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By contrast, the incorporation of a more “horizontal” view of human rights violations in CEDAW and the CRC did sit uncomfortably with the tenor of human rights in the 1980s and 1990s. Abuses that were diffusely perpetrated were 82 Roland Burke increasingly the preserve of humanitarian dispensation, specialist technica...
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https://www.taylorfrancis.com/books/oa-edit/10.4324/9781003036708/women-un-dan-plesch-rebecca-adami
In the austere reframing of human rights that emerged in the 1970s, this species of violations was positioned as worthy of effort, but not necessarily comparable to the central HR NGO priority of active state malignancy, foremost torture and extrajudicial killing.
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By the late 1990s, at least some post-colonial governments argued along grooves originally set down by imperial administrators, citing the apparent “backwardness” of their own cit- izens, and the inability of the government to do much with respect to custom or attitudes.74 The necessary complexity of the task, and the ...
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While a major and sustained social mobilization against socially and culturally mediated, and the attitudes which licensed them, would become a focal point of the UN programme on human and women’s rights from the 1970s, historical study of the 1950s and 1960s suggests there were meaningful antecedents.
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The depth and sophistication with which “traditional” abuses were identified as prior- ities for remediation, in highly ambitious terms, from the earliest moments of the UN human rights programme is revealing. It demonstrated that the UDHR, par- ticularly for women delegates from the Third World, was understood as int...
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For figures like Sivomey, Mehta, Aguilar, and Marzuki, it was axiomatic that human rights were women’s rights—decades before the phrase was encapsulated by their con- temporary heirs in the campaigns at Vienna and Beijing. Notes 1 Status of Women in Private Law: Customs, Ancient Laws, and Practices Affecting the Human...
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2 Convention on Consent to Marriage, Minimum Age for Marriage and Registration of Marriages, GA Resolution 1763 A (XVII), 7 November 1962; and its later elaborative comment, Recommendation on Consent to Marriage, Minimum Age for Marriage and Registration of Marriages, GA resolution 2018 (XX), 1 November 1965.
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3 Leila Rupp, Worlds of Women: The Making of an International Women’s Movement (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1997); Nitza Berkovitch, From Motherhood to Citizenship: Women’s Rights and International Organizations (Boston: JHU Press, 1999); Madeleine Herren, “Gender and international relations through the lens...
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), Women, Diplomacy and International Politics since 1500 (London: Routledge, 2015), 182–201; Marie Sandell, “Regional versus International: Women’s Activism and Organisational Spaces in the Inter-War Period,” The International History Review 33: 4 (2011): 607–25; and Sluga, “‘Add Women and Stir’: Gender and the Histor...
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For excellent recent discussion on approaches to the field, see Karen Garner, Women and Gender in International History: Theory and Practice (London: Bloomsbury, 2018). 4 For wide survey coverage, see the comprehensive account from Anne Winslow (ed. ), Women, Politics, and the United Nations (Westport: Greenwood Pres...
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5 For compelling exception, see Giusi Russo, “Contested Practices, Human Rights, and Colonial Bodies in Pain: The UN’s Gender Politics in Africa, 1940s–1960s,” Gender & History 30: 1 (March 2018): 196–213. See also work on the earlier period, which specifically engages the colonial African dimension, Charlotte Walker-...
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), Sex Trafficking, Human Rights, and Social Justice (New York: Routledge, 2010), 150–169.
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6 For the most extensive study, see Egon Schwelb, “Marriage and Human Rights,” The American Journal of Comparative Law 12: 3 (Summer 1963): 337–383; and more recently, Maja Kirilova Eriksson, The right to marry and to found a family: a world- wide human right (Uppsala: Iustus Förlag 1990); Ruth Gaffney-Rhys, “Internati...
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), Marriage by Force? Contestation over Consent and Coercion in Africa (Columbus: Ohio University Press, 2016). 7 Charlotte Bunch, “Women’ s Rights as Human Rights: Toward a Re-Vision of Human Rights,” Human Rights Quarterly 12: 4 (1990): 486–98; Arvonne S. Fraser, ‘Becoming Human: The Origins and Development of Wome...
