” pull postings from multiple sources so that you can search across sites from just one board. Here are a few of the most popular: - Canada’s Job Bank typically has over 80,000 jobs posted at any one time[1]. You can simply enter a job title and location (or other keywords) and a list of results will appear. You can also use filters to narrow your results or use the Advanced Search for even more precise results. - With over 250 million visitors a month (FOOTNOTE: Google Analytics, Unique Visitors, February 2020), Indeed provides free access to search for jobs, post resumes, and research companies. - SimplyHired lets you search over 250,000 jobs from thousands of job boards, employment and career sites in Canada[2]. Search by keyword, location, posting date, and more. - Are you wondering what it’s really like to work at a particular organization? Check out company reviews on Indeed or Glassdoor to explore what people are saying about organizations across Canada and beyond. - If you are seeking volunteer opportunities, you can make use of Volunteer Canada, WorkInNonProfits.ca and Charity Village. - Charity Village is also a great resource for information about Canadian charitable and non-profit organizations along with webinars, newsletters and articles. Niche Job Boards and Sector Employers Niche boards are job boards that focus on a particular industry or sector. There are plenty of niche job boards and related tools to help you explore careers (and locate employers) in specific sectors. So, be sure to include in your job search plan the resources that link to your area of study or expertise. We’ve compiled this PDF list of niche job boards that you can review and download. If you can think of a niche job board that we didn’t list, make sure to leave a note on the Padlet down below! Just click the ‘+’ button to make a post and help crowdsource with other learners!	1,558	common-pile/pressbooks_filtered	https://pressbooks.openeducationalberta.ca/saitadminreadiness/chapter/job-searching/	pressbooks	pressbooks-0000.json.gz:13992	https://pressbooks.openeducationalberta.ca/saitadminreadiness/chapter/job-searching/
CJt0H3nLyLdgVenv	14.3: Equity Valuation	14.3: Equity Valuation We look at Equity Valuation from different perspectives. - Going-Concern value sees the firm from a perpetual operating perspective. It is an ongoing concern that will produce EBIT (or EBITDA) forever. - Liquidation Value is diametrically opposed to the going concern value. Here we imagine what the firm’s assets would fetch were the firm to go out of business and its assets liquidated, i.e., sold off to the highest bidders or available buyers. - Book Value (BV) represents the accountant’s stated net (common) equity divided by the number of shares outstanding (NOSO). - Relative Value compares a security to another based on some shared or relative metric, such as default risk. - Market Value (P for Price per Share) is defined as the market value of the firm’s equity. Markets can misprice assets on occasion. - Intrinsic Value (V) represents the “intrinsic” or “internal” worth of the company based on financial analytic formulae and models. You may think of this as what the shares are “really” worth. Such formulae often rely on a discounted cash flow paradigm, e.g., the DDM. The intrinsic value may differ from the market price, thereby offering investors the opportunity to purchase shares cheaply or sell the shares short, if over-valued. Does V = P? If not, what advantage does the investor have? All the foregoing valuations may differ from one another. In a perfectly efficient market, observed market prices should equal intrinsic values. Equity Valuation and the Macroeconomy How we value the stock market now and in the future influences major economic and social policy decisions that affect not only investors, but society at large, even the world. If we exaggerate the present and future value of the stock market, then as a society we may invest too much in business start-ups and expansions, and too little in infrastructure, education, and other forms of human capital. If we think the market is worth more than it really is, we may become complacent in funding our pension plans, in maintaining our savings rate, in legislating an improved Social Security system, and in providing other forms of social insurance. We might also lose the opportunity to use our expanding financial technology to devise new solutions to the genuine risks – to our homes, cities, and livelihoods – that we face . -Irrational Exuberance by Robert J. Shiller Preface, p. xii (Princeton University Press, 2000)	520	common-pile/libretexts_filtered	https://biz.libretexts.org/Bookshelves/Finance/Introduction_to_Financial_Analysis_(Bigel)/04%3A_Part_IV_Interest_Rates_Valuation_and_Return/14%3A_Equity_Valuation_and_Return_Measurement/14.03%3A_Equity_Valuation	libretexts	libretexts-0000.json.gz:42132	https://biz.libretexts.org/Bookshelves/Finance/Introduction_to_Financial_Analysis_(Bigel)/04%3A_Part_IV_Interest_Rates_Valuation_and_Return/14%3A_Equity_Valuation_and_Return_Measurement/14.03%3A_Equity_Valuation
HQj_pz9f82hJ6s4G	Little Women	Volume II Chapter XV: On the Shelf In France the young girls have a dull time of it till they are married, when “Vive la liberté” becomes their motto. In America, as every one knows, girls early sign a declaration of independence, and enjoy their freedom with republican zest; but the young matrons usually abdicate with the first heir to the throne, and go into a seclusion almost as close as a French nunnery, though by no means as quiet. Whether they like it or not, they are virtually put upon the shelf as soon as the wedding excitement is over, and most of them might exclaim, as did a very pretty woman the other day, “I’m as handsome as ever, but no one takes any notice of me because I’m married.” Not being a belle, or even a fashionable lady, Meg did not experience this affliction till her babies were a year old,—for in her little world primitive customs prevailed, and she found herself more admired and beloved than ever. As she was a womanly little woman, the maternal instinct was very strong, and she was entirely absorbed in her children, to the utter exclusion of everything and everybody else. Day and night she brooded over them with tireless devotion and anxiety, leaving John to the tender mercies of the help,—for an Irish lady now presided over the kitchen department. Being a domestic man, John decidedly missed the wifely attentions he had been accustomed to receive; but, as he adored his babies, he cheerfully relinquished his comfort for a time, supposing, with masculine ignorance, that peace would soon be restored. But three months passed, and there was no return of repose; Meg looked worn and nervous,—the babies absorbed every minute of her time,—the house was neglected,—and Kitty, the cook, who took life “aisy,” kept him on short commons. When he went out in the morning he was bewildered by small commissions for the captive mamma; if he came gaily in at night, eager to embrace his family, he was quenched by a “Hush! they are just asleep after worrying all day.” If he proposed a little amusement at home, “No, it would disturb the babies.” If he hinted at a lecture or concert, he was answered with a reproachful look, and a decided—”Leave my children for pleasure, never!” His sleep was broken by infant wails and visions of a phantom figure pacing noiselessly to and fro, in the watches of the night; his meals were interrupted by the frequent flight of the presiding genius, who deserted him, half-helped, if a muffled chirp sounded from the nest above; and, when he read his paper of an evening, Demi’s colic got into the shipping-list, and Daisy’s fall affected the price of stocks,—for Mrs. Brooke was only interested in domestic news. The poor man was very uncomfortable, for the children had bereft him of his wife; home was merely a nursery, and the perpetual “hushing” made him feel like a brutal intruder whenever he entered the sacred precincts of Babydom. He bore it very patiently for six months, and, when no signs of amendment appeared, he did what other paternal exiles do,—tried to get a little comfort elsewhere. Scott had married and gone to housekeeping not far off, and John fell into the way of running over for an hour or two of an evening, when his own parlor was empty, and his own wife singing lullabies that seemed to have no end. Mrs. Scott was a lively, pretty girl, with nothing to do but be agreeable,—and she performed her mission most successfully. John would have preferred his own fireside if it had not been so lonely; but as it was, he gratefully took the next best thing, and enjoyed his neighbor’s society. Meg rather approved of the new arrangement at first, and found it a relief to know that John was having a good time instead of dozing in the parlor, or tramping about the house and waking the children. But by and by, when the teething worry was over, and the idols went to sleep at proper hours, leaving mamma time to rest, she began to miss John, and find her work-basket dull company, when he was not sitting opposite in his old dressing-gown, comfortably scorching his slippers on the fender. She would not ask him to stay at home, but felt injured because he did not know that she wanted him without being told,—entirely forgetting the many evenings he had waited for her in vain. She was nervous and worn out with watching and worry, and in that unreasonable frame of mind which the best of mothers occasionally experience when domestic cares oppress them, want of exercise robs them of cheerfulness, and too much devotion to that idol of American women,—the teapot,—makes them feel as if they were all nerve and no muscle. “Yes,” she would say, looking in the glass, “I’m getting old and ugly; John don’t find me interesting any longer, so he leaves his faded wife and goes to see his pretty neighbor, who has no incumbrances. Well, the babies love me; they don’t care if I am thin and pale, and haven’t time to crimp my hair; they are my comfort, and some day John will see what I’ve gladly sacrificed for them,—won’t he, my precious?” To which pathetic appeal Daisy would answer with a coo, or Demi with a crow, and Meg would put by her lamentations for a maternal revel, which soothed her solitude for the time being. But the pain increased as politics absorbed John, who was always running over to discuss interesting points with Scott, quite unconscious that Meg missed him. Not a word did she say, however, till her mother found her in tears one day, and insisted on knowing what the matter was,—for Meg’s drooping spirits had not escaped her observation. “I wouldn’t tell any one except you, mother; but I really do need advice, for, if John goes on so much longer I might as well be widowed,” replied Mrs. Brooke, drying her tears on Daisy’s bib, with an injured air. “Goes on how, my dear?” asked her mother, anxiously. “He’s away all day, and at night, when I want to see him, he is continually going over to the Scotts’. It isn’t fair that I should have the hardest work, and never any amusement. Men are very selfish, even the best of them.” “So are women; don’t blame John till you see where you are wrong yourself.” “But it can’t be right for him to neglect me.” “Don’t you neglect him?” “Why, mother; I thought you’d take my part!” “So I do as far as sympathizing goes; but I think the fault is yours, Meg.” “I don’t see how.” “Let me show you. May I speak quite freely, and will you remember that it’s mother who blames as well as mother who sympathizes?” “Indeed I will! speak to me as if I was little Meg again. I often feel as if I needed teaching more than ever, since these babies look to me for everything.” Meg drew her low chair beside her mother’s, and, with a little interruption in either lap, the two women rocked and talked lovingly together, feeling that the tie of motherhood made them more one than ever. “You have only made the mistake that most young wives make,—forgotten your duty to your husband in your love for your children. A very natural and forgivable mistake, Meg, but one that had better be remedied before you take to different ways; for children should draw you nearer than ever, not separate you,—as if they were all yours, and John had nothing to do but support them. I’ve seen it for some weeks, but have not spoken, feeling sure it would come right, in time.” “I’m afraid it won’t. My dear, he’s longing for his little home; but it isn’t home without you, and you are always in the nursery.” “Oughtn’t I to be there?” “Not all the time; too much confinement makes you nervous, and then you are unfitted for everything. Besides, you owe something to John as well as to the babies; don’t neglect husband for children,—don’t shut him out of the nursery, but teach him how to help in it. His place is there as well as yours, and the children need him; let him feel that he has his part to do, and he will do it gladly and faithfully, and it will be better for you all.” “You really think so, mother?” “I know it, Meg, for I’ve tried it; and I seldom give advice unless I’ve proved its practicability. When you and Jo were little, I went on just as you are, feeling as if I didn’t do my duty unless I devoted myself wholly to you. Poor father took to his books, after I had refused all offers of help, and left me to try my experiment alone. I struggled along as well as I could, but Jo was too much for me. I nearly spoilt her by indulgence. Then father came to the rescue, quietly managed everything, and made himself so helpful that I saw my mistake, and never have been able to get on without him since. That is the secret of our home happiness; he does not let business wean him from the little cares and duties that affect us all, and I try not to let domestic worries destroy my interest in his pursuits. Each do our part alone in many things, but at home we work together, always.” “It is so, mother; and my great wish is to be to my husband and children what you have been to yours. Show me how; I’ll do anything you say.” “You always were my docile daughter. Well, dear, if I were you I’d let John have more to do with the management of Demi,—for the boy needs training, and it’s none too soon to begin. Then I’d do what I have often proposed,—let Hannah come and help you; she is a capital nurse, and you may trust the precious babies to her while you do more housework. You need the exercise, Hannah would enjoy the rest, and John would find his wife again. Go out more; keep cheerful as well as busy,—for you are the sunshine-maker of the family, and if you get dismal there is no fair weather. Then I’d try to take an interest in whatever John likes, talk with him, let him read to you, exchange ideas, and help each other in that way. Try it, and see if he doesn’t find your society far more agreeable than Mrs. Scott’s suppers.” “I will. Poor John! I’m afraid I have neglected him sadly, but I thought I was right, and he never said anything.” “He tried not to be selfish, but he has felt rather forlorn, I fancy. This is just the time, Meg, when young married people are apt to grow apart, and the very time when they ought to be most together; for the first tenderness soon wears off, unless care is taken to preserve it; and no time is so beautiful and precious to parents, as the first years of the little lives given them to train. Don’t let John be a stranger to the babies, for they will do more to keep him safe and happy in this world of trial and temptation, than anything else, and through them you will learn to know and love one another as you should. Now, dear, good-by; think over mother’s preachment, act upon it if it seems good, and God bless you all!” Meg did think it over, found it good, and acted upon it, though the first attempt was not made exactly as she planned to have it. Of course, the children tyrannized over her, and ruled the house as soon as they found out that kicking and squalling brought them whatever they wanted. Mamma was an abject slave to their caprices, but papa was not so easily subjugated, and occasionally afflicted his tender spouse, by an attempt at paternal discipline with his obstreperous son. For Demi inherited a trifle of his sire’s firmness of character—we won’t call it obstinacy—and when he made up his little mind to have or to do anything, all the king’s horses, and all the king’s men could not change that pertinacious little mind. Mamma thought the dear too young to be taught to conquer his prejudices, but papa believed that it never was too soon to learn obedience; so Master Demi early discovered, that when he undertook to “wrastle” with “parpar,” he always got the worst of it; yet, like the Englishman, Baby respected the man who conquered him, and loved the father, whose grave, “No, no” was more impressive than all the mother’s love pats. A few days after the talk with her mother, Meg resolved to try a social evening with John; so she ordered a nice supper, set the parlor in order, dressed herself prettily, and put the children to bed early, that nothing should interfere with her experiment. “Will Demi lie still, like a good boy. while mamma runs down and gives poor papa his tea?” asked Meg, as the hall door softly closed, and the well-known step went tip-toeing into the dining-room. “Me has tea!” said Demi, preparing to join in the revel. Taking advantage of the propitious moment, Meg slipped away, and ran down to greet her husband with a smiling face, and the little blue bow in her hair, which was his especial admiration. He saw it at once, and said, with pleased surprise,— “Why, little mother, how gay we are to-night. You always make yourself nice for table, no matter how tired you are; so, why shouldn’t I, when I have the time?” “I do it out of respect to you, my dear,” said old-fashioned John. “Ditto, ditto, Mr. Brooke,” laughed Meg, looking young and pretty again, as she nodded to him over the teapot. “Well, it’s altogether delightful, and like old times. This tastes right; I drink your health, dear!” and John sipped his tea with an air of reposeful rapture, which was of very short duration, however; for, as he put down his cup, the door-handle rattled mysteriously, and a little voice was heard, saying, impatiently,— “Opy doy; me’s tummin!” “It’s that naughty boy; I told him to go to sleep alone, and here he is, down stairs, getting his death a-cold pattering over that canvas,” said Meg, answering the call. “Mornin’ now,” announced Demi, in a joyful tone, as he entered, with his long night-gown gracefully festooned over his arm, and every curl bobbing gaily, as he pranced about the table, eyeing the “cakies” with loving glances. “No, it isn’t morning yet; you must go to bed, and not trouble poor mamma; then you can have the little cake with sugar on it.” “Me loves parpar,” said the artful one, preparing to climb the paternal knee, and revel in forbidden joys. But John shook his head, and said to Meg,— “If you told him to stay up there, and go to sleep alone, make him do it, or he will never learn to mind you.” “Yes, of course; come, Demi!” and Meg led her son away, feeling a strong desire to spank the little marplot who hopped beside her, laboring under the delusion that the bribe was to be administered as soon as they reached the nursery. Nor was he disappointed; for that short-sighted woman actually gave him a lump of sugar, tucked him into his bed, and forbade any more promenades till morning. “Iss!” said Demi the perjured, blissfully sucking his sugar, and regarding his first attempt as eminently successful. Meg returned to her place, and supper was progressing pleasantly, when the little ghost walked again, and exposed the maternal delinquencies, by boldly demanding,— “More sudar, marmar.” “Now this won’t do,” said John, hardening his heart against the engaging little sinner. “We shall never know any peace till that child learns to go to bed properly. You have made a slave of yourself long enough; give him one lesson, and then there will be an end of it. Demi, go upstairs, and get into your bed, as mamma bids you.” “S’ant!” replied the young rebel, helping himself to the coveted “cakie,” and beginning to eat the same with calm audacity. “You must never say that to papa; I shall carry you if you don’t go yourself.” “Go ‘way; me don’t love parpar;” and Demi retired to his mother’s skirts for protection. But even that refuge proved unavailing, for he was delivered over to the enemy, with a “Be gentle with him, John,” which struck the culprit with dismay; for when mamma deserted him, then the judgment day was at hand. Bereft of his cake, defrauded of his frolic, and borne away by a strong hand to that detested bed, poor Demi could not restrain his wrath; but openly defied papa, and kicked and screamed lustily all the way upstairs. The minute he was put into bed on one side, he rolled out at the other, and made for the door, only to be ignominiously caught up by the tail of his little toga, and put back again, which lively performance was kept up till the young man’s strength gave out, when he devoted himself to roaring at the top of his voice. This vocal exercise usually conquered Meg; but John sat as unmoved as the post, which is popularly believed to be deaf. No coaxing, no sugar, no lullaby, no story—even the light was put out, and only the red glow of the fire enlivened the “big dark” which Demi regarded with curiosity rather than fear. This new order of things disgusted him, and he howled dismally for “marmar,” as his angry passions subsided, and recollections of his tender bond-woman returned to the captive autocrat. The plaintive wail which succeeded the passionate roar went to Meg’s heart, and she ran up to say, beseechingly,— “Let me stay with him; he’ll be good, now, John.” “No, my dear, I’ve told him he must go to sleep, as you bid him; and he must, if I stay here all night.” “But he’ll cry himself sick,” pleaded Meg, reproaching herself for deserting her boy. “No he won’t, he’s so tired he will soon drop off, and then the matter is settled; for he will understand that he has got to mind. Don’t interfere; I’ll manage him.” “He’s my child, and I can’t have his spirit broken by harshness.” “He’s my child, and I won’t have his temper spoilt by indulgence. When John spoke in that masterful tone, Meg always obeyed, and never regretted her docility. “Please let me kiss him, once, John?” “Certainly; Demi, say ‘good-night’ to mamma, and let her go and rest, for she is very tired with taking care of you all day.” Meg always insisted upon it, that the kiss won the victory; for, after it was given, Demi sobbed more quietly, and lay quite still at the bottom of the bed, whither he had wriggled in his anguish of mind. “Poor little man! he’s worn out with sleep and crying; I’ll cover him up, and then go and set Meg’s heart at rest,” thought John, creeping to the bedside, hoping to find his rebellious heir asleep. Sitting on the stairs, outside, Meg wondered at the long silence which followed the uproar; and, after imagining all sorts of impossible accidents, she slipped into the room, to set her fears at rest. Demi lay fast asleep; not in his usual spread-eagle attitude, but in a subdued bunch, cuddled close in the circle of his father’s arm, and holding his father’s finger, as if he felt that justice was tempered with mercy, and had gone to sleep a sadder and a wiser baby. So held, John had waited with womanly patience till the little hand relaxed its hold; and, while waiting, had fallen asleep, more tired by that tussle with his little son than with his whole day’s work. As Meg stood watching the two faces on the pillow, she smiled to herself, and then slipped away again, saying, in a satisfied tone,— “I never need fear that John will be too harsh with my babies, he does know how to manage them, and will be a great help, for Demi is getting too much for me.” When John came down at last, expecting to find a pensive or reproachful wife, he was agreeably surprised to find Meg placidly trimming a bonnet, and to be greeted with the request to read something about the election, if he was not too tired. John saw in a minute that a revolution of some kind was going on, but wisely asked no questions, knowing that Meg was such a transparent little person, she couldn’t keep a secret to save her life, and therefore the clue would soon appear. He read a long debate with the most amiable readiness, and then explained it in his most lucid manner, while Meg tried to look deeply interested, to ask intelligent questions, and keep her thoughts from wandering from the state of the nation to the state of her bonnet. In her secret soul, however, she decided that politics were as bad as mathematics, and that the mission of politicians seemed to be calling each other names; but she kept these feminine ideas to herself, and when John paused, shook her head, and said with what she thought diplomatic ambiguity,— “Well, I really don’t see what we are coming too.” John laughed, and watched her for a minute, as she poised a pretty little preparation of tulle and flowers on her hand, and regarded it with the genuine interest which his harangue had failed to waken. “She is trying to like politics for my sake, so I’ll try and like millinery for hers—that’s only fair,” thought John the just, adding aloud,— “That’s very pretty; is it what you call a breakfast cap?” “My dear man, it’s a bonnet—my very best go-to-concert and theatre bonnet!” “I beg your pardon; it was so very small, I naturally mistook it for one of the fly-away things you sometimes wear. How do you keep it on?” “These bits of lace are fastened under the chin, with a rose-bud, so”—and Meg illustrated by putting on the bonnet, and regarding him with an air of calm satisfaction, that was irresistible. “It’s a love of a bonnet, but I prefer the face inside, for it looks young and happy again,” and John kissed the smiling face, to the great detriment of the rosebud under the chin. “I’m glad you like it, for I want you to take me to one of the new concerts some night; I really need some music to put me in tune. Will you, please?” “Of course I will, with all my heart, or anywhere else you like. What put it into your head, little mother?” “Well, I had a talk with Marmee the other day, and told her how nervous, and cross, and out of sorts I felt, and she said I needed change, and less care; so Hannah is to help me with the children, and I’m to see to things about the house more, and now and then have a little fun, just to keep me from getting to be a fidgetty, broken-down old woman before my time. It’s only an experiment, John, and I want to try it for your sake, as much as for mine, because I’ve neglected you shamefully lately, and I’m going to make home what it used to be, if I can. You don’t object, I hope?” Never mind what John said, or what a very narrow escape the little bonnet had from utter ruin; all that we have any business to know, is that John did not appear to object, judging from the changes which gradually took place in the house and its inmates. It was not all Paradise by any means, but every one was better for the division of labor system; the children throve under the paternal rule, for accurate, steadfast John brought order and obedience into Babydom, while Meg recovered her spirits, and composed her nerves, by plenty of wholesome exercise, a little pleasure, and much confidential conversation with her sensible husband. Home grew home-like again, and John had no wish to leave it, unless he took Meg with him. “It is always so quiet and pleasant here; it does me good, Meg,” she used to say, looking about her with wistful eyes, as if trying to discover the charm, that she might use it in her great house, full of splendid loneliness, for there were no riotous, sunny-faced babies there, and Ned lived in a world of his own, where there was no place for her. This household happiness did not come all at once, but John and Meg had found the key to it, and each year of married life taught them how to use it, unlocking the treasuries of real home-love and mutual helpfulness, which the poorest may possess, and the richest cannot buy. This is the sort of shelf on which young wives and mothers may consent to be laid, safe from the restless fret and fever of the world, finding loyal lovers in the little sons and daughters who cling to them, undaunted by sorrow, poverty or age; walking side by side, through fair and stormy weather, with a faithful friend, who is, in the true sense of the good old Saxon word, the “house-band,” and learning, as Meg learned, that a woman’s happiest kingdom is home, her highest honor the art of ruling it—not as a queen, but a wise wife and mother.	5,610	common-pile/pressbooks_filtered	https://pressbooks.library.torontomu.ca/littlewomen/chapter/chapter-xv-on-the-shelf/	pressbooks	pressbooks-0000.json.gz:90259	https://pressbooks.library.torontomu.ca/littlewomen/chapter/chapter-xv-on-the-shelf/
o8fVpXIVCA655ehp	Outdoor Play Resource Guide: ECE	10 Field Trip Suggestions The following list provides recommendations for outdoor, natural spaces and potential educational opportunities available through conservation organizations. City of Hamilton Parks & Recreation – Many city operated public parks are available throughout the city of Hamilton. The parks & recreation website provides maps, trail listings and waterfall access. The closest trail to Mohawk College’s Fennell Campus is the 2.7 km Chedoke Radial Recreational Trail, which features a waterfall and connects the Chedoke Golf Course with the Iroquoia Heights Conservation Area. Conservation Halton – offers environmental education field trips at Crawford Lake and Mountsberg Conservation Areas. Information about Preschool field trips are available on the website, and include Nature Play sessions and the Take a Hike program. In addition to educational program, the primary function of Conservation Halton is the preservation of eight natural spaces along the Niagara Escarpment. Grand River Conservation Authority – Operates 12 parks along the Grand River. Brant Park is closest to Brantford and the First Nations territories of the Six Nations and Mississaugas of the NewCredit. Activities include, hiking, swimming, fishing, canoeing, and camping. Hamilton Conservation Authority – Operates and oversees 12 outdoor conservation areas throughout the Hamilton-Wentworth region. School and group education programs are available. Groups can use parks on a day-use basis. Natural areas include Beverly Swamp, Borer’s Falls, Crooks’ Hollow, Devil’s Punchbowl, Eramosa Karst, Felker’s Falls, Fletcher Creek Ecological Preserve, Iroquoia Heights, Lower Spencer, Meadowlands, Mount Albion, Tiffany Falls, Vinemount and Vinemount Wetland, as well as trails such as the Chippewa and Hamilton to Branford Rail Trail and sections of Christie Lake, Dundas Valley, Confederation Beach Park, Spencer Gorge and Westfield Heritage Village. Many natural areas are accessed through hiking trails. Find environmental education information here: http://conservationhamilton.ca/environmental-education-home/ Nature’s Calling Environmental Education – Their mission is to connect youth and families with nature and the outdoors, to raise awareness and appreciation for our natural world, and to foster a strong environmental ethic through community-based education and engagement. Workshops can be provided within the classroom or at locations in Norfolk County. Norfolk Trails – are located throughout the County. Trial networks begin in Simcoe and Turkey Point or the north shore of Lake Erie. Royal Botanical Gardens – Offers both natural landscapes and garden environments. Twenty-seven kilometers of hiking trails combine a range of physical challenge with nature learning. The Hendrie Garden site offered the Imagination Grove and Veggie Village for early learners. Through out the year, a variety of special exhibitions and events highlight the interactions of humans within their natural environments.	548	common-pile/pressbooks_filtered	https://ecampusontario.pressbooks.pub/outdoorplay/chapter/field-trip-suggestions/	pressbooks	pressbooks-0000.json.gz:10089	https://ecampusontario.pressbooks.pub/outdoorplay/chapter/field-trip-suggestions/
