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Sakina sarimara lawat.
|
Sakina is pouching guavas.
|
Language Science Press
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[
{
"content": "Kalamang is a language spoken on the Karas Islands in West Papua. Translate from English to Kalamang: Sakina is pouching guavas.\n\n\nTo help with the translation, here is one of the closest entries to \"Sakina\" in the English-Kalamang bilingual dictionary:\nEnglish word: vagina\nKalamang translation: kar\n\nTo help with the translation, here is one of the closest entries to \"Sakina\" in the English-Kalamang bilingual dictionary:\nEnglish word: casuarina (tree)\nKalamang translation: rur\n\nTo help with the translation, here is one of the closest entries to \"is\" in the English-Kalamang bilingual dictionary:\nEnglish word: Aru islands\nKalamang translation: Dobu\n\nTo help with the translation, here is one of the closest entries to \"is\" in the English-Kalamang bilingual dictionary:\nEnglish word: there is\nKalamang translation: mambon\n\nTo help with the translation, here is one of the closest entries to \"pouching\" in the English-Kalamang bilingual dictionary:\nEnglish word: thin and flat thing\nKalamang translation: *tak; taun\n\nTo help with the translation, here is one of the closest entries to \"pouching\" in the English-Kalamang bilingual dictionary:\nEnglish word: pouch\nKalamang translation: lawalawat\n\nTo help with the translation, here is one of the closest entries to \"guavas\" in the English-Kalamang bilingual dictionary:\nEnglish word: Mas\nKalamang translation: Sewa\n\nTo help with the translation, here is one of the closest entries to \"guavas\" in the English-Kalamang bilingual dictionary:\nEnglish word: guava\nKalamang translation: sarim\n\nTo help with the translation, here is a translated sentence with words similar to \"Sakina\" in a list of translated Kalamang-English reference sentences:\nEnglish sentence: Sakina's mother can steer a motor boat.\nKalamang translation: Sakina emun jongsongat bisa kinkin.\n\nTo help with the translation, here is a translated sentence with words similar to \"Sakina\" in a list of translated Kalamang-English reference sentences:\nEnglish sentence: Dalima goes up to buy noodles but Sakina and family are still eating.\nKalamang translation: Dalima sara mijie ba Sakina mu tok muap.\n\nTo help with the translation, here is a translated sentence with words similar to \"is\" in a list of translated Kalamang-English reference sentences:\nEnglish sentence: There is a lot of dog poop at Kiaba.\nKalamang translation: Bal kiet me Kiaba me reidak.\n\nTo help with the translation, here is a translated sentence with words similar to \"is\" in a list of translated Kalamang-English reference sentences:\nEnglish sentence: Bilal's father is putting his canoe out.\nKalamang translation: Bilal esun et me di kolko.\n\nTo help with the translation, here is a translated sentence with words similar to \"pouching\" in a list of translated Kalamang-English reference sentences:\nEnglish sentence: An ibis is watching fish standing on a stone.\nKalamang translation: Kurua kona yarkeitko mambara sorara jaga.\n\nTo help with the translation, here is a translated sentence with words similar to \"pouching\" in a list of translated Kalamang-English reference sentences:\nEnglish sentence: Bakri's mother and family go searching for worms.\nKalamang translation: Bakri emun mu bo ibanruo reba.\n\nTo help with the translation, here is a translated sentence with words similar to \"guavas\" in a list of translated Kalamang-English reference sentences:\nEnglish sentence: She has a long name.\nKalamang translation: Ma me inun kahen.\n\nTo help with the translation, here is a translated sentence with words similar to \"guavas\" in a list of translated Kalamang-English reference sentences:\nEnglish sentence: Alun and his friends are putting guavas in a pouch.\nKalamang translation: Alun mu sarimat lawalawat.\n\nTo help with the translation, here is a passage retrieved from a Kalamang grammar book:\n---\nAt least the basic pronouns, the *-tain* series of restricting pronouns\nand possessive pronouns can be marked with the following clitics in\ndifferent syntactic and pragmatic roles: object *=at*\n(§<a href=\"#sec:at\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"sec:at\">[sec:at]</a>), causative *di=* (in\ngive-constructions, §<a href=\"#sec:give\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"sec:give\">[sec:give]</a>), comitative *=bon*\n(§<a href=\"#sec:comi\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"sec:comi\">[sec:comi]</a>) and similative *=kap*\n(§<a href=\"#sec:simcase\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"sec:simcase\">[sec:simcase]</a>). Lative *=ka* and\nlocative *=ko* cannot be suffixed to pronouns, having dedicated animate\nforms instead that can be used with pronouns referring to animates:\n*=kongga* and *=konggo*, respectively\n(§<a href=\"#sec:animloclat\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"sec:animloclat\">[sec:animloclat]</a>). Benefactive\nmarker *=ki* is the only case enclitic that cannot be attached to\npronouns (see §<a href=\"#sec:give\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"sec:give\">[sec:give]</a>). An instance of instrumental\n*=ki* was elicited,\nsee(<a href=\"#exe:anggonggi\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"exe:anggonggi\">[exe:anggonggi]</a>). The comitative and\nsimilative postpositions are illustrated\nin(<a href=\"#exe:proncom\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"exe:proncom\">[exe:proncom]</a>)\nand(<a href=\"#exe:pronkap\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"exe:pronkap\">[exe:pronkap]</a>), respectively. \n<div class=\"exe\"> \nan **anggon**=**ki** kawotman ma **main**=**ki** kawotman\n<span class=\"smallcaps\">1sg</span>\n<span class=\"smallcaps\">1sg.poss=ins</span> cut\n<span class=\"smallcaps\">3sg</span>\n<span class=\"smallcaps\">3poss=ins</span> cut\n‘I cut with mine, he cuts with his.’ <span id=\"exe:anggonggi\"\nlabel=\"exe:anggonggi\"></span> mu se yal **marain=bon**\n<span class=\"smallcaps\">3pl</span> <span class=\"smallcaps\">iam</span>\npaddle <span class=\"smallcaps\">3sg.alone=com</span>\n‘They paddled with him alone.’ <span id=\"exe:proncom\"\nlabel=\"exe:proncom\"></span> me sama=i nain **an=kap**\n<span class=\"smallcaps\">dist</span>\nsame=<span class=\"smallcaps\">plnk</span> like\n<span class=\"smallcaps\">1sg=sim</span>\n‘That’s the same as me.’ <span id=\"exe:pronkap\"\nlabel=\"exe:pronkap\"></span> \n</div> \nAll pronouns in Table<a href=\"#tab:pronouns\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"tab:pronouns\">[tab:pronouns]</a> must carry object\nmarker *=at* when they function as the (direct or indirect) object of a\nclause. (<a href=\"#exe:bandrol\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"exe:bandrol\">[exe:bandrol]</a>)\nand(<a href=\"#exe:naluar\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"exe:naluar\">[exe:naluar]</a>) illustrate different kinds\nof pronouns in object function. \n<div class=\"exe\"> \nan bo bandrol-un=at jie **mu=at** naunak\n<span class=\"smallcaps\">1sg</span> go\ntobacco_pouch-<span class=\"smallcaps\">3poss=obj</span> get\n<span class=\"smallcaps\">3sg=obj</span> show\n‘I went to get the tobacco’s pouch \\[to\\] show them.’\n<span id=\"exe:bandrol\" label=\"exe:bandrol\"></span> an **anggon=at**\nnaluar=teba\n<span class=\"smallcaps\">1sg</span>\n<span class=\"smallcaps\">1sg.poss=obj</span>\nslacken=<span class=\"smallcaps\">prog</span>\n‘I’m slackening mine.’ <span id=\"exe:naluar\" label=\"exe:naluar\"></span> \n</div> \nOther nominal morphology that is also carried by pronouns is *=nan*\n‘too’, illustrated in(<a href=\"#exe:pronnan\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"exe:pronnan\">[exe:pronnan]</a>). \n<div class=\"exe\"> \n**ma=nan** koyan amdir-un=ko\n<span class=\"smallcaps\">3sg</span>=too plant\ngarden-<span class=\"smallcaps\">3poss=loc</span>\n‘He also plants in the garden.’ <span id=\"exe:pronnan\"\nlabel=\"exe:pronnan\"></span> \n</div> \nThe enclitic *=saet* ‘only, exclusively’, found also on nouns, was not\nfound on pronouns in the natural spoken corpus, probably because the\nrestricting pronouns take over that function.\n---\n\nTo help with the translation, here is a passage retrieved from a Kalamang grammar book:\n---\n<span id=\"sec:recp\" label=\"sec:recp\"></span> In a reciprocal clause, two\n(groups of) participants have a symmetrical relation to each other. That\nis, what counts for the one group or individual counts for the other\ngroup or individual, as in ‘they push each other’ . In Kalamang,\nreciprocal constructions are made with a verbal proclitic *nau=*. In\nthese constructions, the valency of the verb is typically reduced by one\nsuch that there is only a subject argument. The reciprocal proclitic is\nalso, but less commonly, used in distributive constructions, as\ndescribed at the end of this section. \nThe following examples illustrate simultaneous reciprocal actions. \n<div class=\"exe\"> \n<span id=\"exe:nautabarak\" label=\"exe:nautabarak\"></span> mier\n**nau**=tabarak to\n<span class=\"smallcaps\">2du</span>\n<span class=\"smallcaps\">recp</span>=crash right\n‘They crash into each other, right?’ in se tan **nau**=kinkin\n<span class=\"smallcaps\">1pl.excl</span>\n<span class=\"smallcaps\">iam</span> hand\n<span class=\"smallcaps\">recp</span>=hold\n‘We already shake hands.’ <span id=\"exe:naukinkin\"\nlabel=\"exe:naukinkin\"></span> \n</div> \nIn the *Reciprocal constructions and situation type field stimulus kit*\n, which consists of short video clips that speakers are asked to\ndescribe, *nau=* was applied to events of hugging, chasing, hitting and\nexchanging where more than two people were acting upon each other in a\nunidirectional chain, pairwise, radially or mixed. The reciprocal\nproclitic is also used for asymmetrical actions, i.e. actions that one\ngroup or individual do(es) to another, but not vice versa (for example\none person shaking others’ hands, one person giving things to several\nothers, a person chasing another who is being chased by a third). It can\nalso be used for sequentially reciprocal events (like people hitting\neach other in turn).\n(<a href=\"#exe:naukosalir\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"exe:naukosalir\">[exe:naukosalir]</a>) is the description\nof a clip (no. 21) of four people sitting at a table, giving each other\ndifferent items of food and drink. Each person gives and receives, but\nnot necessarily to and from the same person. The verb *kosalir* ‘to\nexchange’ retains its valency, but changes in meaning. In non-reciprocal\nconstructions, its object is replaced with another version of itself\n(another set of clothes, a part of the house when renovating, fresh food\non the table). In reciprocal constructions, the object changes owner but\nis not replaced. \n<div class=\"exe\"> \nmu muap=at **nau**=kosalir\n<span class=\"smallcaps\">3pl</span>\nfood=<span class=\"smallcaps\">obj</span>\n<span class=\"smallcaps\">recp</span>=exchange\n‘They exchange food with each other.’ <span id=\"exe:naukosalir\"\nlabel=\"exe:naukosalir\"></span> \n</div> \n(<a href=\"#exe:naukoup\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"exe:naukoup\">[exe:naukoup]</a>) describes a clip (no.\n16) where three people hug a fourth person sequentially. \n<div class=\"exe\"> \nmu **nau**=koup\n<span class=\"smallcaps\">3pl</span>\n<span class=\"smallcaps\">recp</span>=hug\n‘They hug each other.’ <span id=\"exe:naukoup\"\nlabel=\"exe:naukoup\"></span> \n</div> \nSome verbs, when used in reciprocal constructions, take a more abstract\nmeaning. The verbs *tu* ‘to hit’ and *sair* ‘to shoot (with a gun)’ are\nused for expressing fighting or even war.\n(<a href=\"#exe:nausair\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"exe:nausair\">[exe:nausair]</a>) is about the Second\nWorld War, and(<a href=\"#exe:nautu\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"exe:nautu\">[exe:nautu]</a>) describes picture 4 from the\n*Family problems picture task* with angry-looking people drinking beer.\nOne person is touching another on the shoulder and another is raising\nhis fist but they are not actually hitting each other. While *nausair*\nis only attested in war contexts, *nautu* can also simply mean ‘hit each\nother’. \n<div class=\"exe\"> \nwiseme Jepang=bon Amerika=bon **nau**=sair=ten\nlong_time_ago Japan=<span class=\"smallcaps\">com</span>\nAmerica=<span class=\"smallcaps\">com</span>\n<span class=\"smallcaps\">recp</span>=shoot=<span class=\"smallcaps\">ten</span>\n‘A long time ago, Japan and America were at war.’ <span id=\"exe:nausair\"\nlabel=\"exe:nausair\"></span> mu bir namabuk=teba **nau**=tu\n<span class=\"smallcaps\">3pl</span> beer\ndrunk=<span class=\"smallcaps\">prog</span>\n<span class=\"smallcaps\">recp</span>=hit\n‘They’re drunk on beer, fighting.’ <span id=\"exe:nautu\"\nlabel=\"exe:nautu\"></span> \n</div> \nOther verbs that get a more abstract meaning when used reciprocally are\n*tan nau=kinkin* ‘hand <span class=\"smallcaps\">recp</span>=hold’, which\nmeans ‘to shake hands’, and *nau=bes* ‘to make up’, from *bes* ‘to be\ngood’. The latter is illustrated\nin(<a href=\"#exe:naubes\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"exe:naubes\">[exe:naubes]</a>), which describes people\nmaking up after a fight. The intransitive verb *bes* is transitivised\nwith help of *paruo* ‘to make’\n(§<a href=\"#sec:caus\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"sec:caus\">[sec:caus]</a>), and then reduced in valency\nagain with help of reciprocal *nau=*. \n<div class=\"exe\"> \nmu paruo **nau**=bes\n<span class=\"smallcaps\">3pl</span> make\n<span class=\"smallcaps\">recp</span>=good\n‘They are making up.’ <span id=\"exe:naubes\" label=\"exe:naubes\"></span> \n</div> \nA verb that gets a more specific reading with *nau=* is *komahal* ‘to\nnot know’, which means ‘to not have encountered’ when inflected with the\nreciprocal. This is also valid where one of the parts is inanimate, such\nas the forest to which the speaker describes fleeing\nin(<a href=\"#exe:naukomahal\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"exe:naukomahal\">[exe:naukomahal]</a>). \n<div class=\"exe\"> \nka tamandi=a kiem=et, ka tamangga=ta, in se **nau**=komahal=te\n<span class=\"smallcaps\">2sg</span>\nhow=<span class=\"smallcaps\">foc</span>\nflee=<span class=\"smallcaps\">irr</span>\n<span class=\"smallcaps\">2sg</span>\nwhere.<span class=\"smallcaps\">lat</span>=<span class=\"smallcaps\">nfin</span>\n<span class=\"smallcaps\">1pl.excl</span>\n<span class=\"smallcaps\">iam</span>\n<span class=\"smallcaps\">recp</span>=not_know=<span class=\"smallcaps\">nfin</span>\n‘How could you flee, where? We had never encountered \\[that part of the\nforest\\] before.’ <span id=\"exe:naukomahal\"\nlabel=\"exe:naukomahal\"></span> \n</div> \nAt least one verb, *munmun* ‘to delouse’ (derived from *mun* ‘louse’)\ncannot be used with the reciprocal marker, regardless of whether the\naction is symmetrical or asymmetrical, simultaneous or sequential. \nReciprocal *nau=* is found on two nouns in the corpus. It is unclear\nwhether this is a productive process, but attaching reciprocal *nau=*\nappears to change these nouns into verbs with a meaning related to the\nnoun. The root *kia-* ‘same-sex sibling’ turns into *nau=kia(ka)* ‘to\nbe/have siblings’\n(example<a href=\"#exe:naukia\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"exe:naukia\">[exe:naukia]</a>), and the root *kahaman*\n‘bottom’ turns into *nau=kahaman* ‘to be close to or touch each other’s\nbottoms’ (example<a href=\"#exe:naukahaman\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"exe:naukahaman\">[exe:naukahaman]</a>). (The example is\nfrom a picture-matching task with pictures of two building blocks.) \n<div class=\"exe\"> \nma koi **nau**=kiaka mambon=ta (...)\n<span class=\"smallcaps\">3sg</span> then\n<span class=\"smallcaps\">recp</span>=be_sibling\n<span class=\"smallcaps\">exist</span>=<span class=\"smallcaps\">nfin</span>\n‘He, then, has siblings \\[who\\] are there (...).’ <span id=\"exe:naukia\"\nlabel=\"exe:naukia\"></span> <span id=\"exe:naukahaman\"\nlabel=\"exe:naukahaman\"></span> \n</div> \n*Nau=* is in a few cases used in a distributive sense.\nIn(<a href=\"#exe:naunggang\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"exe:naunggang\">[exe:naunggang]</a>), it is prefixed to\n*gang* ‘to hang’ to talk about items hanging in a tree. It is\ndistributive in the sense that the items hang in different places.\nIn(<a href=\"#exe:us\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"exe:us\">[exe:us]</a>), it is used to describe a naked\nman. That example is distributive in the sense that the man’s penis is\nseen in movement, dangling from the body. \n<div class=\"exe\"> \nse **nau**=gang\n<span class=\"smallcaps\">iam</span>\n<span class=\"smallcaps\">recp</span>=hang\n‘\\[They\\] hung everywhere.’ <span id=\"exe:naunggang\"\nlabel=\"exe:naunggang\"></span> ma handuk=at jien=i koyet paruak=i kor\nkerunggo us **nau**=gang\n<span class=\"smallcaps\">3sg</span>\ntowel=<span class=\"smallcaps\">obj</span>\nget=<span class=\"smallcaps\">plnk</span> finish\nthrow=<span class=\"smallcaps\">plnk</span> leg on_top penis\n<span class=\"smallcaps\">recp</span>=hang\n‘After getting a towel he threw it over his legs. His penis was\ndangling.’ <span id=\"exe:us\" label=\"exe:us\"></span> \n</div> \nOne corpus example suggests that reciprocal constructions may also be\nused to express the omnipresence or perhaps the duration of a feeling,\nsimilar to a distributive reading. The reciprocal proclitic is not\nattested with other bodily sensations, and a clear example illustrating\nthe meaning of *layier* ‘to itch’ without the reciprocal is lacking. \n<div class=\"exe\"> \n<span id=\"exe:naulaier\" label=\"exe:naulaier\"></span> kaden-un\n**nau**=layier=te\nbody-<span class=\"smallcaps\">3poss</span>\n<span class=\"smallcaps\">recp</span>=itch=<span class=\"smallcaps\">nfin</span>\n‘His body is itchy.’ \n</div> \nLastly, the form *nauleluk* ‘to meet each other’ might be a lexicalised\nform of *nau=* and *koluk* ‘to meet’. \\[k\\] → \\[l\\] is not a synchronic\nmorphophonological process.\n---\n\nNow write the translation of the sentence: Sakina is pouching guavas.\nPlease provide your meta-linguistic reasoning step by step, and put your final translation within \\boxed{}.",
"role": "user"
}
] |
translation
|
{
"ground_truth": "Sakina sarimara lawat.",
"style": "rule"
}
|
{
"answer": "Sakina sarimara lawat.",
"grammar_metadata": [
{
"metadata": {
"Header 1": "Pronouns and person reference and address",
"Header 2": "Pronominal person reference and address",
"Header 3": "Morphosyntactic properties",
"Header 4": null
},
"passage": "At least the basic pronouns, the *-tain* series of restricting pronouns\nand possessive pronouns can be marked with the following clitics in\ndifferent syntactic and pragmatic roles: object *=at*\n(§<a href=\"#sec:at\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"sec:at\">[sec:at]</a>), causative *di=* (in\ngive-constructions, §<a href=\"#sec:give\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"sec:give\">[sec:give]</a>), comitative *=bon*\n(§<a href=\"#sec:comi\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"sec:comi\">[sec:comi]</a>) and similative *=kap*\n(§<a href=\"#sec:simcase\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"sec:simcase\">[sec:simcase]</a>). Lative *=ka* and\nlocative *=ko* cannot be suffixed to pronouns, having dedicated animate\nforms instead that can be used with pronouns referring to animates:\n*=kongga* and *=konggo*, respectively\n(§<a href=\"#sec:animloclat\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"sec:animloclat\">[sec:animloclat]</a>). Benefactive\nmarker *=ki* is the only case enclitic that cannot be attached to\npronouns (see §<a href=\"#sec:give\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"sec:give\">[sec:give]</a>). An instance of instrumental\n*=ki* was elicited,\nsee(<a href=\"#exe:anggonggi\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"exe:anggonggi\">[exe:anggonggi]</a>). The comitative and\nsimilative postpositions are illustrated\nin(<a href=\"#exe:proncom\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"exe:proncom\">[exe:proncom]</a>)\nand(<a href=\"#exe:pronkap\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"exe:pronkap\">[exe:pronkap]</a>), respectively. \n<div class=\"exe\"> \nan **anggon**=**ki** kawotman ma **main**=**ki** kawotman\n<span class=\"smallcaps\">1sg</span>\n<span class=\"smallcaps\">1sg.poss=ins</span> cut\n<span class=\"smallcaps\">3sg</span>\n<span class=\"smallcaps\">3poss=ins</span> cut\n‘I cut with mine, he cuts with his.’ <span id=\"exe:anggonggi\"\nlabel=\"exe:anggonggi\"></span> mu se yal **marain=bon**\n<span class=\"smallcaps\">3pl</span> <span class=\"smallcaps\">iam</span>\npaddle <span class=\"smallcaps\">3sg.alone=com</span>\n‘They paddled with him alone.’ <span id=\"exe:proncom\"\nlabel=\"exe:proncom\"></span> me sama=i nain **an=kap**\n<span class=\"smallcaps\">dist</span>\nsame=<span class=\"smallcaps\">plnk</span> like\n<span class=\"smallcaps\">1sg=sim</span>\n‘That’s the same as me.’ <span id=\"exe:pronkap\"\nlabel=\"exe:pronkap\"></span> \n</div> \nAll pronouns in Table<a href=\"#tab:pronouns\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"tab:pronouns\">[tab:pronouns]</a> must carry object\nmarker *=at* when they function as the (direct or indirect) object of a\nclause. (<a href=\"#exe:bandrol\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"exe:bandrol\">[exe:bandrol]</a>)\nand(<a href=\"#exe:naluar\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"exe:naluar\">[exe:naluar]</a>) illustrate different kinds\nof pronouns in object function. \n<div class=\"exe\"> \nan bo bandrol-un=at jie **mu=at** naunak\n<span class=\"smallcaps\">1sg</span> go\ntobacco_pouch-<span class=\"smallcaps\">3poss=obj</span> get\n<span class=\"smallcaps\">3sg=obj</span> show\n‘I went to get the tobacco’s pouch \\[to\\] show them.’\n<span id=\"exe:bandrol\" label=\"exe:bandrol\"></span> an **anggon=at**\nnaluar=teba\n<span class=\"smallcaps\">1sg</span>\n<span class=\"smallcaps\">1sg.poss=obj</span>\nslacken=<span class=\"smallcaps\">prog</span>\n‘I’m slackening mine.’ <span id=\"exe:naluar\" label=\"exe:naluar\"></span> \n</div> \nOther nominal morphology that is also carried by pronouns is *=nan*\n‘too’, illustrated in(<a href=\"#exe:pronnan\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"exe:pronnan\">[exe:pronnan]</a>). \n<div class=\"exe\"> \n**ma=nan** koyan amdir-un=ko\n<span class=\"smallcaps\">3sg</span>=too plant\ngarden-<span class=\"smallcaps\">3poss=loc</span>\n‘He also plants in the garden.’ <span id=\"exe:pronnan\"\nlabel=\"exe:pronnan\"></span> \n</div> \nThe enclitic *=saet* ‘only, exclusively’, found also on nouns, was not\nfound on pronouns in the natural spoken corpus, probably because the\nrestricting pronouns take over that function."
