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A total of 21 countries have compulsory voting, although in some there is an upper age limit on enforcement of the law. Many countries also have the none of the above option on their ballot papers. In systems that use constituencies, apportionment or districting defines the area covered by each constituency. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Electoral_system |
Where constituency boundaries are drawn has a strong influence on the likely outcome of elections in the constituency due to the geographic distribution of voters. Political parties may seek to gain an advantage during redistricting by ensuring their voter base has a majority in as many constituencies as possible, a process known as gerrymandering. Historically rotten and pocket boroughs, constituencies with unusually small populations, were used by wealthy families to gain parliamentary representation. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Electoral_system |
Some countries have minimum turnout requirements for elections to be valid. In Serbia this rule caused multiple re-runs of presidential elections, with the 1997 election re-run once and the 2002 elections re-run three times due insufficient turnout in the first, second and third attempts to run the election. The turnout requirement was scrapped prior to the fourth vote in 2004. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Electoral_system |
Similar problems in Belarus led to the 1995 parliamentary elections going to a fourth round of voting before enough parliamentarians were elected to make a quorum.Reserved seats are used in many countries to ensure representation for ethnic minorities, women, young people or the disabled. These seats are separate from general seats, and may be elected separately (such as in Morocco where a separate ballot is used to elect the 60 seats reserved for women and 30 seats reserved for young people in the House of Representatives), or be allocated to parties based on the results of the election; in Jordan the reserved seats for women are given to the female candidates who failed to win constituency seats but with the highest number of votes, whilst in Kenya the Senate seats reserved for women, young people and the disabled are allocated to parties based on how many seats they won in the general vote. Some countries achieve minority representation by other means, including requirements for a certain proportion of candidates to be women, or by exempting minority parties from the electoral threshold, as is done in Poland, Romania and Serbia. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Electoral_system |
In ancient Greece and Italy, the institution of suffrage already existed in a rudimentary form at the outset of the historical period. In the early monarchies it was customary for the king to invite pronouncements of his people on matters in which it was prudent to secure its assent beforehand. In these assemblies the people recorded their opinion by clamouring (a method which survived in Sparta as late as the 4th century BCE), or by the clashing of spears on shields. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Electoral_system |
Voting has been used as a feature of democracy since the 6th century BCE, when democracy was introduced by the Athenian democracy. However, in Athenian democracy, voting was seen as the least democratic among methods used for selecting public officials, and was little used, because elections were believed to inherently favor the wealthy and well-known over average citizens. Viewed as more democratic were assemblies open to all citizens, and selection by lot, as well as rotation of office. Generally, the taking of votes was effected in the form of a poll. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Electoral_system |
The practice of the Athenians, which is shown by inscriptions to have been widely followed in the other states of Greece, was to hold a show of hands, except on questions affecting the status of individuals: these latter, which included all lawsuits and proposals of ostracism, in which voters chose the citizen they most wanted to exile for ten years, were determined by secret ballot (one of the earliest recorded elections in Athens was a plurality vote that it was undesirable to win, namely an ostracism vote). At Rome the method which prevailed up to the 2nd century BCE was that of division (discessio). | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Electoral_system |
But the system became subject to intimidation and corruption. Hence a series of laws enacted between 139 and 107 BCE prescribed the use of the ballot (tabella), a slip of wood coated with wax, for all business done in the assemblies of the people. For the purpose of carrying resolutions a simple majority of votes was deemed sufficient. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Electoral_system |
As a general rule equal value was made to attach to each vote; but in the popular assemblies at Rome a system of voting by groups was in force until the middle of the 3rd century BCE by which the richer classes secured a decisive preponderance.Most elections in the early history of democracy were held using plurality voting or some variant, but as an exception, the state of Venice in the 13th century adopted approval voting to elect their Great Council. The Venetians' method for electing the Doge was a particularly convoluted process, consisting of five rounds of drawing lots (sortition) and five rounds of approval voting. By drawing lots, a body of 30 electors was chosen, which was further reduced to nine electors by drawing lots again. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Electoral_system |
An electoral college of nine members elected 40 people by approval voting; those 40 were reduced to form a second electoral college of 12 members by drawing lots again. The second electoral college elected 25 people by approval voting, which were reduced to form a third electoral college of nine members by drawing lots. The third electoral college elected 45 people, which were reduced to form a fourth electoral college of 11 by drawing lots. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Electoral_system |
They in turn elected a final electoral body of 41 members, who ultimately elected the Doge. Despite its complexity, the method had certain desirable properties such as being hard to game and ensuring that the winner reflected the opinions of both majority and minority factions. This process, with slight modifications, was central to the politics of the Republic of Venice throughout its remarkable lifespan of over 500 years, from 1268 to 1797. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Electoral_system |
Jean-Charles de Borda proposed the Borda count in 1770 as a method for electing members to the French Academy of Sciences. His method was opposed by the Marquis de Condorcet, who proposed instead the method of pairwise comparison that he had devised. Implementations of this method are known as Condorcet methods. He also wrote about the Condorcet paradox, which he called the intransitivity of majority preferences. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Electoral_system |
