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In her report afterward to Brazil’s foreign minister, Lutz urged him to ensure the UN Commission on the Status of Women was in fact created, and that its leadership be “in Latin American hands since our republics… are currently in the vanguard of feminist demands.”49 In spite of Lutz’s hopes, when the UN formally creat...
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https://www.taylorfrancis.com/books/oa-edit/10.4324/9781003036708/women-un-dan-plesch-rebecca-adami
Some of these U.S. women had in fact opposed its creation as a separate body from the newly-created Com- mission on Human Rights.
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US women’s continuing internal debates shaped the perceived viability of the UN and its Commission on the Status of Women in the From women’s rights to human rights 11 aftermath of their creation, although Latin American feminists like Bernardino would also play critical roles in it.50 As Rebecca Adami has demonstrated...
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Eleanor Roosevelt, chairing the committee, opposed explicit inclusion of women’s rights, asserting that women were tacitly included “human rights” and “rights of man.” Hansa Mehta (India), the other female delegate on the drafting committee, worked closely with Bernardino, Castillo Ledón, and Jessie Street, to revise t...
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She also expanded the definition of “family” in that Article so it was not defined by marriage only. The original statement, “The family deriving from marriage is the natural and fundamental group unit of society” (that went on to aver rights for men and women), excluded illegitimate children.
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The committee accepted Castillo Ledón's suggested alternative—“the family is the natural and fundamental group unit of society and shall be entitled to protection.” Her work reflected long-standing Latin American feminist efforts for the rights of children born out of wedlock and those of working women seeking maternit...
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All of these international treaties were critical to women’s rights throughout the region.
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https://www.taylorfrancis.com/books/oa-edit/10.4324/9781003036708/women-un-dan-plesch-rebecca-adami
In the 1940s, amidst a wave of democratization, Latin American coun- tries passed women’s suffrage: in Guatemala and Panama in 1945; Argentina and Venezuela in 1947; in Chile and Costa Rica in 1949; Haiti in 1950; Bolivia in 1952; Mexico in 1953; Honduras, Nicaragua, and Peru in 1955; Colombia in 1957; and Paraguay in ...
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https://www.taylorfrancis.com/books/oa-edit/10.4324/9781003036708/women-un-dan-plesch-rebecca-adami
Sharp distinctions emerged between “civil and political rights” associated with capital- ist democracy versus “social and economic rights,” associated with communism. A number of CIM representatives in the 1950s and 60s who promoted women’s civil and political rights supported dictatorships in the hemisphere. Governm...
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The Cold War also contributed to a broader historical amnesia around Pan-American feminism. Such amnesia was facilitated by accounts by U.S. fig- ures like Virginia Gildersleeve who not only downplayed but erased critical work of Latin American feminists at the UN San Francisco conference in her memoir Many a Good Cru...
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This misrepresentation infuriated Lutz who wrote in the margins of her copy of Gildersleeve’s pages “much wrong and biased information” and “liar!”55 Later in her life, Lutz believed that her work instilling women’s and human rights into the UN Charter was one of the greatest accomplishments of her life, and bemoaned t...
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More broadly, the critical groundwork that she and other Pan-American feminists laid from the 1920s through the 40s would be taken up again by social movement mobilizations in the 1970s and 80s when Latin Amer- ican feminists emerged en masse to oppose violence of dictatorships and U.S. imperialism, and to demand socia...
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Latin American groups were again critical to shaping the array of global feminisms that emerged from the 1975 UN Conference in Mexico City that launched the UN Decade of Women.57 In regional gatherings called Encuentros feministas Latinoamericanos y del Caribe, Latin American feminists continued developing the idea of ...
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The first encuentro in Bogotá, Colombia, in 1981 instituted an “International Day against Violence against Women” in honor of the Maribal sisters assassinated by the dictatorship of Rafael Trujillo in the Dominican Republic.58 In 1988, CIM, which revived around this time after having suffered budget cuts, drafted the f...