D9ltndvmA-Z3343A	College Physics 1	Fluid Statics 76 Density Learning Objectives - Define density. - Calculate the mass of a reservoir from its density. - Compare and contrast the densities of various substances. Which weighs more, a ton of feathers or a ton of bricks? This old riddle plays with the distinction between mass and density. A ton is a ton, of course; but bricks have much greater density than feathers, and so we are tempted to think of them as heavier. (See Figure 76.1.) Density, as you will see, is an important characteristic of substances. It is crucial, for example, in determining whether an object sinks or floats in a fluid. Density is the mass per unit volume of a substance or object. In equation form, density is defined as where the Greek letter [latex]\rho[/latex] (rho) is the symbol for density, [latex]m[/latex] is the mass, and [latex]V[/latex] is the volume occupied by the substance. Density Density is mass per unit volume. [latex]\rho =\frac{m}{V},[/latex] where [latex]\rho[/latex] is the symbol for density, [latex]m[/latex] is the mass, and [latex]V[/latex] is the volume occupied by the substance. In the riddle regarding the feathers and bricks, the masses are the same, but the volume occupied by the feathers is much greater, since their density is much lower. The SI unit of density is [latex]{\text{kg/m}}^{3}[/latex], representative values are given in Table 76.1. The metric system was originally devised so that water would have a density of [latex]1\phantom{\rule{0.25em}{0ex}}{\text{g/cm}}^{3}[/latex], equivalent to [latex]{\text{10}}^{3}\phantom{\rule{0.25em}{0ex}}{\text{kg/m}}^{3}[/latex]. Thus the basic mass unit, the kilogram, was first devised to be the mass of 1000 mL of water, which has a volume of 1000 cm3. As you can see by examining Table 76.1, the density of an object may help identify its composition. The density of gold, for example, is about 2.5 times the density of iron, which is about 2.5 times the density of aluminum. Density also reveals something about the phase of the matter and its substructure. Notice that the densities of liquids and solids are roughly comparable, consistent with the fact that their atoms are in close contact. The densities of gases are much less than those of liquids and solids, because the atoms in gases are separated by large amounts of empty space. Take-Home Experiment Sugar and Salt A pile of sugar and a pile of salt look pretty similar, but which weighs more? If the volumes of both piles are the same, any difference in mass is due to their different densities (including the air space between crystals). Which do you think has the greater density? What values did you find? What method did you use to determine these values? Example 76.1 Calculating the Mass of a Reservoir From Its Volume A reservoir has a surface area of [latex]\text{50}\text{.}0\phantom{\rule{0.25em}{0ex}}{\text{km}}^{2}[/latex] and an average depth of 40.0 m. What mass of water is held behind the dam? (See Figure 76.2 for a view of a large reservoir—the Three Gorges Dam site on the Yangtze River in central China.) Strategy We can calculate the volume [latex]V[/latex] of the reservoir from its dimensions, and find the density of water [latex]\rho[/latex] in Table 76.1. Then the mass [latex]m[/latex] can be found from the definition of density Solution Solving equation [latex]\rho =m/V[/latex] for [latex]m[/latex] gives [latex]m=\rho V[/latex]. The volume [latex]V[/latex] of the reservoir is its surface area [latex]A[/latex] times its average depth [latex]h[/latex]: The density of water [latex]\rho[/latex] from Table 76.1 is [latex]1\text{.}\text{000}×{\text{10}}^{3}\phantom{\rule{0.25em}{0ex}}{\text{kg/m}}^{3}[/latex]. Substituting [latex]V[/latex] and [latex]\rho[/latex] into the expression for mass gives Discussion A large reservoir contains a very large mass of water. In this example, the weight of the water in the reservoir is [latex]\text{mg}=1\text{.}\text{96}×{\text{10}}^{\text{13}}\phantom{\rule{0.25em}{0ex}}\text{N}[/latex], where [latex]g[/latex] is the acceleration due to the Earth’s gravity (about [latex]9\text{.}\text{80}\phantom{\rule{0.25em}{0ex}}{\text{m/s}}^{2}[/latex]). It is reasonable to ask whether the dam must supply a force equal to this tremendous weight. The answer is no. As we shall see in the following sections, the force the dam must supply can be much smaller than the weight of the water it holds back. Section Summary - Density is the mass per unit volume of a substance or object. In equation form, density is defined as [latex]\rho =\frac{m}{V}.[/latex] - The SI unit of density is [latex]{\text{kg/m}}^{3}[/latex]. Conceptual Questions - Approximately how does the density of air vary with altitude? - Give an example in which density is used to identify the substance composing an object. Would information in addition to average density be needed to identify the substances in an object composed of more than one material? - Figure 76.3 shows a glass of ice water filled to the brim. Will the water overflow when the ice melts? Explain your answer. Problems & Exercises - Gold is sold by the troy ounce (31.103 g). What is the volume of 1 troy ounce of pure gold? - Mercury is commonly supplied in flasks containing 34.5 kg (about 76 lb). What is the volume in liters of this much mercury? - (a) What is the mass of a deep breath of air having a volume of 2.00 L? (b) Discuss the effect taking such a breath has on your body’s volume and density. - A straightforward method of finding the density of an object is to measure its mass and then measure its volume by submerging it in a graduated cylinder. What is the density of a 240-g rock that displaces [latex]\text{89}\text{.}0\phantom{\rule{0.25em}{0ex}}{\text{cm}}^{3}[/latex] of water? (Note that the accuracy and practical applications of this technique are more limited than a variety of others that are based on Archimedes’ principle.) - Suppose you have a coffee mug with a circular cross section and vertical sides (uniform radius). What is its inside radius if it holds 375 g of coffee when filled to a depth of 7.50 cm? Assume coffee has the same density as water. - (a) A rectangular gasoline tank can hold 50.0 kg of gasoline when full. What is the depth of the tank if it is 0.500-m wide by 0.900-m long? (b) Discuss whether this gas tank has a reasonable volume for a passenger car. - A trash compactor can reduce the volume of its contents to 0.350 their original value. Neglecting the mass of air expelled, by what factor is the density of the rubbish increased? - A 2.50-kg steel gasoline can holds 20.0 L of gasoline when full. What is the average density of the full gas can, taking into account the volume occupied by steel as well as by gasoline? - What is the density of 18.0-karat gold that is a mixture of 18 parts gold, 5 parts silver, and 1 part copper? (These values are parts by mass, not volume.) Assume that this is a simple mixture having an average density equal to the weighted densities of its constituents. - There is relatively little empty space between atoms in solids and liquids, so that the average density of an atom is about the same as matter on a macroscopic scale—approximately [latex]{\text{10}}^{3}\phantom{\rule{0.25em}{0ex}}{\text{kg/m}}^{3}[/latex]. The nucleus of an atom has a radius about [latex]{\text{10}}^{-5}[/latex] that of the atom and contains nearly all the mass of the entire atom. (a) What is the approximate density of a nucleus? (b) One remnant of a supernova, called a neutron star, can have the density of a nucleus. What would be the radius of a neutron star with a mass 10 times that of our Sun (the radius of the Sun is [latex]7×{\text{10}}^{8}\phantom{\rule{0.25em}{0ex}}\text{m}[/latex])? Glossary - density - the mass per unit volume of a substance or object	1,606	common-pile/pressbooks_filtered	https://openbooks.lib.msu.edu/collegephysics1/chapter/density-2/	pressbooks	pressbooks-0000.json.gz:60938	https://openbooks.lib.msu.edu/collegephysics1/chapter/density-2/
RTvjtnovEcHTugOj	Metallurgy	10 Blast Furnace Steel, in its most basic form, is a combination of iron and carbon. Iron is a mineral mined from large deposits in the earth’s crust. Carbon is one of the most common of earth’s elements. Limestone is a sedimentary mineral made of calcium carbonate. To produce steel, the first step is to make what is called pig iron. Alternating layers of iron ore, limestone, and coke are loaded in the blast furnace to produce pig iron. Limestone is used to remove contaminants and purify the mixture. Coke is coal that has been heated in the absence of air. Coke provides the carbon to begin the steel-making process. A blast furnace is a type of metallurgical furnace used for smelting to produce industrial metals, generally pig iron, but also others such as lead or copper. Blast refers to the combustion air being supplied above atmospheric pressure. In a blast furnace, fuel (coke), ores, and flux (limestone) are continuously supplied through the top of the furnace, while a hot blast of air (sometimes with oxygen enrichment) is blown into the lower section of the furnace through a series of pipes called tuyeres. Hot air at 1200 degrees F is then blasted through the exhaust vent to create the combustion process. so that the chemical reactions take place throughout the furnace as the material falls downward. The coke burns the mixture at 3000 degrees F and two reactions occur. The first reaction is when the carbon from coke and the oxygen from the air combine to liberate the metallic iron and make it liquid, directing it to the bottom of the furnace. The second reaction is when the limestone attracts the impurities. These impurities float to the top of the melted pig iron and are siphoned off as slag. The end products are usually molten metal and slag phases tapped from the bottom, and waste gases (flue gas) exiting from the top of the furnace. Every few hours, the melted pig iron is removed from the bottom of the furnace and further processed. - - - - - - 1: Iron ore + Calcareous sinter - 2: coke - 3: conveyor belt - 4: feeding opening, with a valve that prevents direct contact with the internal parts of the furnace - 5: Layer of coke - 6: Layers of sinter, iron oxide pellets, ore, - 7: Hot air (around 1200°C) - 8: Slag - 9: Liquid pig iron - 10: Mixers - 11: Tap for pig iron - 12: Dust cyclone for removing dust from exhaust gasses before burning them in 13 - 13: air heater - 14: Smoke outlet (can be redirected to carbon capture & storage (CCS) tank) - 15: feed air for Cowper air heaters - 16: Powdered coal - 17: cokes oven - 18: cokes bin - 19: pipes for blast furnace gas - - - - Pig iron contains 4 to 5% carbon which makes it much too brittle to be used as is. Reducing the extra carbon in the pig iron will convert it to steel. This process is called “refining”. Just as crude oil is refined into gasoline or kerosene, pig iron is refined into steel. With the early iron making process molten metal was tapped from the bottom of the furnace and allowed to flow down a narrow stream and into sand molds. These molds were called “piglets” because the arrangement looked something like suckling pigs. Thus, the name “pig iron” exists today. Video Example Watch this 6:44 video, Steel From Start to Finish produced by U.S. Steel (2020) about the process of making steel. Watch this 11:11 video 1951 CAST IRON / PIG IRON SMELTING DOCUMENTARY ” IRON — PRODUCT OF THE BLAST FURNACE ” 18524 by PeriscopeFilm uploaded April 12, 2021. Blast furnaces are estimated to have been responsible for over 4% of global greenhouse gas emissions between 1900 and 2015 and are difficult to decarbonize. Blast furnace – Wikipedia Available and accessed 6 February 2024.	865	common-pile/pressbooks_filtered	https://mhcc.pressbooks.pub/metallurgy/chapter/blast-furnace/	pressbooks	pressbooks-0000.json.gz:16461	https://mhcc.pressbooks.pub/metallurgy/chapter/blast-furnace/
53VEiV20zGvaVD3M	The significance and effect of pain, by John M. T. Finney ... Ether day address.	Professor of Clinical Surgery, Johns Hopkins Hospital For the great honor of being invited to deliver the Ether Day Address for the year 1914, I wish first to express my sincere thanks and appreciation to the trustees and officers of the Massachusetts General Hospital. Returning, as I do, after the lapse of a quarter of a century, my mind is filled with memories of the time so pleasantly and profitably spent as a house pupil in the wards of this hospital, just twentyfive years ago. As a member of the old West Side surgical staff, it was my great privilege to serve under those master surgeons, John Homans, Charles B. Porter, and Arthur T. Cabot, and to have the opportunity to observe the work of their equally illustrious colleagues on the East Side, H. H. A. Beach, Maurice H. Richardson, and John Collins Warren. I should be untrue to myself and ungrateful indeed if I failed at this time and in this place to acknowledge the debt that I owe to these distinguished men and their associates upon the staff of this hospital, for the stimulus received from them toward high ideals in thought and work; for kindly admonition and advice; for encouragement when sorely needed; and best of all, for that unconscious aid and instruction so freely imparted and received in that intimate personal association which always characterizes the relationship between the true teacher and his pupils. The Massachusetts General Hospital, in the value of its scientific achievements and in its long roll of illustrious names, has contributed much to American medicine. From its earliest beginnings it has always stood for the best things in medicine and surgery, and in many respects has served as a model for others to follow. But illustrious as is its past and glorious as are the promises for its future, for me at least it can never be quite the same as it was twenty-five years ago. For I miss the presence of those, my teachers and friends, who by versary of Ether Day, October 16, 1914. their strong personalities made this hospital what it was to us who were fortunate enough to have been in any way associated with them. Recurring visits to these venerable halls from time to time have been saddened by the loss, one after another, of these familiar faces, until now but one remains, full of years and of honors richly deserved and honestly won. Long may he live, and never grow older, to enjoy the fruits of his abundant labors and the affectionate regard of his friends and former pupils. Upon this occasion when we are gathered together to celebrate what Dr. Mitchell has so happily termed the "Death of Pain," it is fitting that we should stop for a moment to consider as best we can just what it would mean if this designation were literally true. Would that it were! But as a matter of fact the field of usefulness of ether, large and important as it is, does not extend far beyond the confines of the operating room. Here it has through its beneficent influence largely robbed surgical operations of their terrors both for the patient and the surgeon, for in these days the performance of a major surgical operation upon a conscious, suffering patient is almost inconceivable. They were indeed giants in the surgical profession in those pre-anesthetic days, men of iron nerve and indomitable will, who could bring themselves to inflict such untold anguish upon their fellow-men, even in the hope of ultimate relief. And what of the patient? This is but a marked illustration of the impelling power of pain, for it requires but a bad enough pain for a long enough time to break down all barriers and to cause the sufferer to submit willingly, yes, eagerly, to anything at all, even death itself, that offers hope of relief. We have tried with but ill success to picture in our mind a world that was literally free from pain. What a Paradise it would be! Suppose that such a thing as the abolition of pain were possible. This of necessity would almost mean the abolition of disease, for it is quite impossible to think of pain apart from disease or injury, the two have been for so long a time so intimately associated in the human mind. For what is the meaning of the term disease, dis-ease, but the opposite of comfort, and what is that in its commonest form but pain? Rob ill health of the pain it causes and its chief terror is gone. But try for a moment to form some sort of a mental picture of the conditions that would exist under such circumstances. Would the world be better off or not? In other words, is the existence of pain of any distinct benefit to the human race, or is it not? In what ways is it harmful, how beneficial? Every one who has been obliged from any cause to experience it, or who has witnessed its effect upon others, can well appreciate what a boon to humanity its abolition would be. To be relieved of the mental anguish, the awful fear and dread of a recurrence of an attack of pain through which one may have passed, means almost as much as to be relieved of the pain itself. Think what all this would mean to suffering humanity. It cannot be estimated! On the other hand, is there anything that would be lost that is of real advantage? This suggests the thought that, after all, pain may have its uses and a definite value both to the patient and to the surgeon. What are they? What are its effects, good as well as bad? We may hope, perhaps, by observation and investigation to gain some insight into these effects and learn something of its clinical significance. It is to this phase of the subject that I wish particularly to direct your attention. These questions must, I am sure, have come with especial emphasis to every thoughtful surgeon, accustomed as he is from the nature of his work to the sight and sounds of pain; called upon as he is to inflict pain that relief may follow, to witness daily its effects and results, and to try to find out and remove its causes. They must also have come, and with even greater force, to one who has been called upon himself to lie upon a bed of suffering, and has counted the hours as they dragged wearily and endlessly through the long night watches; or who, while keeping sleepless vigil by the bedside of some loved one, has listened helplessly to the stifled cries and groans, or, harder still, has witnessed in the agonized countenance the mute evidences of intense pain. He must many times have wondered at it all and asked himself the question, "Why must it be so?" Why should human beings be called upon to suffer as some of them are, Ever since that evening in the Garden of Eden when the curse of sorrow and pain was placed upon our first parents these as yet unanswered queries have lingered in the minds of their descendants, and I fancy that they will continue to arise in the minds of succeeding generations, and will fail of a satisfactory answer until the dawning of that blessed day to which reference is made in the inscription carved upon the monument erected to commemorate this happy event, which stands in yonder Public Garden, "Neither shall there be any more pain." The mystery of pain! Has anything in the way of human experience given rise to more wonder or speculation than this? The passions, love and hate, have at times, perhaps, stirred to greater action or deeper feeling. Religious zeal has aroused and lifted the thoughts and emotions to higher planes, patriotism and the martial spirit have ever spurred to deeds of heroism and valor, but I doubt whether any other human experience has been more universal or more controlling than that of pain. The pursuit of pleasure in some of its manifold forms has occupied the mind more continuously, perhaps, but the avoidance of pain and the institution of measures to relieve it have ever occupied a not inconsiderable share of its attention, and will continue to do so until the end of time. Most of the important epochs of a lifetime are intimately associated with pain or are greatly influenced by it. The beginning of life and the end of it are occasions that are rarely dissociated from pain. We speak of the pains of labor in such a way that the two terms are almost synonymous, and one rarely thinks of the one without the suggestion of the other. This is likewise true of the other extreme of life, but not to the same extent. The "pangs of death" is an expression used by the poets, but nevertheless an intimate association of ideas is thereby expressed which, while more fanciful than real, perhaps, has its effect upon the human mind. Few experiences, indeed, there are that are really worth while that are not in some way or other intimately associated with or influenced by human suffering. Pain is such a universal experience that it has been felt in a greater or less degree by every one. Indeed psychologists tell us that we never have a sensation or an idea which is not felt with some degree of pleasure or pain, and so it is that the study of it has excited interest in many minds and in all ages. But its cause and the reason why remain a mystery still. It is a difficult task that we have set ourselves, the discussion of the significance and effect of pain. The subject is a very broad one, too broad, indeed, to do full justice to in the limited time at our disposal. It is many sided, and we can do no more than indicate and briefly discuss some of the phases that are of particular interest and real significance to the surgeon. The cause of pain is one thing, its significance another. But in order the more fully to understand the one we must know something about the other. Indeed, it is absolutely essential to' be more or less familiar with the results of recent investigations in order to be able to understand many of the phenomena observed. As is usually the case in every live subject, the observations and opinions of investigators in this field do not entirely agree. Nevertheless, certain fundamental facts have been established, a brief summary of which will aid us to a better understanding of our subject. In the preparation of this paper we have consulted many authors, — Hilton, Lennander, Mackenzie, Ross, Head, Sherrington, Meltzer, Hertz, Schmidt, Howell, Behan, Crile, Cannon, and others, and we wish here to make acknowledgment of the free use made of their opinions and results. The anatomy and physiology of the pain-conducting apparatus has been carefully studied by many observers, but as yet no very satisfactory results have been obtained. They tell us that "Pain is probably the sense that is most widely distributed in the body. It is present throughout the skin, and under certain conditions may be aroused by stimulation of sensory nerves in the various visceral organs, indeed in all the membranes of the body." Experimental studies upon the exposed brains of living animals, as well as clinical observations upon conscious patients in the course of surgical operations, giving rise to extensive explorations into the tissues of the brain itself, lead to the belief that it is insensible to pain. Cushing was the first to show that the dura also was insensible to the ordinary stimuli for pain. The adequate stimulus here seems to be, as in the intestine, tension in some form. "For cutaneous pain, at least, the evidence is very strongly in favor of the view that there exists a special set of fibers which have a specific energy for pain. It would appear that the pain sense has a punctiform distribution in the skin. Histological examination of these pain points indicates that they have no special end organ, the stimulus taking effect upon the free end of the nerve fibers" (Howell). Any of the usual forms of artificial nerve stimuli may affect these endings, and if of sufficient intensity can give rise to pain. Until comparatively recently it has been taken for granted that the sensory phenomena of disease could be explained only on the assumption that the viscera were well supplied with nerve fibers which could convey impulses leading to the sensation of pain (Hertz). Although as early as 1753 Haller, as pointed out by Hertz, had failed to obtain any evidence that the pleura, peritoneum, lungs, liver, spleen, or kidneys of animals were sensitive to pain, the first real doubt was cast upon prevailing belief when it was observed that during the second stage of a colostomy the manipulation and cutting of the walls of the colon in a patient per- fectly conscious were unattended by pain, indeed were entirely without sensation. The subject then became the basis of wide interest and investigation. The publications of different observers, notably Hilton in his classical lectures on "Rest and Pain," and the investigations of Ross, published in 1858, stimulated interest and further work in the study of the nature and methods of transmission of pain. In his investigations of visceral diseases Ross divided pain into two forms, splanchnic and somatic. His ideas were very similar to those which had been previously expressed by Hilton and Lange. He thought that " the impulses produced by irritation of the peripheral terminations of the splanchnic nerves were conducted by the posterior roots to the posterior horns of the spinal cord, where they diffuse to the roots of the corresponding somatic nerves, and thus cause an associated pain in the territory of distribution of these nerves." This work of Ross opened up a large field for investigation and stimulated the splendid work of Head and Mackenzie, who still further corroborated the observations of Hilton and Ross, and on the weight of their authority these ideas became generally accepted. Head's work dealing with the areas of cutaneous hyperalgesia occurring in visceral disease, by demonstrating that they are identical with the areas which receive their sensory nerve fibers from the spinal segments to which the afferent fibers from the diseased viscera pass, proved conclusively the soundness of the earlier deductions. Divergent views were held by Mackenzie and Ross as a result of their experiments. The former had observed that in visceral disease in addition to the tenderness in the skin, as mapped out by Head, there was a similar sensitiveness in the muscles and parietal subperitoneal tissue, supplied by the corresponding spinal segments. He as a result of his observations came to the conclusion that all pain in abdominal disease originates in the peripheral structures. Ross, on the other hand, adhered to the idea of splanchnic or visceral and somatic or referred pain. Since this time much additional work has been done and published records of investigations by many observers have accumulated. From this mass of work several facts stand out prominently: (1) That any nerve ending may be sensitive to some one form of stimulation which has been called "the adequate stimulus," but insensitive to all others. The failure to take this fact into account explains a great many of the discrepancies which have occurred in the reports of the work of earlier observers. The adequate stimuli for pain vary for different regions and structures of the body, — for instance, those for visceral pain are not of the ordinary tactile or thermal types to which the skin and mucous surfaces so promptly respond, but are tension in some form or other. It must not be forgotten, however, that while these other forms of stimuli may not be capable of exciting specific receptors in the intestinal walls, nevertheless they are capable of inducing motor reflex activities which in turn cause contraction, and those contractions which cause tension to mount to the deep sensibility threshold result in pain. A great deal of discussion has been given to the question as to the channels through which intestinal pain is transmitted, but that pain is actually felt in lesions of the intestinal canal cannot be doubted. (2) That the threshold of pain, that is, the point at which pain as a result of any form of stimulation begins to be felt, may be raised or lowered, according to certain established conditions. (3) That tension in some form or other is the commonest, perhaps the sole cause of visceral pain. Meltzer in the course of his investigations attempted to explain all forms of colic as due to a disturbance of what he called "The law of contrary innervation," which is the name he gave to the well-known physiological law of the intestine, namely, that contraction in one place is always associated with relaxation just below. Interference with this law due to organic disease, or to direct or reflex spasm, giving rise to tension as a result of traction upon the parietal attachments, or distention of the intestinal wall, produces visceral pain in some of its protean manifestations. Hertz and others insist that this is the sole cause of true visceral pain. This pain, in turn, is referred to the peripheral structures in accordance with the views expressed above. From my own clinical observations made in the course of surgical operations upon conscious patients I am convinced that Ross is right in his contention that there are two forms of pain, splanchnic and somatic, and that in a number of conditions at least — such, for instance, as the common forms of colic, — visceral pain alone is present. It is not always easy, indeed not possible, to distinguish between these two forms of pain, for they are not infrequently both present at the same time. As against the idea that pain can originate in the viscera has been urged the fact of the patient's inability accurately to localize it. The same is true, of course, of the skin, as it is well known that cutaneous irritation of certain parts of the trunk cannot be localized within wide limits. The argument is advanced that if the pain of gastric ulcer, for instance, is produced in the ulcer itself, it should move when the stomach moves, but, as a matter of fact, the pain remains stationary. This phenomenon is explained by Hertz on the ground of average localization, that is, the pain is referred to the point on the surface of the skin under which the stomach should normally lie. He would give this as the reason why visceral pain is most accurately localized in those viscera which move the least, as the gall bladder, duodenum, and esophagus, and is least accurately localized in the more mobile portions, that is, the large and small intestine. Cutaneous pains are as a rule located more or less accurately at the point stimulated, whereas in the case of pain arising in the internal organs this is not the case. Here are observed what have been designated clinically as "referred pains." Head in his classical studies of this subject has shown very conclusively that the different visceral organs have a more or less definite relation to certain areas in the skin. With painstaking accuracy he has marked these out and determined their association with the different spinal segments. The misreference of pain observed is ascribed to a diffusion in the nerve centers. This diffusion Head explains on the ground that in the case of a painful stimulus applied to a part of low sensibility in close central connection with a part of much higher sensibility, the pain produced is felt in the latter rather than in the former, to which the stimulus was actually applied. It is generally accepted by physiologists that the afferent neurones from the viscera have a common path of entry into the cord from the posterior root. The theory of "referred pain," then, is that "sorae- where in this common path the excitement of the splanchnic afferents is transmitted to the somatic afferents, and that the cerebral center for these being stimulated, the mind suffers an illusion and refers the source of the irritation out to an area of skin" (Harris). A knowledge of these few facts will aid materially in the understanding of that large and interesting group of reflected or referred pains with which every surgeon of experience is familiar. It is often difficult enough to determine with any degree of accuracy the cause and significance of a pain in the part directly affected. Take, for instance, a pain occurring in the upper right-hand quadrant of the abdomen. A great many possibilities at once suggest themselves to any one familiar with the pathological anatomy of this region. When, however, the pain is referred to some part of the body far distant from its point of origin and is accompanied by no appreciable symptoms suggestive of this fact, the difficulties in the way of an accurate diagnosis are multiplied many fold. For example, some years ago I was called in consultation to see a youth of seventeen who the day before, while returning from a chestnutting expedition, and after having eaten very freely of the raw nuts, was suddenly seized with a severe pain in the lower right side of the abdomen. There was no history of similar previous attacks. I found the boy in bed, his right leg drawn up. He looked sick, complained of pain referred to the lower part of the abdomen. Temperature and pulse both elevated, nausea and vomiting. Examination showed tenderness over the lower part of the abdomen on both sides. No muscle spasm. Attempts to straighten the leg increased his pain. Hip joint negative, slight pain on urination. There had been no chill. There was present a cough which bothered him greatly. Expectoration was considerable, whitish. Examination of chest was negative, except for a few coarse rales. Diagnosis uncertain, probably appendicitis. Immediate removal to the hospital was advised and declined until the next day, when the patient entered the Johns Hopkins Hospital and was seen in consultation with several members of the staff. By this time the sputum had become slightly blood tinged. His cough caused a good deal of pain, especially in the lower right side of the abdomen. Examination of the chest showed only evidence of slight bronchitis. Abdomen fairly soft and permitted deep palpation everywhere, except low down over the symphysis and on the right side just above Poupart's ligament. Pressure here gave pain and a slight muscle spasm was present. The right thigh still remained flexed and could not be extended without pain. No tenderness to be made out about the hip joint or surrounding structures. Examination otherwise negative. Leucocytes 19,500, temperature 104, pulse 120. It was then learned for the first time that the patient had been exposed to typhoid fever, which fact influenced our opinion somewhat toward a possible typhoid, although the widal was negative. A central pneumonia with diaphragmatic pleurisy could not be excluded. Abdominal symptoms referred to the region of the psoas muscle were also not satisfactorily explained. Two days later the patient was seen by Dr. Osier, who dictated the following note: "Suspicious spots in right flank suggesting rose spots, definite dicrotism of pulse, some piping rales over right base, some impairment in left axilla; there is an indefinite mass just above the symphysis pubis, palpable and tender." Dr. Osier concurred in the diagnosis of possible typhoid fever. No appreciable change was observed in the patient's symptoms during the next two days, when suddenly a swelling appeared in the upper part of the thigh. Synchronous with the appearance of this swelling the abdominal pain and tenderness markedly improved. The diagnosis was then changed to acute epiphysitis with osteomyelitis of the upper end of the femur. The swelling was at once incised and a considerable quantity of pus evacuated. The patient improved considerably after this and was apparently on the road to recovery, when he developed a right-sided pneumothorax, to which he quickly succumbed. The most striking symptom in this case had been from the beginning intense pain in the lower part of the abdomen, but accompanied by such slight local tenderness and muscle spasm as to make us doubtful of the existence of any definite inflammatory lesion in the abdomen, and for this reason operation had been declined. And yet it was impossible to determine definitely as to the nature of his trouble until the appearance of the swelling in the upper part of the thigh rendered certain the diagnosis. One could multiply instances of the confusing and misleading effect of referred pain, the pain in the knee from hip disease, in the ear from cancer of the tongue, in the abdomen in Pott's disease, in the absent member after amputation, in the shoulder in gall bladder disease, and in the arms in angina pectoris, but it will suffice to direct attention strongly to the fact that pain is not infrequently referred to localities far removed from the seat of the causative lesion; and in cases where local signs do not correspond with those usually observed in pain arising in that locality a thorough search should be instituted for a possible explanation existing elsewhere. In doing so it is well to bear in mind Hilton's axiom, namely, that "Pain felt in any part must be expressed by the nerves supplying the part." There is a definite psychology of pain