However, recent research has shown that the philosopher Ramon Llull devised both the Borda count and a pairwise method that satisfied the Condorcet criterion in the 13th century. The manuscripts in which he described these methods had been lost to history until they were rediscovered in 2001.Later in the 18th century, apportionment methods came to prominence due to the United States Constitution, which mandated that seats in the United States House of Representatives had to be allocated among the states proportionally to their population, but did not specify how to do so. A variety of methods were proposed by statesmen such as Alexander Hamilton, Thomas Jefferson, and Daniel Webster. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Electoral_system |
Some of the apportionment methods devised in the United States were in a sense rediscovered in Europe in the 19th century, as seat allocation methods for the newly proposed method of party-list proportional representation. The result is that many apportionment methods have two names; Jefferson's method is equivalent to the D'Hondt method, as is Webster's method to the Sainte-Laguë method, while Hamilton's method is identical to the Hare largest remainder method.The single transferable vote (STV) method was devised by Carl Andræ in Denmark in 1855 and in the United Kingdom by Thomas Hare in 1857. STV elections were first held in Denmark in 1856, and in Tasmania in 1896 after its use was promoted by Andrew Inglis Clark. Party-list proportional representation began to be used to elect European legislatures in the early 20th century, with Belgium the first to implement it for its 1900 general elections. Since then, proportional and semi-proportional methods have come to be used in almost all democratic countries, with most exceptions being former British and French colonies. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Electoral_system |
Perhaps influenced by the rapid development of multiple-winner electoral systems, theorists began to publish new findings about single-winner methods in the late 19th century. This began around 1870, when William Robert Ware proposed applying STV to single-winner elections, yielding instant-runoff voting (IRV). Soon, mathematicians began to revisit Condorcet's ideas and invent new methods for Condorcet completion; Edward J. Nanson combined the newly described instant runoff voting with the Borda count to yield a new Condorcet method called Nanson's method. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Electoral_system |
Charles Dodgson, better known as Lewis Carroll, proposed the straightforward Condorcet method known as Dodgson's method. He also proposed a proportional representation system based on multi-member districts, quotas as minimum requirements to take seats, and votes transferable by candidates through proxy voting.Ranked voting electoral systems eventually gathered enough support to be adopted for use in government elections. In Australia, IRV was first adopted in 1893, and continues to be used along with STV today. In the United States in the early-20th-century progressive era, some municipalities began to use Bucklin voting, although this is no longer used in any government elections, and has even been declared unconstitutional in Minnesota. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Electoral_system |
The use of game theory to analyze electoral systems led to discoveries about the effects of certain methods. Earlier developments such as Arrow's impossibility theorem had already shown the issues with Ranked voting systems. Research led Steven Brams and Peter Fishburn to formally define and promote the use of approval voting in 1977. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Electoral_system |
Political scientists of the 20th century published many studies on the effects that the electoral systems have on voters' choices and political parties, and on political stability. A few scholars also studied which effects caused a nation to switch to a particular electoral system.The study of electoral systems influenced a new push for electoral reform beginning around the 1990s, when proposals were made to replace plurality voting in governmental elections with other methods. New Zealand adopted mixed-member proportional representation for the 1993 general elections and STV for some local elections in 2004. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Electoral_system |
After plurality voting was a key factor in the contested results of the 2000 presidential elections in the United States, various municipalities in the United States began to adopt instant-runoff voting, although some of them subsequently returned to their prior method. However, attempts at introducing more proportional systems were not always successful; in Canada there were two referendums in British Columbia in 2005 and 2009 on adopting an STV method, both of which failed. In the United Kingdom, a 2011 referendum on adopting IRV saw the proposal rejected. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Electoral_system |
In other countries there were calls for the restoration of plurality or majoritarian systems or their establishment where they have never been used; a referendum was held in Ecuador in 1994 on the adoption the two round system, but the idea was rejected. In Romania a proposal to switch to a two-round system for parliamentary elections failed only because voter turnout in the referendum was too low. Attempts to reintroduce single-member constituencies in Poland (2015) and two-round system in Bulgaria (2016) via referendums both also failed due to low turnout. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Electoral_system |
Electoral systems can be compared by different means. Attitudes towards systems are highly influenced by the systems' impact on groups that one supports or opposes, which can make the objective comparison of voting systems difficult. There are several ways to address this problem: One approach is to define criteria mathematically, such that any electoral system either passes or fails. This gives perfectly objective results, but their practical relevance is still arguable. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Electoral_system |
Another approach is to define ideal criteria that no electoral system passes perfectly, and then see how often or how close to passing various methods are over a large sample of simulated elections. This gives results which are practically relevant, but the method of generating the sample of simulated elections can still be arguably biased. A final approach is to consider practical criteria, and then assign a neutral body to evaluate each method according to these criteria or evaluate the performance of countries with these electoral systems. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Electoral_system |
The practical criteria include political fragmentation, voter turnout, wasted votes, complexity of vote counting, and barriers to entry for new political movements. The quality of electoral systems can be measured on outcomes, such as voter turnout, and reduced political apathy. This approach can look at aspects of electoral systems, which the other two approaches miss, but both the definitions of these criteria and the evaluations of the methods are still inevitably subjective. Arrow's theorem and the Gibbard–Satterthwaite theorem prove that no single-winner system using ranked voting can meet all such criteria simultaneously, while Gibbard's theorem proves the same for all single-winner deterministic voting methods. Instead of debating the importance of different criteria, another method is to simulate many elections with different electoral systems, and estimate the typical overall happiness of the population with the results, their vulnerability to strategic voting, their likelihood of electing the candidate closest to the average voter, etc. According to a 2006 survey of electoral system experts, their preferred electoral systems were in order of preference: Mixed member proportional Single transferable vote Open list proportional Alternative vote Closed list proportional Single member plurality Runoffs Mixed member majoritarian Single non-transferable vote | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Electoral_system |