},
{
"metadata": {
"Header 1": "Verbs",
"Header 2": "Valency changing",
"Header 3": "Reciprocal constructions",
"Header 4": null
},
"passage": "<span id=\"sec:recp\" label=\"sec:recp\"></span> In a reciprocal clause, two\n(groups of) participants have a symmetrical relation to each other. That\nis, what counts for the one group or individual counts for the other\ngroup or individual, as in ‘they push each other’ . In Kalamang,\nreciprocal constructions are made with a verbal proclitic *nau=*. In\nthese constructions, the valency of the verb is typically reduced by one\nsuch that there is only a subject argument. The reciprocal proclitic is\nalso, but less commonly, used in distributive constructions, as\ndescribed at the end of this section. \nThe following examples illustrate simultaneous reciprocal actions. \n<div class=\"exe\"> \n<span id=\"exe:nautabarak\" label=\"exe:nautabarak\"></span> mier\n**nau**=tabarak to\n<span class=\"smallcaps\">2du</span>\n<span class=\"smallcaps\">recp</span>=crash right\n‘They crash into each other, right?’ in se tan **nau**=kinkin\n<span class=\"smallcaps\">1pl.excl</span>\n<span class=\"smallcaps\">iam</span> hand\n<span class=\"smallcaps\">recp</span>=hold\n‘We already shake hands.’ <span id=\"exe:naukinkin\"\nlabel=\"exe:naukinkin\"></span> \n</div> \nIn the *Reciprocal constructions and situation type field stimulus kit*\n, which consists of short video clips that speakers are asked to\ndescribe, *nau=* was applied to events of hugging, chasing, hitting and\nexchanging where more than two people were acting upon each other in a\nunidirectional chain, pairwise, radially or mixed. The reciprocal\nproclitic is also used for asymmetrical actions, i.e. actions that one\ngroup or individual do(es) to another, but not vice versa (for example\none person shaking others’ hands, one person giving things to several\nothers, a person chasing another who is being chased by a third). It can\nalso be used for sequentially reciprocal events (like people hitting\neach other in turn).\n(<a href=\"#exe:naukosalir\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"exe:naukosalir\">[exe:naukosalir]</a>) is the description\nof a clip (no. 21) of four people sitting at a table, giving each other\ndifferent items of food and drink. Each person gives and receives, but\nnot necessarily to and from the same person. The verb *kosalir* ‘to\nexchange’ retains its valency, but changes in meaning. In non-reciprocal\nconstructions, its object is replaced with another version of itself\n(another set of clothes, a part of the house when renovating, fresh food\non the table). In reciprocal constructions, the object changes owner but\nis not replaced. \n<div class=\"exe\"> \nmu muap=at **nau**=kosalir\n<span class=\"smallcaps\">3pl</span>\nfood=<span class=\"smallcaps\">obj</span>\n<span class=\"smallcaps\">recp</span>=exchange\n‘They exchange food with each other.’ <span id=\"exe:naukosalir\"\nlabel=\"exe:naukosalir\"></span> \n</div> \n(<a href=\"#exe:naukoup\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"exe:naukoup\">[exe:naukoup]</a>) describes a clip (no.\n16) where three people hug a fourth person sequentially. \n<div class=\"exe\"> \nmu **nau**=koup\n<span class=\"smallcaps\">3pl</span>\n<span class=\"smallcaps\">recp</span>=hug\n‘They hug each other.’ <span id=\"exe:naukoup\"\nlabel=\"exe:naukoup\"></span> \n</div> \nSome verbs, when used in reciprocal constructions, take a more abstract\nmeaning. The verbs *tu* ‘to hit’ and *sair* ‘to shoot (with a gun)’ are\nused for expressing fighting or even war.\n(<a href=\"#exe:nausair\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"exe:nausair\">[exe:nausair]</a>) is about the Second\nWorld War, and(<a href=\"#exe:nautu\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"exe:nautu\">[exe:nautu]</a>) describes picture 4 from the\n*Family problems picture task* with angry-looking people drinking beer.\nOne person is touching another on the shoulder and another is raising\nhis fist but they are not actually hitting each other. While *nausair*\nis only attested in war contexts, *nautu* can also simply mean ‘hit each\nother’. \n<div class=\"exe\"> \nwiseme Jepang=bon Amerika=bon **nau**=sair=ten\nlong_time_ago Japan=<span class=\"smallcaps\">com</span>\nAmerica=<span class=\"smallcaps\">com</span>\n<span class=\"smallcaps\">recp</span>=shoot=<span class=\"smallcaps\">ten</span>\n‘A long time ago, Japan and America were at war.’ <span id=\"exe:nausair\"\nlabel=\"exe:nausair\"></span> mu bir namabuk=teba **nau**=tu\n<span class=\"smallcaps\">3pl</span> beer\ndrunk=<span class=\"smallcaps\">prog</span>\n<span class=\"smallcaps\">recp</span>=hit\n‘They’re drunk on beer, fighting.’ <span id=\"exe:nautu\"\nlabel=\"exe:nautu\"></span> \n</div> \nOther verbs that get a more abstract meaning when used reciprocally are\n*tan nau=kinkin* ‘hand <span class=\"smallcaps\">recp</span>=hold’, which\nmeans ‘to shake hands’, and *nau=bes* ‘to make up’, from *bes* ‘to be\ngood’. The latter is illustrated\nin(<a href=\"#exe:naubes\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"exe:naubes\">[exe:naubes]</a>), which describes people\nmaking up after a fight. The intransitive verb *bes* is transitivised\nwith help of *paruo* ‘to make’\n(§<a href=\"#sec:caus\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"sec:caus\">[sec:caus]</a>), and then reduced in valency\nagain with help of reciprocal *nau=*. \n<div class=\"exe\"> \nmu paruo **nau**=bes\n<span class=\"smallcaps\">3pl</span> make\n<span class=\"smallcaps\">recp</span>=good\n‘They are making up.’ <span id=\"exe:naubes\" label=\"exe:naubes\"></span> \n</div> \nA verb that gets a more specific reading with *nau=* is *komahal* ‘to\nnot know’, which means ‘to not have encountered’ when inflected with the\nreciprocal. This is also valid where one of the parts is inanimate, such\nas the forest to which the speaker describes fleeing\nin(<a href=\"#exe:naukomahal\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"exe:naukomahal\">[exe:naukomahal]</a>). \n<div class=\"exe\"> \nka tamandi=a kiem=et, ka tamangga=ta, in se **nau**=komahal=te\n<span class=\"smallcaps\">2sg</span>\nhow=<span class=\"smallcaps\">foc</span>\nflee=<span class=\"smallcaps\">irr</span>\n<span class=\"smallcaps\">2sg</span>\nwhere.<span class=\"smallcaps\">lat</span>=<span class=\"smallcaps\">nfin</span>\n<span class=\"smallcaps\">1pl.excl</span>\n<span class=\"smallcaps\">iam</span>\n<span class=\"smallcaps\">recp</span>=not_know=<span class=\"smallcaps\">nfin</span>\n‘How could you flee, where? We had never encountered \\[that part of the\nforest\\] before.’ <span id=\"exe:naukomahal\"\nlabel=\"exe:naukomahal\"></span> \n</div> \nAt least one verb, *munmun* ‘to delouse’ (derived from *mun* ‘louse’)\ncannot be used with the reciprocal marker, regardless of whether the\naction is symmetrical or asymmetrical, simultaneous or sequential. \nReciprocal *nau=* is found on two nouns in the corpus. It is unclear\nwhether this is a productive process, but attaching reciprocal *nau=*\nappears to change these nouns into verbs with a meaning related to the\nnoun. The root *kia-* ‘same-sex sibling’ turns into *nau=kia(ka)* ‘to\nbe/have siblings’\n(example<a href=\"#exe:naukia\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"exe:naukia\">[exe:naukia]</a>), and the root *kahaman*\n‘bottom’ turns into *nau=kahaman* ‘to be close to or touch each other’s\nbottoms’ (example<a href=\"#exe:naukahaman\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"exe:naukahaman\">[exe:naukahaman]</a>). (The example is\nfrom a picture-matching task with pictures of two building blocks.) \n<div class=\"exe\"> \nma koi **nau**=kiaka mambon=ta (...)\n<span class=\"smallcaps\">3sg</span> then\n<span class=\"smallcaps\">recp</span>=be_sibling\n<span class=\"smallcaps\">exist</span>=<span class=\"smallcaps\">nfin</span>\n‘He, then, has siblings \\[who\\] are there (...).’ <span id=\"exe:naukia\"\nlabel=\"exe:naukia\"></span> <span id=\"exe:naukahaman\"\nlabel=\"exe:naukahaman\"></span> \n</div> \n*Nau=* is in a few cases used in a distributive sense.\nIn(<a href=\"#exe:naunggang\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"exe:naunggang\">[exe:naunggang]</a>), it is prefixed to\n*gang* ‘to hang’ to talk about items hanging in a tree. It is\ndistributive in the sense that the items hang in different places.\nIn(<a href=\"#exe:us\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"exe:us\">[exe:us]</a>), it is used to describe a naked\nman. That example is distributive in the sense that the man’s penis is\nseen in movement, dangling from the body. \n<div class=\"exe\"> \nse **nau**=gang\n<span class=\"smallcaps\">iam</span>\n<span class=\"smallcaps\">recp</span>=hang\n‘\\[They\\] hung everywhere.’ <span id=\"exe:naunggang\"\nlabel=\"exe:naunggang\"></span> ma handuk=at jien=i koyet paruak=i kor\nkerunggo us **nau**=gang\n<span class=\"smallcaps\">3sg</span>\ntowel=<span class=\"smallcaps\">obj</span>\nget=<span class=\"smallcaps\">plnk</span> finish\nthrow=<span class=\"smallcaps\">plnk</span> leg on_top penis\n<span class=\"smallcaps\">recp</span>=hang\n‘After getting a towel he threw it over his legs. His penis was\ndangling.’ <span id=\"exe:us\" label=\"exe:us\"></span> \n</div> \nOne corpus example suggests that reciprocal constructions may also be\nused to express the omnipresence or perhaps the duration of a feeling,\nsimilar to a distributive reading. The reciprocal proclitic is not\nattested with other bodily sensations, and a clear example illustrating\nthe meaning of *layier* ‘to itch’ without the reciprocal is lacking. \n<div class=\"exe\"> \n<span id=\"exe:naulaier\" label=\"exe:naulaier\"></span> kaden-un\n**nau**=layier=te\nbody-<span class=\"smallcaps\">3poss</span>\n<span class=\"smallcaps\">recp</span>=itch=<span class=\"smallcaps\">nfin</span>\n‘His body is itchy.’ \n</div> \nLastly, the form *nauleluk* ‘to meet each other’ might be a lexicalised\nform of *nau=* and *koluk* ‘to meet’. \\[k\\] → \\[l\\] is not a synchronic\nmorphophonological process."
}
],
"index": 0,
"level": "low_resource",
"question": "Sakina is pouching guavas.",
"split": "train"
}
|
Lusi muaun me Sarko reidak ma ma he sasa.
|
There are many lusi muaun trees at Sar, but they are dry.
|
Language Science Press
|
[
{
"content": "Kalamang is a language spoken on the Karas Islands in West Papua. Translate from English to Kalamang: There are many lusi muaun trees at Sar, but they are dry.\n\n\nTo help with the translation, here is one of the closest entries to \"There\" in the English-Kalamang bilingual dictionary:\nEnglish word: like here\nKalamang translation: owandi\n\nTo help with the translation, here is one of the closest entries to \"There\" in the English-Kalamang bilingual dictionary:\nEnglish word: up there\nKalamang translation: osatko\n\nTo help with the translation, here is one of the closest entries to \"are\" in the English-Kalamang bilingual dictionary:\nEnglish word: how are you\nKalamang translation: nauwar tamandi; tamandi\n\nTo help with the translation, here is one of the closest entries to \"are\" in the English-Kalamang bilingual dictionary:\nEnglish word: what are you doing\nKalamang translation: nebara paruo\n\nTo help with the translation, here is one of the closest entries to \"many\" in the English-Kalamang bilingual dictionary:\nEnglish word: many hungry people\nKalamang translation: muawesese\n\nTo help with the translation, here is one of the closest entries to \"many\" in the English-Kalamang bilingual dictionary:\nEnglish word: how many\nKalamang translation: puraman\n\nTo help with the translation, here is one of the closest entries to \"lusi\" in the English-Kalamang bilingual dictionary:\nEnglish word: cross-cousin\nKalamang translation: korap\n\nTo help with the translation, here is one of the closest entries to \"lusi\" in the English-Kalamang bilingual dictionary:\nEnglish word: exclusively\nKalamang translation: =saet\n\nTo help with the translation, here is one of the closest entries to \"muaun\" in the English-Kalamang bilingual dictionary:\nEnglish word: run away from\nKalamang translation: kokiem\n\nTo help with the translation, here is one of the closest entries to \"muaun\" in the English-Kalamang bilingual dictionary:\nEnglish word: mushroom\nKalamang translation: kawien\n\nTo help with the translation, here is one of the closest entries to \"trees\" in the English-Kalamang bilingual dictionary:\nEnglish word: tree trunk\nKalamang translation: ewun\n\nTo help with the translation, here is one of the closest entries to \"trees\" in the English-Kalamang bilingual dictionary:\nEnglish word: massoi tree\nKalamang translation: masoi\n\nTo help with the translation, here is one of the closest entries to \"at\" in the English-Kalamang bilingual dictionary:\nEnglish word: laugh at\nKalamang translation: komayeki\n\nTo help with the translation, here is one of the closest entries to \"at\" in the English-Kalamang bilingual dictionary:\nEnglish word: at its place\nKalamang translation: terunggo\n\nTo help with the translation, here is one of the closest entries to \"Sar\" in the English-Kalamang bilingual dictionary:\nEnglish word: caught with fear\nKalamang translation: semsuk\n\nTo help with the translation, here is one of the closest entries to \"Sar\" in the English-Kalamang bilingual dictionary:\nEnglish word: hear\nKalamang translation: ra; kelua\n\nTo help with the translation, here is one of the closest entries to \"but\" in the English-Kalamang bilingual dictionary:\nEnglish word: butterfly\nKalamang translation: pulpul\n\nTo help with the translation, here is one of the closest entries to \"but\" in the English-Kalamang bilingual dictionary:\nEnglish word: but\nKalamang translation: ba; tapi\n\nTo help with the translation, here is one of the closest entries to \"they\" in the English-Kalamang bilingual dictionary:\nEnglish word: thermos\nKalamang translation: termus\n\nTo help with the translation, here is one of the closest entries to \"they\" in the English-Kalamang bilingual dictionary:\nEnglish word: then\nKalamang translation: baru; eba; koi; mera; siktak; terus\n\nTo help with the translation, here is one of the closest entries to \"are\" in the English-Kalamang bilingual dictionary:\nEnglish word: how are you\nKalamang translation: nauwar tamandi; tamandi\n\nTo help with the translation, here is one of the closest entries to \"are\" in the English-Kalamang bilingual dictionary:\nEnglish word: what are you doing\nKalamang translation: nebara paruo\n\nTo help with the translation, here is one of the closest entries to \"dry\" in the English-Kalamang bilingual dictionary:\nEnglish word: dry\nKalamang translation: kararak; karuar; mararak; sa; sansa\n\nTo help with the translation, here is one of the closest entries to \"dry\" in the English-Kalamang bilingual dictionary:\nEnglish word: dry season\nKalamang translation: yuon monpak\n\nTo help with the translation, here is a translated sentence with words similar to \"There\" in a list of translated Kalamang-English reference sentences:\nEnglish sentence: There was an earthquake, I felt it.\nKalamang translation: Leng dekta an narasa.\n\nTo help with the translation, here is a translated sentence with words similar to \"There\" in a list of translated Kalamang-English reference sentences:\nEnglish sentence: There are no lontar palms here.\nKalamang translation: Naiar me watko saerak.\n\nTo help with the translation, here is a translated sentence with words similar to \"are\" in a list of translated Kalamang-English reference sentences:\nEnglish sentence: Yasin's father and Bakir's mother are cross-cousins.\nKalamang translation: Yasin esun me Bakri emun me korapmur.\n\nTo help with the translation, here is a translated sentence with words similar to \"are\" in a list of translated Kalamang-English reference sentences:\nEnglish sentence: At Toran there are many orchids.\nKalamang translation: Toran me kamaser reidak.\n\nTo help with the translation, here is a translated sentence with words similar to \"many\" in a list of translated Kalamang-English reference sentences:\nEnglish sentence: Bobi's mother has many chickens, but they are still small.\nKalamang translation: Bobi emun kokoun reidak ba tok kinkinun.\n\nTo help with the translation, here is a translated sentence with words similar to \"many\" in a list of translated Kalamang-English reference sentences:\nEnglish sentence: There are many butterflyfish at Mas.\nKalamang translation: Kilibobang me Masko reidak.\n\nTo help with the translation, here is a translated sentence with words similar to \"lusi\" in a list of translated Kalamang-English reference sentences:\nEnglish sentence: They two are diving for red cluster whip.\nKalamang translation: Mier waranggeit koar teba.\n\nTo help with the translation, here is a translated sentence with words similar to \"lusi\" in a list of translated Kalamang-English reference sentences:\nEnglish sentence: Desi is diligent.\nKalamang translation: Desi me mososor.\n\nTo help with the translation, here is a translated sentence with words similar to \"muaun\" in a list of translated Kalamang-English reference sentences:\nEnglish sentence: Nabil is plagued by mucus.\nKalamang translation: Nabil marur mat paruo.\n\nTo help with the translation, here is a translated sentence with words similar to \"muaun\" in a list of translated Kalamang-English reference sentences:\nEnglish sentence: Desi sits but Fit is disturbing her too much.\nKalamang translation: Desi melalu ba Fit mat koyalsawe.\n\nTo help with the translation, here is a translated sentence with words similar to \"trees\" in a list of translated Kalamang-English reference sentences:\nEnglish sentence: That snake is slithering up the tree.\nKalamang translation: Elteng me me gareni wiekerungga sara.\n\nTo help with the translation, here is a translated sentence with words similar to \"trees\" in a list of translated Kalamang-English reference sentences:\nEnglish sentence: In Gorom there are many clove trees, not so many nutmegs.\nKalamang translation: Walaka me cengki reidak, sayang me kurang.\n\nTo help with the translation, here is a translated sentence with words similar to \"at\" in a list of translated Kalamang-English reference sentences:\nEnglish sentence: There are many pandanus at the cape.\nKalamang translation: Diwadiwal karimunggo reidak.\n\nTo help with the translation, here is a translated sentence with words similar to \"at\" in a list of translated Kalamang-English reference sentences:\nEnglish sentence: I want to go fishing at the dock.\nKalamang translation: An bo jambatanggoa warkin.\n\nTo help with the translation, here is a translated sentence with words similar to \"Sar\" in a list of translated Kalamang-English reference sentences:\nEnglish sentence: Sara is diving for clams\nKalamang translation: Sara bo kanyuotkowar teba.\n\nTo help with the translation, here is a translated sentence with words similar to \"Sar\" in a list of translated Kalamang-English reference sentences:\nEnglish sentence: Sara is affected by kaman-disease, her lips are sore.\nKalamang translation: Sara kaman mat paruo bolun patiwatin.\n\nTo help with the translation, here is a translated sentence with words similar to \"but\" in a list of translated Kalamang-English reference sentences:\nEnglish sentence: This day, it was already late afternoon but the lamps weren't lighted.\nKalamang translation: Yuol wa me go he girgir lampur tok yuolnin.\n\nTo help with the translation, here is a translated sentence with words similar to \"but\" in a list of translated Kalamang-English reference sentences:\nEnglish sentence: I want to dry clothes but it's cloudy.\nKalamang translation: An dodonara masatkin ba go git git.\n\nTo help with the translation, here is a translated sentence with words similar to \"they\" in a list of translated Kalamang-English reference sentences:\nEnglish sentence: First time they came they didn't know people yet.\nKalamang translation: Giarun mu lukta mu tok sontumat komahal.\n\nTo help with the translation, here is a translated sentence with words similar to \"they\" in a list of translated Kalamang-English reference sentences:\nEnglish sentence: Taros they sell at Fakfak: one heap fifty thousand (rupiah).\nKalamang translation: Manadu mu Pakpao parinda tumpuk konde ripi purap.\n\nTo help with the translation, here is a translated sentence with words similar to \"are\" in a list of translated Kalamang-English reference sentences:\nEnglish sentence: Yasin's father and Bakir's mother are cross-cousins.\nKalamang translation: Yasin esun me Bakri emun me korapmur.\n\nTo help with the translation, here is a translated sentence with words similar to \"are\" in a list of translated Kalamang-English reference sentences:\nEnglish sentence: At Toran there are many orchids.\nKalamang translation: Toran me kamaser reidak.\n\nTo help with the translation, here is a translated sentence with words similar to \"dry\" in a list of translated Kalamang-English reference sentences:\nEnglish sentence: Randa's mother and family are drying clothes.\nKalamang translation: Randa emun mu dodon masa reba.\n\nTo help with the translation, here is a translated sentence with words similar to \"dry\" in a list of translated Kalamang-English reference sentences:\nEnglish sentence: I want to dry clothes but it's cloudy.\nKalamang translation: An dodonara masatkin ba go git git.\n\nTo help with the translation, here is a passage retrieved from a Kalamang grammar book:\n---\n<span id=\"sec:socioling\" label=\"sec:socioling\"></span> Following\nUNESCO’s language vitality and endangerment framework, Kalamang is\n“definitely endangered” (corresponding to Ethnologue’s EGIDS level 7,\n“shifting”), as the children’s generation does not acquire the language. \nA speaker count was conducted in 2019 and identified 134 fluent\nspeakers[^9] and 56 non-fluent speakers. The count was executed as\nfollows. With two consultants (who are fluent speakers themselves), I\nwrote down the names of all Kalamang speakers, grouping them under the\nhousehold they are associated with. That way, we ensured that speakers\nwho moved away from Mas or Antalisa were also counted. The speakers were\ndivided into two groups: fluent speakers and non-fluent speakers.[^10]\nFluent speakers are people who both understand and speak Kalamang\nfluently. The great majority of these live in Mas or Antalisa.