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When the Organization of American States adopted it in 1994, it became the first legally binding international treaty on violence against women. CIM acknowledged this accomplishment as a direct legacy of its work dating back to the 1920s and 30s Equal Rights Treaty and of its human rights work with the 1945 UN Charter...
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In the years since, feminists’ use of this treaty has intersected with grassroots mobilizations and drawn on the understandings of personal, private violence, and state violence as interconnected phenomenon.59 Feminists who draw on these inter-American and UN treaties recognize that they are not perfect instruments, no...
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International agreements can become empty promises in pursuit of legitimacy, especially when countries refuse to hold themselves accountable to international human rights law.
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Yet, throughout Latin America, UN, Inter-Ameri- can, and ILO treaties have shaped constitutions, legislative reform, policy devel- opment, and judicial decisions in ways that meaningfully affect people’s lives.60 Activists who defend a broad array of human rights deem them important levers From women’s rights to human ...
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The history of Pan-American feminism and its influence on the United Nations demonstrates the long history of these movements, and of the global power of Latin American feminism. Notes 1 Bertha Lutz to “Amigas,” April 30, 1945, Q0.ADM, EVE.CNF, TXT.27, VOL 6, Fundo Federação Braziliera pelo Progresso Femenino, Arquivo...
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2 Katherine M. Marino, Feminism for the Americas: The Making of an International Human Rights Movement (Chapel Hill: UNC Press, 2019), 18–21; Juan Pablo Scarfi, The Hidden History of International Law in the Americas: Empire and Legal Networks (New York: Oxford University Press, 2017); Greg Grandin, “The Liberal Tradit...
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1 (February 2012): 68–91. 3 Marino, Feminism for the Americas, 35–36. 4 Ibid. 29–35. 5 Mona Siegel, Peace on Our Terms: The Global Battle for Women’s Rights after the First World War (New York: Oxford University Press, 2020). 6 Marino, Feminism for the Americas, 42–52. 7 Clara González, “La mujer latin-americana ...
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16–18 (1926), 892–93. 8 Ofelia Domínguez Navarro, 50 años de una vida (Havana: Instituto Cubano del Libro, 1971), 80–81; Jane Norman Smith, “For the Equal Rights Treaty,” Equal Rights, February 25, 1928, 21. 9 Marino, Feminism for the Americas, 53–58; Alice Paul to Doris Stevens and Jane Norman Smith, January 27, 192...
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10 Marino, Feminism for the Americas, 61. Paul recognized that using an international treaty for women’s rights would be “revolutionary” in the U.S. where states’ rights prevailed, but she found legal precedent in the 1920 Supreme Court case, Missouri v. Holland that protected migratory birds in the United States and ...
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12 Ibid, 70. 13 Beatrice McKenzie, “The Power of International Positioning: The National Woman’s Party, International Law, and Diplomacy, 1928–34,” Gender and History 23, no. 1 (April 2011): 130–46. 14 Marino, Feminism for the Americas, 118. 15 Ibid., 99; Untitled notes from Lutz, “Tese a nacionalidade de mulher ca...
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See Marino, Feminism for the Americas, Chapter 3. 16 Jocelyn Olcott, Revolutionary Women in Postrevolutionary Mexico (Durham: Duke University Press, 2005), Karin Rosemblatt, Gendered Compromises: Political Culture and the State in Chile, 1920–1950 (Chapel Hill: UNC Press, 2000. 17 Marino, Feminism for the Americas, 1...
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17 Marino, Feminism for the Americas, 128. 18 “Letters from Geneva,” and “Debate at League of Nations,” Equal Rights, October 15, 1935, 1–3; “Move to Save Feminism from Dictatorships Pushed,” Washington Post, September 26, 1935, 10. 19 Marino, Feminism for the Americas, 142, 147. 20 Ibid., 130–34, 184.
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20 Ibid., 130–34, 184. 14 Katherine M. Marino 21 Paulina Luisi, Comité Femenina Paz y Libertad, Congreso Mundial de Mujeres, October 1939, caja 252, carpeta 5, Archivo Paulina Luisi, Archivo General de la Nación, Montevideo, Uruguay (PL-AGN). 22 Takkara Keosha Brunson, “Constructing Afro-Cuban Womanhood: Race, Gender...