Fasciola gigantica is a parasitic flatworm of the class Trematoda, which causes tropical fascioliasis. It is regarded as one of the most important single platyhelminth infections of ruminants in Asia and Africa. Estimates of infection rates are as high as 80–100% in some countries. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fasciola_gigantica |
The infection is commonly called fasciolosis. The prevalence of F. gigantica often overlaps with that of Fasciola hepatica, and the two species are so closely related in terms of genetics, behaviour, and morphological and anatomical structures that distinguishing them is notoriously difficult. Therefore, sophisticated molecular techniques are required to correctly identify and diagnose the infection. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fasciola_gigantica |
Fasciola gigantica causes outbreaks in tropical areas of South Asia, Southeast Asia, and Africa. The geographical distribution of F. gigantica overlaps with F. hepatica in many African and Asian countries and sometimes in the same country, although in such cases, the ecological requirement of the flukes and their snail hosts are distinct. Infection is most prevalent in regions with intensive sheep and cattle production. In Egypt, F. gigantica has existed in domestic animals since the times of the pharaohs. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fasciola_gigantica |
The lifecycle of F. gigantica is: Eggs (transported with feces) → egg hatch → miracidium → miracidium infect snail intermediate host → (parthenogenesis in 24 hours) sporocyst → redia → daughter redia → cercaria → (gets outside the snail) → metacercaria → infection of the host → adult stage produces eggs. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fasciola_gigantica |
As with other trematodes, Fasciola spp. develop in a molluscan intermediate host. Species of the freshwater snails from the family Lymnaeidae are well known for their role as intermediate hosts in the lifecycle of F. gigantica; however, throughout the years, an increasing number of other molluscan intermediate hosts of F. gigantica have been reported. The lymnaeid intermediate hosts of F. gigantica are distinguishable from those of F. hepatica, both morphologically and as to habitat requirement. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fasciola_gigantica |
The species of Fasciola can become adapted to new intermediate hosts under certain conditions at least based on laboratory trials. The most important intermediate host for F. gigantica is Radix auricularia. However, other species are also known to harbour the fluke, including Lymnaea rufescens and Lymnaea acuminata in the Indian subcontinent; Radix rubiginosa and Radix natalensis in Malaysia and Africa, respectively; and the synonymous Lymnaea cailliaudi in East Africa. Other snails also serve as natural or experimental intermediates, such as Austropeplea ollula, Austropeplea viridis, Radix peregra, Radix luteola, Pseudosuccinea columella, and Galba truncatula. The Australian Lymnaea tomentosa (host of F. hepatica) was shown to be receptive to miracidia of F. gigantica from East Africa, Malaysia, and Indonesia. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fasciola_gigantica |
F. gigantica is a causative agent (together with F. hepatica) of fascioliasis in ruminants and in humans worldwide.The parasite commonly infects cattle and buffalo, and can also be seen regionally in goats and sheep, and in nonruminants (donkeys). | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fasciola_gigantica |
Infection with Fasciola spp. occurs when metacercariae are accidentally ingested on raw vegetation. The metacercariae exist in the small intestine, and move through the intestinal wall and peritoneal cavity to the liver, where adults mature in the biliary ducts of the liver. Eggs are passed through the bile ducts into the intestine, where they are then passed in the feces. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fasciola_gigantica |
Despite the importance to differentiate between the infection by either fasciolid species, due to their distinct epidemiological, pathological, and control characteristics, unfortunately, coprological (excretion-related) or immunological diagnoses are difficult. Especially in humans, specific detection by clinical, pathological, coprological, or immunological methods are unreliable. Molecular assays are the only promising tools, such as PCR-RFLP assay, and the very rapid loop-mediated isothermal amplification (LAMP). | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fasciola_gigantica |
Triclabendazole is the drug of choice in fasciolosis, as it is highly effective against both mature and immature flukes. Artemether has been demonstrated in vitro to be equally effective. Though slightly less potent, artesunate is also useful in human fasciolosis. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fasciola_gigantica |
In sociology, an ethnic enclave is a geographic area with high ethnic concentration, characteristic cultural identity, and economic activity. The term is usually used to refer to either a residential area or a workspace with a high concentration of ethnic firms. Their success and growth depends on self-sufficiency, and is coupled with economic prosperity. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ethnic_enclave |
The theory of social capital and the formation of migrant networks creates the social foundation for ethnic enclaves. Douglas Massey describes how migrant networks provide new immigrants with social capital that can be transferred to other tangible forms. As immigrants tend to cluster in close geographic spaces, they develop migrant networks—systems of interpersonal relations through which participants can exchange valuable resources and knowledge. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ethnic_enclave |
Immigrants can capitalize on social interactions by transforming information into tangible resources, and thereby lower costs of migration. Information exchanged may include knowledge of employment opportunities, affordable housing, government assistance programs and helpful NGOs. Thus by stimulating social connections, ethnic enclaves generate a pool of intangible resources that help to promote the social and economic development of its members.By providing a space for individuals who share the same ethnic identity to create potentially beneficial relations, ethnic enclaves assist members in achieving economic mobility. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ethnic_enclave |
Enclaves create an alternative labor market that is ethnic-specific and does not demand social and cultural skills of the host country. By eliminating language and cultural barriers, enclave economies employ a greater proportion of co-ethnics and speed the incorporation of new immigrants into a bustling economy. By increasing employment opportunities and facilitating upward mobility, studying ethnic enclaves helps to explain the success of some immigrant groups. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ethnic_enclave |