\nNon-fluent speakers are speakers who understand, but do not speak\nKalamang fluently – for example, people who grew up in a\nKalamang-speaking household but who were not actively encouraged to use\nthe language themselves, or people who moved away from Karas as children\nor as young adolescents. \nI am aware of the problems with this way of classifying and counting\nspeakers, so this should be seen as a rough estimate, which is\nnonetheless the only one at my disposal. Though my consultants may of\ncourse have made judgements that I or other linguists would not\nnecessarily agree with, there was ready agreement between me and the two\nconsultants on the classification of those speakers who I personally\nknow, about half. For the other half, the two consultants agreed on the\nqualification of all speakers. The consultants, like any member of the\nKalamang community, know all the other members of the community. Those\nreaders who are of the opinion that an assessment of language\nproficiency cannot be made in this way may simply add the fluent and\nnon-fluent speakers together to arrive at the number of Kalamang\nspeakers. \nOf the fluent speakers, 83 live in or are associated with families in\nMas, and 51 live in or are associated with families in Antalisa. Of the\nnon-fluent speakers, 35 live in or are associated with families in Mas,\nand 21 live in or are associated with families in Antalisa. The\ndiscrepancy here is partly attributable to the fact that speakers living\nin or associated with Mas were counted first, such that people who have\nassociations with families in both villages were counted for Mas. A\nconfounding factor, which might raise the number of Kalamang speakers\nslightly, is the fact that the count was performed by inhabitants of\nMas. There is a small chance that they had forgotten some of the\nspeakers associated with Antalisa families. Details of the speaker count\ncan be found in the corpus at\n<http://hdl.handle.net/10050/00-0000-0000-0004-1BED-1>. The data are\nsummarised in Table<a href=\"#tab:spcount\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"tab:spcount\">2.1</a>. Note that according to the 2018\ncensus, Mas has 216 inhabitants and Antalisa has 203. Although we have\nnot counted fluent and non-fluent speakers currently living in Mas and\nAntalisa, it is clear that less than half of the inhabitants of each\nvillage are fluent or non-fluent speakers of Kalamang. \n<div id=\"tab:spcount\"> \n| | fluent | non-fluent |\n|:---------|:-------|:-----------|\n| Mas | 83 | 35 |\n| Antalisa | 51 | 21 |\n| total | 134 | 56 |\n| | | | \nKalamang speaker count \n</div> \nA language shift from Kalamang to Papuan Malay is currently happening in\nMas and Antalisa. The great majority of people born on the bigger Karas\nisland before 1980 are fluent in Kalamang. They use Kalamang on a daily\nbasis with other Kalamang speakers in all kinds of settings. There is\nneither shame or taboo, nor pride connected to using the language. All\nKalamang speakers are bilingual in Papuan Malay (PM), and some also in\nBahasa Indonesia (see comments in\n§<a href=\"#sec:malay\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"sec:malay\">[sec:malay]</a> below on the difference).\nPapuan Malay is used in those instances where a non-Kalamang speaker\njoins the conversation. Naturally, these situations include, for\nexample, village gatherings and wedding speeches; but Kalamang is by no\nmeans avoided at such events for conversations in smaller groups or for\nthe performance of rituals. Speakers born before 1980 have reported not\nto have learned Papuan Malay or Indonesian before entering school. A\nprimary school was built in Antalisa in the 1970s. Children from Mas\nwent to school in Antalisa until a primary school was built in Mas in\n1982. \nThere is a sharp cline in fluent speakers for people born roughly\nbetween 1980 and 1990. No one born after 1990 can be counted as a fluent\nspeaker. There are very few households with two fluent Kalamang-speaking\nparents and children born after 1990, but even in those households the\nchildren are not raised in Kalamang. As indicated above, non-fluent\nspeakers have a good passive command of Kalamang. Fluent Kalamang\nspeakers do not necessarily shift to Papuan Malay when they join the\nconversation, but they are not expected to actively contribute, although\nthey can express themselves in a simple way in Kalamang. In one-on-one\ncommunication they are typically addressed in Papuan Malay, and respond\nlikewise. All other people born in Mas or Antalisa have minimal\nknowledge of Kalamang, and are not counted as Kalamang speakers. Born to\nat least one Kalamang-speaking parent, they typically understand some\nbut not all Kalamang (e.g. simple commands and greetings), know a few\ndozen common words, and can say a handful of standard phrases. They\ncannot freely create simple clauses. They communicate in Papuan Malay\nwith both elders and peers. A rough overview of Kalamang competence per\nage group is given in\nTable<a href=\"#tab:fluency\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"tab:fluency\">2.2</a>.[^11] \n<div id=\"tab:fluency\"> \n| born | level |\n|:------------|:-------------------------------------------|\n| before 1980 | large majority fluent |\n| 1980s | some fluent, some non-fluent, some minimal |\n| after 1990 | some non-fluent, many minimal |\n| | | \nCompetence per age group, estimates \n</div> \nEthnologue’s page on Kalamang (which they have as Karas) says it is\nthreatened by Iha. None of my consultants know Iha, and I have not heard\nanyone communicate in it. Many Kalamang speakers, on the other hand,\nhave a good passive knowledge of the neighbouring language Uruangnirin.\nBecause exogamy is common, there are many speakers with other mother\ntongues in the Kalamang-speaking villages. Since there is often more\nthan one person from the same language area, these languages may also be\nheard. At the time of writing, the most frequent languages in Mas (after\nPapuan Malay and Kalamang) are Geser-Gorom, and . While the latter two\nare only spoken by the parent generation, Geser-Gorom is spoken by both\nthe grandparent and the parent generation. None of these (nor other\nIndonesian languages) are transmitted to children. My oldest consultants\nhave reported that when they were young, brides and grooms that moved to\na Kalamang-speaking village from other language areas acquired Kalamang.\nThis practice has since been replaced with being the language of\ncommunication in mixed marriages. \nAs stated above, fluent Kalamang speakers seem to have a neutral\nattitude towards their language. They would never hide the fact that\nthey speak the language, nor would they show off with it.[^12] Speakers\noccasionally express regret that their children do not speak Kalamang,\nbut rather than blaming themselves for not transmitting the language to\ntheir children, they blame their children for being too stupid to learn\nKalamang. I have not heard people express fears that their children do\nnot acquire Papuan Malay well enough if they learn Kalamang, although\nthis might be an underlying factor. \nKalamang has no written tradition, and is not used as an administrative\nlanguage. When asked, people readily write Kalamang words and texts\nwithout problems, using Indonesian orthography, which fits Kalamang\nphonology well (see §<a href=\"#sec:not\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"sec:not\">2.6.6</a>). In the past three years, with the\nspread of cheap smartphones and internet connections, some Kalamang may\nbe found on social media such as Facebook. But as it is mainly\nnon-fluent and passive speakers who are connected, the use of Kalamang\nseems limited to short phrases alternating with Papuan Malay. \nKalamang does not display any identifiable dialectal differences. This\nis perhaps because Mas and Antalisa are small communities with frequent\ncontact and intermarriage. I have not registered any differences for\ngender, age group or other social or demographic factors. Having said\nthat, there is quite a bit of idiolectal (sometimes also intra-speaker)\nvariation in the pronunciation of certain words. This is indicated in\nthe dictionary and, as far as generalisations can be made, described in\n§<a href=\"#sec:consvar\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"sec:consvar\">[sec:consvar]</a>\nand§<a href=\"#sec:freevarvow\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"sec:freevarvow\">[sec:freevarvow]</a>.\n---\n\nTo help with the translation, here is a passage retrieved from a Kalamang grammar book:\n---\nKalamang has contrastive stress that is non-predictable in disyllabic\nroots, but has a preference for the right edge in longer roots. The\nfollowing sections first explain how stress is manifested, before\nproviding a description of stress assignment patterns. In disyllabic\nroots, stress is completely unpredictable\n(§<a href=\"#sec:stressdi\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"sec:stressdi\">4.3.1.2</a>). Roots with more than two\nsyllables, which are less common, never have stress on the first\nsyllable (§<a href=\"#sec:stresstri\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"sec:stresstri\">4.3.1.3</a>). Stress can be on either of\nthe syllables in a disyllabic vowel sequence\n(§<a href=\"#sec:stressvv\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"sec:stressvv\">4.3.1.4</a>). Words carrying inflectional\nor derivational morphology generally have quite strict stress rules: the\nstress tends to move to the rightmost syllable before a suffix or\nenclitic (§<a href=\"#sec:stressaff\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"sec:stressaff\">4.3.1.5</a>). Compounds and reduplicated\nwords follow roughly the same rules as roots: stress on the first\nsyllable of words longer than two syllables is uncommon. Secondary\nstress appears in some compounds (mainly numerals) and in reduplicated\nwords with four or more syllables\n(§<a href=\"#sec:stresscomp\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"sec:stresscomp\">[sec:stresscomp]</a>\nand§<a href=\"#sec:stressrep\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"sec:stressrep\">[sec:stressrep]</a>). The analysis that\nbest covers this variation is a trochaic foot structure (ˈσ.σ) assigned\nfrom right to left. This analysis is presented in\n§<a href=\"#sec:troch\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"sec:troch\">4.3.1.8</a>. \nA phonological word (see also\n§<a href=\"#sec:root\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"sec:root\">[sec:root]</a> and\n§<a href=\"#sec:affix\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"sec:affix\">[sec:affix]</a>) carries one main stress.\nStress is manifested primarily by intensity and secondarily by length,\nstressed syllables on average being louder and longer than unstressed\nsyllables. This is illustrated in\nFigure<a href=\"#fig:stress\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"fig:stress\">4.5</a> for /naˈkal/ ‘head’. The stressed\nsyllable has a higher amplitude and is longer. \n<figure id=\"fig:stress\">\n<img src=\"Images/nakalstress-cropped.png\" style=\"width:9cm\" />\n<figcaption>Spectrogram, pitch and waveform for /naˈkal/\n‘head’</figcaption>\n</figure> \nA third indicator of stress is (high) pitch. Compare\nFigures<a href=\"#fig:pebis\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"fig:pebis\">4.6</a>\nand<a href=\"#fig:pebisat\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"fig:pebisat\">4.7</a>.\nFigure<a href=\"#fig:pebis\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"fig:pebis\">4.6</a> shows the spectrogram, pitch and\nwaveform for /ˈpebis/ ‘woman’.\nFigure<a href=\"#fig:pebisat\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"fig:pebisat\">4.7</a> shows the spectrogram, pitch and\nwaveform for /peˈbisat/ ‘woman.<span class=\"smallcaps\">obj</span>’,\nwhere the F0 peak has moved from *pe* to *bis* under influence of the\nenclitic *=at*. \n<figure id=\"fig:pebis\">\n<img src=\"Images/pebis-cropped.png\" style=\"width:9cm\" />\n<figcaption>Spectrogram, pitch and waveform for /ˈpebis/\n‘woman’</figcaption>\n</figure> \n<figure id=\"fig:pebisat\">\n<img src=\"Images/pebisat-cropped.png\" style=\"width:9cm\" />\n<figcaption>Spectrogram, pitch and waveform for /peˈbisat/, the object\nform for ‘woman’</figcaption>\n</figure> \nSecondary stress (§<a href=\"#sec:stresscomp\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"sec:stresscomp\">[sec:stresscomp]</a>\nand§<a href=\"#sec:stressrep\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"sec:stressrep\">[sec:stressrep]</a>) has the same\nphonetic cues as primary stress, but they are weaker.\nFigure<a href=\"#fig:singa\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"fig:singa\">4.8</a> shows /ˌsiŋaˈsiŋat/ ‘ant’. F0 is\nhigher on the two stressed syllables, and they have a high intensity\neven though the stressed /i/’s are ‘competing’ with /a/’s, which are\nmuch louder vowels. Length plays no role in this particular example. \n<figure id=\"fig:singa\">\n<img src=\"Images/singa-cropped.png\" style=\"width:9.5cm\" />\n<figcaption>Spectrogram, pitch and waveform for /ˌsiŋaˈsiŋat/\n‘ant’</figcaption>\n</figure>\n---\n\nNow write the translation of the sentence: There are many lusi muaun trees at Sar, but they are dry.\nPlease provide your meta-linguistic reasoning step by step, and put your final translation within \\boxed{}.",
"role": "user"
}
] |
translation
|
{
"ground_truth": "Lusi muaun me Sarko reidak ma ma he sasa.",
"style": "rule"
}
|
{
"answer": "Lusi muaun me Sarko reidak ma ma he sasa.",
"grammar_metadata": [
{
"metadata": {
"Header 1": "Introduction",
"Header 2": "Sociolinguistic situation",
"Header 3": null,
"Header 4": null
},
"passage": "<span id=\"sec:socioling\" label=\"sec:socioling\"></span> Following\nUNESCO’s language vitality and endangerment framework, Kalamang is\n“definitely endangered” (corresponding to Ethnologue’s EGIDS level 7,\n“shifting”), as the children’s generation does not acquire the language. \nA speaker count was conducted in 2019 and identified 134 fluent\nspeakers[^9] and 56 non-fluent speakers. The count was executed as\nfollows. With two consultants (who are fluent speakers themselves), I\nwrote down the names of all Kalamang speakers, grouping them under the\nhousehold they are associated with. That way, we ensured that speakers\nwho moved away from Mas or Antalisa were also counted. The speakers were\ndivided into two groups: fluent speakers and non-fluent speakers.[^10]\nFluent speakers are people who both understand and speak Kalamang\nfluently. The great majority of these live in Mas or Antalisa.\nNon-fluent speakers are speakers who understand, but do not speak\nKalamang fluently – for example, people who grew up in a\nKalamang-speaking household but who were not actively encouraged to use\nthe language themselves, or people who moved away from Karas as children\nor as young adolescents. \nI am aware of the problems with this way of classifying and counting\nspeakers, so this should be seen as a rough estimate, which is\nnonetheless the only one at my disposal. Though my consultants may of\ncourse have made judgements that I or other linguists would not\nnecessarily agree with, there was ready agreement between me and the two\nconsultants on the classification of those speakers who I personally\nknow, about half. For the other half, the two consultants agreed on the\nqualification of all speakers. The consultants, like any member of the\nKalamang community, know all the other members of the community. Those\nreaders who are of the opinion that an assessment of language\nproficiency cannot be made in this way may simply add the fluent and\nnon-fluent speakers together to arrive at the number of Kalamang\nspeakers. \nOf the fluent speakers, 83 live in or are associated with families in\nMas, and 51 live in or are associated with families in Antalisa. Of the\nnon-fluent speakers, 35 live in or are associated with families in Mas,\nand 21 live in or are associated with families in Antalisa. The\ndiscrepancy here is partly attributable to the fact that speakers living\nin or associated with Mas were counted first, such that people who have\nassociations with families in both villages were counted for Mas. A\nconfounding factor, which might raise the number of Kalamang speakers\nslightly, is the fact that the count was performed by inhabitants of\nMas. There is a small chance that they had forgotten some of the\nspeakers associated with Antalisa families. Details of the speaker count\ncan be found in the corpus at\n<http://hdl.handle.net/10050/00-0000-0000-0004-1BED-1>. The data are\nsummarised in Table<a href=\"#tab:spcount\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"tab:spcount\">2.1</a>. Note that according to the 2018\ncensus, Mas has 216 inhabitants and Antalisa has 203. Although we have\nnot counted fluent and non-fluent speakers currently living in Mas and\nAntalisa, it is clear that less than half of the inhabitants of each\nvillage are fluent or non-fluent speakers of Kalamang. \n<div id=\"tab:spcount\"> \n| | fluent | non-fluent |\n|:---------|:-------|:-----------|\n| Mas | 83 | 35 |\n| Antalisa | 51 | 21 |\n| total | 134 | 56 |\n| | | | \nKalamang speaker count \n</div> \nA language shift from Kalamang to Papuan Malay is currently happening in\nMas and Antalisa. The great majority of people born on the bigger Karas\nisland before 1980 are fluent in Kalamang. They use Kalamang on a daily\nbasis with other Kalamang speakers in all kinds of settings. There is\nneither shame or taboo, nor pride connected to using the language. All\nKalamang speakers are bilingual in Papuan Malay (PM), and some also in\nBahasa Indonesia (see comments in\n§<a href=\"#sec:malay\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"sec:malay\">[sec:malay]</a> below on the difference).\nPapuan Malay is used in those instances where a non-Kalamang speaker\njoins the conversation. Naturally, these situations include, for\nexample, village gatherings and wedding speeches; but Kalamang is by no\nmeans avoided at such events for conversations in smaller groups or for\nthe performance of rituals. Speakers born before 1980 have reported not\nto have learned Papuan Malay or Indonesian before entering school. A\nprimary school was built in Antalisa in the 1970s. Children from Mas\nwent to school in Antalisa until a primary school was built in Mas in\n1982. \nThere is a sharp cline in fluent speakers for people born roughly\nbetween 1980 and 1990. No one born after 1990 can be counted as a fluent\nspeaker. There are very few households with two fluent Kalamang-speaking\nparents and children born after 1990, but even in those households the\nchildren are not raised in Kalamang. As indicated above, non-fluent\nspeakers have a good passive command of Kalamang. Fluent Kalamang\nspeakers do not necessarily shift to Papuan Malay when they join the\nconversation, but they are not expected to actively contribute, although\nthey can express themselves in a simple way in Kalamang. In one-on-one\ncommunication they are typically addressed in Papuan Malay, and respond\nlikewise. All other people born in Mas or Antalisa have minimal\nknowledge of Kalamang, and are not counted as Kalamang speakers. Born to\nat least one Kalamang-speaking parent, they typically understand some\nbut not all Kalamang (e.g. simple commands and greetings), know a few\ndozen common words, and can say a handful of standard phrases. They\ncannot freely create simple clauses. They communicate in Papuan Malay\nwith both elders and peers. A rough overview of Kalamang competence per\nage group is given in\nTable<a href=\"#tab:fluency\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"tab:fluency\">2.2</a>.[^11] \n<div id=\"tab:fluency\"> \n| born | level |\n|:------------|:-------------------------------------------|\n| before 1980 | large majority fluent |\n| 1980s | some fluent, some non-fluent, some minimal |\n| after 1990 | some non-fluent, many minimal |\n| | | \nCompetence per age group, estimates \n</div> \nEthnologue’s page on Kalamang (which they have as Karas) says it is\nthreatened by Iha. None of my consultants know Iha, and I have not heard\nanyone communicate in it. Many Kalamang speakers, on the other hand,\nhave a good passive knowledge of the neighbouring language Uruangnirin.\nBecause exogamy is common, there are many speakers with other mother\ntongues in the Kalamang-speaking villages. Since there is often more\nthan one person from the same language area, these languages may also be\nheard. At the time of writing, the most frequent languages in Mas (after\nPapuan Malay and Kalamang) are Geser-Gorom, and . While the latter two\nare only spoken by the parent generation, Geser-Gorom is spoken by both\nthe grandparent and the parent generation. None of these (nor other\nIndonesian languages) are transmitted to children. My oldest consultants\nhave reported that when they were young, brides and grooms that moved to\na Kalamang-speaking village from other language areas acquired Kalamang.\nThis practice has since been replaced with being the language of\ncommunication in mixed marriages. \nAs stated above, fluent Kalamang speakers seem to have a neutral\nattitude towards their language. They would never hide the fact that\nthey speak the language, nor would they show off with it.[^12] Speakers\noccasionally express regret that their children do not speak Kalamang,\nbut rather than blaming themselves for not transmitting the language to\ntheir children, they blame their children for being too stupid to learn\nKalamang. I have not heard people express fears that their children do\nnot acquire Papuan Malay well enough if they learn Kalamang, although\nthis might be an underlying factor. \nKalamang has no written tradition, and is not used as an administrative\nlanguage. When asked, people readily write Kalamang words and texts\nwithout problems, using Indonesian orthography, which fits Kalamang\nphonology well (see §<a href=\"#sec:not\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"sec:not\">2.6.6</a>). In the past three years, with the\nspread of cheap smartphones and internet connections, some Kalamang may\nbe found on social media such as Facebook. But as it is mainly\nnon-fluent and passive speakers who are connected, the use of Kalamang\nseems limited to short phrases alternating with Papuan Malay. \nKalamang does not display any identifiable dialectal differences. This\nis perhaps because Mas and Antalisa are small communities with frequent\ncontact and intermarriage. I have not registered any differences for\ngender, age group or other social or demographic factors. Having said\nthat, there is quite a bit of idiolectal (sometimes also intra-speaker)\nvariation in the pronunciation of certain words. This is indicated in\nthe dictionary and, as far as generalisations can be made, described in\n§<a href=\"#sec:consvar\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"sec:consvar\">[sec:consvar]</a>\nand§<a href=\"#sec:freevarvow\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"sec:freevarvow\">[sec:freevarvow]</a>."