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23 Marino, Feminism for the Americas, 162–66. 24 Diario de sesiones [de la] octava Conferencia Internacional Americana, Lima, diciembre de 1938 (Lima: Imp. Torres Aguirre, 1939), 562; “A Program for All,” New Orleans Times Picayune, January 11, 1939. 25 Marino, Feminism for the Americas, 178–90.
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25 Marino, Feminism for the Americas, 178–90. 26 Ibid., 190–92 27 Bernardino later wrote that achieving women’s political rights under dictatorships in fact helped preserve those rights after such regimes fell (though she did not comment on human rights violations committed by the dictatorship itself). Minerva Bernar...
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Ellen DuBois and Lauren Derby, “The Strange Case of Minerva Bernardino: Pan American and United Nations Women’s Rights Activist,” Women’s Studies International Forum 32 (2003): 43–50. 28 Gabriela Cano, “El ‘feminismo de estado’ e Amalia de Castillo Ledón durante los gobiernos de Emilio Portes Gil y Lázaro Cárdenas.” R...
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29 Untitled list of demands, 1945, caja 7, exp. 130, Archivo Particular Amalia González Caballero de Castillo Ledón, Secretaría de Relaciones Exteriores, Mexico City, Mexico (AGC-SRE). 30 Marino, Feminism for the Americas, 193–95. 31 Diario de la Conferencia Interamericana sobre Problemas de la Guerra y de la Paz (M...
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317, July 22, 1945, p. 112. 35 Diario de la Conferencia Interamericana, 232. 36 Marino, Feminism for the Americas, 200. 37 Eileen Boris, Making the Woman Worker: Precarious Labor and the Fight for Global Standards (New York: Oxford University Press, 2019), Chapter 2; Marino, Feminism for the Americas, 202. 38 Lutz,...
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39 Marino, Feminism for the Americas, 211. 40 Ibid., 207–211, 213–220. 41 Ibid., 202–206. 42 Edith Goode to Laura E.W. Kendall, May 23, 1945, series 7, reel 174, National Woman’s Party Records microfilm. 43 Marino, Feminism for the Americas, 207. 44 Ibid. 209. 45 Ibid. 212–14. 46 Ibid. 216–220. 47 Quote fro...
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46 Ibid. 216–220. 47 Quote from Ibid., 220. 48 Carol Anderson, Eyes Off the Prize: The United Nations and the African American Struggle for Human Rights, 1944-1955 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003), 8 and Chapter 1. 49 Quoted in Marino, Feminism for the Americas, 221. 50 Ibid. ; see Rebecca Adami’s es...
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52 Speech by Amalia Castillo Ledón, proceedings of 1948 Lake Success meeting, caja 9, esp. 150, Archivo Particular Amalia González Caballero de Castillo Ledón, Secretaría de Relaciones Exteriores, Mexico City, Mexico. 53 Francesca Miller, Latin American Women and the Search for Social Justice (Hanover: University Pre...
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54 Eugenia Rodríguez Sáenz, La Guerra Fría y la transformación de las identidades políticas y ciudadanas de las mujeres en Guatemala, Costa Rica y Chile (1945-1973) (San José: Universidad de Costa Rica, 2018), 3–4. 55 Lutz’s notes on pages of Gildersleeve’s book, Q0.PIT.96/100, AFBPF; Virginia Gildersleeve, Many a Goo...
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56 Marino, Feminism for the Americas, 233. 57 Jocelyn Olcott, International Women’s Year: The Greatest Consciousness-Raising Event in History (New York: Oxford University Press, 2017). 58 Nancy Saporta Sternbach, Marysa Navarro, Patricia Chuchryk, and Sonia E. Alvarez, “Feminisms in Latin America: From Bogotá to San ...
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59 Mariana Prandini Assis, “Violence against Women as a Translocal Category in the Jursiprudence of the Inter-American Court of Human Rights,” Rev. Direito e Práx., Rio de Janeiro 8, no. 2 (2017): 1507–1544. 60 Elisabeth Freidman, “Regionalizing Women’s Human Rights in Latin America,” Politics & Gender 5 (2009), 349...