difficult to understand, perhaps, but nevertheless well recognized by every intelligent observer. Some one has said that pain is the resultant of two factors, the lesion and the patient, and in order to arrive at an intelligent appreciation of its true significance both must be thoroughly understood. The mental state of the sufferer varies greatly in different individuals and at different times. Frequently he will unintentionally deceive the physician by his inability accurately to describe his sensations; especially is this true of pain, which is purely subjective. Again he may do so intentionally by false statements as to its character, location, and intensity. In some, pain brings out the heroic, often to a very unexpected degree. In others it develops the hitherto unsuspected "yellow streak." It does not always follow that because a patient bears what appears to be a great amount of pain with remarkable fortitude, that that individual is more deserving of credit or shows greater self-control than the one who does not; for it is a well-established fact that pain is not felt to the same degree by all individuals alike, some are much more tolerant of it than others. Indeed cases have been reported of individuals naturally analgesic who is also well known and usually easily recognized. What may cause intense suffering in one will produce little effect upon another. I was struck with this fact not long since while reducing a Pott's fracture in the case of a young man who was in other respects in excellent health. I suggested giving him an anesthetic, but he requested that I proceed with my manipulations without it. I did so, and with considerable difficulty and the exercise of some necessary force succeeded in satisfactorily reducing the fracture. During the whole procedure he had sat up in bed and watched what was being done with great interest and with little evidence of suffering. After it was over he declared that, while it had not been an altogether agreeable sensation, he had suffered no pain of any consequence. On the other hand, it is a not infrequent occurrence to hear a patient declare, and with every evidence of truthfulness, that he or she was suffering extreme agony, when there was no demonstrable physical or pathological basis to lead one to believe that such was the case. What is known as temperament plays a great part in the ability of an individual to bear pain. Just what this is it would be difficult to state in words. The old idea of the knowledge of the constitution of the patient supposed to be possessed by the family doctor has something to commend it. Being but a subjective symptom it is at times hard to estimate the degree of pain, or indeed whether or not it is present at all, as it is easy to feign. There are certain signs, however, which denote intense suffering and which when present are usually unmistakable, the pinched features, the knotted brow, the rolling eyes with widely dilated pupils, the ashen countenance, the cool and clammy skin, the thready pulse, the increased blood pressure, the hands alternately clenched and opened, grasping wildly at surrounding objects or persons, or perhaps pressed firmly over the painful area, add to this the cries and groans, the bodily contortions and writhing so frequently seen in this connection, and a picture is presented so definite and unmistakable that it cannot fail to be recognized. But it is not always thus, — one sees now and then exhibitions of won- derful fortitude in the bearing of suffering, when not a groan escapes the sufferer nor any evidence of the existence of pain, save that indefinable expression of countenance so well understood by the initiated. Is there or can there be anything more sublime or more inspiring in its effect upon others than such an exhibition of self-control? Pain may be so intense as to notably depress the heart's action, even to temporary arrest. If of great intensity it may be complete and death may follow. The fear of pain plays a large part in its psychology. So terror stricken, indeed, may an individual at times become as to seek self-destruction in order to avoid a repetition of some dreadful experience. It also exercises a markedly deterring effect in various ways upon conduct, thus preventing, through fear of painful consequences, many foolish actions. The wearing effect of pain upon one's powers of inhibition must have attracted the attention of every surgeon. So often does one see the defenses, one after another, broken down by continued and recurring pain, — the individual whose fortitude in the beginning may have been surprising may gradually, owing to this peculiar effect, become in the course of time the whining, complaining creature, shrinking and crying aloud at the slightest touch, a sore trial and an object of pity alike to every one with whom he comes in contact. Others may become embittered and hardened, their dispositions soured, their whole mental attitude and their outlook upon life in general changed and rendered thoroughly pessimistic by suffering. There is upon the other hand perhaps no burden which humanity is called upon to bear, unless it may be grief, which itself is looked upon as a form of mental pain, that may have so refining and ennobling an influence, or may bring out more forcibly the higher qualities of head and heart, or develop nobler traits of character. How forcibly is this fact now and then brought home to all of us as we have looked into the face of some patient sufferer, purified and rendered truly beautiful by the discipline of pain, and how much it has increased our admiration and respect for human kind. Owing to the inability of the sensory apparatus to transmit two strong impressions at the same time, the stronger of the two for the moment will monopolize the attention of the individual. The newspapers nowadays are rilled with thrilling accounts of valorous deeds performed upon the battlefields by brave soldiers who, themselves severely wounded, in the enthusiasm of the moment and unmindful, indeed for the time being unconscious of their own suffering, have rescued some more seriously wounded comrade, and then after this has been accomplished, for the first time conscious of their own pain, have collapsed. Not long since I was interested and not a little amused to observe in the crowd of yelling, dancing students who swarmed upon the field at the end of a closely contested game of football, a patient of mine, a student in the victorious college, who not long before had severely injured his knee while playing in a practice game, and since which time on account of severe pain had been able to go about only with the aid of crutches. He was careering as madly as the nimblest among them, one crutch had been discarded, the other was waving frantically in the air over his head, — for the moment, at least, in the exuberance of joy in the success of his team he appeared utterly oblivious to pain. The next day when I saw him it is needless to say he was paying the penalty. Certain sensations which are not ordinarily associated with pain may, when of sufficient intensity or when long enough continued, gradually merge into it, — for instance, those of fullness and emptiness accompanying an overdistended or an empty stomach. To one who has survived the starvation treatment of typhoid fever as practised in this hospital twenty-five years ago, the pangs of hunger are no figment of the imagination, but a real pain that leaves a lasting impression upon the mind of the sufferer. I speak feelingly. So also with heat and cold, and with certain forms of local stimulation, chemical and otherwise, of the tissues of the body, at first perhaps grateful, even pleasurable, later and almost unconsciously, as the intensity increases, becoming painful. So too every one who has experienced a severe pain or has had the opportunity to observe its effecXs upon others must have noticed with satisfaction after its subsidence the sensation of well-being, amounting at times and especially in individuals of certain temperaments almost to exhilaration. This is peculiarly so in women after the completion of a hard and painful labor. One can readily appreciate and understand the philosophy of the little darkey when he said he "sho' did like to git kicked on de shins, cause dey felt so good after dey stopped hurtin'." "Every pain has its distinct and pregnant signification if we will but carefully search for it." This sentence, quoted from that classical work by Hilton, entitled "Lectures on Rest and Pain," expresses better than can I in any other words the idea that I had in mind in choosing the subject for this address. If this be true then it follows of necessity that the surgeon when consulted by a patient for the relief of his pain will not have performed his whole duty toward his patient if he has not made use of every means in his power to discover just what is the peculiar significance of this particular pain. It does not necessarily follow that even by careful searching this significance can always be found out, but this fact does not relieve the surgeon of the obligation to make a bona fide effort to discover it. This search in turn may involve some very complex and far-reaching problems. It presupposes upon the part of the surgeon the requisite amount of knowledge and training, coupled with the ability, the willingness, and the facilities necessary to carry out the examination and investigation in order to obtain the necessary data; then more important than all is the judgment with which properly to interpret the findings. For in diagnosis symptoms are of value only when we are able to interpret them in terms of the particular disease under consideration. This is especially true in the case of subjective symptoms, where so much5 reliance has to be placed upon the word of the patient. A study of pain by itself is of interest and value to the physician from a diagnostic standpoint. But when taken in connection with other symptoms its proper interpretation is rendered far easier. In attempting, then, to determine the significance of a certain pain it is advisable not to dissociate it from its attendant clinical phenomena; thus a pain in the epigastric region of a youth, when accompanied by tenderness and rigidity of the right rectus muscle in its lower half, a rise in pulse rate and temperature, and an increase in the leucocyte count, would very strongly suggest an acute appendicitis rather than any other acute abdominal affection. This statement would seem elemental and almost selfevident. But the frequency with which one sees the mistake made of failing to recognize this fact prompts the reference to it. Says Maurice Richardson, "Alone, pain indicates danger in general; in combination with other signs it indicates danger in particular and guides the surgeon's hand to its source." But it alone cannot always be relied upon in estimating the nature and extent of the causative lesion. Many authors have dealt with this particular aspect of our subject. Mackenzie especially has drawn attention to the valuable aid to diagnosis afforded by a careful study of pain and the nervous phenomena which accompany it. In our effort to elicit the more obscure symptoms that arise from disordered functions of diseased viscera it has sometimes happened that insufficient attention has been paid to the commoner and more obvious symptoms. The laboratory methods of clinical diagnosis, the so-called special tests, are of the utmost importance, and any attempt to decry them should be deprecated. Yet it cannot be denied that to the general practitioner at least, who is the one who sees the patient first and who largely determines the course of treatment to be thereafter followed, the practical value of these methods is small as compared to the information to be gained by the recognition and proper understanding of the symptoms arising from reflex stimulation of the nervous system. We must not shut our eyes to the fact that it is only in a small proportion of cases which the general practitioner sees that the more intricate methods of examination are of use or are available. In the great majority of cases the reflex symptoms lie ready to hand, if only they are recognized, and it is on these alone that he has often to rely for early diagnosis and treatment. How important it is, then, that the commoner symptoms, such as pain, should be carefully studied, so that their message may be correctly interpreted, for it is upon the recognition of the early stages of disease that so much depends. This fact needs to be especially emphasized at the present time, when, owing to the ease and comparative safety with which an abdominal exploration can be performed, the tendency in some quarters is setting so strongly toward recourse to this easier and shorter method rather than to a careful and painstaking examination and analysis of the symptoms presented. As a result many operators (I use the word advisedly, all operators are not surgeons) have no clear idea in their minds with regard to the nature and origin of many easily recognized evidences of disease. Especially is this true of the so-called reflex phenomena of visceral disease. Of these pain is, of course, the most constant and most important factor. It is easy to satisfy the patient by calling his pain a neuritis or a neuralgia. But before doing so the conscientious physician will consider most carefully the possibility of the existence of some other cause, perhaps of visceral disease, and will take immediate steps to eliminate it as a possibility or to establish its presence as a certainty. It is of the utmost importance that the true significance of these common symptoms, of which pain is the most constant, should be recognized. Do not discard the old and well-recognized symptoms and methods for the new exclusively, but a study of the common and easily ascertained facts by newer methods will throw a new light upon them and allow of advances that can be made in no other way. At the same time it should not be forgotten that clinical contributions to our knowledge in this direction constitute research work just as truly when made in the wards, by the bedside of the patient, as when performed upon animals in the laboratory. Pain as a diagnostic factor is of the utmost importance. It has been estimated that ninety per cent of all diseases either begin with it or are at some time or other in their course accompanied by it. In some cases it forms the all-important factor, in others it is only an incident. The character of the pain may be of great assistance in determining its significance. Certain terms are used by patients so constantly in describing pain arising from certain structures or pathological conditions that they have come to have a definite diagnostic value. For instance, pain arising in inflammatory processes, particularly of bone, is described as " boring" or " throbbing" or "jumping" in character. Nerve pains are consistently described as burning, shooting, or stabbing, while I have been struck with the frequency with which the terms "stinging" or "sticking" have been used by patients to describe the painful sensations experienced fairly early in cancer of the breast. While these and other descriptive terms cannot be said to be of any absolute value they certainly are suggestive. The relation that pain may bear to certain events is of great assistance at times in differentiating between various conditions. Can anything be more characteristic than the pain of gastric or duodenal ulcer coming on, as it frequently does, at a definite interval after the ingestion of food? Or, more striking still, the pain of an anal fissure beginning shortly after defecation, increasing for several hours until the acme of intensity is reached, then gradually decreasing until it entirely disappears and leaves the patient in perfect comfort until this experience is repeated after the next stool? Pain seems to be affected by the time of day. It is notoriously worse at night. How often, for instance, does one meet with a patient suffering from an inflammatory bone lesion who gives the history of inability to sleep at night because of the pain, boring in character, which begins in the latter part of the afternoon and gradually increases in intensity through the night until towards daylight, when it rather suddenly decreases to such an extent that sleep becomes possible. Weather conditions undoubtedly have their effect upon pain. Especially is this true in the changes from good to bad, which not infrequently increase the pain to such an extent as to enable the patient to predict their occurrence with remarkable accuracy. This has been attributed to changes in atmospheric pressure, which affect the nerve mechanism in much the same way as changes in the blood pressure. This is probably the reason why pain is more noticeable at night, although the quiet and the absence of other things to distract one's attention undoubtedly have their effect. It may be that the senses are more acute and so perceive slighter irritation than by day. The recumbent posture, and in the case of certain organs, e. g., bladder or Sex is a factor not to be disregarded. One observer as the result of his investigations insists that the well-known ability of women to endure pain is due to the fact that their sensibility to painful stimuli of all sorts is appreciably less than that of men. An important fact to be borne in mind is that abdominal pain is usually accompanied by spasm of the muscles overling the painful area, — the viscero-muscular reflex of Mackenzie. Especially is this true of the recti, which have the power of segmental contraction over the area of inflammation, and thus may strongly simulate tumors and swellings of various sorts. A striking instance of the protective action of pain is seen in the case of the various inflammations of the serous surfaces. Here, as Crile points out, the infections which are associated with pain are those in which the trouble may be made more widespread by muscular activity, hence the tendency toward localization of the inflammatory process which is encouraged by the fixation of the parts due to the muscular rigidity which always accompanies to a greater or less degree inflammations of serous surfaces. The absence of pain where it may be reasonably expected to be present or its sudden cessation in the course of certain diseases are frequently of the greatest diagnostic significance. Take, for instance, a tumor of the breast that has been discovered accidentally, without previous warning of its presence in the nature of uncomfortable sensations, is much more apt to be of a serious nature than one which has given rise to pain and discomfort. I am conscious always of a sense of relief when a woman who has presented herself with a tumor of the breast tells me that she has suffered great pain in it, as this usually means that it is benign. On the other hand, the history of the sudden cessation of pain in the course of an acute inflammation in the right side of the abdomen, for instance, may be of the gravest import, particular^ if not associated with a corresponding drop in the temperature, pulse rate, and leucocyte count. Under these circumstances it is an unfailing index of gangrene or rupture of the appendix, or of the sudden breaking down of the protective barriers between an abscess and the general peritoneal cavity, a catastrophy which, unfortunately, is not infrequently misunderstood and unrecognized by the uninitiated. As pointed out by Mayo in one of the previous Ether Day addresses, medicine owes a great debt to surgery. Recent accumulated observations upon the operating table have laid the foundation of a true pathology of the living, and have enabled us to recognize that there is a definite anatomical cause for many well-recognized groups of symptoms which had hitherto been regarded as functional in origin. Through the medium of surgical operations now performed with great frequency and safety, but which were formerly regarded as quite out of the question, we have been taught the true significance of many of the symptoms which hitherto have been universally misunderstood. Especially is this true with regard to the affections that have to do with the abdominal viscera, for here abdominal operations have added enormously to our knowledge of the significance of pain by demonstrating both its immediate and its contributing causes. But although the significance of certain painful sensations may be thus understood, their actual cause is in many instances as obscure as ever. The difficulty lies in trying to understand the origin of pathological sensations so long as the degree of sensibility of healthy or diseased organs to various stimuli remains largely unknown. Pain is probably the most generally present as well as the most trying of all symptoms, and therefore the most important as an aid to diagnosis and as a monitor in directing and fixing the attention of the patient to the fact that there is something wrong. To this extent it is distinctly beneficial. So it is, then, that pain is not always wholly harmful in its effects upon the individual or the race, and, as such, is a not unmixed evil, at times even a real blessing in disguise. are heeded. Incidentally pain is a good friend to the doctor as well. It, more than any other factor, brings him patients. For while other and sometimes even more significant symptoms may have existed unheeded for a long time, it is only a matter of a bad enough pain when every one is driven to seek relief at the hands of his doctor. Failing in this he now willingly, yes, eagerly, seeks the formerly dreaded surgeon. Indirectly pain may serve the patient a good turn through the medium of his doctor, for it is unquestionably true that the surgeon who has himself been operated upon as a result thereof is apt to display a more intelligent and sympathetic interest in his patient's comfort. In his hands unnecessarily rough manipulation of sensitive structures and too tight bandages are apt to be of infrequent occurrence. In these latter days when, owing to the predominating influence of certain individuals or schools of medicine, the trend of medical teaching has set so strongly toward therapeutic nihilism, one is apt to forget that the duty of the physician or surgeon does not end with the completion of an exhaustive and scientifically accurate physical examination and diagnosis, but that it is just as much a part of it to treat the ills, physical and mental, real or imaginary, of his patient. Indeed it not infrequently happens that the treatment of the case may require a far greater exercise of knowledge and of judgment than the diagnosis, which in many cases can be made in the laboratory without even seeing the patient. It is not my purpose to belittle in any way the value to the physician of diagnostic ability of the highest order, — far from it, — but I do wish to emphasize the necessity of paying greater attention to the complaints of the patient, especially to his history of pain, failure to relieve which, upon the part of the doctor, is so apt to be followed by a resort to the charlatan and the quack. Recognition of this fact, aided greatly by the untiring efforts of a member of the medical staff of this hospital, Richard Cabot, is slowly gaining headway. The profession — largely due, I am constrained to believe, to a misconception of its duty in this regard, to faulty teaching, and as a reaction against over- dosage and the blind administration of drugs — has neglected its duty in this respect. I shall never forget an incident that happened early in my professional career and which made a lasting impression upon me. An elderly physician, a type of the old school family physician, was ill with angina pectoris, from which he suffered paroxysms of intense pain. He was attended by the foremost physician of the city, a leader in his profession, a professor of medicine in the local school. Realizing the desperate and hopeless character of his malady, little had been done for the patient save careful nursing and rest in bed. I happened to be present upon the occasion of one of the attending physician's characteristic visits, a cheer}' greeting, a jolly, a glance at the chart, a momentary examination of the chest, a whispered conversation with the nurse, a skillful interruption of attempted statements or parrying of questions upon the part of the patient, a short adieu, and a rather hurried exit, which in this instance was delayed somewhat by a vehement outburst upon the part of the patient of righteous indignation that no apparent steps had been taken toward the relief of the intense pain from which he was suffering. Turning to me the patient exclaimed: " What's the use of having the best doctor in the city if he does nothing but make a diagnosis and give you a jolly? I am suffering agonizing pain and I want some relief. I had rather have a fifth-rate doctor who relieved my pain than the best doctor in the country who does nothing but make a diagnosis." It is only fair to add that this plea brought the desired relief in the shape of a p.r.n. order for a hypodermic of morphia. It must not be forgotten that the good effects of pain occur early in the course of the disease. Later, and the longer it is continued, the more injurious it becomes. This fact, should materially modify its treatment. In the beginning and until the diagnosis has been made, or at least until the possible causes of the pain have been as far as possible determined, the effect of the pain, by calling attention to the existence of trouble and helping to locate it, is distinctly beneficial. During this period anodynes and analgesics, except in extreme cases, should be withheld. But as soon as the pain has ceased longer to be of service, and by its continuance can only do harm by reducing the patient's resistance and exhausting his nervous energy, then it is that relief, adequate and complete, is urgently indicated. But just here is required the exercise of that sine qua non for the proper carrying out of all surgical procedures, namely, good judgment. It is essential to the successful treatment of any case where pain is a prominent feature to know when to withhold anodynes so as not to mask the clinical picture, and when to administer them. For upon the full recognition of this fact will not infrequently rest success or failure. Just here a word of warning and protest ought to be sounded against the practice which is far too prevalent, namely, the indiscriminate use of drugs of all sorts, either with or without the recommendation of a physician. My attention was directed to this only recently, when I was called to see a girl of thirteen who had been suffering greatly from recurrent attacks of headache, and for which her mother told me she had upon her own authority been giving the child for some time doses of gr. xx of aspirin three times daily, the ill effects of which were very apparent in her condition. Far too great risks are thus incurred of establishing the drug habit in susceptible individuals. The desired results may usually be obtained by the competent and conscientious surgeon, while at the same time safeguarding the best interests of the patient. The proper use of drugs directed toward the relief of pain may be productive of great good in materially lessening its ill effects, by robbing disease of its greatest terror, by rendering far less formidable surgical operations, and shortening convalescence through the conservation of physical and nervous energy. There are many agencies at our disposal in addition to drugs to be used for this purpose. Hilton early called attention to the great therapeutic value of physiological rest. The X-rays and radium are useful in relieving the pain of inoperable carcinoma. Crile with his anoci-association has made a distinct addition to our armamentarium. But among them all, and their name is legion, ether is easily the first, and, all things considered, has for general use no real rival. Fortunately the beneficent effect of ether is most felt in that large group of cases in which pain accomplishes no good purpose. The pain of a surgical operation can be of no possible advantage either to the patient or the surgeon. On the contrary, it greatly exhausts the nervous energy of the patient, lowers his resisting powers, and so delays convalescence, while it interferes very materially with the operations of the surgeon, not only physical, but mental. For no human being — and I have found surgeons as a class intensely human as well as humane — can do his best knowing that he is inflicting untold suffering upon his patient; and no patient, under the stimulus of such intense physical pain, can remain sufficiently quiet to permit the surgeon to do his work under satisfactory conditions. While in its immediate or its after effects it may not be an ideal anesthetic, nevertheless when properly administered, as it should always be by expert hands, either alone or when preceded by or in combination with other drugs, as practised in certain clinics, the good effects of ether are so pronounced and its ill effects so reduced to the minimum, while at the same time the risks are so infinitesimal as to make it altogether the greatest boon ever given to suffering humanity. No wonder, then, that the trustees of the Massachusetts General Hospital should have instituted the custom of meeting annually to commemorate the first public use of ether in the performance of a surgical operation in this hospital sixty-eight years ago. All honor to the great names of Morton and Warren, and to this noble institution, for their respective parts in that epoch-making event. COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY LIBRARIES This book is due on the date indicated below, or at the expiration of a definite period after the date of borrowing, as provided by the rules of the Library or by special arrangement with the Librarian in charge.	12,219	common-pile/pre_1929_books_filtered	significanceeffe00finn	public_library	public_library_1929_dolma-0016.json.gz:2280	https://archive.org/download/significanceeffe00finn/significanceeffe00finn_djvu.txt