},
{
"metadata": {
"Header 1": "Phonetics, phonology and morphophonology",
"Header 2": "Prosody",
"Header 3": "Stress assignment",
"Header 4": "Introduction"
},
"passage": "Kalamang has contrastive stress that is non-predictable in disyllabic\nroots, but has a preference for the right edge in longer roots. The\nfollowing sections first explain how stress is manifested, before\nproviding a description of stress assignment patterns. In disyllabic\nroots, stress is completely unpredictable\n(§<a href=\"#sec:stressdi\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"sec:stressdi\">4.3.1.2</a>). Roots with more than two\nsyllables, which are less common, never have stress on the first\nsyllable (§<a href=\"#sec:stresstri\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"sec:stresstri\">4.3.1.3</a>). Stress can be on either of\nthe syllables in a disyllabic vowel sequence\n(§<a href=\"#sec:stressvv\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"sec:stressvv\">4.3.1.4</a>). Words carrying inflectional\nor derivational morphology generally have quite strict stress rules: the\nstress tends to move to the rightmost syllable before a suffix or\nenclitic (§<a href=\"#sec:stressaff\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"sec:stressaff\">4.3.1.5</a>). Compounds and reduplicated\nwords follow roughly the same rules as roots: stress on the first\nsyllable of words longer than two syllables is uncommon. Secondary\nstress appears in some compounds (mainly numerals) and in reduplicated\nwords with four or more syllables\n(§<a href=\"#sec:stresscomp\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"sec:stresscomp\">[sec:stresscomp]</a>\nand§<a href=\"#sec:stressrep\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"sec:stressrep\">[sec:stressrep]</a>). The analysis that\nbest covers this variation is a trochaic foot structure (ˈσ.σ) assigned\nfrom right to left. This analysis is presented in\n§<a href=\"#sec:troch\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"sec:troch\">4.3.1.8</a>. \nA phonological word (see also\n§<a href=\"#sec:root\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"sec:root\">[sec:root]</a> and\n§<a href=\"#sec:affix\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"sec:affix\">[sec:affix]</a>) carries one main stress.\nStress is manifested primarily by intensity and secondarily by length,\nstressed syllables on average being louder and longer than unstressed\nsyllables. This is illustrated in\nFigure<a href=\"#fig:stress\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"fig:stress\">4.5</a> for /naˈkal/ ‘head’. The stressed\nsyllable has a higher amplitude and is longer. \n<figure id=\"fig:stress\">\n<img src=\"Images/nakalstress-cropped.png\" style=\"width:9cm\" />\n<figcaption>Spectrogram, pitch and waveform for /naˈkal/\n‘head’</figcaption>\n</figure> \nA third indicator of stress is (high) pitch. Compare\nFigures<a href=\"#fig:pebis\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"fig:pebis\">4.6</a>\nand<a href=\"#fig:pebisat\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"fig:pebisat\">4.7</a>.\nFigure<a href=\"#fig:pebis\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"fig:pebis\">4.6</a> shows the spectrogram, pitch and\nwaveform for /ˈpebis/ ‘woman’.\nFigure<a href=\"#fig:pebisat\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"fig:pebisat\">4.7</a> shows the spectrogram, pitch and\nwaveform for /peˈbisat/ ‘woman.<span class=\"smallcaps\">obj</span>’,\nwhere the F0 peak has moved from *pe* to *bis* under influence of the\nenclitic *=at*. \n<figure id=\"fig:pebis\">\n<img src=\"Images/pebis-cropped.png\" style=\"width:9cm\" />\n<figcaption>Spectrogram, pitch and waveform for /ˈpebis/\n‘woman’</figcaption>\n</figure> \n<figure id=\"fig:pebisat\">\n<img src=\"Images/pebisat-cropped.png\" style=\"width:9cm\" />\n<figcaption>Spectrogram, pitch and waveform for /peˈbisat/, the object\nform for ‘woman’</figcaption>\n</figure> \nSecondary stress (§<a href=\"#sec:stresscomp\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"sec:stresscomp\">[sec:stresscomp]</a>\nand§<a href=\"#sec:stressrep\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"sec:stressrep\">[sec:stressrep]</a>) has the same\nphonetic cues as primary stress, but they are weaker.\nFigure<a href=\"#fig:singa\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"fig:singa\">4.8</a> shows /ˌsiŋaˈsiŋat/ ‘ant’. F0 is\nhigher on the two stressed syllables, and they have a high intensity\neven though the stressed /i/’s are ‘competing’ with /a/’s, which are\nmuch louder vowels. Length plays no role in this particular example. \n<figure id=\"fig:singa\">\n<img src=\"Images/singa-cropped.png\" style=\"width:9.5cm\" />\n<figcaption>Spectrogram, pitch and waveform for /ˌsiŋaˈsiŋat/\n‘ant’</figcaption>\n</figure>"
}
],
"index": 1,
"level": "low_resource",
"question": "There are many lusi muaun trees at Sar, but they are dry.",
"split": "train"
}
|
Minan ning.
|
My liver/adam's apple/throat hurts.
|
Language Science Press
|
[
{
"content": "Kalamang is a language spoken on the Karas Islands in West Papua. Translate from English to Kalamang: My liver/adam's apple/throat hurts.\n\n\nTo help with the translation, here is one of the closest entries to \"My\" in the English-Kalamang bilingual dictionary:\nEnglish word: tray\nKalamang translation: talam\n\nTo help with the translation, here is one of the closest entries to \"My\" in the English-Kalamang bilingual dictionary:\nEnglish word: sixty\nKalamang translation: putraman\n\nTo help with the translation, here is one of the closest entries to \"liver\" in the English-Kalamang bilingual dictionary:\nEnglish word: river\nKalamang translation: kat\n\nTo help with the translation, here is one of the closest entries to \"liver\" in the English-Kalamang bilingual dictionary:\nEnglish word: may the sun pull out your liver\nKalamang translation: yuon ba mintolmaretkon\n\nTo help with the translation, here is one of the closest entries to \"adam\" in the English-Kalamang bilingual dictionary:\nEnglish word: adult woman\nKalamang translation: ema\n\nTo help with the translation, here is one of the closest entries to \"adam\" in the English-Kalamang bilingual dictionary:\nEnglish word: beam\nKalamang translation: balak; regil\n\nTo help with the translation, here is one of the closest entries to \"s\" in the English-Kalamang bilingual dictionary:\nEnglish word: spear\nKalamang translation: gala\n\nTo help with the translation, here is one of the closest entries to \"s\" in the English-Kalamang bilingual dictionary:\nEnglish word: sound\nKalamang translation: ar; nun\n\nTo help with the translation, here is one of the closest entries to \"apple\" in the English-Kalamang bilingual dictionary:\nEnglish word: nipple\nKalamang translation: am belun\n\nTo help with the translation, here is one of the closest entries to \"apple\" in the English-Kalamang bilingual dictionary:\nEnglish word: pineapple\nKalamang translation: kainasu\n\nTo help with the translation, here is one of the closest entries to \"throat\" in the English-Kalamang bilingual dictionary:\nEnglish word: cut throat\nKalamang translation: mintolma\n\nTo help with the translation, here is one of the closest entries to \"throat\" in the English-Kalamang bilingual dictionary:\nEnglish word: throat and neck\nKalamang translation: komang\n\nTo help with the translation, here is one of the closest entries to \"hurts\" in the English-Kalamang bilingual dictionary:\nEnglish word: thoughts\nKalamang translation: pikiran\n\nTo help with the translation, here is one of the closest entries to \"hurts\" in the English-Kalamang bilingual dictionary:\nEnglish word: one hundred\nKalamang translation: reitkon\n\nTo help with the translation, here is a translated sentence with words similar to \"My\" in a list of translated Kalamang-English reference sentences:\nEnglish sentence: My bag has disappeared.\nKalamang translation: Tasan he gosomin.\n\nTo help with the translation, here is a translated sentence with words similar to \"My\" in a list of translated Kalamang-English reference sentences:\nEnglish sentence: My heart is broken.\nKalamang translation: Minan karaok.\n\nTo help with the translation, here is a translated sentence with words similar to \"liver\" in a list of translated Kalamang-English reference sentences:\nEnglish sentence: They go live in an empty place.\nKalamang translation: Mu bo go saerak tua reba.\n\nTo help with the translation, here is a translated sentence with words similar to \"liver\" in a list of translated Kalamang-English reference sentences:\nEnglish sentence: Burhan and his friends live on the mainland over there.\nKalamang translation: Burhan mu distrik owa gocie.\n\nTo help with the translation, here is a translated sentence with words similar to \"adam\" in a list of translated Kalamang-English reference sentences:\nEnglish sentence: Mister Sam and associates go fishing to stab stingrays.\nKalamang translation: Pak Sam mu bo masura isisat komain.\n\nTo help with the translation, here is a translated sentence with words similar to \"adam\" in a list of translated Kalamang-English reference sentences:\nEnglish sentence: Suci's mother has a headache.\nKalamang translation: Suci emun nakal ning deba.\n\nTo help with the translation, here is a translated sentence with words similar to \"s\" in a list of translated Kalamang-English reference sentences:\nEnglish sentence: Nabil's father went fishing for a long time but didn't catch anything.\nKalamang translation: Nabil esun bo wari wari ba kotipol.\n\nTo help with the translation, here is a translated sentence with words similar to \"s\" in a list of translated Kalamang-English reference sentences:\nEnglish sentence: Supri's father goes fishing for grouper.\nKalamang translation: Supri esun bo kabaruapmarok teba.\n\nTo help with the translation, here is a translated sentence with words similar to \"apple\" in a list of translated Kalamang-English reference sentences:\nEnglish sentence: First time they came they didn't know people yet.\nKalamang translation: Giarun mu lukta mu tok sontumat komahal.\n\nTo help with the translation, here is a translated sentence with words similar to \"apple\" in a list of translated Kalamang-English reference sentences:\nEnglish sentence: Her mother's nipple is sore.\nKalamang translation: Ma emun ambelun neing.\n\nTo help with the translation, here is a translated sentence with words similar to \"throat\" in a list of translated Kalamang-English reference sentences:\nEnglish sentence: The kids are throwing stones at the mangos.\nKalamang translation: Tumtum yargi wiat mudi.\n\nTo help with the translation, here is a translated sentence with words similar to \"throat\" in a list of translated Kalamang-English reference sentences:\nEnglish sentence: Tomi's mother was throwing fishing line and caught a shark.\nKalamang translation: Tomi emun wienmukta loptengat ramie reba.\n\nTo help with the translation, here is a translated sentence with words similar to \"hurts\" in a list of translated Kalamang-English reference sentences:\nEnglish sentence: My shoulder hurts, I'm sending for Ruslan's grandmother to heal it.\nKalamang translation: Bekieman ningda an sirie nene Ruslan paruo.\n\nTo help with the translation, here is a translated sentence with words similar to \"hurts\" in a list of translated Kalamang-English reference sentences:\nEnglish sentence: Binkur's father neckbone hurts.\nKalamang translation: Binkur esun komanggasirun ning.\n\nTo help with the translation, here is a passage retrieved from a Kalamang grammar book:\n---\nThere is no previous ethnographic research conducted on Karas or the\nKalamang-speaking community. In this section, I share my own\nethnographic observations. All fieldwork was carried out in Mas, and\nthese ethnographic remarks are based on what I observed there,\nsupplemented by a cultural questionnaire I completed in 2019 with three\npeople from Mas.[^5] I have regularly visited Antalisa during all field\ntrips, and have no reason to believe that there are substantial\ndifferences between the villages. \nThe Kalamang-speaking community is largely comprised of fishermen and\nfarmers of nutmeg. They live in two villages, each with their own\nvillage head, following Indonesian social organisation. The kinship\nsystem is patrilineal. Close relationships, outside the nuclear family,\nare maintained with parents, aunts and uncles, and cousins. Resources\nare often pooled within the extended family for large undertakings like\nbuilding a house, or expensive events like tertiary education or\nmarriage. The woman is the head of the household, and the man is mainly\nresponsible for fishing. Nutmeg farming is an extended family business.\nThe inhabitants of Mas and Antalisa are Muslims, observing many Islamic\ncustoms, though mixing them with local ones. The majority live in\nconcrete houses roughly organized around a central square containing the\nvillage mosque. There is no known art. The skills for other material\nculture, such as woven products and canoes, are still practised but are\non the verge of being superseded by purchased modern materials. \nI have knowledge of rites connected to the following life events:\npregnancy, the first time a newborn leaves the house, the child’s first\nhaircut, circumcision, prenuptial negotiations, welcoming a new wife to\nthe island, marriage, the third day of marriage, entering other people’s\nhouses for the first time (for wives from outside the island), putting\nthe roof on a house, burial and memorials of a death. The following is a\nlist of recordings in the corpus where these rites are illustrated. The\ncode is a unique corpus tag. With help of this tag, the relevant\nrecordings and supplementary material like photographs can be found in\nthe corpus. An overview of all recordings can be found in the Appendix\non page. \n- prenuptial negotiations:\n[narr2](http://hdl.handle.net/10050/00-0000-0000-0004-1BCF-3) \n- welcoming a new wife (*Tenggelele*):\n[conv8](http://hdl.handle.net/10050/00-0000-0000-0004-1BDC-D) \n- marriage:\n[narr4](http://hdl.handle.net/10050/00-0000-0000-0004-1B70-6) \n- third day of marriage:\n[narr4](http://hdl.handle.net/10050/00-0000-0000-0004-1B70-6) \n- putting the roof on a house:\n[narr3](http://hdl.handle.net/10050/00-0000-0000-0004-1BD7-2) \n- burial: [conv7](http://hdl.handle.net/10050/00-0000-0000-0004-1BC3-B) \n- death memorials:\n[narr1](http://hdl.handle.net/10050/00-0000-0000-0004-1BD8-4) \nI have observed first-hand all the above-mentioned rituals with three\nexceptions: the rituals relating to entering someone’s house for the\nfirst time, pregnancy, and circumcision. Consultants have described\nthese as follows. \nWhen a wife from outside the island marries a man from Mas or Antalisa,\nshe cannot enter other people’s houses before the following ritual is\nperformed. The owners of the house must spread out a white cloth from\nthe entrance of their house, via which the woman enters. After that, she\nreceives another piece of cloth (typically an industrially-made\n“sarong”, a square piece or tube of cloth that can be worn wrapped\naround the waist). \nAt six months into a woman’s first pregnancy, one of her brothers ties a\nstring of pandanus leaf around her clothed belly and cuts it with a\nknife or scissors. This string is tied around a tree, e.g. a coconut\ntree, by the father-to-be, which is a sign that this tree now belongs to\nthe brother. The name of this ritual is *koramtolma* (*koram* has no\nindependent meaning; *tolma* means ‘to cut a string’). \nTwo other marked events are the bathing of the child at less than three\ndays after birth, and the bathing of the mother 40 days after giving\nbirth, after which the child may come out of the house (‘see the sun’)\nfor the first time. The first feeding of the child is also around this\ntime, and is accompanied by bestowing a name upon the child (see also\n§<a href=\"#sec:names\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"sec:names\">[sec:names]</a> about names). The name is\nchosen by an older, respected community member. The child’s first\nhaircut is a festive gathering where a brother of the mother cuts off a\nbit of the child’s first hair. Attendees give money to the parents. The\nfirst haircut was traditionally observed in earlier times, but has only\nrecently become celebrated as a festive event. \nCircumcision is practised on both boys and girls when they are around\nnine years of age. The ritual is only attended and performed by people\nof the same sex as the child(ren) to be circumcised. Male circumcision\nis the cutting of the foreskin. It is unknown what female circumcision\non Karas consists of. The ritual is typically performed for more than\none child at the same time, and with inhabitants from both Kalamang- and\nUruangnirin-speaking villages combined. It is a big festive occasion\nthat is combined with dancing in the evening, comparable to marriages. \nDances are called *nasula* or *tarian* (Indonesian *tarian; menari*).\nConsultants report that people used to dance together in double pairs\n(two men and two women) lead by a foreman, but this practice has\ndisappeared. People dance on their own when performing traditional\ndances. The dances are accompanied by the beating of two types of drums\n(*tiri*, a flat drum with hide on top, hit with the hand, and *tetetas*,\na tall drum with hide on the side, hit with a stick), a gong and a\nflute. During my visits, no flute was available and a recording of the\nflute was played instead, while the drums were played live. Recordings\nof drumming and dancing are available in the corpus.[^6] Contemporary\ndancing (Indonesian *joget*) is mainly performed by adolescents to\ncontemporary Indonesian music and often takes the form of line-dancing\nor dancing in groups where everyone performs the same movements. \nAll rituals are accompanied by Islamic prayers, recited by the imam, who\nsits in front of a tray with a glass of cigarettes, betel leaves and\nincense. The prayers are joined by the men, and sometimes also the\nwomen. Another regular feature of rituals is a shared meal or tea. For\nboth prayers and the meal, it is common that the men sit in the guest\nreception room (the most important and biggest room of the house,\nlocated at the front, Indonesian *ruang tamu*) and the women and\nchildren are in the back of the house, close to the kitchen. This\npractice is not always strictly observed, and especially older women may\njoin the men in the front. A meal consists at least of coffee and tea\nserved with tea sweets (various cakes and fried tubers and banana), and\noften also includes warm food (rice and several fish and meat\naccompaniments). While people sit in a big rectangle on the floor along\nthe wall, the food is served in the middle of the room in a smaller\nsquare or rectangle, typically on a cloth or a banner on the floor. Food\nis served on evenly spaced plates, from which people serve to their own\nplates. Water is served in sealed plastic cups. Very sweet coffee and\ntea is served in glasses filled to the brim as a sign of respect (this\nalso applies to serving coffee and tea at home, whereas boiled water is\nthe norm to drink and serve at home).[^7] \nThe feeding of ancestors is practised when people want to build on a new\nsite, or get rid of pain or an illness they think they have contracted\nfrom a certain place (say a root that they stumbled over). I have not\nwitnessed this, but the ritual is described by consultants as follows.\nIn the house of the traditional authority (Indonesian *tokoh adat*), a\nplate is prepared with bits of betel nut, betel leaf, cooked fish,\ncoconut, tobacco, root vegetables or banana, rice, black cloth, cooking\noil and an egg. Sometimes prayers are read. The tokoh adat then takes\nthe plate to the place in question, or to a small rock in the sea in\nfront of Mas village (which is said to be related to the tokoh adat’s\nancestors), and confers with the ancestors (without speaking out loud).\nFor particularly important matters, a freshly washed white chicken may\nbe brought to the place in question, where its throat is cut and its\nblood is spread. The chicken is then buried in the middle of the area\nwhere the blood was spread. \nMany people file their teeth as adolescents or young adults. It is\nunknown why. Tattoos and piercings are not allowed, but reports tattoos\non the chest and scarifications of crosses on the arms and shoulders.\nOne consultant says body paint was used in former times during war and\nhongi raids. Men wear their hair short and women long. Most people go\nbareheaded, but cover their heads on formal and religious occasions.\nPeople wear contemporary Indonesian attire. On formal, festive and\nreligious occasions this means a sarong, shirt and black cap (Indonesian\n*songkok*) for men, and a sarong, blouse (Indonesian *kebaya*) and\nheadcloth for women. While some of the older women wear headcloths that\nonly cover the hair, most younger women choose to wear a tight-fitting\nhijab. \nThe main religion in Mas and Antalisa is Islam. While daily prayers\nafter sunset are only attended by a handful of pious men in Mas, the\nmidday Friday prayers are attended by most men and boys. Women are\nhardly seen in the mosque. Most children take lessons in learning to\nread Arabic and recite prayers for several years. Gatherings for\nblessing prayers (Indonesian *doa selamat*) are very common, and are\nheld for blessing e.g. new boats, children who are about to take an\nexam, people who are about to set off on a long journey, etc. Although\nthere are many wild pigs on Karas, no one eats pork. On Thursdays in the\nlate afternoon, prayers for the dead are recited in several homes, after\nwhich a visit to the graves is paid. \nIslam probably arrived on the island around the time when it fell under\nthe sultanate of Tidore, which existed from 1450 to 1904. J.C. Keyts,\nwho visited the Karas Islands in 1678, describes the inhabitants as\nheathens . In 1872, when J.G. Coorengel visited, the inhabitants of at\nleast Faor are described as Muslims . There might have been an\nin-between stage when only leaders were converted . The oldest people in\nMas confirm that their grandparents were Muslims as well. The Islamic\nreligion, as in many places in Indonesia, is mixed with local customs .