Additionally, while the ethnic enclave theory was developed to explain immigrant incorporation into the receiving society, it has also been linked to migration processes at large as successful incorporation of immigrants has the potential to lower migration costs for future immigrants, an example of chain migration. Despite their immediate benefits, the long-term implications of participation in an ethnic enclave are a topic of debate. Enclave economies have been linked to a glass ceiling limiting immigrant growth and upward mobility. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ethnic_enclave |
While participation in the enclave economy may assist in achieving upward mobility through increased availability of employment opportunities in the enclave labor market, it may also impede acquisition of host country skills that benefit the immigrant over the long-run. Such delays constrain immigrants to activity within the enclave and secludes them from the larger economy. Opportunities available to mainstream society can thus be out of reach for immigrants who haven't learned about them. Thus, the accelerated path toward economic mobility that lures new immigrants into enclave economies may impede success. Integration into an ethnic enclave may delay and even halt cultural assimilation, preventing the immigrants from benefiting from mainstream institutions. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ethnic_enclave |
Ethnic enclaves have been prominent urban features for centuries. Examples include a new Armenian one near Beirut, an old one in Bucharest, and an even older Armenian Quarter in Jerusalem. Urban quarters have often belonged mainly to residents having a particular sectarian or ethnic origin. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ethnic_enclave |
Historically, the formation of ethnic enclaves has been the result of a variety of socioeconomic factors that draw immigrants to similar spaces in the receiving city, state, or country. Cultural diversity brings together people who don't understand each other's language but a group can communicate more easily with neighbors in an enclave. In some cases, enclaves have been enforced by law, as in a ghetto. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ethnic_enclave |
Roman colonies were established to control newly conquered provinces, and grew to absorb the surrounding territory. Some enclaves were established when a governing authority permitted a group to establish their own new town, as in the English town of Gravesend, Brooklyn in 1645. The lack of access to economic capital and of knowledge regarding residential neighborhoods can constrain newly arrived immigrants to regions of affordable housing. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ethnic_enclave |
Social dynamics such as prejudice and racism may concentrate co-ethnics into regions displaying ethnic similarity. Housing discrimination may also prevent ethnic minorities from settling into a particular residential area outside the enclave. When discussing the ethnic enclave as defined by a spatial cluster of businesses, success and growth can be largely predicted by three factors. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ethnic_enclave |
These factors include 1) the size and population of the enclave 2) the level of entrepreneurial skills of those in the enclave and 3) the availability of capital resources to the enclave. Successful enclaves can reach a point where they become self-sufficient, or "institutionally complete" through the supply of new immigrants and demand of goods offered in the market. They only reach this point after first supplying for the needs of co-ethnics and then expanding to meet needs of those in the larger market of the host society.The term "ethnic enclave" arose in response to a publication by Alejandro Portes and Kenneth Wilson in 1980. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ethnic_enclave |
Portes and Wilson identified a third labor market in which Cuban immigrants in Miami took part. Instead of entering the secondary labor market of the host society, Portes and Wilson discovered that new immigrants tended to become employed by co-ethnics running immigrant-owned firms. The collection of small immigrant enterprises providing employment to new immigrants was defined as the enclave economy. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ethnic_enclave |
Observations of the Cuban ethnic enclave economy in Miami led Alejandro Portes and Kenneth Wilson to conclude that participation in an enclave economy provided immigrants with an alternative, speedy option to achieve economic mobility in a host society. The discourse pioneered by Portes and Wilson produced the construct for a body of literature that came to be known by the ethnic enclave hypothesis. While never empirically defined, the term "ethnic enclave" began to be widely used to represent two distinct definitions: that of an enclave economy and that of a residential area of high co-ethnic concentration. The most fundamental concept within the enclave hypothesis is that of social capital, which lays the foundation for the establishment of migrant networks and the advantages associated with them. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ethnic_enclave |
With the rise in globalization and ease of international transportation, patterns of immigration show the role of ethnic enclaves for contributing to increased migration over time. New immigrants unintentionally lower costs for future immigration of co-ethnics by pooling together resources for themselves. Thus, by achieving mobility in the receiving country themselves, immigrants create a social structure that makes it easier for future immigrants to become upwardly mobile. According to Douglas Massey, "Networks build into the migration process a self-perpetuating momentum that leads to its growth over time, in spite of fluctuating wage differentials, recessions, and increasingly restrictive immigration policies." | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ethnic_enclave |
Ethnic enclaves thus contribute to continued immigration by providing co-ethnics with a space to make connections that ultimately lower migration costs and promote economic mobility. Many worn path taken by former immigrants are made accessible to enclave members, making immigration easier to future generations. By generating further immigration, migration leads to its own cumulative causation over time. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ethnic_enclave |
An approach that analyzes ethnic enclaves and their members by their modes of incorporation is preferred to a neoclassical model, which states that the economic success of immigrants depends on the education, work experience, and other elements of human capital that they possess. Sociologists have concluded that these factors do not suffice in explaining the integration and success of immigrants measured by occupational mobility and earnings. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ethnic_enclave |
Upon arrival to a foreign country, immigrants face challenges in assimilation and integration processes and thus experience different modes and levels of incorporation within the host society. Many factors influence the level of ease or challenge experienced by immigrants as they make the transition and undergo physical, social, and psychological challenges. The segmented assimilation model notes that there can exist a "consciously pluralistic society in which a variety of subcultures and racial and ethnic identities coexist" One influential factor in an immigrant's journey is the presence of relatives or friends in the receiving country. Friends and family, making up a kinship network, who are willing to help the newcomers can be classified as a type of capital commonly referred to as social capital. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ethnic_enclave |