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8 Seth Koven and Sonya Michel, eds. Mothers of a New World: Maternalist Politics and the Origins of Welfare States (New York: Routledge, 1993); Molly Ladd-Taylor, Mother-work: Women, Child Welfare, and the State, 1890–1930 (Urbana: University of Illinois, 1995). 9 Marie-Hélène Lefaucheux and International Council of ...
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10 Roland Burke, “‘Real Thinking’: American Human Rights Diplomacy and the Perils of Anti-Emotionalism,” Diplomacy & Statecraft 31: 2 (June 2020): 306–325. 11 John Humphrey, Human Rights & the United Nations: A Great Adventure (Dobbs Ferry: Transnational Publishers, 1986), 30–31.
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12 See, for instance, Report of UN Human Right Seminar, Participation of Asian Women in Public Life; Bangkok, 5 – 16 August 1957, ST/TAA/HR1; Seminar on Participation of Women in Public Life, Bogotá, 16 – 29 May 1959; ST/TAO/HR/5; Seminar on Participation of Women in Public Life, Addis Ababa, 12–23 December 1960, ST/ T...
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13 Kristen Ghodsee, Second World, Second Sex: Socialist Women's Activism and Global Solidarity (Durham: Duke University Press, 2019); and, earlier, Ghodsee, “Revisiting the United Nations Decade for Women: Brief Reflections on Feminism, Capitalism and Cold War Politics in the Early Years of the International Women’s Mo...
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14 Rebecca Adami provides an impressively nuanced account of the role of this cohort in the drafting of the UDHR, see Adami, Women and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (London: Routledge, 2018), 63–73. 15 Kumari Jayawardena, Feminism and Nationalism in the Third World (New Dehli: Zed Books, 1986).
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16 Aparna Basu and Bharati Ray, Women's Struggle: A History of the All India Women's Conference, 1927–1990 (New Delhi: Manohar, 1990); and Aparna Basu, “Feminism and Nationalism in India, 1917–1947,” Journal of Women's History 7: 4 (Winter 1995), 95–107; for precis of Mehta’s biography, see Mary Ann Glendon, A World Ma...
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84 Roland Burke 17 Mehr Nigar Masroor, Ra’ana Liaquat Ali Khan (Karachi: All Pakistan Women’s Association, 1980). 18 Amal al-Sharqi, “The Emancipation of Iraqi Women,” in Tim Niblock (ed.) Iraq, the Contemporary State (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1982), 74–87; and Marion Farouk-Sluglett, “Liberation or Repression? ...
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), Iraq: Power and Society (Reading: St. Antony’s College Oxford & Ithaca, 1993), 51–74. 19 Jurdak’s Lebanon was an early expedition for the UN that took a major forum beyond the triumvirate of New York, Paris, and Geneva, with the CSW holding its third ses- sion in Beirut, see Report of the CSW, 21 March – 4 April 19...
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20 Susan Eileen Waltz, “Human Rights: The Role of Small States in the Construction of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights,” Human Rights Quarterly 23: 1 (2001), 63; see also, Summary Records of the CHR, 12 December 1947, E/CN.4/SR.34; see also Mehta’s observations on any specific articulation of ‘men’ and ‘women’...
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66. 21 Humphrey, Edge of Greatness, 50. 22 Ekoue Satchivi, “Farewell to Marie Madoé Sivomey,” UFC Togo, 2 October 2008, available at http://www.ufctogo.com/L-adieu-a-Marie-Madoe-Sivomey-1961.html accessed 2 May 2019. 23 Jeanne Martin Cissé, La fille du Milo (Paris: Presence Africaine, 2009); and François Freland, “G...
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jeuneafrique.com/405868/politique/guinee-endeuillee-disparition-de-jeanne-martin- cisse-figure-de-lindependance-droits-femmes/ accessed 1 May 2019. accessed 1 May 2019. See, generally, Sylvia Serbin and Ravaomalala Rasoanaivo-Randriamamonjy (eds. ), African Women, Pan-Africanism and African Renaissance (UNESCO: Paris...