\nAn example of this are the small offerings that accompany prayer\nrecital, usually in the form of betel nuts, cigarettes, betel leaves and\nsometimes pastries. \nKalamang people residing on the island have two main sources of income:\nfishing and the production of nutmeg and mace (from *Myristica\nargentea*). While some people have small businesses selling their fish\nin Fakfak on an irregular basis, most people sell their fish to a\nBalinese trading company that has a storage place for live fish floating\nin the water close to Antalisa or Mas . Species sold are groupers\n(*Plectropomus leopardus, areolatus, maculatus* and *oligacanthus,\nCromileptes altivelis, Epinephelus fuscoguttatus* and mixed groupers,\naccording to ) and lobsters (*Panulirus versicolor*). Different kinds of\ndried trepang (species unknown) are sold in Fakfak. Kalamang people may\nfish anywhere in Karas district waters, although people have their\npreferred spots for finding certain fish. People may set up temporary\ncamps on beaches close to lobster-diving places, to collect lobsters\nover several days before selling. A semi-permanent camp, where people\nmay reside for up to several months, is Timi Nepnep in the southern part\nof Sebakor Bay (on the New Guinea mainland). Outsiders who want to fish\nin Karas waters[^8] must ask permission from one of the village heads. \nNutmeg and mace are planted in family gardens behind the white sand\nbeaches on the big Karas island. These gardens are inherited by the\neldest son, who must divide the land among the siblings, though men\ninherit more than women. One may only harvest one’s own nutmeg. Nutmeg\nand mace are sold to traders in Fakfak, the regency capital. Between\ntheir nutmeg plantations and the white sand beaches, people plant\ncoconut trees. These are mainly harvested for personal use. People also\nuse their land to source firewood and collect wild edible things such as\nTahitian chestnuts (*Inocarpus fagifer*). Some people have a vegetable\ngarden which may or may not be on the same beach as their nutmeg\nplantation. This is for personal use or to sell produce on a small scale\nto people in the village. The crops planted in gardens are typically\nmaize, tomato, aubergine, beans, root vegetables, several banana species\nand various leafy greens. The gardens are usually kept by couples. \nBesides a health station (Indonesian *puskesmas*), a community building\nand a mosque, both Mas and Antalisa have a primary school with six\ngrades. In Mas, the head of the school is currently a civil servant\ndeployed from his native Sulawesi. A group of two to four teachers,\nmostly local people, teach in the three classrooms. For junior high,\nchildren move to Malakuli or Fakfak. Although the official statistics\nfor Fakfak regency report a 99% school participation level, I estimate\nthe level to be a little lower, at least in Mas, where several children\nwere out of school during my visits. Those people who complete higher\neducation move to work in the district capital Malakuli, in Fakfak, or\nelsewhere in Indonesia. The only Karas-born person with higher education\nliving in Mas is one of the school teachers. \nChildren’s work consists of small jobs like getting water from the well,\nsweeping the floor and, for girls, washing clothes. Line fishing from\nthe dock is a common activity for both boys and girls, as well as female\nadolescents. Adolescent boys join their fathers fishing and diving.\nWomen may also join their husbands to assist in fishing and diving, and\nmay also be seen fishing from the dock at night, fishing from small\npaddle canoes, or searching for shells at low tide. Night fishing at low\ntide seems to be a men’s activity. Other men’s tasks are constructing\nhouses, repairing machines, maintaining canoes and chopping firewood.\nWomen are responsible for cleaning, cooking, gardening and washing.\nHandicrafts such as weaving baskets and mats are also practised by\nwomen, but many of the women under 40 no longer have these skills, as\ncheap plastic replacements for these items are now available. In the\nnutmeg plantations much of the work is joint, although it is the men who\nclimb the trees to pluck the nutmeg (with the help of a bamboo stick\nwith a barb on it), while the women gather the fruits on the ground and\nsplit them open. \nAlthough some of the rituals described earlier seem to suggest that\nKalamang society has a custom of marrying women and not men from outside\nthe island, both variants of exogamy are currently practised. Kalamang\npeople have intermarried with people from Java, the Moluccas (especially\nGorom), Sulawesi (especially Bugis and Muna) and closer islands such as\nthe Kei islands and the other Karas Islands. This process has been going\non for at least several decades, with one of my oldest consultants\nhaving a Buginese father. The reason many partners come from the same\nareas in Indonesia is that these people may suggest new partners from\ntheir home town for Kalamang people looking for a suitable partner.\nEndogamy is also allowed and, judging from the different terms for\ncross-cousins (*korapmur*, who can be married), and parallel cousins\n(*dudanmur*, who count as siblings and cannot be married) this has also\nbeen tradition. Polygamy is permitted but is not currently practised.\nBridewealth must be paid by the groom’s side to the bride’s side. This\nmay range from several million rupiah to several dozen million rupiah,\ndepending on the wealth of the family and status of the people to be\nmarried. A village marriage usually does not involve more than 10\nmillion rupiah (approximately € 600), but the bridewealth for a city\nmarriage between high earners with high-status jobs (such as civil\nservant or business owner) may approach 100 million rupiah\n(approximately € 6000). It is mainly the bride’s family’s responsibility\nto organise and pay for the wedding, but the groom’s family may help\nwith this as well. \nPeople live in large concrete or (increasingly rare) wooden houses with\none or sometimes two nuclear families, often accompanied by\n(grand)parents and sometimes unmarried siblings of the parents. It is\nalso common to live together with an adopted child if one is childless\n(typically the child of a sibling of the caretaker) or if the child is\nan orphan. Nieces and nephews are considered children by their aunts and\nuncles. Aunts and uncles of the same sex as the parent (mother’s sisters\nand father’s brothers) are called *ema* and *esa*, respectively, the\nsame word as used for ‘mother’ and ‘father’. The Kalamang kinship system\nis similar to an Iroquois kinship system (see\n§<a href=\"#sec:kinterms\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"sec:kinterms\">[sec:kinterms]</a> for details). Everyone\nhas a surname. There are five surnames considered indigenous in Mas:\nGusek, Yarkuran, Yorkuran, Yorre and Wambur. People feel connected to\npeople with the same surname. Surnames are inherited from the father.\nMore information about kinship terms and terms of address can be found\nin §<a href=\"#sec:nonpronref\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"sec:nonpronref\">[sec:nonpronref]</a>.\n---\n\nTo help with the translation, here is a passage retrieved from a Kalamang grammar book:\n---\n<span id=\"sec:incorp\" label=\"sec:incorp\"></span> Nouns can, and\nfrequently are, incorporated in the verb in Kalamang. Noun incorporation\nis a process whereby a verb is derived from the compounding of a noun\nand a verb , as introduced in\n§<a href=\"#sec:compounding\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"sec:compounding\">5.2.2</a>. Only objects can be\nincorporated in Kalamang, and incorporated objects are recognised by\ntheir lack of object marking and the fact that the compound is treated\nas one phonological word. It is a common but optional parallel strategy\nto having a full (case-marked, stress-carrying) object NP. \nIn 2018, a count of all incorporations in the Kalamang corpus was\nconducted for a larger typological study (published as, which also\nincludes more details on frequencies and verb semantics). In 11 hours of\ntranscribed recordings, 155 incorporations with 60 different nouns and\n53 different verbs were found. The most commonly incorporating verbs\nwere *na* ‘to consume’, *jie* ‘to get; to buy’, *paruo* ‘to make’, *rep*\n‘to get; to collect’ and *suban* ‘to fish’. The most commonly\nincorporated nouns, excluding *don* ‘thing’, which is always\nincorporated, were *sor* ‘fish’, *ter* ‘tea’, *kai* ‘firewood’, *muap*\n‘food’ and *per* ‘water’. Some examples are given in\nTable<a href=\"#tab:incorp\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"tab:incorp\">12.5</a>. Proportions of incorporations per\nverb were calculated. The top four were *sair* ‘to shoot’ (4 out of 4\noccurrences of this verb are incorporations), *suban* ‘to fish’ (10/11),\n*na* in the meaning ‘to drink’[^71] (24/29) and *jie* ‘to get; to\ncollect’ (12/24) . \n<div id=\"tab:incorp\"> \n| incorporating <span class=\"smallcaps\">v</span> | examples | |\n|:-----------------------------------------------|:------------------------------------------------------------|:----|\n| *na* ‘consume’ | *per-na* ‘water-drink’, *wat-na* ‘coconut-eat’ | |\n| *jie* ‘get; buy’ | *kabun-jie* ‘innards-get’, *tabai-jie* ‘tobacco-buy’ | |\n| *paruo* ‘make’ | *kurera-paruo* ‘basket-make’, *amdir-paruo* ‘garden-make’ | |\n| *rep* ‘get; collect’ | *kai-rep* ‘firewood-collect’, *alangan-rep* ‘trouble-get’ | |\n| *suban* ‘fish’ | *tebol-suban* ‘reef_edge-fish’ | |\n| incorporated <span class=\"smallcaps\">n</span> | examples | |\n| *sor* ‘fish’ | *sor-rur* ‘fish-skewer’, *sor-pasor* ‘fish-fry’ | |\n| *ter* ‘tea’ | *ter-na* ‘tea-consume’, *ter-garewor* ‘tea-pour’ | |\n| *kai* ‘firewood’ | *kai-rep* ‘firewood-collect’, *kai-narorar* ‘firewood-drag’ | |\n| *muap* ‘food’ | *muap-ruon* ‘food-cook’, *muap-koya* ‘food-plant’ | |\n| *per* ‘water’ | *per-na* ‘water-consume’, *per-jie* ‘water-collect’ | |\n| | | | \nMost commonly incorporating verbs and incorporated nouns. \n</div> \nWhile there is one noun that cannot be the object of a verb but instead\nmust be incorporated, *don* ‘thing’, there are also restrictions on\nwhich elements can be incorporated. Pronouns, demonstratives and\nmodified nouns cannot be incorporated. As for the verbs, intransitive\nverbs cannot incorporate. Incorporation can take place on verbs that are\npart of a complex predicate. Both the first and the second verb in such\na construction may incorporate, as\n(<a href=\"#exe:jiena\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"exe:jiena\">[exe:jiena]</a>) and\n(<a href=\"#exe:bomuapruo\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"exe:bomuapruo\">[exe:bomuapruo]</a>) illustrate. \n<div class=\"exe\"> \nin=a per-jie na\n<span class=\"smallcaps\">1pl.excl=foc</span> water-get drink\n‘We got and drank the water.’ <span id=\"exe:jiena\"\nlabel=\"exe:jiena\"></span> ma ... bo amdir=ka bo **muap**-**ruo**\n<span class=\"smallcaps\">3sg</span> go\ngarden=<span class=\"smallcaps\">lat</span> go food-dig\n‘She goes to the garden to dig up food.’ <span id=\"exe:bomuapruo\"\nlabel=\"exe:bomuapruo\"></span> \n</div> \nMany pairs of incorporated noun and verb are also found in the corpus as\nnormal pairs of object + verb. For those incorporations for which an\nobject + verb counterpart was not found in the corpus, it was checked\nwhether not incorporating that noun in that verb was allowed. This was\nthe case for all, except combinations with *don* ‘thing’, and the\ncombination of *min* ‘adam’s apple; liver’ and *tolma* ‘to cut’. The\nincorporation *mintolma* ‘to cut \\[the\\] throat’ is a fixed expression\nused as a curse, and must be incorporated (see\n§<a href=\"#sec:curse\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"sec:curse\">[sec:curse]</a> on cursing for examples). \nIt is unclear what the semantic or pragmatic difference is between\nincorporated and non-incorporated noun-verb pairs, and thus it remains\nfor further research what guides the choice between incorporating or not\nincorporating. Some incorporations are more abstract expressions.\n*Ter-na* ‘tea-consume’, for example, does not necessarily mean ‘drinking\ntea’, but can also mean ‘having breakfast’. Incorporations with tree\nnames and *sara* ‘to ascend’ mean ‘to climb that tree in order to\nharvest’. However, we also find object + verb pairs with the same nouns\nand verbs which also have the more abstract meanings, suggesting that\nincorporation is not a requirement for the abstract reading. This is\nillustrated in(<a href=\"#exe:terincorp\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"exe:terincorp\">[exe:terincorp]</a>).\nIn(<a href=\"#exe:teratna\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"exe:teratna\">[exe:teratna]</a>), the speaker first uses\n*ter* ‘tea’ as the object and *na* ‘consume’ as the verb. Two turns\nlater, in(<a href=\"#exe:terna\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"exe:terna\">[exe:terna]</a>), he incorporates *ter* into\n*na* with the same meaning, ‘to have breakfast’.\n(<a href=\"#exe:ternatnin\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"exe:ternatnin\">[exe:ternatnin]</a>) shows that negation\ndoes not play a role in the difference\nbetween(<a href=\"#exe:teratna\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"exe:teratna\">[exe:teratna]</a>)\nand(<a href=\"#exe:terna\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"exe:terna\">[exe:terna]</a>), and that *ter* may be\nincorporated in *na* also when the verb is negated. \n<div class=\"exe\"> \n<div class=\"xlist\"> \nan tok **ter=at** **nat**=nin an se sontum=at gonggung\n<span class=\"smallcaps\">1sg</span> yet\ntea=<span class=\"smallcaps\">obj</span>\nconsume=<span class=\"smallcaps\">neg</span>\n<span class=\"smallcaps\">1sg</span> <span class=\"smallcaps\">iam</span>\nperson=<span class=\"smallcaps\">obj</span> call\n‘I haven’t had breakfast yet, I’m already calling people.’\n<span id=\"exe:teratna\" label=\"exe:teratna\"></span> Nur an=at gonggung=te\ntok **ter-na**\nNur <span class=\"smallcaps\">1sg=obj</span>\ncall=<span class=\"smallcaps\">nfin</span> first tea-consume\n‘Nur calls me to have breakfast first.’ <span id=\"exe:terna\"\nlabel=\"exe:terna\"></span> \n</div> \n<span id=\"exe:terincorp\" label=\"exe:terincorp\"></span> mu muap ba mu\n**ter-nat=nin**\n<span class=\"smallcaps\">3sg</span> eat but\n<span class=\"smallcaps\">3sg</span>\ntea-consume=<span class=\"smallcaps\">neg</span>\n‘They ate but they didn’t drink tea.’ <span id=\"exe:ternatnin\"\nlabel=\"exe:ternatnin\"></span> \n</div> \nThis is not a question of referentiality (singling out a new referent by\nmeans of a non-incorporated noun), as on several occasions in the corpus\nthe first mention of a referent is already incorporated. Other possible\nfactors, such as whether or not the verb was inflected for mood or\naspect, or the animacy or plurality of the referent, do not seem to have\nan effect on the choice of incorporation vs. no incorporation. From\nlooking at the corpus examples, the only factor that was found to play a\nrole in the choice between incorporation or no incorporation is\nrepetition in the same or adjacent turns. Whenever a speaker repeats\nthemselves or the words of another speaker, there seems to be a\nheightened chance of repeating the previously used construction. But\neven after three repetitions of *bir-na* ‘beer-consume’\nin(<a href=\"#exe:birnana\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"exe:birnana\">[exe:birnana]</a>), speaker A suddenly opts\nfor a non-incorporated *bir* ‘beer’. \nThe functions of reduplication of verbs are described in\n§<a href=\"#sec:verbred\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"sec:verbred\">[sec:verbred]</a>.\n---\n\nNow write the translation of the sentence: My liver/adam's apple/throat hurts.\nPlease provide your meta-linguistic reasoning step by step, and put your final translation within \\boxed{}.",
"role": "user"
}
] |
translation
|
{
"ground_truth": "Minan ning.",
"style": "rule"
}
|
{
"answer": "Minan ning.",
"grammar_metadata": [
{
"metadata": {
"Header 1": "Introduction",
"Header 2": "Ethnographic and socio-economic remarks",
"Header 3": null,
"Header 4": null
},
"passage": "There is no previous ethnographic research conducted on Karas or the\nKalamang-speaking community. In this section, I share my own\nethnographic observations. All fieldwork was carried out in Mas, and\nthese ethnographic remarks are based on what I observed there,\nsupplemented by a cultural questionnaire I completed in 2019 with three\npeople from Mas.[^5] I have regularly visited Antalisa during all field\ntrips, and have no reason to believe that there are substantial\ndifferences between the villages. \nThe Kalamang-speaking community is largely comprised of fishermen and\nfarmers of nutmeg. They live in two villages, each with their own\nvillage head, following Indonesian social organisation. The kinship\nsystem is patrilineal. Close relationships, outside the nuclear family,\nare maintained with parents, aunts and uncles, and cousins. Resources\nare often pooled within the extended family for large undertakings like\nbuilding a house, or expensive events like tertiary education or\nmarriage. The woman is the head of the household, and the man is mainly\nresponsible for fishing. Nutmeg farming is an extended family business.\nThe inhabitants of Mas and Antalisa are Muslims, observing many Islamic\ncustoms, though mixing them with local ones. The majority live in\nconcrete houses roughly organized around a central square containing the\nvillage mosque. There is no known art. The skills for other material\nculture, such as woven products and canoes, are still practised but are\non the verge of being superseded by purchased modern materials. \nI have knowledge of rites connected to the following life events:\npregnancy, the first time a newborn leaves the house, the child’s first\nhaircut, circumcision, prenuptial negotiations, welcoming a new wife to\nthe island, marriage, the third day of marriage, entering other people’s\nhouses for the first time (for wives from outside the island), putting\nthe roof on a house, burial and memorials of a death. The following is a\nlist of recordings in the corpus where these rites are illustrated. The\ncode is a unique corpus tag. With help of this tag, the relevant\nrecordings and supplementary material like photographs can be found in\nthe corpus. An overview of all recordings can be found in the Appendix\non page. \n- prenuptial negotiations:\n[narr2](http://hdl.handle.net/10050/00-0000-0000-0004-1BCF-3) \n- welcoming a new wife (*Tenggelele*):\n[conv8](http://hdl.handle.net/10050/00-0000-0000-0004-1BDC-D) \n- marriage:\n[narr4](http://hdl.handle.net/10050/00-0000-0000-0004-1B70-6) \n- third day of marriage:\n[narr4](http://hdl.handle.net/10050/00-0000-0000-0004-1B70-6) \n- putting the roof on a house:\n[narr3](http://hdl.handle.net/10050/00-0000-0000-0004-1BD7-2) \n- burial: [conv7](http://hdl.handle.net/10050/00-0000-0000-0004-1BC3-B) \n- death memorials:\n[narr1](http://hdl.handle.net/10050/00-0000-0000-0004-1BD8-4) \nI have observed first-hand all the above-mentioned rituals with three\nexceptions: the rituals relating to entering someone’s house for the\nfirst time, pregnancy, and circumcision. Consultants have described\nthese as follows. \nWhen a wife from outside the island marries a man from Mas or Antalisa,\nshe cannot enter other people’s houses before the following ritual is\nperformed. The owners of the house must spread out a white cloth from\nthe entrance of their house, via which the woman enters. After that, she\nreceives another piece of cloth (typically an industrially-made\n“sarong”, a square piece or tube of cloth that can be worn wrapped\naround the waist). \nAt six months into a woman’s first pregnancy, one of her brothers ties a\nstring of pandanus leaf around her clothed belly and cuts it with a\nknife or scissors. This string is tied around a tree, e.g. a coconut\ntree, by the father-to-be, which is a sign that this tree now belongs to\nthe brother. The name of this ritual is *koramtolma* (*koram* has no\nindependent meaning; *tolma* means ‘to cut a string’). \nTwo other marked events are the bathing of the child at less than three\ndays after birth, and the bathing of the mother 40 days after giving\nbirth, after which the child may come out of the house (‘see the sun’)\nfor the first time. The first feeding of the child is also around this\ntime, and is accompanied by bestowing a name upon the child (see also\n§<a href=\"#sec:names\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"sec:names\">[sec:names]</a> about names). The name is\nchosen by an older, respected community member. The child’s first\nhaircut is a festive gathering where a brother of the mother cuts off a\nbit of the child’s first hair. Attendees give money to the parents. The\nfirst haircut was traditionally observed in earlier times, but has only\nrecently become celebrated as a festive event. \nCircumcision is practised on both boys and girls when they are around\nnine years of age. The ritual is only attended and performed by people\nof the same sex as the child(ren) to be circumcised. Male circumcision\nis the cutting of the foreskin. It is unknown what female circumcision\non Karas consists of. The ritual is typically performed for more than\none child at the same time, and with inhabitants from both Kalamang- and\nUruangnirin-speaking villages combined. It is a big festive occasion\nthat is combined with dancing in the evening, comparable to marriages. \nDances are called *nasula* or *tarian* (Indonesian *tarian; menari*).