D5KiQjgTUl0rBhqo	The Indian captive, or, A narrative of the captivity and sufferings of Zadock Steele related by himself ; to which is prefixed an account of the burning of Royalton.	The Institute has attempted to obtain the best original copy available for filming. Features uf this copy which may be bibliographically unique, which may alter any of the images In the reproduction, or which may significantly change the usual method of filming, are checked below. distortion le long de la marge intdrieure Blank leaves added during restoration may appear within the text. Whenever possible, these have been omitted from filming/ II se peut que certaines pages blanches ajoutdes lors d'une restauration apparaissent dans le texte, mais, lorsque cela 6tait possible, ces pages n'ont pas 6t6 filmdes. Commentaires suppldmentaires: L'Institut a microfil'nd le meilleur exemplaire qu'il lui a 6t6 possible de se procurer. 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Un des symboles suivants apparaitra sur la dernidre image de cheque microfiche, selon le cas: le symbole -^ signifie "A SUIVRE", le symbole V signifie "FIN". Maps, plates, charts, etc., may be filmed at different reduction ratios. Those too large to be entirely included in one exposure are filmed beginning in the upper left hand corner, left to right and top to bottom, as many frames as required. The following diagrams illustrate the method: Les cartes, planches, tableaux, etc., peuvent dtre filmds d des taux de reduction diffdrents. Lorsque le document est trop grand pour dtre reproduit en un seiil cischd, il est film6 A partir de Tangle sup6rieur gauche, de gauche d droite, et de haut en bas, en prenant le nombre d'images n6cessaire. Les diagrammes suivants illustrent la m^thode. BURNING OF ROYALTON. Hath thU been in your days, or even in the days of your fathers ? TtfA ye youi children of it, and let your children tcB their chiiireu and lUEiRchildr-n another generation. DISTRICT OF V EllMONT, To wit : (l. s.) Be it remembered , that on the twenty-fifth (lay of January, in the forty-second year of the Independence of the United States of America, HOlMCtl STEELE, of the said District, hath deposited in this office, the title of a B()oli\ tlie right whereof, he claims as Proprietor, in the words folloAving, to wit : •^Tlie Indian Ca])tive ; or a narrative of the captivity and sufterings of Zadock Steele, lieiated hy himself. To wliich is preiiv^'d, an account of the burning; of lloValton. Hath this been in your days, or even in the days of your fathers? Tell ye vour children of it, and let yonr children tell their children, and their chil dren, another generation.— Joel.'^ In conformity to tlie act of Congress of the United States, entitled, "An act for the encouragement cf learning, hy securing the copies tf Maps, Cliarts, and Books to the authors and j)roprietors of such copies^ tluring the times therein mentioned.'' ^ The Author of this worJc, neither seelcs^ nor expects praise. To preserve in memory the sufferini^s of our fathers^ is the principal ofjject of its piildication. As no particular account of the burning of Moyalton^ had ever before been jmblishedy it ivas thought adr visable that it should be prefixed to the '^ JSTarrative,^' which was about to be printed. The great confusion ivhich prevailed on tliat dreadful day: the long lapse of i'me since the event ; the disadvantages resulting from the frailty of human recollection^ andth^ ivriter^s inexperience, is the only apology h^ AS ail union of interest always strengthens ilie bonds ofaflection; so a participation in extreme suffering's will never fail to prodnca a mutual sensibility. Prompted by a i:;encrous glow of filial love and affection, we generally take delight in surveying whatever gav4 our forefathers joy; and are ready to drop =i sympathetic tear, when we revievv the s^itWiilugs whicij they have undergone. iJut, conIrary to the laws of sympathy, and justice, the attention of tbe public is often engrossed witli accounts of the more dreadfid conflagrations of populous cities in foreign countries, or the defeat of armies in the field of carnage ; while the destruction of small frontier settlements, by the Indian tribes, in our own country, is, at the same time, little known, if not entirely forgotten. Thus, tbe miseries of our neighbors and friends around us, whoac bitter cries have been heard in our stret\ts, arc tori soften suffered % pass unnoticed dovwti the current of time into the tomb of oblivion. ^ The burning of Royaltou was an event most inauspicious and distressh)^ to the jL'st settlers of that town. Noi' is it a little strung that, among the numerous auUiOFs, who hntf^ recorded tbe events of the Aw5^5'i^^i fevot^^ tion. Slime ©f them have not giyetl '^^^^ffi their works to a more full detail of !tliat l^il\|^i ih'p, scene. i ' sliips to which our infant settlements were generally subject ; and striving by persevering industry to soar above every obstacle, wbicli might present itself to obstruct tiieir progress; they had filled their barns witb the fruits f)f the land ; their store- houses were crowded with the comforts of life^ and all nature seemed to wear a propitious smile. All around them promised prosperity. They were far removed from the noise of war, and, though conscious of their danger, ftmdly hoped they should escape the ravages of a savage foe. Royalton was chartered in the year 1779A considerable settlement, however, had taken place previous to that time ; and the town v/as in a thriving condition. Large stocks of cattle, which would confer honor upon the enterprise of farmers in old countries, wer« here seen grazing in their fields. United by common interest ; living on terms of friendship, and manifesting that each one in a good degree " loved his neighbor as hii self,'^ harmony prevailed in their borders ; so cial happiness was spread around their firesides 5 and plenty crowned their labors. But, alas ! the dreadful reverse remains to be told ! While joys possessed, were turned to sorrows, their hopes for joys to come, were blasted. And as the former strongly marked the grievous coitrast between a state of prosperiand affliction ; the latter only showed the falI lacy of premising ourselves the fvitiire. ROYALTON. D. i780 — before the dawn ijft (Liy, the inhiibitants of thi; town were surprised hy the approach of about three hundred Indian, of various tribes. Tiiey were UmI [»y thu Caghiiewat:;a tribe, and had h\ft (!anada, intendin:^ t** tlestroy Newbury, a town in the eastern pait of Vermont, on Connecticut liiver. A liritish Lieutenant by the name of Uorton, was their chief commander, and one LeMott, a Frenchman, Avas Ids second. Tlieir pilot or leader, was a de.«picable vilhiin, by tlie name of Hamilton, who had been made prisoner, by the Americans at the taking of Bur^oyn, in 1777. He had been at Newbury and Royalton the preceding summer, on parole of honor, left the latter place with several others under pretence of going to survey land.^ in the northei'n part of this State, and went directly to the enemy. He was doubtless the flrsV instigator of those awful depredations which were the bitter fmits of this expedition, and ought to stam]^ his name with infamy Aud diigrace, -. On their way thither, ^tis said, they came across several men from Newbury, who were engaged m hunting,^ near the plrtce where Montpelier Village now stands, and made them prisoners. They made known their object to these hunters^ and enquired of them whether an armed force was stationed at Newbury. Knowing the defenceless^ state of that tow9, and hoping they sfaoald be able to indaee th^Iu^ans to relinquish tlieir object aiid rotiirn to C'aiiaila, tliey ioUl them tlial such an armiMl ^^arrisuii ^vas kept at Ncwhiiry, aa would render it extrtmely fhtii:^pr()iiH for thcin to approach. Thus nrtfully disseni!)liu2; by ambiguity of expresson, the true condition of their fellow townsmen, and liko Kahab the liarlot, saved their fathers house from destruction. Unwilling, however, that their cxpediiiou ^-hould prove wholly fruitless, they turned their course to Royalton. No arguments uhich the prisoners could adduce, were sufficient to persuade them from that determination. Following up Onion River as far as the mouth of Stevens' branch, wliich empties into ilie river at JVIoutpelier, they steered their course through Barre, at that time called AVildersburgh ; proceeded up Gaol branch, which fonns a part of Stevens' brancli, and travelled over the mountains, through Orange and Washington ; thence down the first branch of White River, through Chelsea^and Tunbridgc to Royalton. * They laid In their encampment at Tunbridgc, not far distant from Royalton, during the Sabbath, the jlay preceding their attack upon the latter piace, for* the purpose- of concerting measures, to carry into effect their atrocious and malignant designs. Here were matured those diaboiical seeds of depredation and cruelty, from which sprang bitterness, sorrow, and death ! appcaritl, darkness covered their appro ncli^ and tliey were not discovered till Monday niorninj;, at dawn of day, when they entered the house of Mr. John Hutchinson, who resided not far from the line, separating Royalton from Tiinbridge. He was totally ignorant of tkeli* approach, and wholly unsuspicious of danger, till they burst the door upon him. Here they took Mr. John Hutchinson, and Al)ijah Hutchinson his brother, prisoncjs, and plundered the house ; crossed the first branch, and went to the house of Mr. Robert Havens, who lived at a small distance from Mr. Hutchinson's. Mr. Havens had gone out into his pasture in pm^suit of his sheep ; and bavins: ascended a hill about forty rods from his house, hearing his neighbor Hutchinson's dog bark, halted, and sLood in pensive silence. Here he listened-^with deep anxiety to know the extent of the evil he feared. But alas ! he little expected to find a herd of savage men. JEt was his oaly fear that some voracious animal WLs among his sheep, which so disturbed the watchful dog. While he listened in silence, with his thoughts suspended, he heard a noise, as of sheep or cattle running, wifh full speed, through the water. Casting his eye to the west, towards his own dwelling, he beheld a company of Indians, just entmng the door ! Seeing his own danger, he immedifitely laid down under a log, and hid himself from their ^ht But he could not hide sorrow from his ., BURNING mind. Here he wept ! With groanings unutterable he lay awliile ; heard the piercing shrieks of his bcioved wife, and saw his sons escaping for their lives. , ^ Laden with the weight of years, decripeil and infirm, he was sensible if he appeared in eight, it would prove his death. He therefore resolved not to move until a favorable opportunity presented. His son, Daniel Havens, and Thomas Pember, were in the house, and made their appearance at the door, a little before the Indians came up. Beholding the foe but few rods distant, they run for their lives, Oauiel Havens made his escape by throwing himself over a hedge fence, down the bank of the branch, and crawling under a log ; although a large number of the Indians passed directly over it, in pursuit c^f him. Who ctci tell the fears that agitated his bosom, while these savage pursuers, stepped upon the log under which he lay ! And wl o can tell ^^ joys he fcltj when lie saw tlicm pass off, leaving him in safety ! A quick transition from painful fear, and iminent danger, to joyful peace and calm retirement. They pursued Thomas Pember, till they came so near as to throw a spear at him, which pierced his body, and put an end to his existence. He run some time, however, after he was wounded, till by loss of blood, he fainted, fell, and was unable to proceed farther. While they were tearing his scalp from his head, how did his dying groans pierce the skies and call on Him, v/ho holds the scales of justice, to mark their crueliy, and avenge his blood ! He hud spent the night previous, at th« house of Mr. Havens, engaged in amorous conversation with a daughter of Mr. Havens, who was his choice compajion, the intended partner of his lifo. Hang on h'n parJing loul to think I is love ExposM to v^ild oppre«isioD and a hvrd Or savai^e men :" while himself by With hi* eyes uplif(«fd. fainiing, dooiu'd To vtait, ttiid iVel the fatal blow. t. cd with fear, wnA stung with grief, bereft of! her dearest friend. Hear her exclaimin$;i with sorrowful actents, in the language of the Poet: • You sacred mourners of a nobler mould, Born for a i'riend whose dear embraces hold Beyond all nature^s tieg ; you tbat bare known Twe happy souls made intimately one, And felt the parting stroke ; 'tis you must feel The smart) the twinges, and the racks, 1 feel ; This fonl of mine, that dreadful wound has borne Otf from its side its dearest half is torn. The rest lies bleeding, and but lives to mourn They made the house of Mr. Havens theirj rallying point, or post of observation, and stationed a part of thieir company there to guard] their baggage, and make preparations for retreat, when they had completed their work o^ destruction. Like tlie messenger of death, silent and merciless, they were scarcely seer till felt. Or if seen, filled the mind with terror, nor often aiforded opportunity for escape] Moving with violent steps, they proceeded down the first branch to its mouth, while number armed with spears, led the van, and] were followed by others, armed with musket«\| and scalping knives. The former they callec rmmerSf who were directed to kill all thos who should be overtaken in an attempt to e( cape, while the latter were denominated^? Tiers, took charge of the prisoners; and scf «d those who were killed. a They had not proceeclcd far before a yoiini man by he name of Elias Button, being ignorant of their approach, made liis appearance in tlie road, but a few rods from them. Espying his danger, he turned and ran with the greatest possible speed in his pow er, to escape their cruel hands. Young, vigorous, and healthy, and blest w ith the brightest hopes of long life, and good days ; he was overtaken by the merciless stroke of death, without having a minutes warning. Innocence and bravery were no shield, nor did activity secure him a safe retreat. That they might be enabled to fall upon the inhabitants, unaw ares, and thereby secure a gieater number of prisoners, as w ell as procure a gi'eater quantity of plunder, they kept profound silence till they had arrived at the mouth of the branch. After killing Pember and Button, and taking such plunder as most pleased their fancy, they proceeded to the house of Joseph Knecland, who resided about half a mile distant from the house of Mr. Havens. Here they found Messrs. Simeon Belknap, Giles Gibbs, and Jonathan Brown, together with Joseph Knee" land and his aged father, all of whom they , tnade prisoners. Tl cy ^"^n ver.t fe tfie liOTipe of Mr. Elias Curtis, where they took Mr. Curtis, Johu Keut and Peter Masou. Mr^. Curtis had just waked from theshinihcrs of the nighty and was about dressing herself as she sat upon her bed, when the savage monsters entered the door, and one of them instantly flew at her with a large knife in his hand, and sci/.ed her by the neck, apparently intending to cut her throat While in the very attitude of mflrcting tlie fatal wound, the min-derous wretch discovered a string of gold beads around her neck, which attracted his attention ^nd prevented the dreadful stroke of death. ^IThiW his avidity for gold allayed his thirst for luiman blood. Ilis raging passions were suddenly cooled; curiosity restrained his vengeance, and spared tlie life of the frightened ol)j'ct of his cruelty. He had put the knife Lo licr throat, and eternity seemed open to her view, but instead of taking her life, he only took her beads, and left her rejoicing at her d el iverance. Th e barbarous looks of the w icked cTew bespoke their malignant designs, and caused horror and dismay to till the minds of all who beheld them. But alas ! who can tell what horror thrilled the bosom of this tremblhig woman! What feaiful pangs were made to pierce her soul ! Behold the tawny wretch, v»ith countenance wild, and a^vful grimaces, standing by her bed-side, holding her ])y the tliroat, with one hand, and the weapon of death ^ in the other! See, standing around her a crowd of brutal savages, Uie sons of violence ; foul tormentors. In vain do 1 attempt to paint the scene. Nor Avill I pretend to describe the feelings of a kind and tender mother, who, reposing in the arms of sleep, with her inftint at her bosom, is roused from lier slumbers by the approach of a tribe of savage Indians, at her bed-side. '• No Uaiisji^is seen ; no ft?ar to raise a si2;!i ; No dani;ers fearM ; and yet was ruin ni^li. Dark was the riij^lil, atid scarce a tremblint breze Was lieard lo wliisper thro' the neia;hbari»j«; tree:, When to sleep's arms the hoiis?Lohl was wiihdra\^n, To rest in safety till the morrow's dawn ; The morrow dawns and blushes at the >-i,2;ht Of bloody icene«, that shun '^electing light; Urg'd by a oameless thirst for human j^rey. A savage band appioaeh'd where beauty lay ; Where ion •ceMce, and youtli, and a^e recUu'd In sleep, refreshisisf as the soiiihern wind. To prevent an alarm from being sounded abroad, they commanded the ]nispners to keep 8ilei ce, on pain of death. A^rile^ tbe afflicted inhabitants beheld their propciato^ wa^i^^ and their lives exposed to tlie arrmvS of fleath* it caused their hearts to swell with giief. But they were debarred the privilege of making known their suflering<? to their nearest friends, or even to pour out their ciies of distress^ while surrounded by the savage band^ whose malevolent appearance could not fail to spread fear and distress in every bosom. They plundered eveyy house they found till they arrived at the mouth of the branch. Here the commander, a British officer, took his stand with a small party cf Indians, while some went up, and others down, on each side cf the river, to complete the work of destruction. They had already taken several horses^ wliich some of them rode, to facilitate their march and enable them to overtake those who attempted to make their escape. Frightened at the horrible appearance of their riders, who were in no way qualified to manage them, the horses served rather to impede, than hasten their progress. Instigated by " the powers of darkncs ;'^ fired with rage; eager to obtain that booty which they acquired by the pillage of houses ; and fearful at the same time, that they should themselves fall a prey to the American forces, they pursued their ravages with infuriated zeal, and violence and horror attended their movement. Elias Stevens, wlio resided in the first house on the river above the mouth cf the branch, had gone down the river about two miles, and was engaged at work with his oxen andca\-t. While busily employed in h)ading his cart, casting his eye up the river, he beheld a man approaching, bare-headed, with his horse upon the run ; who, seeing Gen. Stevens, cried out " for God's sake, turn out your oxen, for the Indians are at the mill/'* Gen. Stc^ ens hastened to unyoke hi* oxen, turned tlicr.i out, and immediately mounted his horse, aud started tu return to his family, filled with fearful apprehensions for the fate of his beloved w ife, and tender oflspring ! He hHd left them in apparent safety, reposing in t!i3 arms of sleep. Having proceecled on his return, about half way home, he met Capt. Joseph I'arkhurst, M'ho informed him tliat the Indians were but a few rods distant, in swift pursuit down ilit river, and that unless he returned immediatelv he would inevitably fall into their hands. Apprized of his danger, he turned, and,^\|ipcom panied the Captain down thei^uer. Cijnjugal andpaterntal affection alone cail: surest u> the immagination of the reader, /W\|i^< were the feelings of Grtn. Stevens, when comi^lfed foi his own safety, to leave the wife of^f^ btr^om^ and their little ones, to the merc^i^pitavagc foe! Whjit pains dill he feel when he found himself deprived of all possible means to aflbrd them relief ! Nor could he expect a more favorable event, than to find them all sacrificed at the shrine of savage barbarity ! Who, not totally devoid of sympathy, can refrain to drop a tear, as he reflects upon those painful emotions, which agitated the General's breast, when he was forced to turn his back 4)on his beloved family, while thus exposed to danger ! Indeed, it was his only source of consolation, that he might be able to aflbrd assistance to liis defenceless neighbors. And as they soon came to the house of Deacon Daniel Rix, he there found opportunity to lend the hand of pity. Gen. Stevens took Mrs. Rix and two or three children with him upon his horse ; Capt. Parkhur t took Mrs. Benton, and several children upon his horse with him, and they all rodaoffas fast as possible, accompanied by Deacon Ilix and several others on foot, till they arrived at the place where tlie General first received the alarm. Filled with anxiety for his family, and not having seen any Indians, Gen. Stevens, here concluded again to return, liopii)g he fehould be able to reach home in time to secure his household from danger, before the Indians arriv^. Leaving Mrs. Rix and children in the care of a Mr. BuiToughs, he started forl\|jdm0 aftd had proceeded about half a mile, wten iie discovered the Indians ill the road aheafl of him, but ft few rods dis- iaiiL He quickly tiirnod about ; hastened liis retreat ; soon overtook the rompany he !iad left^ and entreated them imnu diately to leave the road and take to the ^voods to prevent being taken. TJiose who were on foot jumped over the fence, hastened to tlie woods, out of sight of the Indians, where tliey remained in safety, undiscovere'd by the savage foe, who kept the road in pursuit of General Stevens. Repassed down the road about half a mile, and came to the house of Mr. Tilly Parkhust, his fathr er in law. — They were now in plain sight, not more than eighty or an hundred rods oJQT. — The General rode to the house, told them to nm for their lives, and proceeded to warn others who lived contiguous. By this time the way was filled with men, women and children, and a large body of Indians in opetttv^iew, but just behind them. The savage trib«^ now began to make the surrounding wild^nasS reecho with their frightful yells. Frigj^ned and alarmed for their safety, cliildren ciaj^ii^ their parents, and half distracted moth ed with fearful apprehensions of appr* destruction, were heard to make the air jre with their cries of distress ! Gen Sterens^'J^ileavored to get them into the wopds^ quI si2;lit of tlie Indians. Fear had usui^ed the poMcr of reason, and wiwdom'H voice was di'Dwned in ihe torrent of distraction. There was no lime for argument. All was at stake. "^ The enemy hard by, and fast approacliing. — Defenceless mothers, with helpless iiif mts in their arms, fleeing for their lives ! Des])air was spread hefMie them, while' the roarin;:; •flood ( f destruction, seemed rolling behind them ! Few could be persuaded to go into tlie Moods, and most of them kept the road till thejffarrived at the house of Capt. E. Parkhui'st, in Sharon. Here they halted a moment to take breath, hoping they should not be pursued any farther. Tlie Indians being taken up in plundering the houses, had now fallen considerably in the rear. But the unhappy victims of distress, had not long been here, when the cruel pursuers again appeared in sight. Screaming and crying, now witnessed the horrors of that dreaxlful scene. Groans and tears bespoke the feelings of a heart agitated witli fear, and swollen with grief! There was no time to be lost. While they waited, they waited for desti^ction^ Childien hangin^Jto their mother^s clothes ; mothers enquir>3ng wliat they should do, and calling for assistance ; floods of tears, and piercing shrieks, all presented to view a most painful scene. — Seeing the Indians appraoching with hedious y^lls, that thrilled tiie heart cf every one, 'Gen. Stevengr jjui his mother and his sister upon his own horse ; Capt. Josepli Parkhurst put Mrs. Rix and three of her children upon another horse, without a bridle, and ordered them to hasten their flight. There yet remained the wife of Capt. E. Parkhurst, who stood in the most critical situation, in which a woman can be placed ; begging and crying for help ; suiTounded by six small children, clinging to her clothes, and pleading with her for protection ; Alas ! how awful was the spectacle, how affecting the scene ! To see a woman in this deplorable condition, pleading for succour, when none could help ; when safety and sup-, port had fled ; and dangers rushing upon lier ! a heart not devoid of sympathy, could not fail to weep ! Conscious of her wretched situation ; feeling for her dear children ; being told there w as no probability for her escape ; gathering her little ones around her she wept in bitterness of soul ; tears of pity ran down her cheeks, while she waited the approach of the savage tribe to inflict upon her, whatever malice could invent, or inhumanity devise ! Her husband, to whom she fain would have looked for protection, was gone from home^ wlien all her woes fell upon her ! Well i&ight she say, ^^ Therefore are my loins filled Wi^h pain ; pangs have taken hold upon me^ as^ l^c pangs of a woman that travaileth,^' ^5W heart panted, fearfulness affrighted me;>\|\|io ftight of my pleasure hath he turned into Wai uutu mc.'^ Wlxile Mrs. Pavklmist saw hii friends and nei4>;Iil)orH fleeini; from her ; and beheld the Indians nppnmrliini^ with impeiu«UH Htep; her bosom throbed with ans^iiish ; lioiTor seized her soul ; and death ! imniediate death, both to her and iirr children, '' stood thick around her/^ threatening to thrust liis dagger into lier aching heart. There was no <ime to decide on the priority (»f claims to pity, or the demands of justice. Those who were nearest at hand iirst received assistance ; not however, without regard to that affection which arises from consanguinity or matiimonial connexion. And these relations not only unite the hearts, but connect the hands in scenes of distress. At the time Gen. Stevens put his mother and his sister upon his horse, the Indians were not eight rods fiom him. They, in company with Mrs. Rix and her children, rode off as fast as possible. The General followed with several others on foot. Part of the Indians pursued them, while others entered the house, and plundered it of its furniture. They took her eldest sou fiom her, then ordered her, with the rest of her children, to leave the house. She accordingly repaired into the fields back of the house, witli five of her children, and remained in safety ti»l they had left, the place. Soon after Gen. Stevens started, his dog came in his way, and caused him to stumble and fill \ which so retarded his progress that he was obliged to flco to the woods for safety, leaviag the women mkI rliildrcii to mate tlie best of their retreat. The Indi.ins \|inrsue<l down tli?e road aftVT them, with fiiii;hlfiil yells, and schmi overtook those who were on r.»ot. They took (lardner Hix, «on of Deacon Jlix,ahoy about nmrtecn years oh', just at the heels of liis mother's horse ; wliile sb.c was compelled to witness the painful sii-ht. Alas! what distress nnd horror filled iici* bosom, when she, with three of lier children, no levs dear than herself, fleeing f'oiii the sava$j;e foe, mounted jnpon a horse, snorting with fear, ]javinf:;notliini; but a pocket handkerchief in his mouth fur a bridle, saw he^' wearied sou, f vint for want \|of breatli, fall ariptive to this bar1)arous crew ! iCruel fate! Tlie trembling; youth, overwhelmed witii fear, R«d bathed in tears, was now torn fi'om his tender paiTuts, aiuliiompelled to [roam ilie Avilderr^ess to unknown rei^iims l> Nor was the disconsolate mother, with her other little ones, left in a much* more safe condition. "Oh! irifiiiito distress ! gncli raQ;inaffifri«'f Should command pitj and dtspwir relirf, Passion, methiukH. should ris» from all m.V jjroans, Give sense lo rock«, uiid sympathy to siones.' The Indians pursued tlie womea and children as fiar as the house tf Mr. Benedict, the distance of about a mile. They eflected their escape, though surrounded with dangers, and pursued with impetuous and clamorous steps. Here they discovered Mr. Benedict on the opposite side of a stream called broad-brook, which ran near the house. They beckoned to have him come over to them. Choosing, however, not to hazard the consequences of yielding obedience to their request ; he turned and ran a short distance and hid himself under a log. He had not long been in this situation^ when these blood-thirsty wretches, came, and I stood upon the same log, and were heard by him to exclaim in angry tone, ^' if they couldj find him* he should feel the tomahawk.^' After standing upon the log come time, and! endeavoring to espy the concealed, trembling] object of their pursuit ; they lef: him and re tu\|lied to the hcuse. How mustj his lK»irt have glowed w ith gratitude toward?] the '^ Great Preserver of men;i'' at this unexpected deliverance from the most ijnineiii\| danger. mih sorrow^ as the fell destroyers were still at his houscj committiiJii; ravages and wastiiij; liis property, lint no man can be supposed to put his property in competition av ith his life. The Indians pursued down the river about forty rods farther^ where they made a youns; man, by the name of Avery, prisoner, and then concluded to return. While they Aveie at the house of Tilly Parkhurst, aforementioned, which was about six miles from the place they entered Royalton, his son, Phineas Parkhurst, who had l)een to alarm the people on the east side of the river, just as lie entered the stream on his return, (liscovered the Indians at his father's door. Finding himself in danger, he immediately turned to go back, and the Indians just at this time happened to see him, and fired upon liim. This was the fii-st gun they fir^J after they entered the town. The ball entered his l)ack, went through his body, came out under Ills ri])s. and lodi::ed in the skin. Notwithstanding the Wunnd, he was, however, able to ride, and conthiued Ms retreat to Lebanon, in the State of New-Hampshire, the dktancc of about sixteen miles, with ve^y little i^p, su])porting t)ie ball between M» fitigers. Me now resides in that town, and sus^\|i^?tte characte" of a useful physician, and^^^flb^astriojs, indepedent ftirmer. ^^^^ ravages as far as the house of Capt. Gilbert, m Sharon^ where a public house is now kept, by Capt. Dana. Here they took a nepliew ot Captain Gilbert^ by the name of Nathaniel Gilbert, a boy about fifteen years of age. — They now resolved to return, and commenced that waste of property, which tracked their progress. ' As they retraced their steps, they set fire to all tlie buildings they found, of every description. They spread desolation and distress wherever they went. Houses fill ed with furniture, and family supplies for the winter ; barns stored with tlie fruits of industry, and fields stocked with herds of cattle, were all laid waste. They shot and killed fourteen fat oxen in one yard ; which, in consequence cf the inhabitant being dispersed, were wholly lost. Cows, sheep, and hogs; and indeed every creature designed fey the God of nature, to su])ply tlie wants cf man, which came within their sight, fell a prey to these dreadful fepoilers. Parents torn from their children ; husbands separated from their wives ; and children siiatched from their parfints, presentee? to view an indiscribable scene of wretchedness and distress. Some were driven from their once peaceful habitations, in to the adjacent wilderness for sjif^ity ; there to wait the destruction of their propeHy ; stung with the painful reflection that theil" fi?icnds, perhaps n kind father, and affectionate brother, were made captives, and compelled to tranf ! with a tawny herd of savage men, into the w ild regions of the north ; to be delivered into the hands of enemies, and undergo the fatigues land dangers of a wretched captivity: Or what I was scarcely more to be deplored, learn with pain that they liad fallen the unhappy victims, to the relentless fury of the savage tribe, and were weltering in their gore, where there was no eye to pity, or friendly hand to admiuisIter relief! The third paiiy of Indians, who went up the river, first came to the house of Gen. Stevens. Daniel Havens, whose escape I have mentioned, went directly there, and warded the f am ily cf their danger. Trembling with fearj he only stepped into the house, told them that " the Indians were as thick as the D — ^1 at their Ihouse,'^ and turned and went directly oat^ [leaving the family to secure their own retreat Mrs. Stevens and the family were in bed, excepting her husband, m ho, as before stated, had gone down the river, about two miles ^'•om home. She immediately arose from her bed, flung some loose clothes over her ; took up. her child, and had scarcely got to the fire, when u large body of Indians rushed in at the door* They immediately ransacked the Kouse in [search of men ; and then took the beds and 'bedding, carried them out of doors, cut oj^en the bed- ticks, and threw the feathers into %e liiv Tliis made them sport enough. Nc^JJIi 012S rend net. Mrs. Stevens entreated them to let her have some (lothes for herself and chihl ; but her entreaties were in yain. Tiiey were deaf to the calls (if the needy ; and disre:;arded the demands (if justia. Her cries reached their ears, but nothing could excite one single glow of sympathy. Her destitute and sulfering condition ^vas plain before their eyes, but they were blind to objects of compassion Alas!'\| -- what bitterness of soul ; what anguish ; what Jieart rending pangs of fear, distressed her tender bosom ! Surrounded by these pitiless, terriffic monsters in human shape, with lier little ofl"spring in her arms, whose piercing shrieks and tender age called for compassion ; exposed to the raging fire of savage jealousy, unquenchable by a mother's tears ; anxious f jr the safety, and mourning the absence of her bosom friend, the husband of lier youth ; it is beyond the powers of imagination to conceive, or language to express the sorrows of her heart 1 Ai\|jrfjpf moment securely reposing in the arms W^Bep, with her darling infant at her breast ; tte next, amid a savage crew, whose wicked ^^TOtids were employed in sprei^ding desolation and mischief ; whose mortal rage, exposed her to the arrows of death ! After plundering the house, they told Mrs. Steveu«, to ^^ begone or they would burn/' She had been afraid to make any attempt to escape ; but now gladly embraced the opportunity.— She hastened into tlie adjacent wilderness carrying her child^ where she taWied till the Indiiui^s had left tUe toAvn. - NOYES. A boy })y the name of Daniel Waller, about fourteen years old, who lived with Gen. Stevens, hearing the alarm given by Mr. Havens, set out immediately to go to the General, and give him the information. He had proceeded about half a mihi, when lie met the Indians, was takeia pri.^oner, and carried to Canada. They left the house and barn of General Stevens in flames, ami proceeded up the river as far as Mr. Uurkee's, where they took two of his boys prisoners^ Adan and Andrew, and carried the former to Canada, who died there in prison. ^ Seeing a smoke arise abo,ve the trees in the woods adjacent, the hostile luv4,(lfr« diLfecied tiieir course to the sggt, wfeej^, they id a young man by tiie* name of \Priace Haskell, busily engaeied in chopping for the commencement of 41 settlement. Haskell heard a rustling among i\\.\ leaves behind him, and turning around beheld two Indians, but a few feet from liim. One stood with his gun pointed directly at him, and the other in the attitude of throwing a tomaliawk. Finding lie had no chance to escape, he delivered himself up as a prisoner, and was also carried to Canada. He returned in about one year, after enduring the most extreme sufferings, in his wanderings through {\\Q wilderness, on his way homo. A Mr. Chafee, who lived at the house of Mr. Hendee, started eaily in the morning to go to the house of Mr. Elias Curtis to get his horse shod. On liis way he saw Mr. John Kent ahead of him, who was upon the same business. Wishing to put in his claim before Mr. Chafc^.e, he rode very fast, and arrived at the house first. He had scarcely dismounted fi'ora his horse, when the Indians came out of the liouse, took him by tlie hair of his head, and pulled him over backwards. Seeing this, Mr. Chafee immediately dismounted, jumped behind thg^op, hastened away, keeping such a directiorf as would csiuse the shop to hide his retreat. Thus he kept out (f sight of tlie Indians, effected his escape, and returned to' the house if M;\ ilcndee. On receiving tho alarm given ])y Mr. Chafee, Mr. Hendee directed his Aviie to take her little boy about seven years old, tand her little daughter, who was still younger, and hasten to one of their, neighhors for safety, while he should go to Iktiiel, tlic town west of Royalton, and give the alarm at the fort. Mrs. Hendee, had not proceeded far, when slie was raet by several Indians upon the rnn, wlio took her little l)oy from her. Feeling anxious for tiie f ite of her child, she enquired what they were going to-do with him. This leads me to notice one instance of female heroism, blended with benevolence, displayed by Mrs. Ilcndee, whose name deserves ever lu be held in remembrance by ev^ cry friend of liumanity. She was noAV separated from her husband, and placed in the midst of a savage crew, who w ere committing the most horrid depredations, and destroying every kind of property that fell within their grasp. Defenceless, and exposed to the shafts of envy, or the rage of a company of despicable tories and brutal savages, the aiHicted mother, rol)hed of her only son, 'proceeded down the river, with her tender little daugliter hanging to her clothes, jcreaming with fear, pleading with her moth er to keep away the Indian* ! Irt tliis condition, posscssini!; nncornmon resolution, and ^Tcat presence of mind^ she determined a^-iiin to e;et possession of her son. As she passed down the ri>er^ she met several tories who Mere willi the Indians, of whom she continued to inquire what they intended to do witii the children they had taken, and received an answer that they should kill them. Still determined not to part with her son, she passed on, and soon discovered a large body of Indians, stationed on the opposite side of the river. Wishing to find the commanding officer, and supposing him to be there, she set out cross the river, and fust as she arrived at the bank, an old Indian si:eppe€l ashore. He could not talk English, but requested by signs to know^ where she was going. She siguititid that she was going to cross, when he, suj)posing she intended to deliver herself up to tlieni as a prisoner, kindly oifered to carry liev and her child across on his back ; but she refased to be carried. — He then insisted upon carrying her child, to which she consented. The little girl cried, and said, '^ she did^it want to ride the old Indian.'' She was h. wever persuaded to ride the old Indian, and they all set out to ford the river. Having proceeded about half way across, they came to deeper and swifter water, and the old Indian, patting the mother upon the shoulder, gave her to understand that if she would tarry upon a rock near them; which was vM cov(Me(l witli Wilder, till lio bad cnrried hor ( liilil over, he v/oulil return and carry her also. She tlieiof)rc stopped, and sat upon the iogU till he had trlrrl^Ml her daughter and set ife upon the opposite shore; when he returned and took her upon his hack, lugi^ed her over, and safely landed iver witii her cliild. Hupported hy a consciousness (;f tl c justice of her cause, braving every dani^er and hazarding the most drcadfal consequences, not excepting her own life and that of her children, she now sat out to accomplish her ol)ject. Slie hastened to tiie Commanding Officer, and l)Oldly inquired of him what he intended to do with her child. He told her that it was contpary to orders to injure women or cliildren.