Upon arrival, many immigrants have limited or no access to human capital and thus rely heavily on any available source of social capital. The cost to immigration is large, however this burden can be shared and thus eased through an immigrant's access to social capital in the receiving country. Kinship networks in the receiving country can provide aid not only for the physical and economic needs of immigrants, but also for their emotional and socio-psychological needs. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ethnic_enclave |
Access to social capital does not guarantee ease or success for the migrant. Because social capital is rooted in relationships it easily lends itself to conflict and disagreement between parties. The level of economic stability on the side of the receiving party can dictate the level of aid they are willing or able to offer. In addition, the economic condition of the country and the availability of jobs open to the immigrants can largely affect the quality of the support network available to the migrant. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ethnic_enclave |
If the receiving country provides favorable conditions such as access to social programs, the local economy, and employment opportunities, the network is likely to be of much higher quality. Adversely, kinship networks may break down if much stress is placed on the relationships involved due to economic hardships. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ethnic_enclave |
The duration and intensity of aid needed can dictate the quality of the kinship network available to the immigrant. Immigrant ideas regarding level of support to be received are often high and left unmet if true economic conditions do not allow for favorable network conditions. Shared norms and relational ties can also lead to obligatory ties which some scholars, such as Tsang and Inkpen, argue restricts an individual's willingness to explore opportunities outside the network. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ethnic_enclave |
Methods of assimilation and access to social capital vary between and even within ethnic groups. A variety of factors can influence individuals' ethnic identities including their social class background and the social networks available to them. As theorized by sociologist Mary C. Waters, the involvement level of parents in ethnic organizations or activities heavily influences the development of their children's ethnic identities. This is important to note as second-generation immigrants must actively work to identify themselves with their ethnic group. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ethnic_enclave |
Enclave networks offer access to a unique type of social capital and act as large kinship networks. Within enclave networks, social capital commonly exists both as a private and public good. Though there is some debate in relation to the long-term benefits offered by these networks, the short-term benefits are universally acknowledged. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ethnic_enclave |
The socio-psychological challenges faced by the immigrant can be largely reduced through the individual's entrance into an ethnic enclave. Ethnic enclaves can resemble the immigrant's place of origin through physical look, layout, and language employed both written and orally. In addition to increasing the cultural comfort of the migrant, healthy ethnic enclaves offer solidarity and trust among members, and informal training systems within the workplace. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ethnic_enclave |
The geographic proximity of the enclave network allows for easy flow of knowledge and varying types of assistance between firms as well. Where there is an atmosphere of trust in ethnic enclaves, this transfer of knowledge and sharing of social capital exists as an asset to the firms. Connections with members in an enclave may also afford the newcomer work opportunities. Immigrants may also receive informal training regarding the customs and practices of the larger culture outside the enclave and help navigating challenges in many areas of everyday life. Social hostility may be a challenge faced by immigrants in their host society, therefore to avoid this factor, ethnic enclaves provide a haven where economic success may still be achieved. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ethnic_enclave |
Ethnic enclave economies are predicated upon aspects of economic sociology and the sociology of immigration. Ethnic Enclaves generate a pool of social capital through which members can access resources that lower the costs of migration. Enclave membership provides economic assistance such as job opportunities and small businesses loans. Small ethnic firms within the enclave provide new immigrants with immediate access to economic opportunities by subverting the secondary sector of the economy and creating numerous low-wage jobs that are easily accessed by members. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ethnic_enclave |
The ethno-centric nature of businesses and firms provides easy integration into enclave economies. Goods and services tend to be offered in the ethnic group's language, while social and cultural norms specific to the host country are not required of employees in the enclave economy. Thus, the ethno-specific nature of enclave economies makes them attractive to new immigrants who are otherwise unable integrate into the mainstream economy. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ethnic_enclave |
Ethnic enclave economies also provide a method for immigrants who enter at lower wage jobs to rise to the status community entrepreneurs own firms within the community. While benefiting from the higher wages that owning a business provides them, these established immigrants continue the cycle of providing attractive (albeit lower income) labor to newcomers within the framework of the ethnic enclave. The ethnic enclave economy allows for a measure of independence for immigrants by creating a path for them to own businesses. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ethnic_enclave |
Ethnic enclave economies also have the effect of raising the hourly wages of workers within the enclave.An individual's entrance into the enclave economy is dependent upon the conditions of incorporation they experience. Unfavorable modes of incorporation into the host society provide incentives for immigrants to enter the informal economy. Discrimination, hostility, and a lack of resources may encourage immigrants to enter into informal employment. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ethnic_enclave |
Ethnic enclaves are rich in informal activities, as the entrepreneurial services making the core of the enclave's founding were historically informal ventures. Informality proves favorable for many immigrant entrepreneurs by bypass regulatory expenses. Additionally, the scope of employment for immigrants is greatly widened by the availability of informal jobs in the enclave economic sector. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ethnic_enclave |
The informality of the enclave economy simultaneously induces risk and fraud. Informal activities are constantly under risk of detection by the formal sector, which has a negative effect on job security. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ethnic_enclave |