\nConsultants report that people used to dance together in double pairs\n(two men and two women) lead by a foreman, but this practice has\ndisappeared. People dance on their own when performing traditional\ndances. The dances are accompanied by the beating of two types of drums\n(*tiri*, a flat drum with hide on top, hit with the hand, and *tetetas*,\na tall drum with hide on the side, hit with a stick), a gong and a\nflute. During my visits, no flute was available and a recording of the\nflute was played instead, while the drums were played live. Recordings\nof drumming and dancing are available in the corpus.[^6] Contemporary\ndancing (Indonesian *joget*) is mainly performed by adolescents to\ncontemporary Indonesian music and often takes the form of line-dancing\nor dancing in groups where everyone performs the same movements. \nAll rituals are accompanied by Islamic prayers, recited by the imam, who\nsits in front of a tray with a glass of cigarettes, betel leaves and\nincense. The prayers are joined by the men, and sometimes also the\nwomen. Another regular feature of rituals is a shared meal or tea. For\nboth prayers and the meal, it is common that the men sit in the guest\nreception room (the most important and biggest room of the house,\nlocated at the front, Indonesian *ruang tamu*) and the women and\nchildren are in the back of the house, close to the kitchen. This\npractice is not always strictly observed, and especially older women may\njoin the men in the front. A meal consists at least of coffee and tea\nserved with tea sweets (various cakes and fried tubers and banana), and\noften also includes warm food (rice and several fish and meat\naccompaniments). While people sit in a big rectangle on the floor along\nthe wall, the food is served in the middle of the room in a smaller\nsquare or rectangle, typically on a cloth or a banner on the floor. Food\nis served on evenly spaced plates, from which people serve to their own\nplates. Water is served in sealed plastic cups. Very sweet coffee and\ntea is served in glasses filled to the brim as a sign of respect (this\nalso applies to serving coffee and tea at home, whereas boiled water is\nthe norm to drink and serve at home).[^7] \nThe feeding of ancestors is practised when people want to build on a new\nsite, or get rid of pain or an illness they think they have contracted\nfrom a certain place (say a root that they stumbled over). I have not\nwitnessed this, but the ritual is described by consultants as follows.\nIn the house of the traditional authority (Indonesian *tokoh adat*), a\nplate is prepared with bits of betel nut, betel leaf, cooked fish,\ncoconut, tobacco, root vegetables or banana, rice, black cloth, cooking\noil and an egg. Sometimes prayers are read. The tokoh adat then takes\nthe plate to the place in question, or to a small rock in the sea in\nfront of Mas village (which is said to be related to the tokoh adat’s\nancestors), and confers with the ancestors (without speaking out loud).\nFor particularly important matters, a freshly washed white chicken may\nbe brought to the place in question, where its throat is cut and its\nblood is spread. The chicken is then buried in the middle of the area\nwhere the blood was spread. \nMany people file their teeth as adolescents or young adults. It is\nunknown why. Tattoos and piercings are not allowed, but reports tattoos\non the chest and scarifications of crosses on the arms and shoulders.\nOne consultant says body paint was used in former times during war and\nhongi raids. Men wear their hair short and women long. Most people go\nbareheaded, but cover their heads on formal and religious occasions.\nPeople wear contemporary Indonesian attire. On formal, festive and\nreligious occasions this means a sarong, shirt and black cap (Indonesian\n*songkok*) for men, and a sarong, blouse (Indonesian *kebaya*) and\nheadcloth for women. While some of the older women wear headcloths that\nonly cover the hair, most younger women choose to wear a tight-fitting\nhijab. \nThe main religion in Mas and Antalisa is Islam. While daily prayers\nafter sunset are only attended by a handful of pious men in Mas, the\nmidday Friday prayers are attended by most men and boys. Women are\nhardly seen in the mosque. Most children take lessons in learning to\nread Arabic and recite prayers for several years. Gatherings for\nblessing prayers (Indonesian *doa selamat*) are very common, and are\nheld for blessing e.g. new boats, children who are about to take an\nexam, people who are about to set off on a long journey, etc. Although\nthere are many wild pigs on Karas, no one eats pork. On Thursdays in the\nlate afternoon, prayers for the dead are recited in several homes, after\nwhich a visit to the graves is paid. \nIslam probably arrived on the island around the time when it fell under\nthe sultanate of Tidore, which existed from 1450 to 1904. J.C. Keyts,\nwho visited the Karas Islands in 1678, describes the inhabitants as\nheathens . In 1872, when J.G. Coorengel visited, the inhabitants of at\nleast Faor are described as Muslims . There might have been an\nin-between stage when only leaders were converted . The oldest people in\nMas confirm that their grandparents were Muslims as well. The Islamic\nreligion, as in many places in Indonesia, is mixed with local customs .\nAn example of this are the small offerings that accompany prayer\nrecital, usually in the form of betel nuts, cigarettes, betel leaves and\nsometimes pastries. \nKalamang people residing on the island have two main sources of income:\nfishing and the production of nutmeg and mace (from *Myristica\nargentea*). While some people have small businesses selling their fish\nin Fakfak on an irregular basis, most people sell their fish to a\nBalinese trading company that has a storage place for live fish floating\nin the water close to Antalisa or Mas . Species sold are groupers\n(*Plectropomus leopardus, areolatus, maculatus* and *oligacanthus,\nCromileptes altivelis, Epinephelus fuscoguttatus* and mixed groupers,\naccording to ) and lobsters (*Panulirus versicolor*). Different kinds of\ndried trepang (species unknown) are sold in Fakfak. Kalamang people may\nfish anywhere in Karas district waters, although people have their\npreferred spots for finding certain fish. People may set up temporary\ncamps on beaches close to lobster-diving places, to collect lobsters\nover several days before selling. A semi-permanent camp, where people\nmay reside for up to several months, is Timi Nepnep in the southern part\nof Sebakor Bay (on the New Guinea mainland). Outsiders who want to fish\nin Karas waters[^8] must ask permission from one of the village heads. \nNutmeg and mace are planted in family gardens behind the white sand\nbeaches on the big Karas island. These gardens are inherited by the\neldest son, who must divide the land among the siblings, though men\ninherit more than women. One may only harvest one’s own nutmeg. Nutmeg\nand mace are sold to traders in Fakfak, the regency capital. Between\ntheir nutmeg plantations and the white sand beaches, people plant\ncoconut trees. These are mainly harvested for personal use. People also\nuse their land to source firewood and collect wild edible things such as\nTahitian chestnuts (*Inocarpus fagifer*). Some people have a vegetable\ngarden which may or may not be on the same beach as their nutmeg\nplantation. This is for personal use or to sell produce on a small scale\nto people in the village. The crops planted in gardens are typically\nmaize, tomato, aubergine, beans, root vegetables, several banana species\nand various leafy greens. The gardens are usually kept by couples. \nBesides a health station (Indonesian *puskesmas*), a community building\nand a mosque, both Mas and Antalisa have a primary school with six\ngrades. In Mas, the head of the school is currently a civil servant\ndeployed from his native Sulawesi. A group of two to four teachers,\nmostly local people, teach in the three classrooms. For junior high,\nchildren move to Malakuli or Fakfak. Although the official statistics\nfor Fakfak regency report a 99% school participation level, I estimate\nthe level to be a little lower, at least in Mas, where several children\nwere out of school during my visits. Those people who complete higher\neducation move to work in the district capital Malakuli, in Fakfak, or\nelsewhere in Indonesia. The only Karas-born person with higher education\nliving in Mas is one of the school teachers. \nChildren’s work consists of small jobs like getting water from the well,\nsweeping the floor and, for girls, washing clothes. Line fishing from\nthe dock is a common activity for both boys and girls, as well as female\nadolescents. Adolescent boys join their fathers fishing and diving.\nWomen may also join their husbands to assist in fishing and diving, and\nmay also be seen fishing from the dock at night, fishing from small\npaddle canoes, or searching for shells at low tide. Night fishing at low\ntide seems to be a men’s activity. Other men’s tasks are constructing\nhouses, repairing machines, maintaining canoes and chopping firewood.\nWomen are responsible for cleaning, cooking, gardening and washing.\nHandicrafts such as weaving baskets and mats are also practised by\nwomen, but many of the women under 40 no longer have these skills, as\ncheap plastic replacements for these items are now available. In the\nnutmeg plantations much of the work is joint, although it is the men who\nclimb the trees to pluck the nutmeg (with the help of a bamboo stick\nwith a barb on it), while the women gather the fruits on the ground and\nsplit them open. \nAlthough some of the rituals described earlier seem to suggest that\nKalamang society has a custom of marrying women and not men from outside\nthe island, both variants of exogamy are currently practised. Kalamang\npeople have intermarried with people from Java, the Moluccas (especially\nGorom), Sulawesi (especially Bugis and Muna) and closer islands such as\nthe Kei islands and the other Karas Islands. This process has been going\non for at least several decades, with one of my oldest consultants\nhaving a Buginese father. The reason many partners come from the same\nareas in Indonesia is that these people may suggest new partners from\ntheir home town for Kalamang people looking for a suitable partner.\nEndogamy is also allowed and, judging from the different terms for\ncross-cousins (*korapmur*, who can be married), and parallel cousins\n(*dudanmur*, who count as siblings and cannot be married) this has also\nbeen tradition. Polygamy is permitted but is not currently practised.\nBridewealth must be paid by the groom’s side to the bride’s side. This\nmay range from several million rupiah to several dozen million rupiah,\ndepending on the wealth of the family and status of the people to be\nmarried. A village marriage usually does not involve more than 10\nmillion rupiah (approximately € 600), but the bridewealth for a city\nmarriage between high earners with high-status jobs (such as civil\nservant or business owner) may approach 100 million rupiah\n(approximately € 6000). It is mainly the bride’s family’s responsibility\nto organise and pay for the wedding, but the groom’s family may help\nwith this as well. \nPeople live in large concrete or (increasingly rare) wooden houses with\none or sometimes two nuclear families, often accompanied by\n(grand)parents and sometimes unmarried siblings of the parents. It is\nalso common to live together with an adopted child if one is childless\n(typically the child of a sibling of the caretaker) or if the child is\nan orphan. Nieces and nephews are considered children by their aunts and\nuncles. Aunts and uncles of the same sex as the parent (mother’s sisters\nand father’s brothers) are called *ema* and *esa*, respectively, the\nsame word as used for ‘mother’ and ‘father’. The Kalamang kinship system\nis similar to an Iroquois kinship system (see\n§<a href=\"#sec:kinterms\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"sec:kinterms\">[sec:kinterms]</a> for details). Everyone\nhas a surname. There are five surnames considered indigenous in Mas:\nGusek, Yarkuran, Yorkuran, Yorre and Wambur. People feel connected to\npeople with the same surname. Surnames are inherited from the father.\nMore information about kinship terms and terms of address can be found\nin §<a href=\"#sec:nonpronref\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"sec:nonpronref\">[sec:nonpronref]</a>."
},
{
"metadata": {
"Header 1": "Verbs",
"Header 2": "Verb derivation",
"Header 3": "Noun incorporation",
"Header 4": null
},
"passage": "<span id=\"sec:incorp\" label=\"sec:incorp\"></span> Nouns can, and\nfrequently are, incorporated in the verb in Kalamang. Noun incorporation\nis a process whereby a verb is derived from the compounding of a noun\nand a verb , as introduced in\n§<a href=\"#sec:compounding\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"sec:compounding\">5.2.2</a>. Only objects can be\nincorporated in Kalamang, and incorporated objects are recognised by\ntheir lack of object marking and the fact that the compound is treated\nas one phonological word. It is a common but optional parallel strategy\nto having a full (case-marked, stress-carrying) object NP. \nIn 2018, a count of all incorporations in the Kalamang corpus was\nconducted for a larger typological study (published as, which also\nincludes more details on frequencies and verb semantics). In 11 hours of\ntranscribed recordings, 155 incorporations with 60 different nouns and\n53 different verbs were found. The most commonly incorporating verbs\nwere *na* ‘to consume’, *jie* ‘to get; to buy’, *paruo* ‘to make’, *rep*\n‘to get; to collect’ and *suban* ‘to fish’. The most commonly\nincorporated nouns, excluding *don* ‘thing’, which is always\nincorporated, were *sor* ‘fish’, *ter* ‘tea’, *kai* ‘firewood’, *muap*\n‘food’ and *per* ‘water’. Some examples are given in\nTable<a href=\"#tab:incorp\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"tab:incorp\">12.5</a>. Proportions of incorporations per\nverb were calculated. The top four were *sair* ‘to shoot’ (4 out of 4\noccurrences of this verb are incorporations), *suban* ‘to fish’ (10/11),\n*na* in the meaning ‘to drink’[^71] (24/29) and *jie* ‘to get; to\ncollect’ (12/24) . \n<div id=\"tab:incorp\"> \n| incorporating <span class=\"smallcaps\">v</span> | examples | |\n|:-----------------------------------------------|:------------------------------------------------------------|:----|\n| *na* ‘consume’ | *per-na* ‘water-drink’, *wat-na* ‘coconut-eat’ | |\n| *jie* ‘get; buy’ | *kabun-jie* ‘innards-get’, *tabai-jie* ‘tobacco-buy’ | |\n| *paruo* ‘make’ | *kurera-paruo* ‘basket-make’, *amdir-paruo* ‘garden-make’ | |\n| *rep* ‘get; collect’ | *kai-rep* ‘firewood-collect’, *alangan-rep* ‘trouble-get’ | |\n| *suban* ‘fish’ | *tebol-suban* ‘reef_edge-fish’ | |\n| incorporated <span class=\"smallcaps\">n</span> | examples | |\n| *sor* ‘fish’ | *sor-rur* ‘fish-skewer’, *sor-pasor* ‘fish-fry’ | |\n| *ter* ‘tea’ | *ter-na* ‘tea-consume’, *ter-garewor* ‘tea-pour’ | |\n| *kai* ‘firewood’ | *kai-rep* ‘firewood-collect’, *kai-narorar* ‘firewood-drag’ | |\n| *muap* ‘food’ | *muap-ruon* ‘food-cook’, *muap-koya* ‘food-plant’ | |\n| *per* ‘water’ | *per-na* ‘water-consume’, *per-jie* ‘water-collect’ | |\n| | | | \nMost commonly incorporating verbs and incorporated nouns. \n</div> \nWhile there is one noun that cannot be the object of a verb but instead\nmust be incorporated, *don* ‘thing’, there are also restrictions on\nwhich elements can be incorporated. Pronouns, demonstratives and\nmodified nouns cannot be incorporated. As for the verbs, intransitive\nverbs cannot incorporate. Incorporation can take place on verbs that are\npart of a complex predicate. Both the first and the second verb in such\na construction may incorporate, as\n(<a href=\"#exe:jiena\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"exe:jiena\">[exe:jiena]</a>) and\n(<a href=\"#exe:bomuapruo\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"exe:bomuapruo\">[exe:bomuapruo]</a>) illustrate. \n<div class=\"exe\"> \nin=a per-jie na\n<span class=\"smallcaps\">1pl.excl=foc</span> water-get drink\n‘We got and drank the water.’ <span id=\"exe:jiena\"\nlabel=\"exe:jiena\"></span> ma ... bo amdir=ka bo **muap**-**ruo**\n<span class=\"smallcaps\">3sg</span> go\ngarden=<span class=\"smallcaps\">lat</span> go food-dig\n‘She goes to the garden to dig up food.’ <span id=\"exe:bomuapruo\"\nlabel=\"exe:bomuapruo\"></span> \n</div> \nMany pairs of incorporated noun and verb are also found in the corpus as\nnormal pairs of object + verb. For those incorporations for which an\nobject + verb counterpart was not found in the corpus, it was checked\nwhether not incorporating that noun in that verb was allowed. This was\nthe case for all, except combinations with *don* ‘thing’, and the\ncombination of *min* ‘adam’s apple; liver’ and *tolma* ‘to cut’. The\nincorporation *mintolma* ‘to cut \\[the\\] throat’ is a fixed expression\nused as a curse, and must be incorporated (see\n§<a href=\"#sec:curse\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"sec:curse\">[sec:curse]</a> on cursing for examples). \nIt is unclear what the semantic or pragmatic difference is between\nincorporated and non-incorporated noun-verb pairs, and thus it remains\nfor further research what guides the choice between incorporating or not\nincorporating. Some incorporations are more abstract expressions.\n*Ter-na* ‘tea-consume’, for example, does not necessarily mean ‘drinking\ntea’, but can also mean ‘having breakfast’. Incorporations with tree\nnames and *sara* ‘to ascend’ mean ‘to climb that tree in order to\nharvest’. However, we also find object + verb pairs with the same nouns\nand verbs which also have the more abstract meanings, suggesting that\nincorporation is not a requirement for the abstract reading. This is\nillustrated in(<a href=\"#exe:terincorp\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"exe:terincorp\">[exe:terincorp]</a>).\nIn(<a href=\"#exe:teratna\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"exe:teratna\">[exe:teratna]</a>), the speaker first uses\n*ter* ‘tea’ as the object and *na* ‘consume’ as the verb. Two turns\nlater, in(<a href=\"#exe:terna\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"exe:terna\">[exe:terna]</a>), he incorporates *ter* into\n*na* with the same meaning, ‘to have breakfast’.\n(<a href=\"#exe:ternatnin\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"exe:ternatnin\">[exe:ternatnin]</a>) shows that negation\ndoes not play a role in the difference\nbetween(<a href=\"#exe:teratna\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"exe:teratna\">[exe:teratna]</a>)\nand(<a href=\"#exe:terna\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"exe:terna\">[exe:terna]</a>), and that *ter* may be\nincorporated in *na* also when the verb is negated. \n<div class=\"exe\"> \n<div class=\"xlist\"> \nan tok **ter=at** **nat**=nin an se sontum=at gonggung\n<span class=\"smallcaps\">1sg</span> yet\ntea=<span class=\"smallcaps\">obj</span>\nconsume=<span class=\"smallcaps\">neg</span>\n<span class=\"smallcaps\">1sg</span> <span class=\"smallcaps\">iam</span>\nperson=<span class=\"smallcaps\">obj</span> call\n‘I haven’t had breakfast yet, I’m already calling people.’\n<span id=\"exe:teratna\" label=\"exe:teratna\"></span> Nur an=at gonggung=te\ntok **ter-na**\nNur <span class=\"smallcaps\">1sg=obj</span>\ncall=<span class=\"smallcaps\">nfin</span> first tea-consume\n‘Nur calls me to have breakfast first.’ <span id=\"exe:terna\"\nlabel=\"exe:terna\"></span> \n</div> \n<span id=\"exe:terincorp\" label=\"exe:terincorp\"></span> mu muap ba mu\n**ter-nat=nin**\n<span class=\"smallcaps\">3sg</span> eat but\n<span class=\"smallcaps\">3sg</span>\ntea-consume=<span class=\"smallcaps\">neg</span>\n‘They ate but they didn’t drink tea.’ <span id=\"exe:ternatnin\"\nlabel=\"exe:ternatnin\"></span> \n</div> \nThis is not a question of referentiality (singling out a new referent by\nmeans of a non-incorporated noun), as on several occasions in the corpus\nthe first mention of a referent is already incorporated. Other possible\nfactors, such as whether or not the verb was inflected for mood or\naspect, or the animacy or plurality of the referent, do not seem to have\nan effect on the choice of incorporation vs. no incorporation. From\nlooking at the corpus examples, the only factor that was found to play a\nrole in the choice between incorporation or no incorporation is\nrepetition in the same or adjacent turns. Whenever a speaker repeats\nthemselves or the words of another speaker, there seems to be a\nheightened chance of repeating the previously used construction. But\neven after three repetitions of *bir-na* ‘beer-consume’\nin(<a href=\"#exe:birnana\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"exe:birnana\">[exe:birnana]</a>), speaker A suddenly opts\nfor a non-incorporated *bir* ‘beer’. \nThe functions of reduplication of verbs are described in\n§<a href=\"#sec:verbred\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"sec:verbred\">[sec:verbred]</a>."