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New York: Routledge, 2018. Anderson, Carol. Eyes Off the Prize: The United Nations and the African American Struggle for Human Rights, 1944–1955. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003. Assis, Mariana Prandini. “Violence against Women as a Translocal Category in the Jursiprudence of the Inter-American Court o...
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Santo Domingo: República Dominicana, Editoria Corripio, 1993. Boris, Eileen. Making the Woman Worker: Precarious Labor and the Fight for Global Standards. New York: Oxford University Press, 2019. Brunson, Takkara Keosha. “Constructing Afro-Cuban Womanhood: Race, Gender, and Citizenship in Republican-Era Cuba, 1902...
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Cano, Gabriela. “El ‘feminismo de estado’ e Amalia de Castillo Ledón durante los gobiernos de Emilio Portes Gil y Lázaro Cárdenas.” Relaciones Estudios de Historia y Sociedad 149 (Winter 2017): 39–69. Domínguez Navarro, Ofelia. 50 años de una vida. Havana: Instituto Cubano del Libro, 1971. Freidman, Elisabeth. “R...
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New York: Macmillan, 1954. González, Clara. “La mujer latin-americana ante la conquista de sus derechos políticos,” La Ley 2, nos. 16–18 (1926), 865–893. 16 Katherine M. Marino Grandin, Greg. “The Liberal Traditions in the Americas: Rights, Sovereignty, and the Origins of Liberal Multilateralism.” American Histori...
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Marino, Katherine M. Feminism for the Americas: The Making of an International Human Rights Movement. Chapel Hill: UNC Press, 2019. McKenzie, Beatrice. “The Power of International Positioning: The National Woman’s Party, International Law, and Diplomacy, 1928–34.” Gender and History 23, no. 1 (April 2011): 130–146....
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Olcott, Jocelyn. International Women’s Year: The Greatest Consciousness-Raising Event in History. New York: Oxford University Press, 2017. Olcott, Jocelyn. Revolutionary Women in Postrevolutionary Mexico.Durham: Duke University Press, 2005. Rodríguez, Sáenz Eugenia. La Guerra Fría y la transformación de las ident...
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San José: Universidad de Costa Rica, 2018. Rosemblatt, Karin, Gendered Compromises: Political Culture and the State in Chile, 1920–1950. Chapel Hill: UNC Press, 2000. Sternbach, Nancy Saporta, Marysa Navarro, Patricia Chuchryk, and Sonia E. Alvarez, “Feminisms in Latin America: From Bogotá to San Bernardo.” Signs 17...
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Siegel, Mona. Peace on Our Terms: The Global Battle for Women’s Rights after the First World War. New York: Oxford University Press, 2020. 2 The Latin American women How they shaped the UN Charter and why Southern agency is forgotten Elise Dietrichson and Fatima Sator Introduction The mantle is falling off the shoul...
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— Bertha Lutz, delegate for Brazil to the UNCIO.1 Considering the Latin American contributions to gender equality in the United Nations (UN) Charter, is the established narrative of global gender equality valid, if not, why not? To answer this question, this chapter will first present the ori- gins of the hegemonic or...
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This section will be followed by historical presentations from Latin America which will showcase how Southern contributions to gender equality have not been recognized. The core argument is based on recent consideration of empirical material that sheds light on the role of the Latin American contributions to women’s r...
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Overall, it is claimed that the Latin American women delegates exercised decisive agency on behalf of women’s rights and gender equality to the UN Charter in 1945 and that this fact challenges the modern narrative of global gender equality. The Brazilian delegate Bertha Lutz was one of four women to sign the UN Charte...
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Bertha Lutz, a leader of the feminists at the conference,2 stated that women at the conference “were forerunners on women’s contributions to world affairs.”3 And indeed they were. The most progressive women delegates represented the Latin American countries.
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Their vocal feminist claims were instru- mental in establishing the first international agreement to declare women’s rights as a part of fundamental human rights.4 Western delegates, such as the American and British women delegates and advisors directly opposed several of the amend- ments that would ensure the rights o...