— ^^ Sucii boys as should be taken, he said, would be trained for soldiers, and w^ould not be hiu't.'^ You know said she, in reply, that these little ones cannot endure the fatii^ues of a march through tlie vast extent of wilderness, which you are calculating to pass. And when their trembling limbs shall fail to support their feeble bodies, and they can no longer go, the tomahawk and tlie scalping knife will be the onfy relief you will afford them ! Insteatl of' falling into a mother's arms, aud receiving a mother's tender care, you will yield thcfti into the arms of death, and earth m;ust Be Iheir [>illow, where the howling wilderness shall be shelter — trulv a shelter, from a moth- bcnsls, nor a parentis giicf. And give mc leave to tell you, added she, were you possessed of a parent's love — could you feel the anguish of a mother's heart, at the loss ^f her ^* first bom," her darling son, torn from her bosom, by tlie wicked hands of savage men, no entreaties would be required to obtain the release of my dear child! Ilorton replied that the Indians were an ungovernable race, and would not be persuaded to give up any thing they should see fit to take. You are their commander, continued she, and they must and will obey you. The curse will fall upon you, for whatever crime they may commit, and all the innocent blood they shall here shed, will be found in your skirts " when the secrets of men's hearts shall be made known 5" and it will then cry for vengeance on your head ! Melted into tears at this generoiis display of maternal affection, the infamous destroyer felt a relenting in his bosom, bowed his head under the weight of this powerful eloquence and simple boldness of the brave heroine : and assured her that he would deliver her child up, w hen the Indians arrived w ith him. Tlie party who took him had not yet returned. V/hen he arrived, Hoi'ton, w ith much difficulty, prevailed on the Indians to deliver him up. iJ'ter slie had gained possession of him, she set out, l:iadin5 him and her little fi;irl, by the haad^ and hastened away witli speed, while the min^\ed sensations of fear, joy and ^^'atitude, lillcd her bosom. She had not ,£;one more than ten rods, when Ilorton followed, and told her to ^0 back, and stay till the scoulinc; parties had returned, lest they should au;ain take her boy from lier. She accovdin2;ly returned and tarried with the Indians till tliey all arrived and started for (anft<la. While slie was there, several (,f her neii^hbor's ci/ildren, about the same ajrc of her own, were brousrlit there as captives. Posstssin:^- benevolence equal to her cuunia;e, she now made plIi f ^r the in, and, by her v,arm and aftectionate ei!ireati?s. succeeded in procuring their releare. While she waited for their departure, sittin;^ v]wn a pile cf bo<irds, Mith the little objects of charity around her, holdin^ fast to her clothes, Avith tiietr clieeks wet with tears, an old Indian came and t(mk her son by the hand R>nd endeavored to i^et him away. This excited the rage, of the barbarous crew, so much as to endanger her own, and the life of the children around her, and compelled her to j4eld him into hisr hands. She again made^ known hei* giievances to Horton, when, after considerable altercittion with the Indians, he obtained ber son and delivered him to her ^ jsiecoiul tiinp ; tlioui:;h \ur mi^iit he said to <• tVi^i \| not Ood, iioi* itjl; ird niiin.'' Thus, liko thr iin\|)(H'tiinato widow uho •* tmnhled tlie u!iju«i\| iiidire,' this vonnu; woinnir'^-. ohtiiiried tho, itloMse of ni!i(' small hoy\ tVoiiia wieUhed cap tivity, which don!)th^ss would luive provrdi thrir doath I Hlic led evj;ht of tiicm away^ to f^elher with her danii;hter, all hauging to hcij own clt)thes, and to each othti, mutually rtjoiidng at their deliverance. The other, whosel name w.js Andrew Duikie, whom the Indians liad carried to tht' house cf Mr. Havens, wr.sl there released accoidinu; to the ai!;reement ofl llorton with Mrs. llendee, and scut hack, m\ account of his himencss* Eeine: told t!iat the a;reat bone in his lesrhMl! been taken out, iji con^ieciuence of a fever .soi'(\ an old Indian examined it, and (tied out "' m boon/ eVo ^'0 J' and "Mvinij: him a blanket anil a hatchet, sent him back Mrs. Ilendee carried tw o of the children a! cross the river on her back, one at a time, anill the others waded throus;ii the water, with theiij arms around each other's neck. After cross] were Mi<4iacl Iloiulce, Roswcll Parkhurst, son of Capt. Elieiiezer ParkliursU Andrew and Sheldon Durkee, Joseph Rix, Rufus and Fish, Niitlianiel Evans, and Daniel Downer. The latter ret eived such an affright from the horrid crew, tliat he was ever afterwards unahle to take care of himself, wholly unfit for husiness : and lived for many years, w andering from place to place, a solemn, tho* silent witness of the distress and horror of that dreadful scene. Mrs. Hendce, now (1818) lives in Sharon, where the autlior visited her, and received the foregoing statement of this noble exploit from her own month. It is also corroborated by several gentlemen now living, who were eyewitnesses. She has buried her first, and second husband ; and now lives a widow, by the name of Moshier. Her daj's are alniovi goiie. ,May her declining years be crowned w ith the reward due to her youthful deeds of benevolence. She has faced the most aw ful dangers for the good of mankind, and rescued many from the jaws of death ! jrcy which has protected her through such \|\|1. of danger, may she devote her life to "^l^ice of the Mighty Ood, and, ft last, id a happy seat at the right hand of Blm^ ^ who gave himself a rausom for all.'^ And thus let the children, who are indebted to lier bravery urid benevolence, for theirlives, ^' iis« up and call her blessed.^' Gratkude forbids their silence. For, to materiml aflection and female heroism alone, under God, they owe their deliverance fiom savage cruelty. The boldest hero of the other sex, could never htive effected what she accomplished. His approach tc the savage tribe to intercede in behalf of those defenoiiess children, most surely would have brought upon himself a long and wretched captiviy. and perhaps even death it:elf! The Indians having accomplished their nefariotis designs, returned to the house cf Mr. Havens^ wUh their piisoner>2, and tlie plunder of houses whicli they had devoted to dcstmction^ Here was the place where they had commenced their ravages. The old man, as before observed, havij-j^ concealed himself under a h>g, at the time he espied tlie Indians in j the morning, while hunting for ]iis sheep, still remained in sorro^\lal silence undiscovered. — He had considered it unsafe to move, as a parity 01 the crew had coi^tinued there during the dav, and had twice come and stood uplto the log, under wliich he lay, without Jli^inj After collecting the ir plunder toj distributing it among them, tliff,y li^use and barn of Mr. HaA^n%^' a3^ for Canada. It w.'^s now about fe th«j- sfternoon. 13bey earned life who died in camp at Montreal. Twenty one dwelling houses, and sixteen good new barns, well filled with hay and grain, the hard earnings of industrious young farmers, were here laid in ashes, by the impioua crew. They killed about one hundred and fifty head of neat cattle, and all the sheep and sw ine they found. Hogs, iii their pens, and cattle tied in their st^s, were burnt aliye. They de3troyed all We household furniture, except what they carried with them. They burnt the house of Mr. John Hutchinson, and giving his wife a hatchet, a,nd a flint, together with a quarter of mutton, told her to ^^ go and cook for her men.'^ This, they said to aggravate her feel^ ings, and remind her of her forlorn condition. Women and children w ere left entirely destitute of food, and every kind of article n^cea^ary for the comforts of life ; almost na^ k^dj ilnd without a shelter. Wandering from place to place, they beheld their cattle roiling m ihw blood, groaning in the agonies of c^eatht'and saw their hou 3s laid in ruins. — ])i3cD^n$oIa\|e mothers bnd w^inhs^^cS^han^i. Avhidi were howcvev of little use to them, but rather served to hinder their progress. Their baggage was composed of almost every article commonly found among farmers ; such as axes, and hoes, pots, kettles, shovels and tongs, sickles, scythes, and chains ; old side saddles, and bed-ticks emptied of their feathers, warming pans, plates and looking-glasses, and indeed nearly all kitids of articles, necessary for the various avocations of life. On their return, they crossed the hills, in Tunbridge, lying west of fir^ branch, and proceeded to Randolph, where the{e?encampcd for the first night, near the second branch, a distance of about tan miles. Tliey had, however, previously dispatched old Mr. Kneeland, a prisoner whom they considered would be oi the least service to them, with letters to the militia, stating that, ^^ if they were not followed, the prisoners should be used well — but should they be pursued, every one of them would be put to death,'' The alarm had by this time spread thro' the adjacent towns, and the scattering, undisciplined militia, shouldered their muskets, and hastened to pursue them. They collected dt th^ house of Mr. Evans in Randolph, about tw^ ^ miles south of the encampment of thelndiaui^r Here they formed a company, cofksisting of about three hundred in number, and ma^^ choice of Col. John House, «fHiiaLDver,N. H. for their commander. They :i^ thefndians had gone to Brookfield^ about tea miles froia that place^ up the second branch With this expectation they took up their march about twelve o'clock at night, hoping thev should be able to reach Brookfteld/ before ligh^ and make them prisoners. They had scarcer ly started, when the American front guard, to their utter surprise, were fired upon by the rear guard of the enemy. Several fires were exchanged, and one of the Americans wounded, when Col. H j through cowardice, or waiit of skill, commanded them to halt, and cease firing. He then ordered them to make a stand, and kept them in suspense till t^i. Indiaillniad made their escape. To has! . i,heir flight, the savage tribe were compelled to leave at their encampment a considerable quantity of their plunder ; nearly all of the horses, and made good their retreat. Here they killed two of the prisoners, by the name of Joseph Kneeland, and Giles Gibbs. The former was found dead, with his scalp taken oif, v«.n4 the latter with a tomahawk in his he»?1. I At 5r -ight. Col. H^ courageously entered tk^ '} jserted camp, and took poss6iision of the spo;i, but alas, the enemy were gone, he knew not where ! Urged by his Jrave soldiers, who were disgusted at his conduct, he ^Icd up the second branch as far as rkfield in pursuit of the enemy, and not them; ^di^banded hU men and returne4. Had Col. H-— possessed courage and skill adequate to the duties of his station^ he might have defeated the enemy^ it is thought, without the least difficulty, t^nd made them all prisoners. His number was equal to that of the enemy, well armed with muskets and furnished with ammunition. The enemy, though furnished with muskets, had little ammunition, and , were cumbered with the weight of much guilt, and a load of plunder. Tiiey had encamped upon a spot of ground which gave the Americans all the advantage, and their only safety rested in their flight. Ti. ' ^nerican force ^nsisted of undisciplined militia , who promiscuously assembled from diflFerent quarters, but were full of courage, animated by the principles of justice^ and determined to obtain redress for the injuries they had received from the barbarous crew. ^ Many of them likewise had friends and connexions, then in possession of the Indians, ♦o obtain whose freedom, they were stimulated to action. But alas! their determination failed, their hopes were blasted 1 They were forcef to relinquish the object, and suffer their friend! to pass on, and enditre a wretched captivity.— They however forced the Indians to leave the stream, and take their course over the hills, between the second and third branch, which brought them directly, and unexpectedly, to the house of Zadock ^tede, whom they utaie ^prisoner; and took to (^fda. To Ilia ^^eaptivity and sufferings/' as related by himself^ in the following pages, the reader is referred for a further account of the expedition of the Indians^ and its dreadful consequences. BEFORE the mind of the indulgent [eader is engaged in a perusal of the sufferugs of my maturer years, it may not be improper to direct the attention to scenes of napvity and youth. I was born at Tolland, Connecticut, on tlie [7th day of Decetnber, A. D. 1758. Itt f 77« ly father, James Steele, Esq. moved froi^T ^olland to Ellington, a town adjoining, yfh&ti INDIAN he kept a house of entertainment several years. During the years of my childhood, the American Colonies were put in commotion^ hy what is generally termed the French war. The colonies had hardly recovered from the convulsions of that war, when tlie American revolution commenced. My father had been actively engaged in the former war, and now received a Lieutenant's commission, in the revolutionary army. The importance of the contest, in which the colonies were engaged, called upon every friend to the rights of man, to be actively employed. Being in my eighteenth year, in May 177^^ I enlisted into the army for one year, as waiter to my father. Soon after I enlisted, he was visited with a severe fit of sickness, which prevented him from entering the army, and compelled me to go into the ranks, leaving him behind. My two older brothers, Aaron and James, also enlisted the saine year. Aaron died in March following, at Chatham, New-Jersey, in the twenty tlurd year of liis age. Bereft of a brother whom I held dear, after serving the term of my enlistment, I j^eturiied to Ellington. ^ TJi^. next ycar^j^ I served one campaign in the militia, and the year following as a teamster, which closed my services in the army.— I was now about nineteen years of agf^ I h^ been, favored with very, little oppcHrtunity, SL§ yet\| to acquire aji educatiim ; as r%^ inf^n- CAPTIVK. lilc state ot the colonies, and the agitation of public affairs, at that tinu^ aftbrdcd little encouragement to schools, and caused a universal depression of literature in general. I however acquired an education, sufficient to enable me to transact the business of a farmer, and regulate my own concerns, in my intercourse with mankind. But long have I deeply regretted tlie want of that knowledge of letters, requisite to prepare lor the press, a narrative i^f my own sulVerings, and those of my fellow captives, which should be read with interest, and rccei\ e the approbation of an indulgent (ni];iic. f !No hope of pecuniary gain^ or wish to bring myself into public noiice, has induced me to publish a narrative (f my suilerings. — A desire that otJier?:, as Vv ( 11 as myself, might learfi wisdom from i e things I have suflercd, is the principal cause of its publication. The repeated instances of my deliveraiice from tlireatened death, in which the ilni!;er of God was visible, call fur the deepest gratitute, and have made an impression upon my mind, which, I trust, will remain, as long as the powers cf my recollectioti shall endure. 1 was sensible it might also furnish a lesson of instruction to my fellow men, and to future generations, duduly to prize the privileges, and blessings, they may enjoy, by observing the dreadful contrast, which i^ brought to view jtn this narrative. long since relinquished all idea of ever seeing an account of my .suflerin2;s in print. But bjl the earnest solicitations, and friendly, tliougl feelde as.sistance of otiiers, I have thought lij at this late period of my life, yet ^\m humble defference to the good sense of an cnj lightened public, to give a short narrative ol what I have endured, in common with many oi my fellow men, who were my fellow prison] ■crs. Among tlie evils resulting from the destruc] lion of lloyalton, my own captivity was fail from being the least. That event was tli precursor of all my sorrows — the fountain froi which sprang streams of Mietchednes an^ want. Nor will the channel be forgot tei though the imaging flood cease to roll. AJ small streams are sw allowed up by larger ones] so, many serious, and^ jre trials, are doubtlesj lost in (hat dreadful current of distress, througl which I was called to pass. The attention of the reader, is, liowevei requested to a simple statement of facts, as thej occur to my mind, while I relate the circura] stances of my captivity by the Indians ; tlJ treatment I received from them ; my privation! while a prisoner to the British ; my wonder! ful escape from their hands, and extremj suflerings in the wilderness on my way homelpj. Truth will not easily peimit, nor have lanlgj^ desire, to enlarge or exaggerate, upon the thins ^^ I suffered. Guided by the piinciplcs of juslg^ calumniate or reproarli. It is not my intention to speak of any imlividual or nation, with less respect than is due to their true character and conduct. - I shall, however, be under the necessity of noticing many cruelties that were inflicted upon the prisoners, by men, who enjoyed the advantages of civilization, which were sufficient to put the rudest savage to the blush. But the long lapse of time, and the eflect-i of old age, have, no doubt, blotted from my memory, incidents which would liave been no less, and perhaps more interesting, and instructive, than many circumstances which I shall ])e able to recollect. This, together with the inexperience of the writer, must be the only apology for the imperfections of the following pages. In April, 1780, being in my twenty second year, I starred from my father's hjjf^ise, in Ellington, leaving all my friends and relatives, and came to Randolph, in the State of Vermont, a town south of Brookfleld, a distance of nearly two hundred miles. I there purchased a I right of ^land, lying in the north part^of the town, on which was a log-house, and V little improvement. Suffering the privations and hardships common to those who dwell in new counim»y I spent the siipmer in dilligent labour, subsi&rting npon ratlier coarse fere, and sup- better days. The young man who drove my team from Connecticut, with provisions, farming utensils, &c. labored witli me through tlie summe-^ and fall season, till October, m hen he returned to Ellington, just in time to escape the danger of being taken by the Indians. A small settlement had commenced in the south- Avesterly part of Uandolph. on the third branch of White River, about six miles from my own settlement. A little settlement had also commenced on the second branch of the same river, in Brook field, in the easterly part of the town, and at about an equal distance from my abode. As tliere were in Randolph a number of families situated in di He rent parts of the town, and our country being engaged in a War, which rendered our frontier settlements exposed to the ravages af an exasperated foe, we had taken the necessary precaution to establish alarm posts, by Avhich we, might announce to each other tlie appro:u.h of an enemy. the report of our alarm guns. On the Kith day cf October, Ave were apprized of the arrival of the Indians at Royalton, a town about ten miles south of Randolph. They entered that town o\|\|\|(he moriiiiig of. the And killing the inhabitants^ sparing the lives of none whom they could overtake in an attempt to esca^ie ; destroy in;;; property, hurning all the huildin^H that they discovered , killing the cattle^ pillaging the houtsen^ and taking captives. It waji expected they would follow up cither the second or third branch, on their return to Canada, as these two branches run to the south, and nearly parallel to each other; the former ijf which empties itself into the river at lloyalton, and the latter a few miles west. I was employed during the l(5fch day, till nearly night, in assisting the settlers on tlic third branch in Randjnlph, to move their families and ellV.cts into the woods, s oh a distance as was tliO'.i!i;ht would render them safe, dhould the Itulians pursue that stream up^ on their return. I then requested that some one of them should accompany me to go and notiify the lirookfield settlers of their danger. Being unable to persuade any to go with me, I started alone. I had only time to arrive at my own dwelling^ which was on my direct course, before I was overtaken by the approach of night. As there was no road, and nothing but marked trees to guide ray way, I tarried all m\|^t. Having prepared some food for breakfast,' I lay downjo sleep, little knowing what awaited prosecute the object for which I started^ thou<;li in a violent tempest, attended with snow. I had not proceeded far, before the storm greatly increased, Avhich I found would not only much endani^er my life, but so retard my proi;;ress, that 1 could not arrive in time seasonably to warn my friends of their danger, or escape myeelf fiom the hands of the enemy, should they fyllovv tiiG second branch, instead of tlie thiro. I therefore returned to my house. Soon after I arrived v/ithin doors, filled with anxiety for the unsuspecting inhabitants oi Brookfield, I heard a shocking cry in the surrounding woods ; and trembling for my own safety — 1 ran to the door, when, to my utter astonisliment, (and the reader may judge my feelings) I belield n conipiiny of Indians, consisting of not less than three hundred in number, not ten rods disttint, approaching with ^ hideous cries and frightful yells ! There was no way of escape. I had oiJy to stand still, wait their approach, ami receive my miserable destiny. Indeed I cmild now «ay with David, ^^ the sorrows of death conx? passed me, and the floods of ungodly men made me afraid, '' I had ro where to flee but to the ^* great F«'eservcr o^^en, who was my only hiding-fiace^^^ ^^ m^P)odness, and my Their leader came up, and told me I musi go y/Uh them. They asked me if any other persons were to be found near that place ; I i ♦Id them it was probable there were none to be found. They then enquired if any cattle were near, to which I answered in the negative. But they seemed to choose rather to take the tix)uble to search, than to confide in what I told them. After taking every thing they found worthy ta carry with them, and destroying all that was not iikely to suffer injury by Sre, they set the house on fire, and marched on. One of them took a bag of grass seed upon his back, and cutting a hole in the bag, scattered the seed as he marciicd, v* hich took root, stocked the grouna, and was for many years a sad memento of my long captivity^ The chief, who came up to mc, could talk English very well^ which was a circumstance much in my favor, as he became my inaster, under which name I shall have frequent occasion to speak of hii^ in the course of this narrative. They took al^\|^ clothes, not^^^o^pting the best I hadaHKpiid distributed ti\em a* mongst thcmselvei^jrhey however furnigJied me with blankets sufficient to defend against the cold, but deprived me of my own property ; the bitter consequences of which, I felt in my subsequent confinement with the British, and on my return to resume my settlement, at Randolph. The Indians had encamped, tlie night preceding, on the second branch in Randolph, on whilih the Brookfield settlers lived, and npt more than ten miles below them. But during the night, had been put to route by a party of Americans, consisting of about two hundred and fifty in number, wbo wi>re commanded by Col. John House, of Hanover, New-Hampshire. To make their escape they left the stream, and took a course which brought them directly to my dwellin,^, Hi^d they not been molested, but permitted to pursue their intended course up tlic stream, the defenceless iiiiiabitants of Brookfield, would . doubtles have shared the miserable fate of the inhabitiints of Royal ton; themselves taken prisoners, and doomed to suffer a long and wretchetl captivity ; and their property destroyed by the devouring element. This preveiiition, which, however, was the cause of my captivity, the subject of the following narrative, was probr' ^y the only good that Col. H effected ; and this he did unwittingly, chief of tlie whole tribe, discovered that I had a pair of silver buckles in my shoes, and attempted to take them from me, but by promising to let liim have them when wei arrived at • our journey's end, I persuaded him to let me keef) tliem. But we liad not travelled far, before another Indian espied them, and crying oit "Wah stondomra,"' ah there'^s silver / took tliem from me, and furnished me witli strings for my shoes, as substitutes. We travelled the first day to Berlin, and encamped on Dog river, not many miles from tilt, plaqp where Montpelier Village now stands. They built a fire of some rods in length, to which opportunity was aflbrded for all to approach. They then placed sentinels around, wliich rendered it impossible for any one to move unnoticed. But tuis precaution was not sufficient to satis- fy their minds, to prevent the escape of their captive prfsoners. — Therefore^ to render oui escape less t to be effected, as we lay down upon the ground, they tied a rope around our bodies, and extending i; each way, the Indians laid upon it on our right, and on our left, not suffering a^ two prisoners to li© nex,t each otiier. I coutd^ however, crawl so fir out of the rQ§^ as to be aUe to sit upright, but always {baudi^il>me of the Indians sitting up, either to prepure their clothing foilr the fd^^ing day's march, or intentionally to se^^B^^^^^^^l guavdiS; imd I at rest. As they had told me before we encamped, that if they were overtaken by the Americans, they should kill overy prisoner, I felt the more anxious to make my escape 5 and they seemed, in view pt their danger, more desirous to keep us within reach of the tomahawk, and secure us against a flight, in case fhe Americans should approach. I watched with trembling fear and anxious expectation during the night we lay at Berlin, seeking an opportunity to escape, which I f jund utterly impossible, and looking every moment for the arrival of a company of Americans, whose approach I was assured would be attended with death to every prisoner. They compelled many of the prisoners to carry their packs, enormous in size, and extremely heavy, as they were filled with the plunder of pillaged houses, and every thing which attracted their cutiosity, or desire to possess. Looking glasses, which by the intention or carelessness of the prisoners became broken in a short time, \wi^ spiders, frying pans, iHid old side saddles, wliich were sold on their arrival at St. Johns for one dolliHri composed a part of their invaluable baggagc^JJ On the morning of the 18th they first orilef * cd me to eat my brea!if^4\|\|\|\|^rging me to * as much as I wanted, \\|^^Pori accoi nt of Uk^I loss of their provisionWtT Randolphj^ thjejrj had scarce half an allowance for themselves, I knew not whether to attribute this conduct' to their feelings of charity and generosity, a desire to secure my friendship, or a v/ish ta preserve my life under a prospect of procuring gain, or to some other cause. Indeed they seemed at all times to be wilIhig to " feed the hungry,'^ not even seeing one of the prisoners lei surly to pick a berry by the way, as they passed along, without ofcferin^ them food 5 considering this as a token of our hunger. Their food, however, was very unsavory, insomuch that nothing but extreme hunger would liave induced me to eat of it, though I always had a share of their best. Habituated to a partial coverii>g tliemselves^ land excited by curiosity, they took from me all my best clothes, and g;n^e me blankets in exchange. They of;.en travelled with the utmost celerity in their power, to try my activity, viewing me with looks of complaicency, \|to find me able to keep pace with them. ^ We this day passed down Oog River, till I we came to Onion River, into w liich the former empties itself, and then kept the coUFsik <rf the latter during the day, steering near\|Jrj^' i()rtli-west direction. At night we came lil^f ?ry steep mountain, wluch wa9;^^trem€3y 'ult of access, not far from tjie place, called Bolton^\|\|\|the county of ^kittenIJpoQ the to^Pthis mountain the In* (lians^ on their way to Royal ton, bad secreted a number of bags of fine fllour, which they brought with them from Canada, and now regained. This greatly replenished their stores, and aflfbrded a full supply of wholesome bread. The manner of making their bread is curious, and exhibits useful instruction, to those who may be called to make their bread in the wildernes, without enjoying the privilege cf household furniture. They took theiif dough, wound it around a stick in the form of a screw, stuck it into the ground by the fire, and thus baked tlieir bread, without receiving injury by' t}ieB"\ smoke, or rendering it moie filthy than it camel^^^ from their hands. ■^'i' ed, and this was considered by the prisoners! ^ giounds for less apprehension of the danger ofi^it being put to death by the Indians. Till now,l^^/< however, it is beyond the power of language J^^^ to express, nor can imagination paint the feel^ ings of my heart, when, torn from my friends,\| and all I held dear on earth, compelled t roam tlie wilderness to unknown parts, obJiged toford rivers and then lie down at nighi\| upon the cold ground with scarcely a di thread in my clothes ; having a rope fastenec aiXHind my body ; surr^nded bj &• 6?i]&6 savage Indians, from v«fc very fri6\|\|d^t}i could expect nothing ^HilwretcUedaess ]Sor was this rage only liable to be excited by a sense of real danger ; but from conscious guilt, equally liable to be put in .orce, by the most slight, false, and trifling alarm. safely landed at the Isle-Aux-Noix before niglit. Here the Indians found a supply of rum, Avliich gave them an opportunity to make market for a part of their plunder, and satiate their thirst. Nor indeed was the opportunity unimpro\'ed. Iritated by the force (>f\| intoxication, they were all in confusion ; savnge yells, and shiill out-cries, filled the surrounding atmosphere; and death seemed to stare every captive full iu the face ! " So suns; Pl.ilamler as a friend went round In the rieh ichor, in (hei^cnerouH Ij'o d Of BucchuS; purple god of joyous nit." At length, however, their senses became drowned in the torrent of inehviety ; they sunk into I u helpless state, and reposed in the arms of\| insensibility. As we had now arrived witliin the dominions of the JJritisli, and were not I only guarded by a number of the Indians, who were not under the power of intoxication, but w atched by the enemy's subjects, resident at that place, we could find no opportunity to\| make «ur escape. The next morning, which was the sixtlil day of our maich, we started for St. JohnsJ and arrived there that day. At this place likewise, the Indians found a plenty of ardentj spirits, by a too free use of which, they b< came more enraged, if possible, than befor©. (he captivei, whose faces were not painted^ a« the face being painted was a distinguishing mark put upon those w bom they designed not to kill. As I was not painted^ one of the Indians^ under the influence of intoxication^ and brutal rage, like many white people, more sagacious than humane, came up to me, and pointing a gun directly at my head, cocked it, and was about to fire, when another old Indian, who was my new master, knocked it aside, pushed him backwards upon the ground, and took a bottle of rum and putting it to his mouth, turned down his throat a considerable quantity, left him and went on. The punishment seemed in no way to displease the criminal, but wished he would continue to punish him through tho. day, in the same manner ; regarding the momentary gratification of appetite, more than all other blessings of life, or even life itself. I now received their marks of friendship, nor felt myself in danger of becoming the subject of their fatal enmity. Clothed with an Indian blanket, with my hands and my face painted, and pvossessing activity equal to any of them, they appeared t<\be willing I should live with them; and be accounted as one of ther number. We arrived at Caglinewaga on the seven tli day of our march. Thus, I found myself within the space of seven days, removed from my liome, and from all my relatives, the distance of ahont three hundred miles ; almost destitute of clothing; entirely without money; with no other associates, than a race of savage Indians, whose language I could not understand, whose diet was unsavory, and unwhlflesome ; whose ^^ tender mercies are cruel;^' barbansra their civility ; no pardon to an enemy, their established creed ; and pi'esented with no other prosjiect for the future, than a captivity ^or life ; a final separation from all earthly friends, and situated in an enemy's country 1 In short, striped of eveiy comfoit that sweetens life, except the ^' one thing needful," ^ which the world can neitlH^r give, nor take away," my temporal prospects weve. banished, and lost forever. No earthly friends to administer consolation, or with whom to sympathize, nor hope of escape to feed upon; truly^ humble submii^sion to^the will of Heaven, and an entire ^^ jtrust in the Lord," was the only halm afforded me. silver locks bespoke the experience of many winters ; whose visage indicated the trials^ sorrows, and afflictions, of a long and wretched captivity; whose wrinkled face, and withered hands^ witnessed the suflerings of many hardships^ and presented to me a solemn and awful token, of what I myself might expect to suffer; cam^ and told me that I was about to be adopted into one of the Indian families^ to fill the place of one whom they had lost on their expedition to Royalton. Mr. Philips was taken prisoner in tlie western part of the State of New -York, by the Indians, in his youthful days, and having been adopted into onej of their families, had always lived with them. He had retained his knowledge of the English language, and served as an interpreter for the tribe. The ceremony of my own adoption, -as well as that of many other of the prisoners, afforded no small degiee of diversion. The scene presented to view a spectacle of an assemblage cf barbarism, assuming the appearance of civilization. All the Indians, both male and feiiui;!