}
],
"index": 2,
"level": "low_resource",
"question": "My liver/adam's apple/throat hurts.",
"split": "train"
}
|
Nabil emun anbon garung ba ma anat kosilep.
|
Nabil's mother is talking to me but she's turning her back to me.
|
Language Science Press
|
[
{
"content": "Kalamang is a language spoken on the Karas Islands in West Papua. Translate from English to Kalamang: Nabil's mother is talking to me but she's turning her back to me.\n\n\nTo help with the translation, here is one of the closest entries to \"Nabil\" in the English-Kalamang bilingual dictionary:\nEnglish word: boil\nKalamang translation: nasomit; sabet; laur\n\nTo help with the translation, here is one of the closest entries to \"Nabil\" in the English-Kalamang bilingual dictionary:\nEnglish word: until\nKalamang translation: bo; sampai; sampi\n\nTo help with the translation, here is one of the closest entries to \"s\" in the English-Kalamang bilingual dictionary:\nEnglish word: spear\nKalamang translation: gala\n\nTo help with the translation, here is one of the closest entries to \"s\" in the English-Kalamang bilingual dictionary:\nEnglish word: sound\nKalamang translation: ar; nun\n\nTo help with the translation, here is one of the closest entries to \"mother\" in the English-Kalamang bilingual dictionary:\nEnglish word: greatgrandmother\nKalamang translation: ninanus; tataninanus\n\nTo help with the translation, here is one of the closest entries to \"mother\" in the English-Kalamang bilingual dictionary:\nEnglish word: mother\nKalamang translation: ema\n\nTo help with the translation, here is one of the closest entries to \"is\" in the English-Kalamang bilingual dictionary:\nEnglish word: Aru islands\nKalamang translation: Dobu\n\nTo help with the translation, here is one of the closest entries to \"is\" in the English-Kalamang bilingual dictionary:\nEnglish word: there is\nKalamang translation: mambon\n\nTo help with the translation, here is one of the closest entries to \"talking\" in the English-Kalamang bilingual dictionary:\nEnglish word: talk together\nKalamang translation: garung\n\nTo help with the translation, here is one of the closest entries to \"talking\" in the English-Kalamang bilingual dictionary:\nEnglish word: falling and making a sound\nKalamang translation: pukmang\n\nTo help with the translation, here is one of the closest entries to \"to\" in the English-Kalamang bilingual dictionary:\nEnglish word: to plug\nKalamang translation: narer\n\nTo help with the translation, here is one of the closest entries to \"to\" in the English-Kalamang bilingual dictionary:\nEnglish word: go to school\nKalamang translation: sekola\n\nTo help with the translation, here is one of the closest entries to \"me\" in the English-Kalamang bilingual dictionary:\nEnglish word: month name\nKalamang translation: hajiwak; robaherpak\n\nTo help with the translation, here is one of the closest entries to \"me\" in the English-Kalamang bilingual dictionary:\nEnglish word: name\nKalamang translation: in\n\nTo help with the translation, here is one of the closest entries to \"but\" in the English-Kalamang bilingual dictionary:\nEnglish word: butterfly\nKalamang translation: pulpul\n\nTo help with the translation, here is one of the closest entries to \"but\" in the English-Kalamang bilingual dictionary:\nEnglish word: but\nKalamang translation: ba; tapi\n\nTo help with the translation, here is one of the closest entries to \"she\" in the English-Kalamang bilingual dictionary:\nEnglish word: shelf\nKalamang translation: rak\n\nTo help with the translation, here is one of the closest entries to \"she\" in the English-Kalamang bilingual dictionary:\nEnglish word: cone shell\nKalamang translation: salawei\n\nTo help with the translation, here is one of the closest entries to \"s\" in the English-Kalamang bilingual dictionary:\nEnglish word: spear\nKalamang translation: gala\n\nTo help with the translation, here is one of the closest entries to \"s\" in the English-Kalamang bilingual dictionary:\nEnglish word: sound\nKalamang translation: ar; nun\n\nTo help with the translation, here is one of the closest entries to \"turning\" in the English-Kalamang bilingual dictionary:\nEnglish word: morning\nKalamang translation: naupar\n\nTo help with the translation, here is one of the closest entries to \"turning\" in the English-Kalamang bilingual dictionary:\nEnglish word: fire burning\nKalamang translation: susur\n\nTo help with the translation, here is one of the closest entries to \"her\" in the English-Kalamang bilingual dictionary:\nEnglish word: weight watcher\nKalamang translation: kibibal\n\nTo help with the translation, here is one of the closest entries to \"her\" in the English-Kalamang bilingual dictionary:\nEnglish word: higher\nKalamang translation: lebe\n\nTo help with the translation, here is one of the closest entries to \"back\" in the English-Kalamang bilingual dictionary:\nEnglish word: turn back to\nKalamang translation: kosilep\n\nTo help with the translation, here is one of the closest entries to \"back\" in the English-Kalamang bilingual dictionary:\nEnglish word: back\nKalamang translation: *ep; *silep; suol; or\n\nTo help with the translation, here is one of the closest entries to \"to\" in the English-Kalamang bilingual dictionary:\nEnglish word: to plug\nKalamang translation: narer\n\nTo help with the translation, here is one of the closest entries to \"to\" in the English-Kalamang bilingual dictionary:\nEnglish word: go to school\nKalamang translation: sekola\n\nTo help with the translation, here is one of the closest entries to \"me\" in the English-Kalamang bilingual dictionary:\nEnglish word: month name\nKalamang translation: hajiwak; robaherpak\n\nTo help with the translation, here is one of the closest entries to \"me\" in the English-Kalamang bilingual dictionary:\nEnglish word: name\nKalamang translation: in\n\nTo help with the translation, here is a translated sentence with words similar to \"Nabil\" in a list of translated Kalamang-English reference sentences:\nEnglish sentence: Nabil's mother and friends buy beans to cook porridge to give to the kids.\nKalamang translation: Nabil emun mu kawuokjie bubirkuarte di tumtumgin.\n\nTo help with the translation, here is a translated sentence with words similar to \"Nabil\" in a list of translated Kalamang-English reference sentences:\nEnglish sentence: Nabil is plagued by mucus.\nKalamang translation: Nabil marur mat paruo.\n\nTo help with the translation, here is a translated sentence with words similar to \"s\" in a list of translated Kalamang-English reference sentences:\nEnglish sentence: Nabil's father went fishing for a long time but didn't catch anything.\nKalamang translation: Nabil esun bo wari wari ba kotipol.\n\nTo help with the translation, here is a translated sentence with words similar to \"s\" in a list of translated Kalamang-English reference sentences:\nEnglish sentence: Supri's father goes fishing for grouper.\nKalamang translation: Supri esun bo kabaruapmarok teba.\n\nTo help with the translation, here is a translated sentence with words similar to \"mother\" in a list of translated Kalamang-English reference sentences:\nEnglish sentence: Salima's mother lost weight, she's small.\nKalamang translation: Saiilima emun kadenun tur, kaden cicaun.\n\nTo help with the translation, here is a translated sentence with words similar to \"mother\" in a list of translated Kalamang-English reference sentences:\nEnglish sentence: Tamandi's mother was afraid of a snake and jumped around.\nKalamang translation: Tamandi emun kiwat semda bo dalangdalang.\n\nTo help with the translation, here is a translated sentence with words similar to \"is\" in a list of translated Kalamang-English reference sentences:\nEnglish sentence: There is a lot of dog poop at Kiaba.\nKalamang translation: Bal kiet me Kiaba me reidak.\n\nTo help with the translation, here is a translated sentence with words similar to \"is\" in a list of translated Kalamang-English reference sentences:\nEnglish sentence: Bilal's father is putting his canoe out.\nKalamang translation: Bilal esun et me di kolko.\n\nTo help with the translation, here is a translated sentence with words similar to \"talking\" in a list of translated Kalamang-English reference sentences:\nEnglish sentence: We all sit talking.\nKalamang translation: Inaninggan melelu ewa.\n\nTo help with the translation, here is a translated sentence with words similar to \"talking\" in a list of translated Kalamang-English reference sentences:\nEnglish sentence: He is talking with Yaban's father.\nKalamang translation: Mier Yaban esaunbona garunggarung.\n\nTo help with the translation, here is a translated sentence with words similar to \"to\" in a list of translated Kalamang-English reference sentences:\nEnglish sentence: I'm sweeping next to the house.\nKalamang translation: An kewe mulunat kabara.\n\nTo help with the translation, here is a translated sentence with words similar to \"to\" in a list of translated Kalamang-English reference sentences:\nEnglish sentence: Jafaris said he wants to rub his shirt. (He wants to wash without using a brush, just by rubbing.)\nKalamang translation: Jafaris me toni ladanun me nakacuk teba.\n\nTo help with the translation, here is a translated sentence with words similar to \"me\" in a list of translated Kalamang-English reference sentences:\nEnglish sentence: A canoe came from Fakfak with many people.\nKalamang translation: Et kon Pakpaka mahara, sontum imbuang.\n\nTo help with the translation, here is a translated sentence with words similar to \"me\" in a list of translated Kalamang-English reference sentences:\nEnglish sentence: Rustam's grandmother spit on me by accident.\nKalamang translation: Rustam taraun anat salai koalom.\n\nTo help with the translation, here is a translated sentence with words similar to \"but\" in a list of translated Kalamang-English reference sentences:\nEnglish sentence: This day, it was already late afternoon but the lamps weren't lighted.\nKalamang translation: Yuol wa me go he girgir lampur tok yuolnin.\n\nTo help with the translation, here is a translated sentence with words similar to \"but\" in a list of translated Kalamang-English reference sentences:\nEnglish sentence: I want to dry clothes but it's cloudy.\nKalamang translation: An dodonara masatkin ba go git git.\n\nTo help with the translation, here is a translated sentence with words similar to \"she\" in a list of translated Kalamang-English reference sentences:\nEnglish sentence: Bakri's mother's tub is broken, she wants to wash clothes but she can't.\nKalamang translation: Bakri emun bintangun se parair ma dodonwaruotkin ba eranun.\n\nTo help with the translation, here is a translated sentence with words similar to \"she\" in a list of translated Kalamang-English reference sentences:\nEnglish sentence: Ruslan's mother is heating banana leaves, she wants to make a \"lamet\".\nKalamang translation: Ruslan emuna imolat balare lamerat paruotkin.\n\nTo help with the translation, here is a translated sentence with words similar to \"s\" in a list of translated Kalamang-English reference sentences:\nEnglish sentence: Nabil's father went fishing for a long time but didn't catch anything.\nKalamang translation: Nabil esun bo wari wari ba kotipol.\n\nTo help with the translation, here is a translated sentence with words similar to \"s\" in a list of translated Kalamang-English reference sentences:\nEnglish sentence: Supri's father goes fishing for grouper.\nKalamang translation: Supri esun bo kabaruapmarok teba.\n\nTo help with the translation, here is a translated sentence with words similar to \"turning\" in a list of translated Kalamang-English reference sentences:\nEnglish sentence: (We are) burning ironwood leftovers and the flames are rising.\nKalamang translation: Suar pespesat komarukta din se bo paras.\n\nTo help with the translation, here is a translated sentence with words similar to \"turning\" in a list of translated Kalamang-English reference sentences:\nEnglish sentence: The fire was burning and she pushed it aside.\nKalamang translation: Din susurta ma dikolko.\n\nTo help with the translation, here is a translated sentence with words similar to \"her\" in a list of translated Kalamang-English reference sentences:\nEnglish sentence: Salima's mother was drying her sarong and it flew off.\nKalamang translation: Salima emun kadounat masara ma lele.\n\nTo help with the translation, here is a translated sentence with words similar to \"her\" in a list of translated Kalamang-English reference sentences:\nEnglish sentence: Sara is affected by kaman-disease, her lips are sore.\nKalamang translation: Sara kaman mat paruo bolun patiwatin.\n\nTo help with the translation, here is a translated sentence with words similar to \"back\" in a list of translated Kalamang-English reference sentences:\nEnglish sentence: He went to land, and brought his brother back (seawards).\nKalamang translation: Ma he mara adiunat kuru marua.\n\nTo help with the translation, here is a translated sentence with words similar to \"back\" in a list of translated Kalamang-English reference sentences:\nEnglish sentence: Alun gave back his shirt to Jikri.\nKalamang translation: Alun ladanunat namasuk Jikri kongga.\n\nTo help with the translation, here is a translated sentence with words similar to \"to\" in a list of translated Kalamang-English reference sentences:\nEnglish sentence: I'm sweeping next to the house.\nKalamang translation: An kewe mulunat kabara.\n\nTo help with the translation, here is a translated sentence with words similar to \"to\" in a list of translated Kalamang-English reference sentences:\nEnglish sentence: Jafaris said he wants to rub his shirt. (He wants to wash without using a brush, just by rubbing.)\nKalamang translation: Jafaris me toni ladanun me nakacuk teba.\n\nTo help with the translation, here is a translated sentence with words similar to \"me\" in a list of translated Kalamang-English reference sentences:\nEnglish sentence: A canoe came from Fakfak with many people.\nKalamang translation: Et kon Pakpaka mahara, sontum imbuang.\n\nTo help with the translation, here is a translated sentence with words similar to \"me\" in a list of translated Kalamang-English reference sentences:\nEnglish sentence: Rustam's grandmother spit on me by accident.\nKalamang translation: Rustam taraun anat salai koalom.\n\nTo help with the translation, here is a passage retrieved from a Kalamang grammar book:\n---\nThere are two elements, a clitic and a word, that mark when a\nproposition is repeated. They can be combined. \nThe clitic *=taet* ‘more; again’, which is attached to the predicate,\nindicates that the proposition is repeated, continued or extended. It\nalmost invariably co-occurs with *koi* ‘again’, which is further\nillustrated below. (<a href=\"#exe:taet1\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"exe:taet1\">[exe:taet1]</a>)\nand(<a href=\"#exe:taet2\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"exe:taet2\">[exe:taet2]</a>) show *=taet* together with\n*koi*. In the latter, the meaning conveyed is slightly more that of\nrepetition than of continuation. \n<div class=\"exe\"> \nma **koi** baran=**taet**\n<span class=\"smallcaps\">3sg</span> then descend=more\n‘Then he goes further down.’ <span id=\"exe:taet1\"\nlabel=\"exe:taet1\"></span> ibu nawanggar in **koi** sanggaran=**taet**\nmiss wait <span class=\"smallcaps\">1pl.excl</span> again search=again\n‘Miss waits and we search again.’ <span id=\"exe:taet2\"\nlabel=\"exe:taet2\"></span> ma se kamera nerun=ka keluar=**taet**\n<span class=\"smallcaps\">3sg</span> <span class=\"smallcaps\">iam</span>\ncamera inside=<span class=\"smallcaps\">lat</span> exit-again\n‘She already went out of (the view of) the camera again.’ \n</div> \nIn a few cases, *=taet* is also found on pronouns, when the actor is in\nfocus rather than the action.\nIn(<a href=\"#exe:taet3\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"exe:taet3\">[exe:taet3]</a>), where the speaker and the\naddressee are taking turns describing objects, the speaker encliticises\n*=taet* to the pronoun, because the focus is on who is talking. (Cf.\nEnglish ‘Now YOU again speak’ vs. ‘Now you SPEAK again’). Similarly,\nin(<a href=\"#exe:andaet\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"exe:andaet\">[exe:andaet]</a>), which is take from a\nstory about a monkey and a cuscus who keep switching places in a boat,\nthe focus is on the pronoun *an* ‘I’. \n<div class=\"exe\"> \nka=**taet** ewa=te\n<span class=\"smallcaps\">2sg</span>=again\nspeak=<span class=\"smallcaps\">imp</span>\n‘You speak again.’ <span id=\"exe:taet3\" label=\"exe:taet3\"></span> ka me\nor=ko an=**taet** bo sabar=et\n<span class=\"smallcaps\">2sg</span> <span class=\"smallcaps\">top</span>\nstern=<span class=\"smallcaps\">loc</span>\n<span class=\"smallcaps\">1sg</span>=again go\nbow=<span class=\"smallcaps\">irr</span>\n‘You are at the stern, I again go to the bow.’ <span id=\"exe:andaet\"\nlabel=\"exe:andaet\"></span> \n</div> \n*Koi* ‘again’ indicates repetition of an event. Its placement is\nvariable. In(<a href=\"#exe:koi1\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"exe:koi1\">[exe:koi1]</a>), *koi* precedes the object and\nthe verb, but in(<a href=\"#exe:koi2\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"exe:koi2\">[exe:koi2]</a>) it follows the object and\nprecedes the verb. In clauses without object, such\nas(<a href=\"#exe:koi3\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"exe:koi3\">[exe:koi3]</a>), *koi* is between the subject\nand the verb. *Koi* always follows aspectual markers *se* and *tok*. \n<div class=\"exe\"> \nma **koi** kaluar ma **koi** kiun=at tu\n<span class=\"smallcaps\">3sg</span> again exit\n<span class=\"smallcaps\">3sg</span> again\nwife.<span class=\"smallcaps\">3poss</span>=<span class=\"smallcaps\">obj</span>\nhit\n‘\\[If\\] he goes out again he’ll hit his wife again.’ <span id=\"exe:koi1\"\nlabel=\"exe:koi1\"></span> an se mat **koi** pouk\n<span class=\"smallcaps\">1sg</span> <span class=\"smallcaps\">iam</span>\n<span class=\"smallcaps\">3sg.obj</span> again carry_on_back\n‘I carried him on my back again.’ <span id=\"exe:koi2\"\nlabel=\"exe:koi2\"></span> go_dung inier se **koi** bot\nmorning <span class=\"smallcaps\">1du.ex</span>\n<span class=\"smallcaps\">iam</span> again go\n‘In the morning we left again.’ <span id=\"exe:koi3\"\nlabel=\"exe:koi3\"></span> \n</div>\n---\n\nTo help with the translation, here is a passage retrieved from a Kalamang grammar book:\n---\n<span id=\"sec:nomclau\" label=\"sec:nomclau\"></span> In nominal clauses, a\nNP headed by a noun functions as a predicate. Nominal clauses typically\nconsist of two juxtaposed NPs, expressing an identity relationship\nbetween them. These clauses can also be called equational clauses. I\nanalyse the first NP as the subject and the second NP as the predicate\nbased on the fact that arguments typically precede the predicate in\nKalamang. (<a href=\"#exe:konguru\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"exe:konguru\">[exe:konguru]</a>) contains two nominal\nclauses expressing someone’s occupation,\nand(<a href=\"#exe:paskel\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"exe:paskel\">[exe:paskel]</a>) the subject NP is headed\nby *in* ‘name’. \n<div class=\"exe\"> \nkon<sub>S</sub> se guru<sub>Pred</sub>, tumtum kon<sub>S</sub>\nguru<sub>Pred</sub>\none <span class=\"smallcaps\">iam</span> teacher children one teacher\n‘One is already teacher, one child is teacher.’ <span id=\"exe:konguru\"\nlabel=\"exe:konguru\"></span> dun-un in-un<sub>S</sub> pas\nKelengkeleng<sub>Pred</sub>\nopposite_sex_sibling-<span class=\"smallcaps\">3poss</span>\nname-<span class=\"smallcaps\">3poss</span> woman Kelengkeleng\n‘His sibling’s name was “Kelengkeleng woman”.’ <span id=\"exe:paskel\"\nlabel=\"exe:paskel\"></span> \n</div> \nThe predicate NP in nominal clauses may also be a possessive pronoun. An\nexample is given in(<a href=\"#exe:hakin\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"exe:hakin\">[exe:hakin]</a>). \n<div class=\"exe\"> \nkarena hak inggon\nbecause task <span class=\"smallcaps\">1pl.excl.poss</span>\n‘Because the task is ours.’ <span id=\"exe:hakin\"\nlabel=\"exe:hakin\"></span> \n</div> \nAlthough nominal clauses may occur without topic marker *me*\n(§<a href=\"#sec:discme\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"sec:discme\">[sec:discme]</a>), frequently they have one.\n(<a href=\"#exe:rarait\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"exe:rarait\">[exe:rarait]</a>)\nand(<a href=\"#exe:kamanget\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"exe:kamanget\">[exe:kamanget]</a>) show two nominal\nclauses with *me* in between the subject and the predicate. \n<div class=\"exe\"> \nNema namun me sontum Rarait\nNema husband.<span class=\"smallcaps\">3poss</span>\n<span class=\"smallcaps\">top</span> person Seram\n‘Nema’s husband is Seramese.’ <span id=\"exe:rarait\"\nlabel=\"exe:rarait\"></span> Moktar esun me kamanget\nMoktar father.<span class=\"smallcaps\">3poss</span>\n<span class=\"smallcaps\">top</span> medicine_man\n‘Moktar’s father is a medicine man.’ <span id=\"exe:kamanget\"\nlabel=\"exe:kamanget\"></span> \n</div> \nIn equational clauses (also known as identifying clauses), a distinction\ncan be made between clauses of proper inclusion (where the second NP\ndescribes a set of items, also known as ascriptive clauses) and\ncompletely equational clauses. The two clause types are different in\nthat in completely equational clauses the two NPs can be swapped,\nwhereas this is impossible for the ascriptive clauses. This is\nillustrated in(<a href=\"#exe:realeq\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"exe:realeq\">[exe:realeq]</a>) for a completely\nequational clause, where the two NPs are entirely coreferential and thus\ncan be switched without problems.\nIn(<a href=\"#exe:propincl\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"exe:propincl\">[exe:propincl]</a>), a proper inclusive\nclause is given, where the first NP in example a (a schoolmaster) is\npart of the set in the second NP (Butonese men). Switching is\nungrammatical. Otherwise, clauses of proper inclusion and completely\nequational clauses are syntactically the same. Note that also in these\nexamples, *me* may be left out. \n<div class=\"exe\"> \n<div class=\"xlist\"> \nSebi kiun (me) Kalamang emun\nSebi wife.<span class=\"smallcaps\">3poss</span>\n<span class=\"smallcaps\">top</span> Kalamang\nmother.<span class=\"smallcaps\">3poss</span>\n‘Sebi’s wife is Kalamang’s mother. Kalamang emun (me) Sebi kiun\nKalamang mother <span class=\"smallcaps\">top</span> Sebi\nwife.<span class=\"smallcaps\">3poss</span>\n‘Kalamang’s mother is Sebi’s wife.’ \n</div> \n<span id=\"exe:realeq\" label=\"exe:realeq\"></span> \n<div class=\"xlist\"> \n</div> \n<span id=\"exe:propincl\" label=\"exe:propincl\"></span> \n</div>\n---\n\nNow write the translation of the sentence: Nabil's mother is talking to me but she's turning her back to me.\nPlease provide your meta-linguistic reasoning step by step, and put your final translation within \\boxed{}.",