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Amitav Acharya first coined the theory of Global International Relations (IR) to better understand the impact of the Western hegemonic orthodoxy in the presentation of history in IR.10 This chapter will build on Global IR to understand the neglect of the Latin American contributions to women’s rights in the UN Charter.
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Acharya notes that the tendency in IR to underplay the importance of Southern agency in the devel- opment of global norms is caused by the dominance of the global orthodoxy.11 The global hegemonic orthodoxy and its Eurocentric character often gives the impression that global norms originate in the West, leaving non-Wes...
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Consequently, the UN is argued by some as a product of a Western liberal order, a narrative that challenge multilateral cooperation today.13 The notion of feminism is also subject to the same accusations of being a product of Western thought, an argument used by opponents of feminism to reject its relevance.14 This cha...
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The primary research used in this presentation entails a study of the min- utes from the UNCIO and correspondence between feminists at the time of the UNCIO in 1945 and secondary research by Acharya that highlights how non-Western countries have been crucial in the development of the “founda- tional ideas of the postwa...
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The last section of this chapter discusses why the women delegates from Latin America and their con- tributions to gender equality have not been given proper recognition. Keeping in mind the story of Bertha Lutz at the UNCIO, the chapter will address to what extent third world feminism fails to contribute to the narra...
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It will be argued, with the research presented as a case study, that the narrative of third world feminism contributes to the silenc- ing of Southern agency in the development of global norm. This latter claim is based on third world feminism’s lack of engagement with Southern agency in the development of global norms...
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Thus, Southern actors, such as Bertha Lutz, who did indeed act to influence global norms, are not recognized by their own scholars. This chapter presents findings from archival research and from the original min- utes of the United Nations Conference on International Organization (UNCIO) in 1945, to complement existin...
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The minutes from the UNCIO make The Latin American women 19 up the legislative history of the UN and 22 volumes were published between 1945 and 1955.16 A second set of primary sources are based on correspondence found in the archives belonging to Dame Margery Corbett Ashby who served as President of the International A...
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This was one of three major international women’s movements at the time of the UNCIO.17 The memoirs and biographies of the female delegates at the UNCIO: American delegate Virginia Gildersleeve, Australian advisor Jessie Street, Norwegian rep- resentative Åse Gruda Skard and the Brazilian delegate, Bertha Lutz, have al...
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When presenting the “Southern” Latin American contributions to the UN Char- ter, it is often asked to what extent Latin America represents the South and the non-Western.
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Firstly, there is a general perception that Latin America is located in the global South18 and represent third world countries.19 This notion is also used by third world feminists.20 Recent scholarly contributions on the UN and the global South refer to the 19 Latin American states that had delegations at the UNCIO as ...
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A widely accepted descrip- tion of a norm is a “standard of appropriate behavior for actors with a given iden- tity.”24 Norms are a sense of behavioral rules where what is seen as appropriate is judged by a community, and similarly, norm-breaking behavior is recognized as these actions are sanctioned or penalized by th...
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An unfortunate consequence of this narrative has been a sidelining of non-Western contributions to norms, where ideas found outside the West are simply ignored or presented as imitation.27 Further theoriz- ing that build on this critique of norm diffusion is coined by Amitav Acharya`s Global IR which argues that tradit...
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There are two explan- atory factors for the dominance of Western thought in IR theory: the conception of agency and norms. This explains why Latin American contributions to human rights and femi- nism have wrongfully been described by historians as not sui generis.29 Academic research recently began to challenge the p...
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In this way norm creation is not limited only to materially powerful states.30 20 Elise Dietrichson and Fatima Sator Agency is a central concept in the discussion on norms, as Acharya argues, a part of the explanation for the neglect of non-Western voices in IR has to do with the narrow definition of norm-makers.
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Western IR has tended to downplay the agency of non-Western countries because of a narrow definition of agency that rests on a standard of “civilization.” Agency was viewed only in terms of states ability to wage war, to defend their sovereignty, dominate treaties, and enforce a certain behavior of states through compu...