Furthermore, due to the absence of legal framework, immigrant laborers often remain silent about various forms of exploitation. The most common form of labor exploitation in immigrant economies is unpaid labor. Undocumented immigrants are especially afraid to report violations of labor laws and exploitation. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ethnic_enclave |
Government policy toward immigrants is the first mode of reception to the receiving country. Governments generally enforce measures to reduce the amount of "unwanted" immigrants which may potentially pose a burden on the receiving society and economy.The granting of different statuses and visas (i.e. refugee, temporary visas for students and workers) to immigrant groups affects the type of reception immigrants will receive. Aside from immigration control policies, some governments also impose measures to accelerate social and political incorporation of new immigrants, and to stimulate economic mobility. Wayne Cornelius studies two central theses regarding institutional response to increased movement of people across transnational borders. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ethnic_enclave |
The first of these is the gap hypothesis which describes the dissonance between official immigration policies and real policy outcomes. Policy gaps are the result of unintended consequences and inadequate enforcement by the receiving society. Many reasons can explain unintended consequences of immigration policy. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ethnic_enclave |
Governments with undefined or ambiguous stances toward immigration may propagate unintended consequences, and the reliance on flawed policies can further reduce the efficacy of institutional measures. Furthermore, political incoherency policy poses a greater challenge for the incorporation and enforcement of effective measures. A negative public opinion toward immigrants is a good measure of significant policy gaps in the receiving government; however, special interest groups may also constrain political responses to immigration. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ethnic_enclave |
This is especially true in liberal democracies, where "lobbying by powerful employer groups, religious groups, ethnic and immigrant advocacy groups, and even labor unions leads governments to adopt more expansionary immigration policies, even when the economy goes bad and general public opinion turns hostile to immigrants." Furthermore, governments and special groups in the immigrant-sending country may align themselves with pro-immigration lobbyists in the receiving country. Thus, the policymaking process is complicated by involvement of multiple factions. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ethnic_enclave |
The second thesis studied by Wayne Cornelius is the convergence hypothesis, which describes the growing similarity of political responses to immigration among immigrant-receiving countries. These similarities fall into: "(1) the policies that their governments have adopted to control immigration; (2) policies designed to integrate immigrants into host societies by providing them with social services as well as political, economic, and social rights; and (3) attitudes toward immigrants and immigration policy preferences among general publics. "Ethnic groups receive various levels of reception by the host society for various reasons. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ethnic_enclave |
In general, European immigrants tend to encounter little resistance by host countries, while tenets of racism are evinced by widespread resistance to immigrants of color.Political incorporation into the host country is coupled with adoption of citizenship of the host country. By studying the diverging trajectories of immigrant citizenship in Canada and the U.S., Irene Bloemraad explains that current models of citizenship acquisition fail to recognize the social nature of political incorporation. Bloemraad describes political incorporation as a "social process of mobilization by friends, family, community organizations and local leaders that is embedded in an institutional context shaped by government policies of diversity and newcomer settlement." | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ethnic_enclave |
This alternative model emphasizes the role of migrant networks in critically shaping how immigrants consider citizenship. Bloemraad shows that friends, family, co-ethnic organizations and local community affect political incorporation by providing a structured mobilization framework. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ethnic_enclave |
This social structure is most essential for immigrants who face language barriers and may lack familiarity with host institutions. The extent to which migrant networks promote citizenship depends on the efficacy of government policies on immigrant integration. Governments adopting policies that facilitate the emergence, integration and growth of ethnic economies are presumed to gain support by co-ethnics. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ethnic_enclave |
Thus, the movement toward political incorporation and citizenship is nested in a larger institutional structure involving economic and social integration policy as these relate to immigrants. Ethnic enclaves have the ability to simultaneously assist in political and civic incorporation of immigrants. By providing a space that facilitates upward mobility and economic integration into the receiving society, enclaves and their members fundamentally influence the perceptions of receiving institutions by co-ethnics. Finally, enclaves may gauge community interest in naturalization and direct immigrants through the process to gaining citizenship | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ethnic_enclave |
The discourse surrounding ethnic enclaves has prompted debate among scholars in two related areas of thought. Both areas discuss the role ethnic enclaves play by either offering aid or hindering the economic and social well-being of the enclave's members. One area of thought discusses the role of enclaves in assimilative patterns and upward mobility while the second area of thought argues the economic ramifications associated with membership within ethnic enclaves. The immediate economic and social advantages associated with membership in an ethnic enclave are undisputed by scholars, however the long-term consequences remain an area of uncertainty. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ethnic_enclave |
The role these networks play remains uncertain due to the fact that ethnic enclaves allow immigrants to function successfully within the host society without a significant amount of adjustment either culturally or linguistically. As such, they can either help or hinder naturalization within the host country. The relatively low levels of skill required allow immigrants to achieve financial stability which can in turn encourage eventual naturalization and assimilation. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ethnic_enclave |
Adversely, this same factor can afford enclave members the opportunity to remain considerably segregated and secluded from the host society. As such, members may circumvent the need to acquire skills necessary for life in the larger host society such as knowledge of cultural norms and language.The debate regarding the economic viability of ethnic enclaves revolves around the enclave-economy hypothesis. The hypothesis as written by Wilson and Portes formulates the idea that "mmigrant workers are not restricted to the secondary labor market." | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ethnic_enclave |