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translation
|
{
"ground_truth": "Nabil emun anbon garung ba ma anat kosilep.",
"style": "rule"
}
|
{
"answer": "Nabil emun anbon garung ba ma anat kosilep.",
"grammar_metadata": [
{
"metadata": {
"Header 1": "Clausal modification",
"Header 2": "Adverbial modifiers",
"Header 3": "More, again",
"Header 4": null
},
"passage": "There are two elements, a clitic and a word, that mark when a\nproposition is repeated. They can be combined. \nThe clitic *=taet* ‘more; again’, which is attached to the predicate,\nindicates that the proposition is repeated, continued or extended. It\nalmost invariably co-occurs with *koi* ‘again’, which is further\nillustrated below. (<a href=\"#exe:taet1\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"exe:taet1\">[exe:taet1]</a>)\nand(<a href=\"#exe:taet2\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"exe:taet2\">[exe:taet2]</a>) show *=taet* together with\n*koi*. In the latter, the meaning conveyed is slightly more that of\nrepetition than of continuation. \n<div class=\"exe\"> \nma **koi** baran=**taet**\n<span class=\"smallcaps\">3sg</span> then descend=more\n‘Then he goes further down.’ <span id=\"exe:taet1\"\nlabel=\"exe:taet1\"></span> ibu nawanggar in **koi** sanggaran=**taet**\nmiss wait <span class=\"smallcaps\">1pl.excl</span> again search=again\n‘Miss waits and we search again.’ <span id=\"exe:taet2\"\nlabel=\"exe:taet2\"></span> ma se kamera nerun=ka keluar=**taet**\n<span class=\"smallcaps\">3sg</span> <span class=\"smallcaps\">iam</span>\ncamera inside=<span class=\"smallcaps\">lat</span> exit-again\n‘She already went out of (the view of) the camera again.’ \n</div> \nIn a few cases, *=taet* is also found on pronouns, when the actor is in\nfocus rather than the action.\nIn(<a href=\"#exe:taet3\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"exe:taet3\">[exe:taet3]</a>), where the speaker and the\naddressee are taking turns describing objects, the speaker encliticises\n*=taet* to the pronoun, because the focus is on who is talking. (Cf.\nEnglish ‘Now YOU again speak’ vs. ‘Now you SPEAK again’). Similarly,\nin(<a href=\"#exe:andaet\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"exe:andaet\">[exe:andaet]</a>), which is take from a\nstory about a monkey and a cuscus who keep switching places in a boat,\nthe focus is on the pronoun *an* ‘I’. \n<div class=\"exe\"> \nka=**taet** ewa=te\n<span class=\"smallcaps\">2sg</span>=again\nspeak=<span class=\"smallcaps\">imp</span>\n‘You speak again.’ <span id=\"exe:taet3\" label=\"exe:taet3\"></span> ka me\nor=ko an=**taet** bo sabar=et\n<span class=\"smallcaps\">2sg</span> <span class=\"smallcaps\">top</span>\nstern=<span class=\"smallcaps\">loc</span>\n<span class=\"smallcaps\">1sg</span>=again go\nbow=<span class=\"smallcaps\">irr</span>\n‘You are at the stern, I again go to the bow.’ <span id=\"exe:andaet\"\nlabel=\"exe:andaet\"></span> \n</div> \n*Koi* ‘again’ indicates repetition of an event. Its placement is\nvariable. In(<a href=\"#exe:koi1\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"exe:koi1\">[exe:koi1]</a>), *koi* precedes the object and\nthe verb, but in(<a href=\"#exe:koi2\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"exe:koi2\">[exe:koi2]</a>) it follows the object and\nprecedes the verb. In clauses without object, such\nas(<a href=\"#exe:koi3\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"exe:koi3\">[exe:koi3]</a>), *koi* is between the subject\nand the verb. *Koi* always follows aspectual markers *se* and *tok*. \n<div class=\"exe\"> \nma **koi** kaluar ma **koi** kiun=at tu\n<span class=\"smallcaps\">3sg</span> again exit\n<span class=\"smallcaps\">3sg</span> again\nwife.<span class=\"smallcaps\">3poss</span>=<span class=\"smallcaps\">obj</span>\nhit\n‘\\[If\\] he goes out again he’ll hit his wife again.’ <span id=\"exe:koi1\"\nlabel=\"exe:koi1\"></span> an se mat **koi** pouk\n<span class=\"smallcaps\">1sg</span> <span class=\"smallcaps\">iam</span>\n<span class=\"smallcaps\">3sg.obj</span> again carry_on_back\n‘I carried him on my back again.’ <span id=\"exe:koi2\"\nlabel=\"exe:koi2\"></span> go_dung inier se **koi** bot\nmorning <span class=\"smallcaps\">1du.ex</span>\n<span class=\"smallcaps\">iam</span> again go\n‘In the morning we left again.’ <span id=\"exe:koi3\"\nlabel=\"exe:koi3\"></span> \n</div>"
},
{
"metadata": {
"Header 1": "The clause",
"Header 2": "Non-verbal clauses",
"Header 3": "Nominal clauses",
"Header 4": null
},
"passage": "<span id=\"sec:nomclau\" label=\"sec:nomclau\"></span> In nominal clauses, a\nNP headed by a noun functions as a predicate. Nominal clauses typically\nconsist of two juxtaposed NPs, expressing an identity relationship\nbetween them. These clauses can also be called equational clauses. I\nanalyse the first NP as the subject and the second NP as the predicate\nbased on the fact that arguments typically precede the predicate in\nKalamang. (<a href=\"#exe:konguru\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"exe:konguru\">[exe:konguru]</a>) contains two nominal\nclauses expressing someone’s occupation,\nand(<a href=\"#exe:paskel\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"exe:paskel\">[exe:paskel]</a>) the subject NP is headed\nby *in* ‘name’. \n<div class=\"exe\"> \nkon<sub>S</sub> se guru<sub>Pred</sub>, tumtum kon<sub>S</sub>\nguru<sub>Pred</sub>\none <span class=\"smallcaps\">iam</span> teacher children one teacher\n‘One is already teacher, one child is teacher.’ <span id=\"exe:konguru\"\nlabel=\"exe:konguru\"></span> dun-un in-un<sub>S</sub> pas\nKelengkeleng<sub>Pred</sub>\nopposite_sex_sibling-<span class=\"smallcaps\">3poss</span>\nname-<span class=\"smallcaps\">3poss</span> woman Kelengkeleng\n‘His sibling’s name was “Kelengkeleng woman”.’ <span id=\"exe:paskel\"\nlabel=\"exe:paskel\"></span> \n</div> \nThe predicate NP in nominal clauses may also be a possessive pronoun. An\nexample is given in(<a href=\"#exe:hakin\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"exe:hakin\">[exe:hakin]</a>). \n<div class=\"exe\"> \nkarena hak inggon\nbecause task <span class=\"smallcaps\">1pl.excl.poss</span>\n‘Because the task is ours.’ <span id=\"exe:hakin\"\nlabel=\"exe:hakin\"></span> \n</div> \nAlthough nominal clauses may occur without topic marker *me*\n(§<a href=\"#sec:discme\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"sec:discme\">[sec:discme]</a>), frequently they have one.\n(<a href=\"#exe:rarait\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"exe:rarait\">[exe:rarait]</a>)\nand(<a href=\"#exe:kamanget\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"exe:kamanget\">[exe:kamanget]</a>) show two nominal\nclauses with *me* in between the subject and the predicate. \n<div class=\"exe\"> \nNema namun me sontum Rarait\nNema husband.<span class=\"smallcaps\">3poss</span>\n<span class=\"smallcaps\">top</span> person Seram\n‘Nema’s husband is Seramese.’ <span id=\"exe:rarait\"\nlabel=\"exe:rarait\"></span> Moktar esun me kamanget\nMoktar father.<span class=\"smallcaps\">3poss</span>\n<span class=\"smallcaps\">top</span> medicine_man\n‘Moktar’s father is a medicine man.’ <span id=\"exe:kamanget\"\nlabel=\"exe:kamanget\"></span> \n</div> \nIn equational clauses (also known as identifying clauses), a distinction\ncan be made between clauses of proper inclusion (where the second NP\ndescribes a set of items, also known as ascriptive clauses) and\ncompletely equational clauses. The two clause types are different in\nthat in completely equational clauses the two NPs can be swapped,\nwhereas this is impossible for the ascriptive clauses. This is\nillustrated in(<a href=\"#exe:realeq\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"exe:realeq\">[exe:realeq]</a>) for a completely\nequational clause, where the two NPs are entirely coreferential and thus\ncan be switched without problems.\nIn(<a href=\"#exe:propincl\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"exe:propincl\">[exe:propincl]</a>), a proper inclusive\nclause is given, where the first NP in example a (a schoolmaster) is\npart of the set in the second NP (Butonese men). Switching is\nungrammatical. Otherwise, clauses of proper inclusion and completely\nequational clauses are syntactically the same. Note that also in these\nexamples, *me* may be left out. \n<div class=\"exe\"> \n<div class=\"xlist\"> \nSebi kiun (me) Kalamang emun\nSebi wife.<span class=\"smallcaps\">3poss</span>\n<span class=\"smallcaps\">top</span> Kalamang\nmother.<span class=\"smallcaps\">3poss</span>\n‘Sebi’s wife is Kalamang’s mother. Kalamang emun (me) Sebi kiun\nKalamang mother <span class=\"smallcaps\">top</span> Sebi\nwife.<span class=\"smallcaps\">3poss</span>\n‘Kalamang’s mother is Sebi’s wife.’ \n</div> \n<span id=\"exe:realeq\" label=\"exe:realeq\"></span> \n<div class=\"xlist\"> \n</div> \n<span id=\"exe:propincl\" label=\"exe:propincl\"></span> \n</div>"
}
],
"index": 3,
"level": "low_resource",
"question": "Nabil's mother is talking to me but she's turning her back to me.",
"split": "train"
}
|
Ka nebara bonasausau reba?
|
What are you doing?
|
Language Science Press
|
[
{
"content": "Kalamang is a language spoken on the Karas Islands in West Papua. Translate from English to Kalamang: What are you doing?\n\n\nTo help with the translation, here is one of the closest entries to \"What\" in the English-Kalamang bilingual dictionary:\nEnglish word: hat\nKalamang translation: saraun; sepe\n\nTo help with the translation, here is one of the closest entries to \"What\" in the English-Kalamang bilingual dictionary:\nEnglish word: like that\nKalamang translation: mendak; mindi\n\nTo help with the translation, here is one of the closest entries to \"are\" in the English-Kalamang bilingual dictionary:\nEnglish word: how are you\nKalamang translation: nauwar tamandi; tamandi\n\nTo help with the translation, here is one of the closest entries to \"are\" in the English-Kalamang bilingual dictionary:\nEnglish word: what are you doing\nKalamang translation: nebara paruo\n\nTo help with the translation, here is one of the closest entries to \"you\" in the English-Kalamang bilingual dictionary:\nEnglish word: you know\nKalamang translation: kan; to\n\nTo help with the translation, here is one of the closest entries to \"you\" in the English-Kalamang bilingual dictionary:\nEnglish word: how are you\nKalamang translation: nauwar tamandi; tamandi\n\nTo help with the translation, here is one of the closest entries to \"doing\" in the English-Kalamang bilingual dictionary:\nEnglish word: seedling\nKalamang translation: iun\n\nTo help with the translation, here is one of the closest entries to \"doing\" in the English-Kalamang bilingual dictionary:\nEnglish word: what are you doing\nKalamang translation: nebara paruo\n\nTo help with the translation, here is a translated sentence with words similar to \"What\" in a list of translated Kalamang-English reference sentences:\nEnglish sentence: What kind of fish is pecking?\nKalamang translation: Nebasora natuka?\n\nTo help with the translation, here is a translated sentence with words similar to \"are\" in a list of translated Kalamang-English reference sentences:\nEnglish sentence: Yasin's father and Bakir's mother are cross-cousins.\nKalamang translation: Yasin esun me Bakri emun me korapmur.\n\nTo help with the translation, here is a translated sentence with words similar to \"are\" in a list of translated Kalamang-English reference sentences:\nEnglish sentence: At Toran there are many orchids.\nKalamang translation: Toran me kamaser reidak.\n\nTo help with the translation, here is a translated sentence with words similar to \"you\" in a list of translated Kalamang-English reference sentences:\nEnglish sentence: I'll eat you whole.\nKalamang translation: An kat nani maoyet.\n\nTo help with the translation, here is a translated sentence with words similar to \"you\" in a list of translated Kalamang-English reference sentences:\nEnglish sentence: I don't want to go in the front, you go first.\nKalamang translation: An sukaun boraratnin, ka borarei.\n\nTo help with the translation, here is a translated sentence with words similar to \"doing\" in a list of translated Kalamang-English reference sentences:\nEnglish sentence: I'm doing the dishes noisily.\nKalamang translation: An pinganat waruo ar.\n\nTo help with the translation, here is a passage retrieved from a Kalamang grammar book:\n---\n<span id=\"sec:inittermconv\" label=\"sec:inittermconv\"></span> Here, I\npresent a handful of formulaic expressions or standardised phrases,\nparticularly those relating to initiating and terminating a\nconversation. \nThere are no indigenous daytime-related greetings, such as ‘good\nmorning’, although calques from Malay can be heard (e.g. *selamat go\ndung* ‘good morning’, cf. Malay *selamat pagi* ‘good morning’).[^98]\nInstead, it is common to ask *nebara paruo* ‘what are you doing?’ or\n*tamanggara bot/yecie* ‘where are you going/returning from?’ upon\nmeeting someone. In the following example, the speaker acts out an\nimagined conversation between herself, sitting in front of her house\nhulling rice, and a passer-by. She asks the imaginary passer-by where\nthey are going. The appropriate response can be an actual destination,\nbut it is equally acceptable to say *ge mera* ‘nothing’, in this context\n‘nowhere’, which indicates one doesn’t deem their destination worth\nmentioning. The imaginary passer-by then asks her what she’s doing. She\nresponds with *ge mera* ‘nothing’, followed by a specification of what\nshe is actually doing: picking the husks out of rice. See\n§<a href=\"#sec:convquest\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"sec:convquest\">[sec:convquest]</a> for more examples. \n<div class=\"exe\"> \n<div class=\"xlist\"> \nka tamangga=ta bot\n<span class=\"smallcaps\">2sg</span>\nwhere.<span class=\"smallcaps\">lat</span>=<span class=\"smallcaps\">nfin</span>\ngo\n‘Where are you going?’ ge_mera ka neba=at=a paruo\nnothing <span class=\"smallcaps\">2sg</span>\nwhat=<span class=\"smallcaps\">obj=foc</span> do\n‘Nowhere. What are you doing?’ ge_mera in pasa-kajie=teba\nnothing <span class=\"smallcaps\">1pl.excl</span>\nrice-pick=<span class=\"smallcaps\">prog</span>\n‘Nothing, we’re rice-picking.’ \n</div> \n</div> \nPermission to leave the conversation proceeds as follows: \n<div class=\"exe\"> \n<span id=\"exe:ansebott\" label=\"exe:ansebott\"></span> \n<span id=\"exe:botee\" label=\"exe:botee\"></span> \n</div> \nThanking may be done with *terima kasi(h)*. This Malay loan, like\ndaytime greetings, is not very common.\n---\n\nTo help with the translation, here is a passage retrieved from a Kalamang grammar book:\n---\nKalamang has a common and versatile topic marker *me* and two focus\nmarkers *=a* and *=ba*. The topic marker typically follows the NP or PP\nand the focus markers attach to the NP or PP. The most typical uses are\nillustrated here. \n<div class=\"exe\"> \ncanam me me ma kip=at sem\nman <span class=\"smallcaps\">dist</span>\n<span class=\"smallcaps\">top</span> <span class=\"smallcaps\">3sg</span>\nsnake=<span class=\"smallcaps\">obj</span> afraid\n‘As for that man, he is afraid of snakes.’ canam me me kip=at sem\nman <span class=\"smallcaps\">dist</span>\n<span class=\"smallcaps\">top</span>\nsnake=<span class=\"smallcaps\">obj</span> afraid\n‘That man is afraid of snakes.’ ka neba=at=a paruo\n<span class=\"smallcaps\">2sg</span>\nwhat=<span class=\"smallcaps\">obj=foc</span> do\n‘What are you doing?’ \n</div> \nTopic and focus are described in\nChapter<a href=\"#ch:inf\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"ch:inf\">[ch:inf]</a>.\n---\n\nNow write the translation of the sentence: What are you doing?\nPlease provide your meta-linguistic reasoning step by step, and put your final translation within \\boxed{}.",
"role": "user"
}
] |
translation
|
{
"ground_truth": "Ka nebara bonasausau reba?",
"style": "rule"
}
|
{
"answer": "Ka nebara bonasausau reba?",
"grammar_metadata": [
{
"metadata": {
"Header 1": "Other topics",
"Header 2": "Formulaic expressions",
"Header 3": null,
"Header 4": null
},
"passage": "<span id=\"sec:inittermconv\" label=\"sec:inittermconv\"></span> Here, I\npresent a handful of formulaic expressions or standardised phrases,\nparticularly those relating to initiating and terminating a\nconversation. \nThere are no indigenous daytime-related greetings, such as ‘good\nmorning’, although calques from Malay can be heard (e.g. *selamat go\ndung* ‘good morning’, cf. Malay *selamat pagi* ‘good morning’).[^98]\nInstead, it is common to ask *nebara paruo* ‘what are you doing?’ or\n*tamanggara bot/yecie* ‘where are you going/returning from?’ upon\nmeeting someone. In the following example, the speaker acts out an\nimagined conversation between herself, sitting in front of her house\nhulling rice, and a passer-by. She asks the imaginary passer-by where\nthey are going. The appropriate response can be an actual destination,\nbut it is equally acceptable to say *ge mera* ‘nothing’, in this context\n‘nowhere’, which indicates one doesn’t deem their destination worth\nmentioning. The imaginary passer-by then asks her what she’s doing. She\nresponds with *ge mera* ‘nothing’, followed by a specification of what\nshe is actually doing: picking the husks out of rice. See\n§<a href=\"#sec:convquest\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"sec:convquest\">[sec:convquest]</a> for more examples. \n<div class=\"exe\"> \n<div class=\"xlist\"> \nka tamangga=ta bot\n<span class=\"smallcaps\">2sg</span>\nwhere.<span class=\"smallcaps\">lat</span>=<span class=\"smallcaps\">nfin</span>\ngo\n‘Where are you going?’ ge_mera ka neba=at=a paruo\nnothing <span class=\"smallcaps\">2sg</span>\nwhat=<span class=\"smallcaps\">obj=foc</span> do\n‘Nowhere. What are you doing?’ ge_mera in pasa-kajie=teba\nnothing <span class=\"smallcaps\">1pl.excl</span>\nrice-pick=<span class=\"smallcaps\">prog</span>\n‘Nothing, we’re rice-picking.’ \n</div> \n</div> \nPermission to leave the conversation proceeds as follows: \n<div class=\"exe\"> \n<span id=\"exe:ansebott\" label=\"exe:ansebott\"></span> \n<span id=\"exe:botee\" label=\"exe:botee\"></span> \n</div> \nThanking may be done with *terima kasi(h)*. This Malay loan, like\ndaytime greetings, is not very common."
},
{
"metadata": {
"Header 1": "Short grammatical overview of Kalamang",
"Header 2": "Topic and focus",
"Header 3": null,
"Header 4": null
},
"passage": "Kalamang has a common and versatile topic marker *me* and two focus\nmarkers *=a* and *=ba*. The topic marker typically follows the NP or PP\nand the focus markers attach to the NP or PP. The most typical uses are\nillustrated here. \n<div class=\"exe\"> \ncanam me me ma kip=at sem\nman <span class=\"smallcaps\">dist</span>\n<span class=\"smallcaps\">top</span> <span class=\"smallcaps\">3sg</span>\nsnake=<span class=\"smallcaps\">obj</span> afraid\n‘As for that man, he is afraid of snakes.’ canam me me kip=at sem\nman <span class=\"smallcaps\">dist</span>\n<span class=\"smallcaps\">top</span>\nsnake=<span class=\"smallcaps\">obj</span> afraid\n‘That man is afraid of snakes.’ ka neba=at=a paruo\n<span class=\"smallcaps\">2sg</span>\nwhat=<span class=\"smallcaps\">obj=foc</span> do\n‘What are you doing?’ \n</div> \nTopic and focus are described in\nChapter<a href=\"#ch:inf\" data-reference-type=\"ref\"\ndata-reference=\"ch:inf\">[ch:inf]</a>."
}
],
"index": 4,
"level": "low_resource",
"question": "What are you doing?",
"split": "train"
}
|
Aprilia maun toni mu he loi boet.
|
Aprilia's wish is that they go quickly.
|
Language Science Press
| [{"content":"Kalamang is a language spoken on the Karas Islands in West Papua. Translate from Englis(...TRUNCATED)
|
translation
|
{
"ground_truth": "Aprilia maun toni mu he loi boet.",
"style": "rule"
}
| {"answer":"Aprilia maun toni mu he loi boet.","grammar_metadata":[{"metadata":{"Header 1":"Word clas(...TRUNCATED)
|
Pi timunat kowarman.
|
We break off the tips.
|
Language Science Press
| [{"content":"Kalamang is a language spoken on the Karas Islands in West Papua. Translate from Englis(...TRUNCATED)
|
translation
|
{
"ground_truth": "Pi timunat kowarman.",
"style": "rule"
}
| {"answer":"Pi timunat kowarman.","grammar_metadata":[{"metadata":{"Header 1":"Verbs","Header 2":"Ver(...TRUNCATED)
|
Korkasir yua me rua.
|
This ankle is swollen.
|
Language Science Press
| [{"content":"Kalamang is a language spoken on the Karas Islands in West Papua. Translate from Englis(...TRUNCATED)
|
translation
|
{
"ground_truth": "Korkasir yua me rua.",
"style": "rule"
}
| {"answer":"Korkasir yua me rua.","grammar_metadata":[{"metadata":{"Header 1":"Other topics","Header (...TRUNCATED)
|
Ma sekolain ba buk saerak.
|
He wants to go to school but he doesn't have a book.
|
Language Science Press
| [{"content":"Kalamang is a language spoken on the Karas Islands in West Papua. Translate from Englis(...TRUNCATED)
|
translation
|
{
"ground_truth": "Ma sekolain ba buk saerak.",
"style": "rule"
}
| {"answer":"Ma sekolain ba buk saerak.","grammar_metadata":[{"metadata":{"Header 1":"Clausal modifica(...TRUNCATED)
|
Sundus kieun me mun reidak.
|
Sundus' wife has many lice.
|
Language Science Press
| [{"content":"Kalamang is a language spoken on the Karas Islands in West Papua. Translate from Englis(...TRUNCATED)
|
translation
|
{
"ground_truth": "Sundus kieun me mun reidak.",
"style": "rule"
}
| {"answer":"Sundus kieun me mun reidak.","grammar_metadata":[{"metadata":{"Header 1":"Complex predica(...TRUNCATED)
|
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