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6. 25 See also Chesler ‘Who Wrote the CEDAW?’, this volume, ch. 7. 26 Roland Burke, Decolonization and the Evolution of International Human Rights (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2010), 40–41; 116–121. 27 Ibid, 116–121. 28 Summary Records of the CHR, 15 June 1949, E/CN.4/SR. 129. 29 Summary Reco...
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3/SR. 296. 32 GAOR, 27 October 1950, A/C. 3/SR. 296. 33 Convention on the Political Rights of Women, GA Resolution 640 (VII), 20 December 1952. 34 GAOR, 15 December 1952, A/C.3/SR. 478. 35 GAOR, 15 December 1952, A/C. 3/SR. 477. 36 Action Taken Upon Decisions Reached by the Eighth Session of the CSW, 22 Marc...
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37 A strong interest in private law, custom, and wider social and attitudinal structures were, however, evident from the earliest sessions of the CSW, see Report of the CSW, 25 February 1947, E/281. for instance, Press Release, Roundup of the Fifth Session of the CSW, 14 May 1951, SOC/1201; CSW, Draft Report on the Fi...
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39 GAOR, 15 December 1954, A/C. 3/SR. 621. Universal human rights for women 85 40 GAOR, 15 December 1954, A/C.3/SR.621. 41 On Aguilar’s background, see Liliana Torres-Muga, Funeral Oration for Carmela Ayanz Aguilar, 5 June 2012, available at http://www.lilianatorresmuga.net/activi- dades/discursos-como-directora-de...
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44 GAOR, 15 December 1954, A/C.3/SR.621. 45 GAOR, 15 December 1954, A/C.3/SR.621. 46 It had some oblique relationship to features of the Convention on the Nationality of Married Women, GA Resolution 1040 (XI), 20 February 1957. 47 Supplementary Convention on the Abolition of Slavery, the Slave Trade, and Institution...
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On the Supplemental Convention, see especially the analysis from Joyce A. C. Gutteridge, ‘Supplementary Slavery Convention, 1956,’ International & Comparative Law Quarterly 6: 3 (July 1957), 449–471. Gutteridge, an eminent international lawyer for the British Foreign Office, would play a substantial role in shaping th...
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49 Ibid, 7. 50 Ibid, 7. 51 CSW, Resolution 3 (XIII), Age of Marriage, Free Consent, and Registration of Marriages, E/CN.6/L.261/Rev. 1. 52 GAOR, Summary Records of Committee III, 2 October 1961, A/C.3/SR.1060. 53 GAOR, Summary Records of Committee III, 2 October 1961, A/C.3/SR.1060. 54 Burke, Decolonization, 128–...
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59 Ibid, para 19. 60 Ibid, para 46. 61 Ibid. 62 Ibid. 63 Ibid. 64 Ibid. 65 Ibid, para 48. 66 Ibid, para 48. 67 Ibid, para 49. 68 GAOR, Summary Records of Committee III, A/C.3/SR.1068, 10 October 1961, para 5. 69 On the balance between universal principle and particular national circumstance, see the summation...
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70 Recommendation on Consent to Marriage, Minimum Age for Marriage and Registration of Marriages General Assembly Resolution 2018 (XX), 1 November 1965. 71 GAOR, Summary Records of Committee III, A/C.3/SR.1092, 2 November 1961, para 27. 72 Elizabeth Evatt et al., Royal Commission on Human Relationships Final Report, ...
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3/SR. 1473–1483; and the final text as adopted, Declaration on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women, GA Resolution 2263 (XXII), 7 November 1967. 86 Roland Burke 74 See the analysis presented in Sonia Harris-Short, “International Human Rights Law: Imperialist, Inept and Ineffective? Cultural Relativism and...
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New York & London: Routledge, 2019. Berkovitch, Nitza. From Motherhood to Citizenship: Women’s Rights and International Organizations. Boston: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1999. Bunch, Charlotte. “Women’s Rights as Human Rights: Toward a Re-Vision of Human Rights.” Human Rights Quarterly 12, no. 4 (1990): 486–...