^/. together with the prisoners, assembled, and foriBLed a circle, within which; one of their chiefe, standing upon a stiigc, erected for tbf^ purpose, harrangued the audience iu;%e ]\|\|diaii tongue. Although I could not un$(6t3(^(3:\|H9 language, yet I could plainly discover i^gjrfeat ^are of native eloquence. His speech iv&B of; considerable lengtli, and its effect obviouslj manifested weii^lit of argument, solemnity of tkou^lit^ and at least human sensibility. I was placed near by his side, an<l had a fair view of the vvh(de circle. After he had ended his speech^ an old squaw^ came and took me by the hand, and led me to her wigwam, where she dressed me in a red coat, with a ruffle in my bosom, and ordered me to call her mother. She could speak English tollerably well, but was very poor, and therefore unable to furnish me with very sumptuous fare. My food was rather beneath a savage mediocrity, though, no doubt my new mother endeavored as far as lay in her power to endear the affections of her newly adopted^ yei ill-natured son. I found the appellation c f mother, highly pleased the tawny jade, which proportionably increased my disgust, already intollerable, and instead of producing coQtehtmeniAf mind^ added disquietude to affliction and sorrow. As I was blest with an excellent voice for singing, I was the mo?e beloved by, and on tliat account received much better treatment from my new mother, as well as from other Indians. I was allowed the privilege of visiting any part of the village, in the day time, and was received with marks of fraternal affecti^, and treated with all the civility an Indian is capable to be«tow. A prisoner liy the name of Belknap, wag get about hewiri<; some poles for a stable iloori while his Indian master lieUl them for him.-^ As he hewed, the Indian, sitting upon the pole, suflered it gradually to turn over, though unperceived by liim, whicli occasioned the workman, who saw its opera (ion, laughing in his sleeves, to hew quite round (he stick, in hewing fiom end to end, Tiiiuiving that Belknap knew no better, the Indian endeavored to instruct him. After trying several poles, with the same success, the Indian, filled with impatience for this untractable pupil, with his eyes on fire, left him, and called his interpreter, to make his wishes more distinctly known; to whom Belknap declared that hci did well understand the wishes of the IndloD^ and was determined to avoid doin^ his Vi ill. Ahc\' remaining in this condition a few weeks, finding the prisonevft very incorrigible, and wishing for the revvaixl they might obtain for them, information was given the prisoners, that they might be delivered over ta the British at Montreal as prisoners of war^ or continue with the Indians, as they should ehoose. We sought the advice of an Engligih gentleman, by the name of Stacy, resident ?n the Village <€»f Caghnewaga^ who ]\^ married a squaw for hi? wife, and was exfiSisively ac- quainted, not only with the affairs of th^ Indians> but with Uie citizens of Montreal. H^ appeared to be a man of integrity and varaci- served as one of tlicir interpreters. I was advised by Mr. Stacy to be delivered into the hands of the British. lie said I might doubtless obtain leave to dwell in some ftimily of a private gentleman, until I should be exclian2:ed. Encouraged by the prospect of enjoying tlie company of civilized people, and flattcr<^d with the idea of being soon exchanged, and thereby enabled to return, on<:c more to see mv friends in Connecticut, I made choice to be given up to the Britisli. All the captives did likewi«^e. .^; We M ere all conducted to Montreal by the Indians; in the latter part of November, A. B. 1780 —and there '^ sold for a half Joe,^' each. M(»st of the captives were young, and remprkably robust, healthy and vigorous. I was now almost twenty two years of age. — To be compelled to spend the vigour of my days in useless confinement, was a source of grief, and pain, to my mind. But I could see no w y of escape. The wisdom of Grod, I found to be unsearcliable indeed. I felt, however a good degree of submission to the Providence of tiie Most High, and a willingness to " acceptnof tlie punishment of mine iniquities.'^ ^'^' ^ ■'■■' We found at the city of Montreal^ about 170 prisoners, ycme of whom were made captives by the Indians in different parts of Amev- irji, and ot!\ers bad been taken prisoner:? of war in forts, by capitulation, and by conquest. Here we coubl see women and cliibh'en, wbo had fallen the victims of savage captivity, weeping and mourning their fa<e, whose tears trickling down tlieir cheeks, bespoke the language of their liearts ! It was enough to melt the heart of stone, with grief, to heboid the hosoni of the ^^poor widows'' heaving with sighs, and to hear their groans ! Here I beheld the orphan, fatherless and motherless, whose tender age called for compassion, and recpiired the kind protection of an affectionate mother ; whose infantile mind, endered it incapable of telling his name, the lace of his birtii ; or giving any iiiibrmation respecting himself or his parents. This led me to consider my own sufferings comparatively small ; and a sense of my own wretched condition, became lost in the feelings of compassion, for these unhappy widows a^d orplians ! We Wiiire put into a large building called ^^ The old regal Church,'' Avith the other prisoners, in which we were kept several days, when e were removed into a large stone building tted up for the purpose, ia the suburbs of the rence. I often made application for liberty to take quarters in tiie family of some private gentleman, Wliere I might enjoy the advantages of a common slave, until I should be al\|le to procure a ransom, or be exchanged ; urging the manner of my being taken, and my destitute situ'ionas arguments in my favor, having been stripped of all my property by the Indians, and deprived of all my change of clothes. But all my efforts proved only a witness to myself, and my fellow sufferers, of that deafness to the calls of humanity, which is always the characteristic of tyranny and despotism. ., Many of the prisoners, as well as myself, had only one shirt, and w ere obliged to go without any, while we washed that. Indolence and disregard for cleanliness, preve^ited many from doing this, which may be reeoned among the many causes^ that brought our subsequent evils upon us. We were allowed^ or rather said to be allowed, one pound of bread, and one pound of fresh beef per day. But through the injustice and dishonesty of the person who delt out our allowance, we were robbed even of apart of this humble pittance. Had we been able to obtain our full allowance, in provisions of good quality, we should have been able to Imve furnished ourselves with other necessary articles ; but now we werej de-\|\| piivcd of the privilege, by the curtailment of our rations. We were obliged by the calls of hunger to pound up the beef bones, (which composed no small share of our rations of I meat) and boil them for broth. We had no butter, cheese, flour, nor any kind of sauce, (luring the winter. We were kept almost totally without fire-wood, having scarcely enough to enable us to cook our meat. Our [beds consisted principally of blankets, which they brought from the hospital, in all their tion and death throughout our camp. Pinched with hunger, half naked, and jhilled with the cold, we were forced to have [ecourse to our beds, and occupy them a great >art of the time ; though they were the habi[ations of filthy vermin, tainted with the injections of mortal distempers, and scented The complicated collection of people of differlat habits, comprising almost every kind of foul Ind vicious char cter ; and the combination of so We suffered so much ^vith hunger, that we should have thankfully '' fed upon the crumbs that fell from the rich man's table ;'^ and so great Avere our afflictions, tliat we should have gladly caressed tlie '• dog tliat had come and licked our sores.'^ > : . While I was a captive with the Indians, II was in sorrow^, r^nd ^^ desired a better couii-' try.'^ And I had not experienced the ^' trial of cruel mockingsand scourgings--of bonds anil imprisonment,' sufficiently to enable me to say with Paul, " I have learned in wlmtsoever state I am, therewith to be content/'^ When we were j)ut into the hands of tlie British, ^* we looked for peace, but no good came; and for a time of health, and beheld trouble!'^ Indeed it may justly be said of them, ^^they turned the needy out of the way — ^they caused the naked to lodge without clothing, that they have no covering in the cold — ^they pluck the fatherless from the breast, and take a pledge] of the poor, they cause him to go naked with' oat cl<Hhing, and they take away the sheef froiii\| the hungry.* I plead that they would ^^mak( me as one oi their hired servants,'^ but they\| would not. Tvero. ^ipplied with saU-pork, bread, oat-meal^ and pease, in abundance. As wc had long been abnost siarvetl, «ar avi<IHy for the food, which >vas now before us, may more easily be imagined than described. Let it suffice us to say, that none ate sparingly, but all greedily. Indeed some seem<Hl, not only anxious to satisfy hunger, but detemin^^ to revenge for their past sufferings. TMs .siiiiliBn repletion of our wants, produced the s^p^ among the prisonrs, which threatened death to every one. — eiterated sighs and dying groiins, now filled ur camp. To such an alarming degree, did this drcadal disease prevail, that many were obliged to )e removed to the hos\|)ital for relief; distress nd anguish pervaded the whole body of the iiisoners ; and the citizens of Monti'eal, a^"^yiarmed, perhaps for tlieir own safety, seemed y causeam^ f^.^l anxious f(jr our relief. But justice rehat heymyj^.^,j^ j shouhl state, that we received, at this luclt tnWj^^^ ^jj ^jj^^ j^jj^j attention, which was due our wretched condition, and every fa\'or in he power of our keepers to bestow ; while he inhabitants! manifested a humane disposilon, and displayed the generous feelings of \|ity, and tender compassicm. In short, conmis that they in truth, had all partially conI'ihutedtp increase our miseries, they seemed feel a relenting for their past misconthict, bich excited them to use their utmost exer- tiieir subsequent good offices for our relief. They furnished us with green hefbs, and .every thing which was adapted to our disorders, or calculated for our comfort, and recovery. By these means, our health was fully restored ; gratitude and joy set smiling on every countenance; and songs of deliverance dwel* in every tongue. Pfiin now gave place to pleasure, son'ow fled as happiness approached; murmurs and complaints, which had long been the universal cry, now were\| heard no more ; and v^juietude was felt in ev •ry breast. After our recovery we were allowed th privilege of a yard of some rods square, in ex tent, by which we weie enabled to exercisi for the preservation of our health. But length, some of the prisoners made their es cape, wliicli occasioned all the rest to be pu into close confinement, and kept under loc and key. We were supplied however, witl all the comforts of life, so ftir as our jploi confinement would permit. In October, A. D. 1781, all the prisonei w ere removed to an Island in the river Si Lawrence, called ^^ Prison-Island,^' about fo ty-five miles above tlie city of Montreal, aw opposite to a place called Cateau du Lac. Tliis Island is situated a little below the lake St. Francis, which is formed by a large swell in the river St. Lawrence, and was considered a very eligible place for the confinement of the prisoners. Indeed it wfts thought iHipossible that any person, destitute of boats, should be able to escape w ithout being drowned, as tlie water rurt with the utmost velocity, on each side of the Island. We were, therefore, allowed the liberty of traversing the whole Island, which contained about twenty acres. Guarded by a company of refugees and tories, possessing as little humanity as patriotism ; and having long been the miserable sufferers of a wretched captivity, and painful imprisonment, many of the prisoners atteii^<^ted to make their escape by swimming down the current the distance of three miles. But few succeeded, while some were drowned in the hazardous rrttempt. Tlie captain of the guard, whose name was Mc'Danitl, was a tory, and as totally devoid of iiumanity and generosity, as the Arab who traverses the desarts of Africa. His conduct towards the prisoners, was such as ought to stamp his character with infamy and di.^gi'ace. ' Ci'R^liiy^ to the prisoners, seemed to be his greatest delight. I once saw one of the prisoners phiuge iato the river, in the-day time, and swim down the current the distance of three miles, tw lie started, who ordered him shot before he should ever reach shore; but a British soldier, possessing more luimanity than hl^ commander, iVaded into the river, and took hold of the trembling prisoner, almost exhausted, declaring ^^ if the prisoner was shot, he would be likewise.^^ Tlie malignant disposition of Mc^Daniel, and the invidious character of the guard, induced the prisoners to seek opportunity, and confront almost every danger, to eflect their escape. But time soon rolled away, till winter approached, without bringing to our view that propitious moment, which could afford the slightest hope of success in the attempt. — On the one hand, the eye of an implacable foe was upon us, with rancour, malice and revenge in his bosom, and the implements of destruction in his hand ; and on the other, the rapid current of the stream, threatened us with death if we approached, while the foaming billows, roaring in a voice like thunder, bid us beware ! Desperate, indeed, must be the attempt, for any one, knowingly to plunge himself into the ja>\ s of deatli, to escape from trouble. At the approach of winter, the ice below the Island, rendered it visibly and utterly impossible to escape alive. We were, therefore, now forced into submission, and had only to consult together upon those measures, wliich piness, while we waited the return of spring. In January, we were ordered hy Mc'Uaniel to shovel tiip snow for a patli, in which the guard v/ere to travel, while on their duty. Regarding the proverb of Soloman, as worthy of our notice, that '' it is an hotioar for a man to cease from strife,'^ we complied with the demand ; thus sacrificing our rights on th« altar of peace. But now fituling by occular demonstration, the verity of a like proverb of the same wise man, that " every fool will be meddling/' we unanimously agreed to disobey all similar orders, and every command whicli should be afterwards given, contrary to right. Wc were not insnesible that the prisoaer, tho u^h unable to d'fend, w^as possessed of certain inaeli uiabla rightSj, which we resolved to assert, and refuse obedience to the tyrant wlio should attempt to encroach upoa tliem. Tiie time soon arrived, wlien duty called us boldly to assert our rights ; and manly firmness forbid submission. Wc were again commanded by Mc'Daniel to shovel the snow to make a path for the guard to travel in ; while they themselves ha(1:f j nothing to do, but to wait our toil. Enraged at iiw opposition of tliv, prisoners, to his arliilrary commaiHls, and more highly e\asper:j(ed ng;iinst me as the organ, he directed iiic to be put in irons, and carried to the puptrd-honse. After uttering the most dreadful tlireat^, and horrid imprecation;^, and finding I was nnt easily terrified, nor readily faced to ahaiiclon my right-:!, he carried his order into execution, took mctothe guard-house, put me in irous, and kept me tlierc daring the whole day, till niglit, when he came and repeated his tlin-al!-., (if torture and death, iu c.ise I cn!5«:i!i led to r.fdsi* com;diaui'e. ii'.d tllW fi Kll;:g ine uuuiuvrtl in my deierminaUo.j, and that "hatred stireth up sti! s," he ordered me to be kept in irons till nine o'clock at night, without food, and then sent back to my barrack. This was accordingly done, tho' some Dutchmen, terrified at my fate, consented to his requirements, and performed the service, while I was confined in the guard-house. In consequence of our refusal to comply with his unjust and illegal demands, the most severe punishments and barbarous cruelties were inflicted upon the prisoners. ^To revenge upon,'^ he said, "no prisoner should be allowed to have a fire another ^night while they remained on the Island.'^ Accordingly tlie guard came into our barMcks (»very nii;lit, witli large quiutiticd of snow, aud put out all the tires, usiug as iu:irli caution not to leave a spark untjiiouched, as (liough the lives of thousands, and the >> ealth of a metropolis were at stake. What malice is manifest in the breasts of Iho^e, who labour with diligence, and toil \vitli pains, to increase the misery of those who are already wretched, and groaning in sorrow ! Here we beheld the depravity of man.—- Here we could see the faltllment of that passage of Holy Vv rit, which declares, that " because sentence a"'ainst an evil work is not exccuted speedily, therefore the heart (if the sons of man is fidly set in him to do evil/' Here we could behold a fidl display of the seven abominations in the sight of God ; " a proud look ; a lying tongue, and hands that shed innocent blood ; an heart that deviseth wicked immaginations ; feet that be swift ia running to mischief; a false witness that speaketh lies, and him that sowetli discord among brethren.' '* Here we could see monsters in human sh?ipe, feeding upon revenge. For the labojur wliich they unjui^tiy required of us, was w^ a tenth part (,f whai tliry poiTormefl every iii;;]it hy puttitiji^ out our fires to ponisli us lor noticonipliance with their tyrannical demanils. Kiit posscssini; the spirit of freemen, we ^^ rhost* rather to .suffer aiBiction," than to become tlie. ftlaves of a set of clespic«hlc refugees and tovies, feeling assured that our affliction wowld afford us more consolation in the hour of reflection^ than could be fountl in a servitude imposed upon us by an infamous rcnois;ado. As our l^arrncks were very cold, and o[ien ; aiid beiui; sc«niily clothed, we suffered greatly for want of Hre, to support which we were willing io get wood ourselves. But our keepers ch(»se rntlicr to suffer pain themselves, than to permit us to enjoy comfort. Mc'lJarnel, however, was called away, and succeeded by one Mc'Kelpin, in command. — He was also a refugee, the scui of a tory, and had the appearance of a raw boy, not more Hian eiglUeen or nineteen years old, whose very vissngc portended evil^ and bid the prisoners prepare for trouble. His father, he said, had received very ill treatment from the American army, and be had also shared with his father in the abuse, for not engaging in the rebellion against the British government. As '' the rod is for the back of him that is void of understanding,'^ we doubted not the truth of his statement, nor felt disposed to question, but that he received veij severe treatment. And more especially; whtn (lie station in wliich he was found, was taken into consideration ; for tlii^, together with tlie littleness (if his mind, and the malignity of his temper, will fiU'ever prove his want of patriotism, and stamp his indignant character witli infancy and disgrace, as long as cvilfchaU !)e had in rememhrance. His immature age can be no pnlliation of liis crimes, nor admit of niuc!i hope of liis re.ormation, by repentance ; for like all other fools, '' he hated knowledge, and was wise iu his own conceit. '^ Inheriting from his f.ithe-, all tlie qualities of a knave, and t!ie coW" nnlice of a M'estern Savage, who l(K)ks for sc(urity from danger, in his own flight only, or in the strength of his allies, he per\erted the power put into his hands to do gi)od, used it tis a weapon of revenge, and an instrument of cruelty. His paternal educati(m, was, at the ])cst, toryism, perfectly congenial to his natural disposition. In short, " he was wise to do evil, but to do good, he had no knowledge." His first steps towards tyranny and oppression met no opposition, as we wished to enjoy peace, and were willing to yield a portion of our rights to the enjoyment of so invaluable a blessing. But our indulgence served only to stimulate him in the course of revengeful tyranny, and he seemed the more angry, as if ^^ coals of fire were heaped upon his head." 5fa!\ifestiiig a tlcsirc to meet with opp«..). tioti, by using every exertion to provoke to rage, be ordered the prisoners to shovel the f^iKAV from the door of his ov/ii house. As the prisoners discovered in him a fettled delerjninatioii to pursue compliance with greater find more grievous burden?,, until he could meet a refusal to comply, we resolved to rej'^ct all farther enrroachnienis upon our riglitp. We therefore refased to obey his ar])itrary commands any lousier. As t!iere was a for: directly opposite the Island, where a coji^pany of soldiers were stationed, Ave feared the conseqiiences of a revolt, and could only refuse our obedience, without making any actual resistance- Tiie prisoner to whom he address- 1 ed himsell^, possessed courage equal to t!ic\| most trying scene ; and choosing rather to suffer an honorable diath in defence of his right* J than to endure an igiiominioas life of captive felavery, he met' the infamous Mc'ivelpin with firmness and intrepidity, altho' he ha(l\| no prospects of any thing but to endure ex treme torture, if not death itself. Arid this he! was the more inclined to do, since it was the avowed object of the infamous \illain, '" to\| wreak his vengeance upon the unliappy priv oners, for injuries,'^ wiuch he said he had re ceived fiom men, w'no were entire strangers! to us, and in which abuse he >veU knew wej iook no agency^ or even had any knowledge. w ledge. When the prisv/^ev refused compliance, Mc'Kelpin came up with a bayonet, pointing directly at him, and thrust it within a few inches of his breast, threatening to run him through the heart if he did not immediately comply. — But the prisoner, continuing firm in his obatiuacy, replied with dauntless coui'age and deliberate cooln?ss, '* run me through if you dare, I fear you not.'' Enrai^ed at this reply, Mc'Kelpin repeated his ilircais with redoubled Aehemence, and inf iriated madness, and a" ij;aiji rushed at the prisoner with the greatest violence; tiiu^ endeavgri'ig to terrify him into 8?]hmission to hi' wiiL Bii the prisoner, with all tiie appearance of a fall M.nise of d'ath, and sapp >i ted by ti». rectitude of his nlotives, met Mc'Kelpin with manly firmness, and true heroism ; puttiog hi hand upon his breast, and telling; the impertinent fugitive that '^ he had resolved to die, f>ef(>re he should yield obedience, tu the arbitrary commands of one whose nam« was synonymous with disgrace, and whose very vissa5^e bespoke the corruptions of a h(5tirt, loaded with every thing that is requisite to fit a soul to become an inhabitant of the regions of blac' 'less and darkness forever." After repeating his threats and menaces, several times, and each time receiving the most unqualified denials from the prisoner, he proceeded to punish all such as refused compliance with his request lie associated witli threatsji tke most daring oaths, and awf.d imprecaticas j as if he would endeavor to establish his owu authority by manifesting to the world his want of the fear of God, and a disregard of every thing that is good. Like many cf the present day, he appeared to imagine that he should be thought to possess uncommon courage, and power unlimited, if he dared, openly, and without fear, to blaspheme the name of Him, who is the ruler of all people, of every language, tongue and nation. Finding all bis threatenings in vain, and discovering that no one would yield obedience to his requirements, forgetting or disregarding the injustice of his claim, and lost in the torrent of an2;er and revenue, he came with a guard of sohUers, possessing feelings in perfect coincidence with his own, and took the defen''ek^.ss, yet dauntless prisoner, whom he had threatened to rim through with his bayonet, conveved him to tlie barrack, which was used for an ash-house, put hhn in irons and left him to suifei- in the cold, the maiicL»u« gratification of his malignant and revengeful disposition, telling the innocent and unfortunate victim cf his relenthss fury tliat " he was glad h<. refsised to comply with his demands, because be had lojig v/anted, and had anxiously sought opportunity to wreak his vengeance on Iihn, and gave the order to shovel the snow fi-cm his own door, for no other purpose but to excite the opposition of the prisoners, and tlius find occasion to pun ish tlicm, and at tlie same time take revenge oa them, for tlie abuse he had received from the Americans/' He then proceeded to order others to shovel the snow, and being still refused compliance, he threatened and confined, in the same manner as he did the first, until he had collected together, and confined in that cold barrack, the number of twenty one, who, I were all hand-cufled, and cliained to the posts^ of the Barrack. This was 5n January, 178%-. I when the cold Mas exceeding severe, and hardly permitted a comfortable seat by the fireside, or admitted of a lodging free from snflering in our closed barracks, with a large quan- . Itity of blankets. Here they were ordered to be kept, in this [harrack, with the windows and doors open to llie wind and snoW, all that day and the next iight. But most of tliem made their escape to their own barracks before the next morning, ►ome witli fi'ozen hands and feet, others with \htiY ears and faces frozen ; and indeed all laving 8ome part of their bodies frozen, and be^rini^ the miserable tokens of their wretchfd r^/ufteriugs. Hut their escape, notwithstanding the visible and abiding marks of their pain and disjre^s, only exasperated the mind of the unfeeling Mc'Kelpin, and so eia^aged the desperate [illain, that he, the next day morning, seicted the same prisoners, and with a heart iaider thou adamant, and hands more cruel tlian tlic £;ravc 5 agjun conflfned tliem all ii» irons, and ordered them put into the chairi' her cf one of the barracks, there to be kept during that day, the next night, and tlic folh wing day, witiiout provision, any food, or even a quid of tobacco ! Destitute of any clothing, excepting' their rearing apparrel, which was poor ; coiifined in irons, in a small cold room, having no food cf any kind ; deprived of a luxury which liabit had rendered necessary to preserve health, and groaning under the severe pains of their frozen bodies^ their sufieriags can not easily be immagined, far less described ! y It was my happy lot, however, not to fall '<into this number of miserable sufferers of liuman depravity, who were put into the ash-house, and in the chamber. But the Buflerings whiih I have mentioned, were only a prelude to more painful torments, and g^reater [)arbarities- Thoy were taken from the barrack cham])er, one by one, carried to the guard-house, and tortured in the most cm el manner. Home wei«* surrounded with sol tlierM, iirmed with guns and b/iyoneis, point ing directly at them, and so near as to render the priHomTH unnble U) move without being 1)iened \\\i\\ t lie bayonets ; while the infamous Vlc'Kelpin, w biped the prisoners, and cane them, till he had glutted his vengeance. Wh cnit describe the inhuman ecene ! to sec a piiF oner, the victim of cruelty and wretchedness e;»iiUle9s and defenceless; confined in irons With his hands behind him ; ready to faint for want of food ; ^oaning jiinder the excruciating pains of his frozen limbs ; bathed in blood which gushed from his mangled body ; tears flowing from his eyes, in streams which l)espoke, in latigua^e more forcible Ihan a voice like thunder, as they trickled down his frozen checks, the sorrows of a heart s^vollen with grief and racked with pain ; I could say with Job, ^^ mine eye is also dim, by reason of isorrow, and all my members arc as ashadow\'^ Others of this unhappy number were hung up by the neck till nearly dead, while their hands were confined in irons, and their faces black with death; when tliey were taken down, and the irons, w hich had bound their hands, jamed into tljeir mouths till they were filled with blood ! Who could behold this, and not weep and mourn for the depravity of man left to himself! Who csn witness a scene like this, without acknowledging, with self application, the truth of those v»rds which fell from our Saviour's lips, to the u»ibelieving Jews, "ye are of your father the Devil, and the lusts of ;your father \i will do.'^ After enduring these horrid barbarities, and inhuman tortures, inflicted bj men, professing the principles of humanity, the unhappy suUerers were sent back to their barracks, there to weep and bewail their miserable fate. Often have my cheeks been wet with tears of commisseration, while my heart ached withiis me, for these unfortunate suflerers of the unrestrained vengeance of a depraved villain. — Nor was I left to be reminded of their torture and distress, only by a recollection of the past ; but my eyes ceuld witness the scars of wounds ; and behold the pale-faced visage of death, abiding on the countenance of many, which were received by the cruelties of this horrid scene. And, alas ! I needed only to look at myself, and all around me, to remind mt of the woeful case of those, whose lot it is, to fall into the hands, and become the victims 9f a revengeful tyrant ; and suffer the wrath of a man totally devoid of mercy ; unrestrained either by the autliority of a superior, the graves. Emaciated countenances, scars, and impediment of speech, were the visible marks of the savage and inhuman treatment, which they received from the hand of Mc'Kelpin. — Let detestation be written ii])on his character, as legibly as the marks of de])ravity are to be seen in his visage, and it shall be a lesson to his posterity to flee frcm iuifjuity, and fv)11ow the path cf virtue. He excelled in nothing but cruelty and inhumanity; and was superi01' to none, excopt in the most nefarious acts cf iniquity, tyranny and oppresj^ion. His higk- est ambition appeared to be, to "heap up wrath against the day of wrath/^ and prepare himself to receive " vengeance due to them that know not God^ and obey not tlie gospel of oiir Lord Jesus Chrfst, who shall be punished with everlasting destruction.'^ He appeared, involuntarily, to verify the truth of the proverb, " lie that i-^ soon angry, dealeth foolishly, and a man of wicked devices is hated/^ Out of the abundance of the heart, he publicly declared, " that he had taken more comfort in afflicting the prisoners four days, than he had four years time previous/^ This declaration requires no additional proof to convince every mind vsuscoptible of the least sympathetic allection, that he was possessed of no better (fisposition than the infernal spirits ; and must be sufficient to stamp his name with infamy; and at the same time, excite coramisseratiou, in the heart of every person who realizes it is by grace, and not by works, that he i-; saved from falling into the like wickedness. Nor let any man boast of his good works, knowing it is the gift of God to possess chority. When we review this awful, though faint description of the conduct of Mc^ Kelpin, who enjoyed the advantages of civilization, and was favored with the joyful tidings of "peace on earth, and good will tow irds men ;'' filled with anger and revenge, nature cries within us "curse the wreich.-' But when the meekness and pity of the Saviour, iu liia dying agouies iipou the shameful and accnrsed tree, are s^uffered to find a place iu oar bosoms, ue are led to cry N>ith him ^•Father for^ive.'^ Aud though the conflict between revenge and forgiving mercy, be strong; yet the latter will surely prevail, whenever slie is properly eomnjanded, and led by the spirit of truth. I would not intimate that I have the power of n^crotiaury ; nor pret:^n:l to possess a spirit of divination ; but from the authority of Holy writ, " this is the portion of a wicked man with God, and the heritage of opprei^sors, which they shall receive of the Almighty. If his children be multiplied, it is for the sword ; and his offspring shall not be satisfied with bread. Those that remain of him shall be buried in death ; and his widows shall not weep. Though he heap up silver as the dust, and prepare raiment as the clay ; he may prepare it, but the just shall put it on, and the innocent shall divide the silver.