They instead argue that "those inserted into an immigrant enclave can be empirically distinguished from workers in both the primary and secondary labor markets. Enclave workers will share with those in the primary sector a significant economic return past human capital investments" something those who enter the secondary labor market are not able to enjoy. Thus, they assert the enclave economy is not a mobility trap as some would term it, but an alternate mode of incorporation. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ethnic_enclave |
In their argument formulated to disprove the enclave economy hypothesis, Sanders and Nee state the need for a distinction between "immigrant-bosses" and "immigrant-workers" as the economic benefits differ along this distinction. They also call for the investigation of economic opportunities available to those in the enclave, believing them to be lesser in quality and supply. Sanders and Nee also assert the idea that segregation and forced entrance of immigrant-workers into low paying jobs is actually aggravated by the existence of ethnic enclaves. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ethnic_enclave |
Due to these objections, they call for the revision of Portes and Wilson's hypothesis to include an acknowledgement and outline of the entrepreneur/worker economic benefit distinction. In reaction to Sanders and Nee, Portes and Jensen make the clarification that those in ethnic enclaves need not be wealthier than those who left the enclave for the hypothesis to be supported. They instead assert that this will usually not be the case as the constant entrance of new immigrants into the enclave will actually be somewhat burdensome on the economy; a factor which does not actually represent disadvantage when compared with the other advantages provided. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ethnic_enclave |
Additionally, Portes and Jensen outline three different conditions to be fulfilled in order to disprove their hypothesis. The first of these conditions requires the demonstration that ethnic entrepreneurship is a mobility trap leading to lower earnings than the immigrant's worth in human capital. The second condition requires data proving the work within the enclave to be exploitative, and the third condition requires data showing employment within the enclave leads to a 'dead end' and offers no chance of upward mobility. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ethnic_enclave |
They acknowledge that the fulfillment of these three requirements is difficult as there is little data available to accurately test them. Jennifer Lee adds to the discussion noting the particular niches and types of business immigrant groups enter. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ethnic_enclave |
She notes that it is most common for immigrants to participate in long hours of physically demanding work in the retail industry. The retail market is a viable option due to the relatively low startup costs and knowledge of the host country's language required. Different niches have different levels of communication, for example the retail and self-service niche, (fruit and vegetable markets, take out restaurants) typically require the lowest level of customer interaction and communication. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ethnic_enclave |
Lee notes the embeddedness of ethnic enclaves and brings the thought that such practices are good for those within the enclave but harmful to certain groups outside them. She also notes the adverse effects patterns of ethnic embeddedness can have on surrounding ethnic groups by noting the difficulty other groups face in joining the network. She argues that this type of retail niche domination can have positive consequences for co-ethnics, as Portes and Wilson believe, however can also have negative effects on surrounding ethnic groups who face exclusion due solely to their ethnic dissimilarity from the network. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ethnic_enclave |
Immigration to the United States has occurred in waves that demonstrate the predominance of certain sets of ethnic minorities. As immigrants tended to cluster in certain cities and states, separate waves were responsible for the establishment of ethnic enclaves in separate physical spaces. The best-known ethnic enclaves in American cities began to appear with the arrival of large numbers of Irish immigrants during the first third of the nineteenth century and continued forming throughout that century and the twentieth as successive waves of immigrants arrived in the United States. In the early 20th century, immigrants chose to live in enclave neighborhoods because of language barriers and cost-of-living benefits. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ethnic_enclave |
Sociologists Robert Park and Edward Burgess integrated a model that studied these patterns in the 1920s. This model showcased how immigrants who arrived in the U.S. in the early 20th century were drawn to urban enclave neighborhoods as they opened up opportunities for social networking and employment. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ethnic_enclave |
In 1998, nearly three quarters of all immigrants in the United States lived in California, New York, Texas, Florida, New Jersey or Illinois. Housing discrimination remains a factor in the persistence of racial enclaves in American cities. However, more recent patterns of migration, such as chain migration, challenge traditional methods of enclaves establishment. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ethnic_enclave |
A 2023 study found that 43% of the foreign-born population in the United States lived in ethnic neighborhoods in 1970. By 2010, this had risen to 67%. Ethnic neighborhoods tend to have lower average incomes and housing values, as well as more rental housing and more inhabitants that commute without a car.Most ethnic neighborhoods in the United States disappear within a decade or two, as immigrants gain language abilities, cultural skills, and resources and subsequently move elsewhere. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ethnic_enclave |
Ethnic enclaves have become commonplace in modern times, with the increase in the geographic mobility of humankind. However, they have also arisen in historical times, for various reasons. The village of Schandorf, now in Austria, was for centuries a Croatian ethnic enclave, surrounded by areas of Austrian and Hungarian ethnicity. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ethnic_enclave |
The enclave originated around 1543 when the Hungarian magnate Batthyany sought to repopulate lands that had been emptied by devastating Turkish attacks; he invited Croatian settlers. The town of Alghero in Sardinia still marginally preserves a Catalan ethnic enclave; this dates from a military conquest of the town by Catalans in the 14th century. Ethnic enclaves also arose when a people remained in its original territory but came to be surrounded by a far more numerous majority, as in the case of Vepsians and Russians. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ethnic_enclave |