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Columbus: Ohio State University Press, 2016. Burke, Roland. Decolonization and the Evolution of International Human Rights. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2010. Burke, Roland. “‘Real Thinking’: American Human Rights Diplomacy and the Perils of Anti-Emotionalism.” Diplomacy & Statecraft 31, no. 2 ...
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Uppsala: Iustus Förlag, 1990. Evatt, Elizabeth. Royal Commission on Human Relationships Final Report. Canberra: Cambridge University Press, 1976. Fraser, Arvonne S. “Becoming Human: The Origins and Development of Women’s Human Rights.” In Women, Gender and Human Rights: A Global Perspective, edited by Majorie Agosi...
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3 (2011): 359–373. Garner, Karen. Women and Gender in International History: Theory and Practice. London: Bloomsbury, 2018. Ghodsee, Kristen. “Revisiting the United Nations Decade for Women: Brief Reflections on Feminism, Capitalism and Cold War Politics in the Early Years of the International Women’s Movement.” W...
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Durham: Duke University Press, 2019. Hannan, Carolyn, Aina Liyambo, and Christine Brautigam. “A Short History of the Commission on the Status of Women.” New York: United Nations Publications, 2019. Harris-Short, Sonia. “‘International Human Rights Law: Imperilist, Inept and Ineffective’ Cultural Relativism and the ...
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2 (2003): 130–181. Herren, Madeleine. “Gender and International Relations through the Lens of the League of Nations (1919–1945).” In Women, Diplomacy and International Politics since 1500, edited by Glenda Sluga and Carolyn James. London: Routledge, 2015. Humphrey, John Peters. Human Rights & the United Nations: A...
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Humphrey, John Peters. On the Edge of Greatness: The Diaries of John HUmphrey, First Director of the United Nations Division of Human Rights, Vol 1 1948–1949. edited by A.J. Hobbins. Montreal: Carleton University Press, 1986b. Universal human rights for women 87 Jayawardena, Kumari. Feminism and Nationalism in th...
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New York: Routledge, 1993. Ladd-Taylor, Molly. Mother-Work: Women, Child Welfare, and the State, 1890-1930. Urbana, Illionois: University of Illinois Press, 1995. Lefaucheux, Marie-Helene, and International Council of Women. Women in a Changing World. London: Routledge, 1966. Rupp, Leila J. Worlds of Women: The...
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Russo, Giusi. “Contested Practices, Human Rights, and Colonial Bodies in Pain: The UN’s Gender Politics in Africa, 1940s–1960s.” Gender & History 30, no. 1 (2018): 196–213. Sandell, Marie. “Regional versus International Women’s Activism and Organisational Spaces in the Inter-War Period.” The International History R...
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3 (1963): 337–383. Serbin, Sylvia, Rasoanaivo-Randriamamonjy, Ravaomalala. “African Women, Pan- Africanism and African Renaissance.” Paris: UNESCO, 2015. Sluga, Glenda. “‘Add Women and Stir’: Gender and the History of International Politics.” Humanities Australia 5 (2014): 65–72. Walker-Said, Charlotte.
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Walker-Said, Charlotte. “The Trafficking and Slavery of Women and Girls: The Criminalization of Marriage, Tradition, and Gender Norms in French Colonial Cameroon, 1914–1945.” In Sex Trafficking, Human Rights, and Social Justice, edited by Tiantian Zheng, 150–169. New York: Routledge, 2010. Waltz, Susan Eileen. “Hum...
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1 (2001): 44–72. Winslow, Anne, ed. Women, Politics, and the United Nations. Westport: Greenwood Press, 1995.
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6 Feminism, global inequality, and the 1975 Mexico city conference Aoife O’Donoghue and Adam Rowe Introduction The 1975 Women’s Conference was significant, both as a single event but also in terms of its legacy across law, politics, and women’s global campaigning within and outside of the UN structure.1 While law was n...
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While women have always been present and active in the modern era of global campaigning and law-making, they were excluded, informally and formally from the official law and policy making table. But what is more, women’s issues have been dominated by voices from the Global North. Global South women were, and are, exc...