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Acharya therefore calls for a broader understand- ing of agency and of who can be seen as a norm-entrepreneur. Agency should not be limited to material power, it should also include the ability to build norms and institutions based on ideational capabilities, such as resistance and normative action, that challenge the...
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It can man- ifest as the weapon of the weak.”32 Overall, Global IR aims to open up a space where a broader range of agency can be recognized.
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There are six main dimensions that describe a Global IR approach; it: (1) aims to recognize diversity, and is built on a pluralistic universalism, (2) draws its empirics from world history, (3) aims to add to existing IR, not replace it, (4) acknowledges regionalism as central in its study, (5) diverts from exceptional...
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Historical patterns in the non-Western world should be acknowledged as a source of IR. The following sections will present the Latin American contributions to human rights in the UN Charter and feminism in the spirit of the dimensions of Global IR and, in this way, challenge Western IR.
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The Latin American contribution to women’s rights at the UNCIO As explained by Marino in this volume, the transnational arena was an impor- tant steppingstone for Latin American feminists34 and Latin American women are described as pioneers on women’s rights.35 This is often accredited to the fact that Latin American f...
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As such, the contributions of Latin American representatives at the UNCIO were a rather natural continuation of debates on human rights that had been present in the Latin American context for decades and not simply some imitation of Western ideas. The United Nations Conference on International Organization (UNCIO) tha...
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Fifty countries were represented.36 Only three percent of the representatives at the UNCIO were women, and at the time women only had voting rights in only 30 of the 50 countries present.37 Despite the low representation of women, the UN Charter ended up being the first international The Latin American women 21 agreeme...
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One of the key factors that would explain why human rights and women’s rights in particular, was included in the UN Charter, was the presence of the Latin Amer- ican delegation. Women delegates at the UNCIO Bertha Lutz (1894–1976) was described as a “complex figure of exceptional energy and talent”38 and the “brains o...
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She was a respected scientist and was the second woman in the history of Brazil to be appointed a public job.40 Lutz was also the leading figure for the women’s suf- frage movement in Brazil41 and established Brazil’s first suffragist society, the Federação Brasileira pelo Progresso Feminino (FBPF), that worked towards...
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Lutz was also elected to Parliament in 1934 where she successfully advocated for women’s rights and social welfare in the drafting of Brazil’s constitution.44 Minerva Bernardino (1907–1998) of the Dominican Republic was another prominent delegate from Latin America.
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Bernardino is described as a feminist diplomat and was said to have been “one of the most influential women at the United Nations.”45 Bernardino developed a flourishing international career and was president of the CIM during the UNCIO, and later chair of the Commission on the Status of Women (CSW) in 1954.46 Senator I...
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Amelia C. de Castillo Ledón was vice chair of the CIM and participated as advisor for the Mexican delegation together with the founder of the women’s university in Mexico, Adela Formoso de Obregón Santacilia. Venezuela had two female counsellors: Isabel Sánchez de Urdaneta, active in the Pan-American Union and Lucila ...
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Weiss and Roy point out that 65 percent of the delegations to the UNCIO represented the global South, in which 19 independent Latin American countries made up the largest group of delegates.48 The similar world view of many of these delegations meant that Latin American countries represented the most powerful voting bl...
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This first draft made no mention of women, and no women were present when it was drafted.50 This section will present the four different sections of the Charter where wom- en’s rights were discussed at the UNCIO: The Preamble, The working principles 22 Elise Dietrichson and Fatima Sator of the organization; the partici...
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Overall, this material will contribute to the discussion on the South as a source of global norms.
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The equal rights of men and women The Preamble reaffirms the faith in human rights, and the equal rights of men and women.53 The wording with the specific mentioning of women in the Preamble is seen as one of the first footholds of women’s rights in the UN.54 The mention of women is understood to have crucial importanc...
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Bernardino was later given the credit for the specific mentioning of women in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) from 1948.57 Field Marshall Jan Smuts from the South African delegation orig- inally drafted the text mentioning women in which the Preamble was based. Smuts’ draft was based on the Covenant o...