Forensic podiatry is a subdiscipline of forensic science in which specialized podiatric knowledge including foot and lower-limb anatomy, musculoskeletal function, deformities and diseases of the foot, ankle, lower extremities, and at times, the entire human body is used in the examination of foot-related evidence in the context of a criminal investigation. Forensic Podiatry has been defined as: The application of sound and researched podiatry knowledge and experience in forensic investigations, to show the association of an individual with a scene of crime, or to answer any other legal question concerned with the foot or footwear that requires knowledge of the functioning foot. Those who specialize in this field need to have gained knowledge and experience in podiatry and also in forensic science and practice.Forensic podiatry is usually used to assist in the process of human identification, but can also be employed to help address issues relating to questions that have arisen within the context of forensic enquiry. Such questions could include whether or not a shoe could have had multiple wearers, what the effects of a shoe not fitting correctly could have been, whether or not someone could have placed their foot into a shoe that was too small for the postulated wearer's foot and other matters involving the podiatric interpretation of relevant evidential materials. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Forensic_podiatry |
There are currently four areas of forensic podiatry practice. These usually involve the analysis and interpretation in a forensic context of:Bare footprints (both static and dynamic prints) Footwear (specifically the consideration of features of wear and fit) Podiatrists' clinical records Gait analysis (usually covering the examination of the gait forms of persons captured on closed circuitry television , but also covering the analysis of the sequences of footprints at a crime scene) | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Forensic_podiatry |
Forensic podiatry techniques usually follow the ACE-V approach used widely in forensic science and practice. Here, ACE is the acronym for the analysis, comparison and evaluation of an item of evidence with exemplar or reference material (such as a shoe, bare footprint or recording of a suspect's gait). Verification is about the independent working through of that same material by a peer forensic specialist to confirm whether or not they reach the same conclusions as the reporting specialist. Physical evidence is generally understood to exist at two levels which have been described as demonstrating class and identification level characteristics. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Forensic_podiatry |
Class level characteristics demonstrate consistency and compatibility, not uniqueness, which identification level characteristics are those which are understood to be unique (REF). Forensic podiatrists currently work with class level features alone although some of those features can demonstrate high levels of individuality.Given that forensic podiatrists currently deal with class level characteristics alone, their work would not in itself usually result in the incontrovertible identification of someone unless the situation is one in which a closed population (that is one in which there is a limited number of possible people to consider when considering the possibility of a match or mismatch between two evidential items from a podiatric perspective). The evidential materials that would be considered by forensic podiatrists can sometimes fall within the specialist understanding of other disciplines. For example, forensic gait analysis case work has been undertaken by human movement scientists and the knowledge involved in forensic gait analysis is that possessed by some physical therapists and orthopedic specialists as well as podiatrists.Similarly, some evidential material of interest to forensic podiatrists is also of interest to other forensic specialists (particularly forensic marks examiners) although from their own particular perspectives and forensic podiatrists always need to consider the potential for multidisciplinary considerations/collaborations. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Forensic_podiatry |
In 1937, Sir Sydney Smith, examining a pair of shoes left behind at the scene of a burglary in Falkirk, made deductions about the suspect. In spite of the suspect's agility as a cat burglar, he suggested that the suspect was short, had a left leg shorter than the right, a left foot an inch shorter and half an inch narrower than the right, had limited mobility in his left leg and was missing the fourth toe on that foot. He also suggested that the criminal would have a severe lateral spinal curvature. After a man was arrested in flagrante delicto at the scene of another cat burglary, and convicted, he allowed Smith to examine him in prison. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Forensic_podiatry |
Smith discovered that he was five foot three, had had infantile paralysis in his left leg, that the leg was withered as a result, that his deductions about the size of the foot and leg were correct, but that the spinal curvature was less than he suspected.In 1972, Norman Gunn, a podiatric physician from Canada, was the first podiatrist worldwide to undertake forensic podiatry case work.In 1989, Wesley Vernon, a podiatrist from the UK, began to undertake research in forensic podiatry and later began to undertake case work from the mid 1990s. In the early 1990s, John DiMaggio, a podiatric physician began to undertake forensic podiatry case work in the US. In September 2003, an organization was formed – the American Society of Forensic Podiatry. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Forensic_podiatry |
In 2007, the Council for the Registration of Forensic Practitioners (CRFP) developed a competency test for forensic podiatrists in the UK. The CRFP is no longer in existence, but this testing process was developed further by the Chartered Society of Forensic Sciences in the UK and is available for those practising in this field. In July 2007, a forensic podiatry science and practice subcommittee was established within the structure of the International Association for Identification (IAI). | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Forensic_podiatry |
In 2009, the IAI published a document defining the role and scope of practise for forensic podiatrists.In 2011 an M-level course in forensic podiatry was developed at the University of Huddersfield in the UK. This was later developed further into a full MSc course in forensic podiatry at that university. In 2011, the first forensic podiatry textbook was written. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Forensic_podiatry |
In 2017, a much more comprehensive, updated 2nd edition of this book was published.In 2013 a forensic podiatry group was started at the New York College of Podiatric Medicine. In 2013, a student forensic podiatry group was started at Temple University School of Podiatric Medicine. In 2014, the forensic podiatry approach to bare footprint analysis was found to meet the US the United States Supreme Court's standard of admissibility through a Daubert hearing. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Forensic_podiatry |
In 2016, a forensic podiatry club was started at the Barry University School of Podiatric Medicine. A formal class covering aspects of forensic podiatry is being held at New York College of Podiatric Medicine (open to podiatrist candidate)s. Students exit the class with an in depth knowledge of forensic podiatry and other legal knowledge applicable to current cases. In 2017, at the behest of the UK regulator for forensic science, standards of practice for forensic gait analysis are being written and at the time of writing a draft document has been put out for consultation. It is anticipated that these will be completed in early 2018. | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Forensic_podiatry |
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