^' I shall therefore leave this great disturber of peace, and oppressor of the afflicted, to receive from the hand of ^^ Him, who does all things well,'' the punishment due to his wickedness ; or share in the mercy offered to the truly penitent ; hoping that he may have already, by deep repentance, found forgiveness ; tw will before his death, if he is yet living, taste the sweetness of redeeming grace, living, He tarried not long on the Island, though iii«ch longer than he was desired, when another took his oflBce, whose name I do not recollect, who manifested a disposition for peace ; established good order ; appeared to have a regard to the laws of justice, humanity, and l>enevolence ; restored tranquility among the prisoners, and reconciliation between them and the guard. Could I recollect the name of this person, I would present him to the public as a character worthy of imitation ; and as ^' peace-makers shall be called the children of God,^' I tliink I am authorisied by the Hcly scriptarea to call him by that dignified and honorable title. In the spring, complaint was made to the British provincial government, against the base Mc'Kelpiti, which resulted oaly in his exclusion from the service of the army, with disgrace. The long and successful rebellion of the Colonies, had greatly exasperated the British ; and Mc'Kelpin being a strong adherent to tlieir government, loyal to his majesty ; and having been harshly treated for his toryism, doubtless the Court, by which he was tried, was strongly, though unjustly biased in his favor, v/hich greatly ameliorated his pun^ ishment. In seed time, we were allowed the privilege to sow garden seeds, and plant corn. This gave us a prospect of being furnished with qqI be kept in confinement another winter. It also gave the prisoners an opportunity to use proper exercise to preserve health, and prevent disease, a consideration of no small importance. But, disaffected by our former treatment, and fearing that the afflictions we had once received, would again be laid upon us, many chose to hazard their lives by an attempt to swim down the rapids. Some thus succeeded in making their escape, while others only plunged themselves into the jaws of detitli ! This caused the confinement of all who were left behind. The British now set about encompassing our barracks m ith pickets, or barricades, by setting posts in the ground adjoining each other, and fastening them together. Discovering what they were about to do, several of tKe prisoners, among whom I was myself one, resolved to make our endeavors to effect our escipe, before they had completed the barricade, and encircled our camp, which would deprive ujs of the liberty of th^ Island. We accordingly collected some logs together on the lower part of the Island for a raft ; carried some provisions for our sustenance on the way home ; secreted it near Uie logs ; and at an hour when we supposed all were at rest, we started, but had not gone far^ when we ea^ pied one of the sohliers upon the bank of the river, employed in dressing; some fish. We then returned to our barracks. Our attempt to escape now became known to some of our fellow prisoners, by discovering^ our absence, who ])etrayed our olyect to our keepers ; thus rouiling favor by the deeds of treachery. Having these suspicions, we improved an opportunity to bring back our provisions ; and the next day gave proof that our suspicions were well founded ; as they then w ent and rolled all the logs off that part of the Island. AVc still were determined to use every exertion, and watch for an opportunity to effect our escape from confinement, while we saw their labors to prevent u#. We sought, but sought iu rain. Time rolled away till we found ourselves inclosed with pickets, which rendered it almost impossible to make our escape ; as we were not allowed to go without this inclosurc, unattended by the guard, and that too in the day lime only. We were jt! lowed to go in the day time, attended by one or two oJF tlie guard, and hoe our corn and garden roots. But this afforded us no opportunit;y for escape, as it was impossible to swim the current on either side of the Island, undiscovere] by the g'lard or the soldiers stationed in the fort opposite the Island, ^he prisoners, as may well be sup]>osed, hacL 1 »ig been very uneasy, and discontented; but ^s is usually the case, li sense of being confined caused still more disquietude in their minds^ and excited an eager desire to be freed from bondage. The yard, wliich was surrounded by the pickets, was about ten or fifteen rods wide, and nearly forty rods long, extending lengthways of the stream. They completed the yard, some time in the month of July, A. D. J782 — Having encouragement of receiving our discharge, by exchange, often held out to us ; and seeing little prospect of succeeding in the hazardous attempt to escape from our confinement, we long waited with great impatience for the approach of that desirable event, and wholly neglected to use any exertion to gain our liberty by flight. But w^ at length perceived that tlieir object in giving us repeated encouragement of being exchanged, was only to dally us Avith the fond hopes of soon seeing better days, and thus amuse our minds with fancied prospects!, while they should be enabled to rivet our chains, i>r privately assassinate some undistinguished number of us. Of this design, we . had abundant proof, or at least, of a disposition to abuse their power, by rendering it subservient to the most despicable actions, aiul wicked purposes. For finding one of the prisoners alone in the evening, a gang of them took him, put a rope around his neck, threatening to stab him to the heart if he made any noise, and were about to hang bim, when one pf the company, staling him in th efkce, with a tone of disappoiutmeut, cried out, ^ O this is not the one.^^ They then took the ro\|>e ofl' his neck, and let him go. Thit!f manifested to the prisoners, either a determination among tlic guard ^o waylay some of us, or a wish to tritte with their authority, by creating fiar in our minds, and thus torment the afflicted. As we were sensible that the guard, if dispolled, (which avc little doubted) might assasdiiate one or more of the prisoners, and consigning the body to the waters of the river, keep the transaction hid from the knowledge of any person who should not be engaged in the horrid deed, we were led ever afterwards to take the precaution, never to be found alone in the dark, unarmed with a large scalping kaife, which we kept in our camp, and which served as a dagger and weapon of defence against a violent attack of nocturnal enemies. Having long been flattei'ed with the prospect of soon being set at liberty ; and discovering an intention among the guard privately to assassinate some unknown numbe' of us ; we resolved to make another attempt to effect our escape, aud thus free ourselves from ther brutal tyranny and unhallowed pretences. We had once paid several dollars- to one of the guard to suffer us to pass through the gate^ should he find an opportunity : but never hM the good fortune, even to see himi again. The plan we adopted was in itsdf extremely precarious as to its success^ and afibrded so little encouragement even to those wlio seemed to be most anxious to obtain tlieir freedom, that few would engage in the enterprise ; be■ lieving it would be a fruitless attempt to obtain our object, which would only cost us paiu, and bring upon us more sore trials, and far greater afflictions. Had we been confined upon the main land, where liberty from the prison, would haves afforded us a chance to retreat from danger, though we should be obliged even to pass the gates of a city surrounded with enemies, having our hands bound in irons, and our feet fettered with chains, yet, our prospects of success in our attempt to escape, had still been Imghter tlian now presented to our view. — For, then, our deliverance from prison might have given us a passport to the wilderness, free from danger ; but now, our freedom from those Avails of wretchedness, incurred the penalty of death, which was annexed to our escape if overtaken; and brought us to ^Uroubled waters," which seemed to promise death inevitable to all who should attempt to pass the current, even with well fitted boats, while we had nothing in our power but logs, fastened together with ropes. It had been our practice during the jamnnicr to hang; up blankets around the bunks in which jwe slept, to prevent the flies from troubling us, while we reposed upon our couch in the day Itime. Fearing the conseqtience of makipg our ibject known to the prisoners generally, we etermined to keep it a profound secret to all, xcept the number who belonged to our 00m, consisting of twelve. fictetfa, in order to bank up the walls of ttic barracks, it became necessary for us to dig a perpendicular course of considerable deptb, btfjce we could dig horizontally, to prevent any person who might chance to travel in the ditch, from breaking in, and discover our plan. We had no other tool to dig with, except a large Jack-knife ; tior indeed could we use any other iiistiniment with any advantage when we come to dig in a horizontal line. Aiid like the animal that makes his abode in the bosom of the earth, by digging a subterraneous passage to his gloomy cell, after we had dug a quantity of earth loose, so that we had no room to dig more, We returned backwards, drawing or scraping the dirt we had dug, with our hands and Jirms^ Which we put under the floor of the barracksf* Our progress, as must readily be perceived, tV as very slow ; though some one of us kept constantly digging, except in the hours of sleep^ and time of taking refreshment ; alternately fol lowing each othefr in ourturtis ; having a dress prepared for the purpose, which each om Wore, while at woyk in this dreary cavejrn, where we were groping iii darkness at ndon day. Here we had an opportunity to reflect upon our wretched condition, while our labour itj self witnessed our sufl^erings and discontent! ment. Here we could perceive the compamJ tive state of him, who spiritually ^^walkottii rftlkethii darkness and liatli no light." Here it might indeed, with propriety be said, that silence wept ! We succeeded, however, in the prosecution of our design extremely well, finding no obstacle in our way till we had dug under the ditch, before mentioned, when a heavy rain fell, and filled the diteh full of water, which soaked through the ground into our subterraneous way, and filled the hole we had dug completely full. This was truly a great misfortune^ which dampened the feelings of every one who had been engaged in the arduous undertaking. As Me had dug considerable distance, and advanced nearly to the pickets; had toiled with diligence, and expended much labour, we were unwilling to relinquish the task, and submit to the idea of continuing in bondage another winter. And Ave were the more anxious to pursue the undertaking, and effect our escape, because the infamous McDaniel, of whom I have spoken, had now returned and re-, sumed his commmid over us, which gave us greater reason to fear that we should again be compelled to undergo those tortures, wluch he had once inflicted. But it now became impossible, any longer to keep the matter secret, as we had done. We therefore made known our object to all the prisoners, who were stationed in our line of barracks, and receiving their universal, and respective promises, not to divulge the secret INDLVN to any cf the prisoners, ai ho \\ ere stationed in the other line of barracks ; although few would assist us, considering it labour in vain, we resolved to persevere in the plai, and, if possible, effect our escape. AVe now commenced dipping cut the waier into a barrel, v> hicli we emptied into a ditch that was made to convey our wash- water from the barracks Into the river. We dipped six barrel's full, and emptied it into the ditch ; besides a considerable quantity which we put into a clay-pit, under the barracks, where they^ dug clay for their chiinnies, and still there w as mucii left in our w ay. The guard, no doubt, supposed we were washing, or they would ha^e suspected us. Nor yet can I account for their stupidity, while tliey saw we w ere in possession of such a quantity cf water, m hich we brought out of, without carrying into, our barracks. We were now cbliged to lie half buried in mud and water, while digging, which chilled our bodies, benumbed our senses, and depressed our spirits. To prevent being discovered, when we returned from our toil we were under the necessity of v^ aching; ourselves in a larere tub cf water, which we had also placed behind our , blankets, that Avere hung up around our bunk, as we now were forced on accouat of the mud, to enter upon our subterraneous la; bour, entirely naked. . Vain would be the attempt to give a description of ray feelings, while at work in this dreary cavern, twenty feet under ground, wholly without clothing, half buried in mud, and stragling for liberty. I was removed from all my friends and relatives, the distance of more than three Inndred miles, and placed upon an Island in tha river, on both sides of wiiicli, the water mjved ov^v^'.r the ra^'^ei rojks, with such velocity, as to appear white to the eye, like a foaming billow, not less than three miles in length. Htire I was confined within the power, and exp )sed to tlie envy, malice, and regeiitaient of an implicable enemy. Shrouded in darkness, in the heart of the earth, where ligiit was unapproachable, my body lay in the mire, and my mind was overwhelmed with sorrow ! If wc refrained from digging, we seemed to be threatened with death on every side ; and if we continued to dig, our prospect appeared as melancholly as the grave! Fear and trouble were before us, w hile our absence from the barracks, exposed us to the danger of having our plan discovered, which would be sure to bring upon us th(i most awful tortures, and perhaps even dei^ itself. We chose, however, to hazard our liveMu an attempt te escape, though doubtful of success, than to risk the consequences of remaining in confinement. When we arrived to tlic picket, we 'found it was placed upon a large stone. We then daij; to the right, where we found another, whicli formed an angle with the first — ^Then turning to the left, we also found a third. All ivhich, seemed to discourage my fellow labourers, and led tliem entirely to give up the ohject. But, being in perfect health, and in good spirits, myself, I went in with a determination to remove one of these obstacles, if possible, before I returned. We had, by this time, made quite a large cavern near the pickets; which gave me considerable chance to work. After labouring in this cold, dismal place, during the space of two hours, I succeeded in removing one of the stones out of the Way, and to my great joy, I found, that the picket was hollow up a few inches above the ground, which emmitted light into this, before gloomy, but now delightful place. I could verily say with Solomon, ^Uruly the light is sAveet, and a pleasant thing it is to behold the sun.'' I then returned, and iiformed my fellow prisoners cf my success, wjucIi occasioned transports of joy ; raised the desponding ; encouraged the f.iithlcss ; confirmed the doubting ; and put new vigour in every breast. The Avork was now prosecuted m earnest, and soon completed. Animated at the prospect of gaining our liberty, the one who dug lastj undesignedly, broke through the grouad aiiil roiulercd the hole visible to any pprson, who should liappen to pass on the oiitside of tlie pickets. It now b('C!\me necessary to <levi.se a plan to secrete the hole fioni the ob- ' scrvation of the guard. To efiVct t!iis, Mr. ' lielknap, one of our fellow prisoner^y went to the ,j;uara, and in a disscmbiing tone, represented to McDaniel, the liUld prospect wo . had of heing exrhan2;ed ; that we had ionij; heen flattered, and as lon^' wailed with anxious expectation, for the ai)proach of such a happy event; but fiudiu^ ourselves disapj)ointed, we were forced to ahandou all hopes, of delicerance hy ea'chav.i^e that fall ; that, under these considerations, the prisoners were resolved to be contented, duriiii^ their conSncloent on the Island, till they sliould find themselves actually set at liberty; when all their hopes? would be SAvallowed up in the full fruition of the object we had so lon^ sought. Consequently we dcsirerl the indulgence of an opportunity to secure all our garden seeds, some of which, such as lettuce and mustard, were then ripe, and fit to harvest, that we might be enaljled to supply ourselves with the like articles, the ensuing year, should it be our unhappy case, to remain on the Island another season. Pleased with the idea that tlie prisoners were resolved to be submissive to his requirements, he readily ordered one of the guard to to go and attend us w hile we gathered our let- tuce and mustard, wlioso, duty it was to see that no one ahsconded. Having cut, and tied up, in small bundles, these vegetahles, we proceeded to hang them up, so as to fill the space between the pickets, and also place them over the hole we had dug, to hide our escape from the sight of the sentinel, who walked over the hole, between the pickets and the barracks, in whicli we were stationed. This, we accomplished, while our unsuspecting attendant was lounging aboul, at a distance from us. Here we beheld an example of selfishness, discontentment, fear and deception, .actually assuming the appearance of honesty, contentment, and submission. Knowing that we must seperate ourselves into small companies, and take different rafts, in order to render our passage down the rapids more safe ; we now made choice of our associates, to pass the dangerous scene before us. I associated myself with WilliamClark, of Yirginia, John Sprague, of Ballston NewYork, and Simeon Belknap, of Randolph, Vermont. We had prepared somf^ food for our sustenance on the way, by takiui, a quantity of flour, and mixing it with melted butter, which we put into a small bag, made for the purpose. We also had a little salt-pork, and bread, together with some parched com, and black pepper. rope«, by cutiin;^ our hlankets into stnnj^^, Aiiii twistiuj; them t( ;5ether; while those who had believed our atienipt to he vain, and toolIsh, had neither provided themselves with provisions, ropes, or materials for a raft, and were, therefore, unahlc to inipro\e the opportunity wiiicli now presented to ellVxt their escape. J5ut they c(»uld not forhcar collccling in kuimU com[):inies, and whiJ^poring together, to dcvir^e plans for escape, widch raised suspicions in tlic mind^ of the- guard that the pris(mere were entering into sotne plot, either to make their escape, or to raise a mutiny in the camp. Under these appiidieu.sions, which / took rise, from no other s<^urce, hut from the conduct of those who had been made privy to our undertaking, and would neit!ier assist us in the work, nor prepare themselves to make their escape, McUaniel ordered that ^' if any prisoner should be found attempting to make las escape, or be guilty of any misconduct, that night, he should not be spared alive.^' We commenced digging on the twenty fourth day of August, A. 1). 1782, and having dug a passage under ground, the distance of twenty two feet and a half; with no other tool but a Jack-knife; on the night of th© tenth of September following, after waiting till nine o'clock, when the roll was called, and all was still, we tied our ropes to our packs, uid crawled out, drawing our packs after us. I was preceded by six of my fellow prisouer.-3, who, after crawling through the hole, wliich was nearly half filled witli mud, made a path in the grass, as they crawled down the banks of tlie liver, which resembled that of a log having been drawn through the mud. ty more, who were our fellow labourers. As we had been allowed to go out of our inclosure, in the day time, to hoe our corn, and garden roots, and get our wood, attended by ohe of the guard, we had improved the opj)ortunity, and selected some logs for a raft, to which we could go with(mt difficulty. Clark, Belkuap, Sprague and myself new separated ourselves fiom the rest of the prisoners, and remained together, sharing equally in all the sufferings through which wc were called to pass. We took a large scalping knife with us, and a pocket compass, together with a tinder-box and fire-works. W^e rolled a large log into the ri^ er, on the upper part of the north side of the Island, on e;.ch side cf which, we placed another, then putting sticks across both ends of them, underneath, and on the upper side, opposite each other, we tied all of them f them together with wir bla nket-ropes ; and fastening our packs thereon, which contained our provision, &c. we then sat, one on each corner, and set sail down the rapids. Death in her most* fi-ightful form, now seemed to threaten us, and the foaming billows, pointed us to a watery grave ! Guided only by the current; sometimes floating ovoi* rocks, sometimes buried in the water, with little hope of again being carried out alive ; we passed down the raging stream, with the greatest rapidity imaginable ; clinging to our logs respectively ; sensible that, under the guidance of Divine Providence, our only ground of hope rested in our adhesion to the raft. We passed down the river about uine miles, when we were enabled to reach shore. We landed on the north side cf the river, about two hours before day, with not a . dry thread in our clothes, chilled with the cold, and trembling with fear. Our bread had all washed to a jelly and rendered wholly unfit to eat. None of our pro^ ision remained fit to carry with us, except a little parched corn, which was in a small wooden bottle, some salt-pork, and our buttered flour, whir^.i wo found to be water-proof. Our compass> wasj also rendered useless, which was indeed a great misfortune to us, as the want of it protracted our journey through the woods, many days. We marched up the river till day- break, when we discovered that we were nciir the fort oppo^^itc the Island. We then turned north into the woods, whicli led U9 into a swamp, wh.ere we encamped under vsaine old tree-tops, that had fillen to^^ether, about one mile from the fort, which formed no shelter from rain, but merely hid us from our expected pursuers. We plainly heard the report of Uie alarm guns, on the morning of the 11th Gf September, which announced to us tlie discovery of what had cost us great pains, and evinced, to all who should beliold the place, our love of liberty, and resolution to obtaiii it. We remained under these tree-tops, three days and two nights ; without going ten rods from the place. Having nothing to eat but salt pork, parched corn, and our buttered flour, toii;et]ier with a f^w kernels of black pepper, fjr the want of which last, Itliinkwe must have perished ; as it rained w ith a mixture of snow, every day and night, sufficiently to keep us completely wet all the time. Having been so harshly treated by the British, and knowing that ^^ confidence in an unfaithful man in time of trouble, is like a broben tooth, and a foot out of joint ;'^ we resolved to make ourselves known to no one. And like the Ishmaelites of old, while we had reason to suppose that every man^s hand was against us, we wore determined to put our own hands againt every nifln who should «ome in our wsy. Ihoald Destitute of food sufficient to supply U9 through the long woods we were to pass^ to reach our homes ; we were determined to replenish our stores, before we crossed the river St. Lawrence ; as there were but few settlements on the scuth side of the river, in that part of the country. We were, there fv)re, under the necessity (^f staying about there, till they had done searching for us. On the night of the third day after our escape, we ventured to take up our march, and travelled till \^ e came to a stream, which we supposed emptied into the river St. Lav/rcnce at the fort; but we afterwards found it to le only a branch of that stream. I waded into it, and found it was so deep, that we could not ford it. 1 therefore returned, and wc encamped for the night. Our sufferings this niglit were almoF^t insupportable ; as it Mas a cold frosty night, and we were wiujlly exposed, having nothing about us, except what was completely wet; without a shelter, and destitute of fire. On the morning of the 14tli, benumbed, and chilled with the cold, we found t place where we forded the stream, and travelled till w© came to another, and by mistaking i\\^ former, we supposed this to empty itself into the river, above the fort. We followed the current of thia feiream, till about dark, ^hen we came insight of a settlement. After waitins: till about nine o'clock iu night, we ventured to approach a lit- ile nearer, when to our utter astonishment, we heard the drum beat, which gave us assurance, that we were near the fort. Finding ourselves 80 near, we concluded to cross the stream at the nearest fording ]ilace. In passing off, wc went through the commanding officer's garden, and I pulled up a hill of his potatoes^ and carried them along with me. We then went into the road, and followed up the river St Lawrence about four miles. We had not proceeded far, however, before we came to a boat; lying at anchor, in the river, near the shore. I waded in towards it till I heard men in it, snoring in their sleep, when I quickly made my retreat. We then went on, till we came to the house of a Frenchman, as we supposed by his speech, who, just as we came up, opened the door, and hailed us. Turning into Iiis lot, we went to his barn, and endeavored to find some creature to kill. We found one cow. As we were approaching towards her, two large dogs came at us with great rage, and barking most furiously, appeared to be determined to bite us. The old Frenchman again er.me to the door, and hailed us. Fearing that soldiers might be qi» altered there, we retreated as fast as we could, keeping an eye upon the dogs, and sw inging our staves at them, to keep them from biting us, while the old Frenchman, was trying to set them on. The ground was descending as we retreated, aad while we were all moving together very fast, having our eyes partially turned upon the dogs', we ran against a fence, slightly laid up, and threw (lowii many longtlis, wliich made such a ratiling, that it terrified the dogs^ and imraediaiely put /Aem upon their retreat; as much aliVigted as they had ])cen outrageous. Trembling for oiu^ safety, we kept in the fields, backs of the street, while the dogs continued their l)arking, as if determined to arouse our enemies fmm their slumbers, and cause us to be taken. They succeeded, at least, in exciting all the dogs in the neighborhood, to engage in the general alarm ; and seemed anxious to maintiiin a constant echo, in the surrounding atmo^nliere. They were busily employed, at e"\ cry house, and sometimes in great earnest, as we passed along, the distance of several miles. At length, we came to a number of cattle, in a field, not far from the road ; among widcii, we found a two year i>ld heifer, very tame, and in good flesh. We had long been lurking about, waiting for the agitation of the public mind to abate; that we might have opportunity, to obtrdn some provision, before we entered into ^he wide wilderness, through which we v/ere expecting to pass ; and as the favored moment bad now arrived, we agreed, that Belknap shonlJ go in search of a boat, to convey us over tiie Lake St. Francis, near which we found the cattle-; that Spragiic should stand Mith tjur scalpii^u, knife, to defend against every foe; while Clirk and myself should kill the heifer, and procure a quantity of meat. By the help of a little salt, I soon succeeded in catching the heifer ; and taking her by the horns and p/^^se, 1 instantly flung her down, when Clark cut her throat with a large jack-knife ; and not waiting for her to die, or even spending time to skin her; we took ofiFa gammon, and left her bleeding. Belknap had now returned, and informed us, that he had found a boat, to which we immediately resorted, carrying with us our unskinned beef, the booty we had desired for many days ; leaving the owner of the lieifer to seek his recompense, where he could find it; willing, however, he should share with us, in his beef, by takin what we left. We were not insensible, tliat if he was a British suljject, we had abundantly compensated his lo'is, to liis government, by our omu starvation ; or if he were a friend to the unfortunate, he could not lament liis loss, since he had thus far contrilmted to feed the hungry, without even knowins: what his ridit hand did. Nor, indeed, did we trouble ourselves^ while we ruminated upon the affair, ccncernning what might be the cogitations of theow^icr, since v/e had obtained the meat; and thus answered our own purpos?.. Haying entered the boat, with all onr baggage ; tlie moon sliining bright ; we set out upon the Lake, steering for the soutk shore. We had advanced but littk>. distance, when a breezcj arose from the north- west, and drifted US' ahead with great violence; every wav« dashing the water into our boat. It now became necessary that two of us should dip the water from the boat witli our hats, as fast as possible; while the oUier two, rowed for the shore with the greiiiest exertion. The wind increased. The boat wis fast filling, in spite of all we could do. Every w ave, to human view, brought us by rapid strides to the arms of death, and presented to us a Avatery grave. But, through the wonderful goodness of the Great Preserver of men, we succeeded in landing, just as our boat had filled with water. Having fastened it to the shore, we went into the woods, struck up a fire, skinned our beef, and cut it into thin slices, which we partially roasted on slicks by the fire, and then lay down to sleep. This was the first time we had been to any fire, after we left Prison Island. We had lain secreted in bushes, and old tree-tops ; wandered in the darkness of the night, exposed to the inclemency of the weather ; forded streams of \ ater up to our necks; constantly, and completely wet ; hungry, and chilled with cold ; filled with fear and anxiety foi? our safety, dujinj the space of four days, and five niglil», Destimction and misery, ofien appeareil in our way. Death frequently stared us in tlic face, tlu'catening to make us his prey, but seemed to be held from falling upon us, by the finger of God. On the morning of the 15th day of September, (the 5th after ;e escaped;) supposing we had landed upon an Island, we began to seek how % c should £;et off, without beins: discovered By the inhabitants on the northern shores of the Lake, or by tliose who might happen to be upon the waters. Happily, we found, by travelling into the woods, that we were upon a peninsula, joined to the main land, by an isthmus, not more tiian eight or ten feet vide. This was a circumstance, {^rr^atly in our favor ; as we should otherwise biiv»3 been under the necessity of exposing ourselves to the view of our enemies ; or waiteu fir the night to cover our escape. We now set out, directing our course nearly south-east, for the American fort, at Pittsford, a town situated on Otter Creek, in the western part of the State of Vermont. Our companion, Mr. Clark, had been much 4iccustomed to traveling in the woods ; having been engaged in the business of surveying, in the w estern part of the United States, at the time he w as taken by the Lulians. We therefore, chose him to be our leader througili the country. We travelled all the first day, over low, marshy land, timbered with cedar, ; but wer* unable to find any water to drink, either in running brooks, or by digging; for the wknt of wliich we suffered much, being thirsty, as well as hungry, and greatly fatigued. Wislring to escape the vigilance of our expected pursuers, we travelled with great speed ; which, together with our living on flesh alone, doubtless occasioned a f^ir greater degi'ee of thirst, than we should have felt, bad we been supplied with bread. Tiie next day, we found water in great plenty. We crossed many streams of considerable size ; some by fording, although of such depth as to reach to our shoulders ; others we crossed by -making a small raft, sufficient to bear one of us, with our baggage ; while the other three stripped^ and, hanging by one hand to the raft, swam by her side. After wandering in the wilderness, during the space of tQn days ; sometimes progressing on our journey ; sometimes lounging iii suspense, doubting which course to ti\|.ke, and waiting ftn* the clouds to be dispelled, that the J5un might appear to enlighten our path, and guide our way; we arrived at Lake Chaujiplain^ with our clothes nearly torn from our bodies ; emaciated with hunger, sind fatigued vvith the daily toil, and long deprivation <rff iXDlAN the comforts of civilized life. During tlicsc ten days, \vc saw no other human being; nor heard his* voice, beheld his foot-steps, or the works of his hand. We lived almost wholly on flesh, like the carniverous race^ and lika them reposed upon the ground ; equally fearing the face of man; suspicious of his design^, and dreading his approach, as we did the instrument of death. While we one day, lay encamped by the fire, waiting for the appearance of the sun, we Avere aroused from our sleep, by the supposed report of a musket. Ignorant of the source whence it came, and fearing to make immediate fiiglit, lest we should flee into the hands of our enemies, we prepared ourselves to march, and were endeavoring to espy the foe, when a siiailar nois^e, proceeding from the ])ursiing cf a stone, heated by the lire, relieved our minds from fear, and filled our bosom-} wUh joy, at the happy disappointment cf expected danger. Soon after we arrived at Lake Champlaiu, we found a part of an old flat-bottom boat, which we fitted up for the purpose of conveying us acrcfis the Lake, by lashing a log on each side, with bark and withes. At about sunset we went aboard, and set sail to cross the Lake. We had proceeded nearly half way across, when the Avind arose ap^inst us, and baffled all our exertions to proceed ftirther. After labouring till about ni'hlui'^bl vvithont success, ;iii<l faariiiu; wc slioiilil be taken by the British, if we remained on the water till lig^it, we concbuled to row back to the shore we left, and rellnqaish the idea of crossing the Lake that night. Wc bad continued upon the water, till a tempest arose, and the wind blew from various directions, shifling its course every few minutes ; and our strength had become silmost exhausted, being faint for M^ant of food, insomuch that we could bardly move. We laboured V itli diligence, and with ail our might, till day-break, having nothing to use for oars except such sticks as we found in the woods, and prepared for the purpose, with a jack-knife. We were now enabled to reacb the same shore from which we started, though several miles farther nortli. Our clothes were completely wet, and our strength so far gone, that neither of us could scarcely go. In this wretched state, stupified and chilled with the cold ; so faint and tired that we could hardly move, Ave crept a few rods into the woods ; built a fire, and laid down upon the ground. I never suffered so much fatigue, in the name space of time, in my life, a* I did this night ; nor woifld I have believed I could endure as much^ with so.little strength, without perishing. Language is too feeble to express, nor can ima* gination conceive the sufferings we utiderwent» We had now hni little provision loft, and Avere com\|M»ll(Ml to curtail our lonniT allowance, so that wc slioulil he euahled to siihsi«»t, and continue our journey, till wc could reach the desired country. Having rested from the wearisome and fruitless labors of thcni;;ht, till nearly sun-set the next day, we reiolvcd to travel on the west side of the Lake, till we should come (o a narrow place, where we could m ell hope for success in an attempt to cross. We resumed our march and travelled a few miles tlhit night, then camped down, and waited for the moraing. Th«» next day, we came to the river Saranac, which empties into Lake Champlain, at a place, now called Plattsburgh, in the State of New-York. We heard the noise of the British, engaged in chopping, a fcw rods up the liver, while we crossed it between them and the Lake, not far from its mouth. After we crossed the river, we travelled a small distance, and encamped for the night, in a valley^ Avhich was in the form of a bason. AVe followed up the Lake, npon the w estern shore, crossed Duck Creek, River-auSable, Salmon River, and (xilliland^s Creek ; when we came to a place, called Split Bock, where the Lake is narrow, which afforded u«f a prospect of succeeding if we attempted to . cross. We then w ent to work to build a raft, and while engaged; a little before sun- set, e$- piei! a British armed vessel, making toward us f.om the south. We went into the busheiiy and lay secreted fiom their view, though they were si) visible to us, that we could see their red coats and even count the buttons upon them, v/hile they saild around at a smaU di«tance from us, apparently f )r amuHement, and then returned as^ain to the fiouth, out of our fe;ii;ht, without discovering us* We tlien went to work, completed our raft, ftt dirk, set sail acro-is the L?