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A decision she writes was based on a concern for better English59 as she objected at the UNCIO that the resulting text was “complicated and difficult.”60 Adami notes how Gilder- sleeve seemed to lack a strategic vision compared to her Latin American counter- parts in her understanding for the wording in the Charter, as...
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Lutz’ agitation for the mentioning of women in the Charter was also supported by Jessie Street.63 Nondiscrimination based on sex Chapter 1 in the UN Charter first mentions the promotion of human rights with- out distinction for race, sex, language, or religion.
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The inclusion of the word “sex” as part of this antidiscrimination phrase was another important point for the feminists at the UNCIO, this principle is repeated in four Articles in the Charter.64 As the first woman to address the constitutional assembly, Bertha Lutz was proud to announce that the inclusion of “sex” was...
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The Prime Minister and delegate of New Zealand continued the visionary notion of Lutz. He said that the women delegates: [D]eserve not only the congratulations but the thanks of the Conference and of democrats everywhere.
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It is owing to their efforts, and particularly to the efforts of the women delegates from Latin America, that this clause will find its way into the Charter.80 The passion expressed in Lutz’ speech and the delegate from New Zealand might be a reaction to the hard fought battle as the Article “cause[d] a tremendous amou...
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Why, then, should it be unnecessary to make a statement of the rights of women?”85 With the aid of the Australian women’s organization, Street made a noticeable impact in San Francisco.86 The delegate 24 Elise Dietrichson and Fatima Sator from New Zealand made a similar warning to the delegates who did not think it was...
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The dispute at the UNCIO was mainly in regards to concerns that programmes on women’s rights would not be given sufficient protection under the structure of a commission on human rights.91 In hindsight, it is argued by researchers that women’s issues would not have received adequate attention under the Commission on Hu...
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Such a commission was necessary as Lutz stated that there were “nowhere in the world where women had complete equality with men.”93 Lutz, Bernardino and Ledón’s proposal for a commission on women was inspired by their work and experience from the Inter-American Commission of Women (CIM) which they also used as a preced...
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Even though Lutz can be credited for inspiring the creation of the CSW,99 it is also said that without Bernardino, the CSW might not have been established.100 Southern women delegates and Western resistance The opinions of the Latin American women at the UNCIO differed from many of the Western representatives, this sup...
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Secondly, the distinctive contributions of Latin American feminists in the early 20th century have been “shrouded in histo- riographic assumptions.”101 Which supports Acharya’s point that “if good ideas are found outside the West, they are often dismissed as imitation.”102 This section therefore serves to strengthen th...
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There was a clear division based on a notion of backward versus advanced and Western versus non-Western. Finally, a careful reading of Southern contributions reveals how the skepticism of Latin Ameri- can feminists towards the genuine inclusiveness of the term human rights might have been crucial in securing the stron...
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Lutz and Bernardino were conscious of how they, as Latin American delegates, were representing more “backward” countries in opposition to the “advanced” Western representatives.
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Lutz notes that after describing how the League of Women Voters and the American and British delegates were in opposition to Lutz that “It is a strange psychological paradox that often those who are eman- cipated by the efforts of others are loth [sic] to acknowledge the source of their freedom.”103 This frustration ca...
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The female advisor to the Norwegian Delegation, Åse Gruda Skard, complained how the Latin American women “practically wanted the word women in every paragraph in ‘the Charter’ and perceived themselves very much as rep- resentatives of the women in the world.”106 The British women advisor, Florence Horsbrugh, thought “f...
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Gildersleeve confronted Lutz saying that she hoped Lutz was not “going to ask for anything for women in the Charter since that would be a very vulgar thing to do”107 whereby Lutz replied that “the need to defend rights of women was the main reason why the Brazilian Government [sic] had put me on the delegation.”108 In ...
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This Western view also made it difficult to acknowledge the spe- cific discrimination of women, and thus might explain why both Gildersleeve and organizations such as the International Alliance of Women first opposed a special Sub-Commission on women.115 And so the paradox noted by Lutz and Bernardino plays out.
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