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The Mexico Conference brought this inequality and the tensions stemming from it, directly into the spot- light by virtue of the fact that it took place not only in the context of the Cold War but also at a moment when a surge of states from the Global South were seeking to reorient law, through the New International Ec...
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In the commentaries and histories regarding both the 1975 Conference, and those held since, the focus is often on the particular character of the disagree- ments and controversies. Debate and arguments are commonplace at all thematic global conferences, be that at the UN or other global bodies, such as the WTO. The B...
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In the narratives presented on the 1975 Conference, however, conflict amongst women is presented as fundamental and distinctive to women’s events. That women should not agree on the best path towards equality, that their lived experiences are different, and that conflict may arise is seen as substantive rather than ty...
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While it is accepted that theorists of positivism, of natural law or communism disagree, sometimes fundamentally, feminism’s contestations are presented as a fundamental flaw born of emotionalism rather than reasoned disagreement. This is not to ignore the debates. The voice of Global South women demanding to be hear...
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But a narrative that presents women’s DOI: 10.4324/9781003036708-6 Feminism, inequality, and the conference 89 conferences as essentially antagonistic because feminist campaigning is an exceptional argumentative space needs to be forestalled.2 In sum, then, this chapter examines the legal and political legacy of the 19...
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First, we can approach the Conference through the historical struggle of feminist activists to achieve official participation in the legal and policy forums addressing women’s issues. But more than that, the Conference can be used to explore the internal relations and tensions within feminism itself.
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In this vein, the ongoing challenge to Global North feminists to cede space and end attempts at articulating and representing all women’s lived experiences, the role of the New International Economic Order and international economic law within that context of the Global South to change global legal governance and the o...
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History of international conferences on women Since the advent of the modern international conference, women have played sig- nificant roles. Initially excluded from inter-state conferences, women organized their own parallel events.
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They were amongst the first non-state campaign groups to employ this tactic and, at times, succeeded in gaining legal change.3 Moreo- ver, women were also amongst the leaders of the anti-slavery, peace, and labour movements that arose in the 19th century and which continue to be essential debates within contemporary in...
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Absent formal roles in inter-state conferences women as facilitators in salons and social events were so critical that the UK Foreign Office, into the post-World War II era, opposed diplo- matic wives holding other careers so that they could focus on these social events.4 Inevitably during an era of imperialism, these ...
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Nonetheless women from beyond the Global North broke through formal barriers—a development that often led to significant changes which produced substantial shifts in international policy and law. Global women’s organizations of the late 19th and early 20th centuries were able to realize substantive legal change—change...
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To overcome such obsta- cles, they had to devise innovate strategies to effect legal change. In doing so, these first organizations were instrumental in setting the template for lobbying for change by NGOs outside the 20th century global institutions. Outside of their demonstration of the potential effectiveness of N...
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The Inter-Allied Suffrage Conference, The International Wom- en’s Congress for Peace and Freedom, and the Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom emerged initially as national organizations but realized that issues, such as peace and trafficking of women, by necessity required an international response to ef...
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They campaigned at Versailles to ensure women were eligible to work at the League of Nations and succeeded in inserting Article 7 into the Covenant of the League of Nations.6 Beyond NGO activity, several women, such as Rachel Crowdy, managed to gain roles within the League influencing work on the Advisory Committee on ...
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How women could influence these and other areas, as well as which women were able to gain influence, were all curtailed.
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When attempts were made within the League to examine the status of women, McKinnon Wood, an official in the Legal Depart- ment, wrote that he and the Secretary General agreed that “the question of the political and civil rights of women is unsuitable for international action” and that any movement towards raising issue...
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Their specific issues were either not raised or defined by others. This was despite the fact that Latin American women often led campaigns to address issues of concern to women, demonstrating that critical Global South leadership is possible and necessary to address women’s issues beyond a Euro-American gaze but also ...