\ke ; and safel j landed in a few hours at a place now called Charlotte, in the State cf Vermont. Wo were, however, ignorant, at that time, both of the name of the place, and of its local situation. Being yet in a strange wilderness, wo knew not which way to direct our course to reach inhabitants. Indeed, all that prompted us to go forward, was the information we had received, that there wxre settlements near some part of this Lake. But we were wholly ignorant, what way to take, that sliould enable us to find them. Supposing ourselves to be between the mouth of Onion River and Otter ('reek, we concluded to steer a south east direction, which we supposed would bring us to Pittsford fjvt. We travelled into the woods a few rods, and lay down for the night. In the morning w«e resumed our march, and had not gone far, before we came to an old log house, which had long been abandoned, and by the long continuance of the war, had become greatly decajxdj^ We, however, foand a few beans, which jbad probably been there a number of years, iind were covered with moulck As our provision was mostly gone, and we were extremely hungry, we took, and parched them as we would corn by the fire, which gave some relish to th« twigs, roots and berries, that had already, for «ome days, composed our principal food. Our clothes t\ 3re almost torn from our raaftgled bodies, by the bushes, logs, and trees j and the blood that gushed from our naked, and worn out feet, witnessed, in every track we made, the pains we suflfered. Parts of our stockings still remained about our feet ; and having a needle, but no thread with us, we ravelled off the tops of them and sewed our tattered rags together as much as possible, to defend our bodies from the inclemency of tlie weathet. Oar daUy allowance of the f jod we brought with us from Prison Island, was now reduced to about an inch square of salt pork, and as Wicli of our buttered flour, as we could twice put upon the point of a large jack-knife. We had eaten all our beef and parched corn. We dug roots, of various kinds, and eat them, together with birch and other twigs. Spikenard roots, which we roasted by the fiie, comprised the greatest part of our subsistance. We found several small frogs, which we killed and eat, with great delight. But we could find only a fjw cf them, though wc searched diligently. Their meat tasted exceedingly sweet and delicious* Wc also found meaufi to catch several small fish, from a little rivulet, which we crossed; but coidd not obtain more than two or three, although we spent much time, and used every exertion in ©ur power. Some time after we had dressed our fish, and had advanced considerable distance, wc espied a bear upon a tree, a few ^^4s ahead of us. We hastened to the foot of the tree in view of killing her as she descended, by stabbing her with our large scalping knife. But on examination, we found the knife was hft^ at the place of dressing the fi^h, which fiustrated eur plan, and Idighted our hopes of obtaining any meat. Disappointment was now added to hunger and distress, and oui* faint, and wearied bodies, \^'ere hardly able to support the dreadful ^vei«;ht < f sorroAV, which hung over our minds. We, hoM'ev^r, ( ontinucd to keep a south east course, till we reached the top of the mountains, lying between Onion River, and Otter Creek ; wlien, looking back, we could seethe Lake, in fair view. Ileins: so faint I for want of food, that we could hardly step ; m\d scein"; nj prospect of obtaining any, it seemed as if death must be. our inevitable fate. I Wc had travelled seven or eight days, and jStbsisted the whole time^ mostly upon thg we M ere able to find some. Our natures v^ccmed to waste away ; and leave n Hhini; but fleatli, to stare us in the face. Winter was fist approacliini:, wliile Ave were almost naked;, destitute, and forlorn. O the wrckhed condition of those whose lot it is to be cast into the wilderness, and left to wander upon the dark mouritains cf despair ! I couhl feelinscly adopt the language of Job, and say " Terrors are turned upoa me ; they pursue my soul as the wind ; and my welfare passeth away as as a cloud. When I looked for g(5od, then evil came unto me ; and when 1 waited for light, then came darkness. I am a hrother to draggons, and a companion to ow Is 5 for I have eaten ashes like bread, and mingled my drink with weeping.^' Had. we seen any prospect of soon finding the house of a friend, or of obtaining provision, in any other way, before we should arrive among inhabitants, we could not have denied ourselves, at once to eat the little provision we had in our packs, while we suflered so much by hunger on our way. The barren mountains, and rocky cliffs ^f Uristol, llipton and Hancock; the dismal plain (,f Chataugua, and the waters of Cham« plain, witnessed the cries of our sufferings; w hile our step» tiaced g^in blood the distress we endured. distress We wandered from mountain to mountain, und from valley to valley, keeping at a distance from the Lake, lest we should fall into the hands of the British, who had command of the Lake at that time. Sorrow, hunger, and bitterness of soul, Avere our constant attendants through the day ; and the approach of the night only increased our miseries, and multiplied our sighs and groanings ! Though we slept, ife was fur trouble ; and if we continued to roam the wilderness, wc found no comfort, and our strength failed. If we slumbered, it was upon the brink of the grave, and it weuld not feed us. While our hunger increased, our hopes of relief grew dim. Seeing no prospect of ever fintling the habitations of friends, our companions, Clark and Spraguc, like the lepers of old, " said one to another, Why sit we here until we die V^ If we say we will pursue our journey, " we shall die, and if we sit still here, we die also.^^ They therefore resolved to return to the I ke, if they could get there, and deliver theniselves up into the hands of the British, They were both possessed of true couiS^^ and a noble, generous spirit. But they %ere wholly ignorant of the country, east o?\|\|\|^jfe» Champlain, and consequently had less ttt:i\|iir: courage them, than Belknap and myself. W)$^ "were unwilling,^ said they, ^ that we sliould either return, or remain with them, if we could ever reach inliabitants. But to go forward, was apparent death, even if inhabitants might be found by two or tliree day't travel ; as we are so weak we can hardly go, and still groM ing weaker.'^ They requested us to leave them to be food for wild beasts, or a prey to an exasperated foe. But the tender feelings of human sensibility forbid us to leave them ; and Belknap and myself, persuaded them to persevere, and remain with u^ to the end, by dealing out to tLem, an extra allowance of provision, on condition that I should take the lead, and be iheir pilot, to which I consented. It being nearly night we encamped till morning ; when we concluded to change our course, and steer nearly a south southwesterly direction. Yv^c travelled on moderately, feaiful of the event, till about noon, wJien^ being some rods forward of my companions, I was so fortunate as to come to a ro?id. Of this 1 noafied my languishing companions, famishing Vviih hunger, and groani?ig under the weight of their wretchedness, Avhieli occasioned tmnsports of joy, gladdened their hearts, and invigorated their bodies ; yea it " shed happiness around us, and banislied miserv before us.'' For we could sav* Vr 1th David, that we had " Avandered in the v, ihlerness, in a solitary way 5 and foui^d no city to dwell in. Hungry and thirsty our souls fainted within us. Then we cried u«k> the Lord, in our trouble, aud he deliver- Animated with the prospect of soon finding inhabitants, we travelled on the road with joy Jind delight. Our hopes of again seeing our friends, became briglitened, and our expectations greatly strengthened onr weak and trembling limbs. As they were in a valley, some distance from the road, we concluded not to go after them, hoping soon to find inhabitants, where we shouhl be enabled also to find friends, who would lend the hand of charity. We therefore travelled on, and soon came to a stream, but could not determine whether it was Otter Creek, or only a branch pf it. If. it were a branch, wa knew w^e ought to follow the currentp till we came to the Creek. But to follow the current of the Creek itself, w ould lead tis directly to the Lake, where w# ftliould be exposed to the British. We however, thought it most prudent to follow down the stream, soon came to its mouth and still were left in doubt, whether the etream, into which the first we discovered, emptied itself, was Otter Creek, or some ether branch. As it began to draw near sun- set, and seeing no prospect of finding inhabitants that iiisht 3 we resolved to return to the place where we came lo the first stream : bavins; there lonnd the walls of an old log house. Clark and niyselfj went and procured the horses and colt; while l^cll^nap and Spragiie struck up a fire, and built a camp. Having returned with tlie horse«; and confin* ed them in the old log house, we killed and dressed the colt ; and roaisted some of the meat, upon sticks by the fire, and eat it, and surely ^^it was pleasant to the taste. ^^ Indeed I never aic any meat of so delicious a flavor, although without bread, salt,* or sauce, of any kind. The next morning we started with our old horse, and coltless mare, and travelled till after the middle of the day, when we came to tho place we passed about noon, the day prcr cecding. We were confident it was the sam® place, by finding some spikenard roots, which we had thrown away soon after we fjuad tha road. Being lost, and knowing not whether to turn to the right hand, or to tire left ; having obtained a new supply of meat, by which we had been much refreshed ; and as the sun had been invisible to us for several days, we concluded to tarry there through the day, and encamp for the night ; hoping the sun would rise ♦Webrons;ht a small quantity «f salt from Prison Island, bur lost the priacipal ptwt of it, in pa'sing; down the rapids. The remaiMder, we gave to the heifer we killed; and took her gaaimoo in exthange. Hs tho better to determine what course to take. While we Avere patrolini^ about the fields^ which appeared to liave been unoccupied, and but partially cultivated during the long war j Ave found a large yard of turnipSo We then prepared our camp, built a fire, and haviug procured some turnips, kept con* tinually roasting tbem successively, during tli« night; first sleeping a little, and then eatiui;;; thus alternately refreshing ourselves by sleep, and eating colt-meat with roasted turnips, till the approach of day. As we had long lived upon the spontaneous growth of the wilderness, and had not only been almost entirely destitute of bread and meat ; but wholly deprived •f every cultivated vegitable ; we wera conscious that it would be injurious, and even dangerous, to eat immediately all we might crave for the night. We therefore chose to satiate our hunger ia a measure, by piecemeals, while we truly feasted upon that kind of fare, which was undoubtedly, of all kinds of food, the best adap ted to our wretched condition, and craving appetites. In the morning, the sky Avas clear, and the sun rose to every one of us, directly in the west. We now discovered the cause of becoming lost; and feeling much refreshed and strengthened, we took our horses, and directed our coarse according to the sun, diametrically against oar own ideas of the true point cf compasia. \Vc had not procsedeil Tir, wlieu we came to three other liorncs, which Me took, leaviui^ tlic old mare for the benefit of the owner. After travelling till about noon^ we came to a man, choppin!; in the woodn. Seeing us all on horse back, with bark bridles, and no saddles ; having on coats made of Indian blankets, which were all in rags ; with beards aji inch long, and each one of us armed with a cudgel ; the trembling wood-cutter, stood in dreadful awe, with his axe raised above his •boulders; dreading our approach, but fearing to try his success in an attempt to escape ; wliile we drew near, rejoicing that we .had ©nee more arrived where we could behold th« f.ice of one wliose hand should not be against us ; and against whom we w ere not compelled, for our safety to put our own hands. We were not much surprised, though very sorry to find our fi lend so grievously alarmed ; while we only desired his friendship. W« informed him of our wretched condition ; and besought him to be our fiiend, with tears of joy and tenderness, trickling down our emaciated c' c»eks. I iriding we were not his enemles, but tlie su]gects ef his pity and tender compassion, bursting into tears of sympathy, fit the short relation we £;ave him of our si;fferings ; he invited us to go with him and he w ould load us to Pittsford fort, which was only about one mile distiiiit 5 where we should our comfort. We soon ariivcd at the fort. It was now al)oiit one o'clock in the afternoon. We w(»rc received with the greatest marks of sympathy and coramisseration ; and treated with every respect due to our m retchedness and want. And though justice demands, that I should acknowledge the generous display of philanthropic zeal, as well as selfish curiosity, common on such occasions ; yet I could not f jrbear to notice, with pain, that cold indiflcrence for the miseries of others, commonly ohservable in those who have long been familiar with scenes of wretchedness and wo ; which was manifested by some, and especially by the commander of the fort, on our arrival at that place. Not long after we arrived at the foft, tlte owners of the horses came up, carrying their saddles upon their backs. They had been out for the purpose of surveying land, and hid turned out their horses to f^ed. After hearing a short account of our sufferings, and being made acquainted with our deplorable condition, they readily replied, with seeming compassion, that they were only sorry we had not been so fortunate; as to find their saddles likewise. r After wandering in the wilderness twenty two days, we arrived at the fort on the ^d day cf October l/SS — having fjrded rivers of wa- ter up to our shoulders; traversing through dismal swauips, the hahitations of heasU of prey ; and climhiui; mouritaius of rocks^ where no human eye couhl pity, or friends censoio us 5 making the earth our hed of roposc for the night, and extreme anxiety our constant companion through the day ; nearly starved, and almost naked; little expecting ever again to see the faces of our f jiends, or to behold those habitations which witnessed our juvenile years ; wliere we enjoyed the kind embrac«b of a tender and affectionate mother, and the paternal care of an indulgent father ; expecting every day to see the approach of that hour, when our spirits should be called to leave our bodies in a howling wildernes, lo become food for wild beasts, and our friends to lament our absence, ignorant of our end. After enduring all this, yea, more than pen can describe, or language express ; who can tell our joy and gratitude, when we came to behold a ^ city of habitation,^' and the abodes of plenty ! What heart would not palpitate for exceeding great joy, at such an event ! Who could forbear^ to speak forth praise to the Great Preserver of men on such an occasion ? Would not every heart, susceptible of the least impression, acknowledge the hand of the Almighty in so great a deliverance? henumtcd ; wc could now enjoy sweet repose by the fii'O side, sheltered from storms, and surrounded wUh friends. Instead of feeding upon froi;s, and the spontaneous growth of uncultivated nature ; subsisting on rowts ; twigs, and bark ; we could now taste the fniits of labour and indi%try ; and feast upon the bounties of heaven. Instead of wandering through a lonely wilderness, with our cheeks wet witR tears of sorrow, almost overwhelmed with despair ; we could now travel through a country of civilization, free from enemies, and receive support from the hand of cliarity. After sharing in the benevolence of many individuals, aud receiving every token of friendship from the garrison at the fort; as they were expecting soon to be attacked by tha British, we were advised to travel on still farther that night, that we might be the more' safe from the grasp of the enemy. We therefore proceeded on towards Rutland, several miles, wlien we obtained lodging in the house of a ^^poor widow,^^ who furnished us with the best food her house afforded; of which we ate heartily. Having long been without bread of any kind, and being now furnished with a full supply of good wheat bread ; it seemed as if we should di» with the eifect of eating it. it lay like lead in our stomachs, and caused us the most agonizing distress, for some hours ; while we rolled upon the floor, with bitter groaning ; al- though Avc had denied oursolvw the saiUfiittion of eating the half of what onv appetites craved. But our extreme hunger prevented the exercise of prudence, and economy, in the choice of that kind of f(»o<i whicli was hest adapted to our wretched condition. Nor did we wait long to consult ahAut the propriety, or iiaproimety of eatinr any thing we found witliin our reach. Our avidity for food, however soon ahatcd, when we found no injury to result from eating all we desired. We made our escape on the night of the 10th of Septemher; amved at Lake Champlain in ahout ten days ; and came to the fort on the night of tlie 3d day of Octoher following 5 having been in the wilderness twenty two days, without speaking k) any oth«r person, excepting our own company.* 'Tis true, we had se«n some of our species, at a distance from us, tho' w ith terror and dismay ; fearing their approach as wc should have done, that of 9L voracious animal, ready to devour us. •Whrti (lip 8iin was invisiMp, having lost oar corajiais. ue directed our course by ihe moss u\)on trees, vliieli IK found only upon I lie north sido. In \|)Assi t'j^ overland (imhyred with c«fdar, which has n» moa upuri it, we M'ore compellf>d to lipsiill, and wait the appearance of tho Sim ; vrhi( U prolraolid our journt'jr maay ila.y«. ployed, till wo had acquirrd, by our own labor, and the benevolence of otbevH, some mo-? ney, siiiBcient to enable ua to prosecute our jotirney to Connecticut. Ilaviui:; travelled many days, through th« woods, almost destitnlc of any covering f§r our feel, they h^d become very sore, which prevented our g(»ing fir in a day. Assisted by the jjand of charity, and by means of occasional labour on the way, we were enabled to reach our fi icnds. Being destined to diflerent places, o^ • companions, Clark and Sprague, j^eparated from us at Bennin'^ton. By a mutual ])articipation of suflerings, we had ac(piired that affeclifm for each other, which will remain I trust till death. Having suffered many hardships, and endured many trials together ; having been rescued from many dangers and delivered out of many troubles : sharing equally in hunger, pains and distress, as well as in the j'^ys resulting from our deliverance; we now reluctantly parted, affectionately taking our leave, perhaps never again to see each other, till we shall meet in that world, where " the weary be at rest. There the imsoners rest together, they hear not the ^ oice of the oppressor. Th« small and the great are tlieio, and the servant i« free from Ids roaster!'' Belknap and I continued our course together to Ellington, in Connecticut^ where our friends resided. We arrived there on the iTth day of October 1/82 — being just two years, from the day I was taken by the Indian$ at Randolph. W)iat pen can describe the mutual joy which w^s felt by parents and childrei. on our arrnal ! Truly our fathers, ^"^ seeing us, while yet a great fVay off, ran and fell upon otir necks, and kissed us.'^ Behold now the afTection of a father ! See him shed the tear of compassion. Hear him say '^ this my son was de? d^ and is alive again. He was 'ost and is found.'^ See him ^ begin to be merry ;'^ nor think it strange that the fatted calf should be killed. Beheld a kind father in tears of joy, and a tender step -mother,* kindly embracing th« feubject of her husband's former grief, but present delight, bee '' the best robe'' cast around him with ^^ the ring upon his hand, and the shoes upon his feet." See brothers and sisters suiTounding the returned brother. Heai* their acclamations of joy and gladness •. embracing their o?ice lost, but now living brother ! What heart would not melt atthe sight of ?ach fL joyful scene ! And what can I say to express my own feelings on this delightful interview ! Ma\ine; endured the ^.ardship9 of an Indian Captivity, and tlic pains of the Prison ; the gnawings of hunger ; the tortures of the rack^ and the still more dreadful distress of 22 day'« wandering in the wilderness ; filled with despair, anxiety and fear ; almost starved, and nearly naked ; full of wounds, and constantly chilled with the cold ; imagine, kind reader, the feelings of ray heart, ^vhen I came to behold the face of affectionate parents, and rer.eive the tender embraces of beloved brothers and St loving sister ! Think of tlie festivities of that evening, when I could again enjoy a seat in a social circle of friends and acquaintance, around the fireside in my ftither's house \ Vain is the attempt to describe my own feelings on that joyful occasion. Fruitless, indeed, must be all my endeavers, to express the mutual congratulations, manifested by all, on my return. My loi?3 absence from my friends, together with a sense of the numerous, and awful dangers through which I have been preserved, increaseed our gratitude, and caused wonder and astonishment to dwell in every l)ipeast. W3 could now heartily unite in nscri\|ii(}g praise and adoration to Him, who granted Itie protection, while expose! to tlie shafts of hatred and rftvenge. I was treated with all tkat friendship, which pity could excite, or sympathy dictate ; and saluted by every person I m«it, whether old or you»s« witk a heartY welcome. Every one seemed to be in a good degree conscious of the extreme sufferings I had undergone. In short, my return afforded me an opportunity to witness a diplay of all the tender passions of th(i soul. Knowing the deplorable wretchedness of tliose who had the misfortune to ])ecome prisoners to the British, and consequently expecting every day> to hear of my dfeath, my friends were little le«s astonished at ray return, than they wouhl have been, had they witnessed the resurrection of one from the dead. The extreme hunger and distress I had felt, were clearly manifested, to those who beheld my emaciated countenance and mangled feet ; and no cue was disposed to Aoubt the truth of .my words, who heard me relate the affecting tale of my sore afflictions. For " by reason of the voice of my groanings, my bones'' it might verily be said ('id ^* cleave to my skin.'' I however had the satisfaction to find my deep anxiety to be delivered ftom bondage, and Escape from the enemy ; my ardent wishes to see my friends, and my hungry, craving appetite, W^holly satisfied, in the full fruition of all my toils. The munificence of the wealthy was offered for my I'elief, and ti>e poor approached me, with looks of tenderness and pity. All things around me, wore a propi tious smili?. From morning till night, instead of being ;^uarded by a company of i^efugees n«l tories, or wandering in a lonesome wii jfugees derness, hungry and defititutc, I could now behold the face of friend;^, and at the approach of night, repose my head upon a downy pillow, under the hospitable covert of my father's roof. Instesd of being made a companion of the wretched, I could now ©njoy the sweet conversation of a beloved sister, and affectionatc brothers. Having for more than two years been deprived of hearing th® Gospel sound ; surely " I was glad when they said unto me, let us go into the house of the Lord.'' I will Jtii^giad and rejoice in thy name, for thou hast coT^'^idcred ^iy trouble, thou has^ known my soul in adversity." This, I hoped would be the language of every one, who made their escape with me. For myself, t trust it was the sincere language of my heait. Notwithstanding the prisoners, whom we left on the Island, were set at liberty, shortly after aur escape, and although our sufferings in th r iMerness, were exceeding great ; yet, I nevex i jund cause to lament, that I improved the opportunity to free myself from the Lands of those cruel tormenters, and oppressors of the afflicted. For ^^the spirit of a man will sustain liis infirmity." And under this mi ideration, we chose rather to hazard the conies;;. ince& of an escape, though it might prove T have never had the satisfaction to hear from either of my friends and fellow- suiferers^ Clark and Spraguc, since I parted with thenv Sii Bennincton. Mr. Belknap, now lives in Randolph, YU and from iht sad e-T>erience of the like sufferings himself, and h!. -rticipation in my own, can witness to the truta of my statement. Let not the preservation of mp life, through luch a train of dangers, be attributed to mere chance. But let the praij^e be given to '^ God 02ir Rock, and the High God, our Reedeemer.^^ In September, previous to my escape, a treaty of peace was concluded between Great Britain and the United States, ^t Paris ; the glad news of which reached America, not long after my return, which occasioned the release of the remainder of the prisoners, whot were confined wpon Prison-Island. As the war had now terminated, my return to Randolph, would not be attended with the>,^ danger of being again made captive by the Indians ; which induced me, the spring fol- • lowing, to go to that place, and resum^e my s(^ttleiKient, Oft my arrival there, I found my house was demolished, which recalled to mind, the confusion and horror of that dreadful morning, when the savage trihe approached with awful aspect, ray lonely dwelling. I went to worl: and erected a house, upon the saiiic spot, intc which, my father shortly after moved his ftimily. The grass seed, which the Indiatis Lail scattered for some distance from the. h(>u!»e, ;iji hefore observed, had taken root, stocUtd the ground, and remained entire, for many years a fresh memento of that woeful event, which proved but a f^int prelude of all my direful suflerings. Here my ftitiicr lived by cultivating that feoil, v/hich had borne the brutal band to my unwelcome door; till April 181:?^ when he died, at the good old age of Seventy' Six, Here he has spent many a win^r's evening, in rchearsing^tlie mournful tal^^ of my • captivity and sufferings,^^ to his jfi'ieads and acnuaintauce. ' .* Generous and hospitalilo by nature, ancj having been taught b^^y sufferings to ftiel far the needy, he waj^f^ver ready to e^^tend th^ hand of charity^ l^elieva their distresses — His Jiouse, alwgy-j^* the abode of plenty, was an asylumjw the naked and forlorn, an accepta^ bl^r^kobic to the poor and the wretched. ^ Always exhibiting a sense of what sufferings I had undergone, for want of food ; h© ^eeiued in nothing; to be mere delighted, t\|^iva ^^to feed the huiiffrv, aail clothe the uaked/^ IJy loviDg iuul ae;e(l step-mother, with one of her sons (a half biother of mine) now lives ou the same farm. In the winter of lySi'i — I w^is married to Hannah Bhnrtlifl, of Tolland, Connecticut, and settled at Randolph, not far from ray fathers lionse, Avhere I resided ci^ht years, when I purchased a farm ; and removed to Brookfield, a town adjoinini;, Here I have resided, nutil the present timt (1816,) and obtained my own subsistance, and. that of my numerous family, by means of cultiva^ ting the soil. By a steady cmirse of industry, r.nd eccncmy, I have been enabled, nndor the Divine blesj^ing, to acqvrire a comfortable sup-, port, and enjoy the fiuits of my labors, in quietude and peace. As my occupation wai^ that tf a farmer, my opportunities for infor-r mation, like those of many others of my class, have been limited, jVIy family, not unlike Job's, coRsists of seveu gons and three daughters ; nor have I reason to think my'afflijCtipu* much inferior to his. Although death has never beeii permited V> enter my dwelling and take any of my fainily> vet, my substance has once been destroyed, by worse than Chg,ldean hands, and that too at the yery outset of my adventures in life. Not only were my house and effects destroyed, but jnyself, at a most unpropitious hour, when far jrenjoved from all my friends, coinpelle4 to J^ave my employment; relinquish all those objects of enterprise, peculiar to the juvenile nge, and forced to enter the ranks of a savaga band, and travel into an cneray^s country. Thus were all my expectations cut off. My hopes were blasted, and my youthful prospects darkened ! ••• £ was not in sitfety, ijeither had 1 rest, neither was I qui^t'; yet troubltt came. O that my grief were thoroughly weighed, an<l my calamity laid ia the balances tQ» gether.'^ And kindly save my guilty suul. Notwithstanding that inhumanity and cruelr ty wiiich characterized the conduct of the sarage«, yet^ I think that the barbarous treatmfint «ye ireceivedi from the impioi^s commander^ of the British fort, in who<«e charge we were kept^ might put to the blush, the rudest savage, who traverses the western wild. Their coHduct illy comported with what might be expected from men, wlio are favored with the light of revelation. The savage, when lie does a deed of charity towards hi#j prisoner, is no doubt, less liable to be actuated by a selfish principle, and influenced by the hope of reward, or by a fear of loosing his reputiition, than he is, wiio has been made acquainted with the gracious reward offered to those who ^^ do unto others as they w ould that others should do unto thcu^/' and knows the bitter consequences of the contrary-practice. And, I think, the destruction of RoyaltoH, and all its evil consequences, may, with less propriety, be attributed to the brutal malevoienee, of the savage tribe, than to the ignoble treaehery, and despicable fanaticism of certain individuals of our own nation. Scarce can that man be fi)und in this enlightened country, who would treat his enemy with as much tenderness and compassion, as I was treated by the savage tribe 5 though I had abundant cause to say, that the " tender mercies of the wicked, are cruel.'^ Who would not shudder at the ' idea of being compelled to take up their abode with a herd of tawny savages? Yet, alas! when I c<mtrasted the sufferings I endured, while witH ihft Indians, with tkosc afflictions, that were laid ujion me, hy men, who had been from their youth favored with tlie advantages of cirilization, clothed with authority, and distinguished with a badge of honor ; X couhl truly say, the former chastisad me with whips, but the latter Avitli scorpions. An Indian captivity, will hardly admtt of a comparison with my wretched condition, while in the hands of the British, and under the domineering power of a company of refugees; and tories. While with the IndiaMS, my food was unsavory and unwholesome, my clothing, like their own, was scant, and covered with filthy vermin ; and my life was always exposed tor the danger of their implacable hatred and revenge. This was a most perilous condition^ indeed, for any one to be placed in. But my cottfinL»,meiat with the British, multiplied my compiaintji, added to my aflBictious, rendered me more exposed to the danger of loosing my life, increased my sorrows, and apparently brought me near the grave^ My food wtts lesft fiilthy,* but I was not allowed the half of what my appetite craved, and my nature required, to render me comfortable. By these, and my subsequent afflictions, I have been taught a iQason, thiit has made au impression upon my mind, which t trust wiU f emain as long as life ihall last, r I have been taught by ocular demons iratio% and sad experience, the depravity of man; aiwl the fallacy of looking for durable happiness in terrestrial things. My own suftering«, have implanted within; my breast, that i^ijipathy for the distressed, which is better felt than described. Nakedness and poverty have once, been my companions, and I shall not readily forget to lend a listening ear to the cries of the needy. And I would exhort myself, and all my fellow men, by the extreme suflFerings I hav^ endured, to be rea,(ly at all times to ^^feed the hungry, and clothe the naked ;^^ nor ever fail to extend the hand of charity for the assistai^qe i)t the unfortunate.	41,592	common-pile/pre_1929_books_filtered	cihm_21044	public_library	public_library_1929_dolma-0002.json.gz:200	https://archive.org/download/cihm_21044/cihm_21044_djvu.txt

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