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Following the work of women such as Bertha Lutz, women were eligible for roles in the UN Secretariat and the leadership of women from Latin America was essential in ensuring that gender was on the UN’s agenda.11 This included the creation of the Commission on the Status of Women in 1946 led by Bodil Begtrup, the main a...
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Additionally, the question of decolonization served to create tensions between Global North and South states. Rather than recognize that the Global South formed a distinct group with unique interests, their perspective has often been suppressed into the Cold War divide.
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The exclusion of women from the League of Nations and the UN, the defining of topics of interest to women, the exclusion of women from the Global South and decolonization all formed part of the legacies raised in Mexico.13 But also, part of this legacy was the form and structure of these global conferences.
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Women had built networks of organizations and campaigns, had created and developed the processes of parallel conferences as a way to affect legal change when excluded from fora, but were also facing their own processes of exclusion and privilege, all of which would become appar- ent in Mexico City.
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Feminism, inequality, and the conference 91 International women’s year The post-colonial context, including the legacy of the Bandung Conference and the debates on the New International Economic Order, the Non-Aligned Move- ment, and the Group of 77 meant that the Global South, was an increasingly sig- nificant voice w...
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The tensions between the Western dominated International Council of Women and the socialist and anti-colonial basis of the Women’s International Democratic Federation typ- ified these tensions—albeit cooperation and progress on women’s issues were still consistently made amongst these organizations.15 By the time of th...
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The Mexico Conference was the first inter-governmental global conference to focus on women, but the initial proposal was centred on a women’s year. The first thematic year was in 1959/60 and focussed upon the human rights issues of ref- uges (such designations would become a feature of UN activity).16 This initiative,...
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The CSW debates reflected both the vast array of issues that needed to be discussed, the differences amongst the NGOs, but also what types of events were likely to advance women’s human rights and what topics should be included.
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The CSW ultimately declared its decision to “devote this year to intensified action to promote equality between men and women and to increase women’s contribution to national and international development.”17 The General Assembly Resolution, accepting the CSW proposal, focussed International Women’s Year on three issue...
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The spe- cific proposal for the 1975 event came from Australian Julie Dahlitz and was coupled with eventual Australian government support though Elizabeth Reid, the first advisor to the Australian Prime Minister on women’s issues.20 The official proposal was put before the CSW by Patricia Hutar, a US delegate.21 The pr...
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Soviet bloc states argued it would be, like other themed conferences, a gimmick, due both to their expense—for the UN and for delegates, and their general lack of substantive outcome.
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They suggested that the General Assembly should include debate on IWY as a special agenda item, 92 Aoife O’Donoghue and Adam Rowe a process that had been used to discuss terrorism, as this would have a greater impact.22 Ultimately the resolution to hold a conference was supported by CSW and ECOSOC and adopted by the Ge...
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This is perhaps unsurprising given the hitherto lack of focus on women at a major global event. Amongst these tensions, however, the question of which state would host became particularly serious.24 Mexico City was the eventual location after Colombia withdrew their offer to host. Mexico’s hosting of the Conference w...
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Most immediately, the decision to ratify its hosting came in the same session as Mexico’s sponsorship of the Charter on the Economic Rights and Duties of States. The Charter was a key aim of the New International Economic Order.
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Given this context, Mexico’s selection placed the Global South’s interna- tional legal ambitions directly into the foreground of the Conference.25 However, Mexican President Echeverría’s poor human rights record resulted in Mexican feminists being unsupportive of the hosting as they argued the Conference would build hi...
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Created by Mildred Persinger (US) and Marcia-Ximena Bravo (Ecuador), the NGO Tribune met five kilometres south of the main conference and contained many of the same delegates.27 The NGO Tribune would be an open space for wider debate amongst feminists unconstrained by the structure of UN thematic conferences and critic...
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1975 conference on women One commentator stressing the importance of the Mexico conference stated that “[n]ot since Adam and Eve ate the apple has this earth been faced with a social issue as complex as that which drew the delegates to the International Women’s Year Conference in Mexico City.” 28 Though this in its bib...
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Both the UN Conference and the parallel NGO Tribune commenced on the 23rd of June 1975. The task of the former was the promulgation of a World Plan of Action for addressing the inequalities facing women around the globe. The latter had no specific agenda and would constitute a forum for free debate. Attendance at th...
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Notwithstanding a lack of funding and poor organization, 125 of the UN’s member states sent delegations, numbering over 2000 individuals, with over 8000 people in total, almost 75% were women.29 The NGO Tribune exceeded this total—being attended by 6,000.30 Of course, the number of women delegates deserves to be commen...
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Fraser (US), who Feminism, inequality, and the conference 93 attended the conference, recollected how US delegates were strictly instructed not to hold any communication with those delegates from the socialist bloc.31 The USSR delegates and others from the socialist bloc, in turn, were likely under sim- ilar restrictio...
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Being in Mexico City, attendance was dominated by US and South American members. Individuals from the conti- nents of Africa and Asia struggled to find the resources to undertake the trip, were thus underrepresented, depriving the Conferences of an important intersectional element. The UN Conference got off to an unf...
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Mexican Attorney Gen- eral Pedro Ojeda Paullada was elected President of the Conference, a point that would become the centre of dispute between the US and Global South feminists. Even with a majority of women attending, the initial tone was male.
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As the dual conferences got underway, the geopolitical tensions between the West and the USSR, and between the West and the recently decolonised states allied to the Non-Aligned Group, became manifest.32 This was alongside the frictions already developing between Western feminists and those of the Global South, especia...
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More specifically, they eschewed overtly political and economic considerations, seeking to centre debate around such issues as legal inequalities, sexual liberation, employment discrimination, education, and representation.34 The lack of focus or even identification of what would subsequently be identified by Crenshaw ...
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As Sirimave Bandaranaike, the Prime Minister of Sri Lanka, argued, the disputations of gender equality that characterize Western discourse were just not applicable to a polity that can scarcely guarantee subsistence for women. This, predictably, was met by curt dismissals by Western delegates. France’s Françoise Giro...
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The Charter on Economic Rights was now adopted and significantly challenged the legal economic order dominated by the historical colonial powers and further change appeared possible (even if eventually it would not meet all its aims).38 But the right to development as a distinct legal claim was already fomenting and it...
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The failure of the Global North feminists to see its possibilities became a key point of dispute. The USSR, through their delegate Valentina Tereshkova, likewise rejected the ideas of equality espoused by the US feminists. To their perspective, the end of man’s ability to exploit another man under the communist socia...
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While exaggerated, the achievements of the USSR and Eastern-bloc countries in achieving gender equality have been demon- strated in recent studies and within diplomacy.
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Indeed, communist states were amongst the first to appoint women as diplomats, including Alexandra Kollontai as one of the first senior woman diplomats in 1924.40 Ghodsee, for one, points to the clear evidence of the USSR’s “significant achievements in terms of women’s literacy, education, legal equality, reproductive ...
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In response to this contribution, Whitaker (a contemporary commentator from the US) cursorily condemned the USSRs for abstaining “from the revolutions of both women and the poor.”42 At the NGO Tribune, the tensions between competing claims emerged most clearly. Upon the Mexican Attorney General Pedro Ojeda Paullada be...
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She established a Feminist Caucus within the Tribune to contest the presidency—though it should be noted that Friedan was not rep- resentative of the entirety of US feminists nor their diverse experiences at the Conferences.43 Friedan, however, faced a significant backlash. Latin American women were in support of Paul...
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Freidan’s activities also raised concerns amongst del- egates that the US representatives were attempting to dominate proceedings at the Tribune.44 Mexican media lambasted Friedan as a caricature for privileged liberal Western feminism, in which the sole objective was the establishment of complete equality between men ...
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In this vein, the press drew particular attention to her masculine features nicknaming her “The Terrible” and “The Threat,” an often repeated trope used to undermine women’s authority.45 Domitila Barrios de Chungara (Bolivia) represented an important rallying point for Third World frustration with US feminists.
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Coming from a Bolivian tin-mining community, Domitila expected the Conference and Tribune to be a space where women from economically depressed backgrounds could combine to campaign for substantial international economic reorganization.
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