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There are three levels of membership in DBCFSN: an individual membership which is $10 in annual dues, a family membership which is $25, and an organizational membership which costs $120. All of the money supports DBCFSN's community work, and members are eligible for D-Town farm produce discounts. Membership meetings are held monthly at the DBCFSN office (11000 W McNichols, Suite 103, Detroit, MI 48221).
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Detroit_Black_Community_Food_Security_Network
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This membership connects people through the Detroit People's Food Co-op. This Co-op is a part of DBCFN's community development complex known as the Detroit Food Commons. A significant community development project that connects the local community to a large amount of resources to better themselves and their knowledge and well-being.
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DBCFSN extends the legacy of the Black Freedom Movement, attributing foundational ideas to those of Ida B. Wells, Malcolm X, Fannie Lou Hamer, Rev. Albert B. Cleage and others . The organization identifies love, black self-determination, integrity, justice, respect for life and nature, and sustainability as their core values. Their work is dedicated to creating co-operative systems of agricultural development that will better the lives of community members.DBCFSN aims to transform the city of Detroit by encouraging African Americans to take control of their food system. DBCFSN models community and self-determination, and they direct youth into food related fields. They maintain a policy framework that aims to eliminate barriers preventing African-American land ownership, and redistribute wealth through co-operative communal ownership This is represented in the since that DBCFSN connects with the Detroits Peoples Food Co-op and the Detroit Food Commons, creating a large scale multifaceted community engagement project.
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Upon their formation, DBCFSN acquired use of a quarter-acre plot of land near the 4-H Club on McClellan in the Eastside of Detroit in 2006, and the land was purchased by a developer in the fall of that year. In June 2007, the organization acquired use of a half-acre plot of land owned by the Pan African Orthodox Christian Church.
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After 2 years of planning and meetings with the Detroit City Council and the City Planning and Recreation Department, DBCFSN acquired a temporary 10-year license agreement to use a designated two-acre site in the City of Detroit's Meyers' Tree Nursery in Rouge Park for $1 annually. In 2010, the site expanded from two to seven acres, becoming the permanent placement for the D-Town Farm. The lease expires in 2018.
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Between 2006 and 2010, DBCFSN was funded solely through membership dues and contributions of members and supporters. The D-Town Farm hosts an annual Harvest Festival which attracts local and regional supporters by the hundreds. In 2010, the organization received funding from the W.K.
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Kellogg Foundation, one of the top 3 U.S. funders of sustainable agriculture and the alternative agri-food movement.In 2015, the Greening of Detroit and DBCFSN collaborated to receive a USDA Beginning Framers and Ranchers Grant to train new farmers in Detroit. In 2016, DBCFSN, along with six other healthy food businesses, received a grant from Michigan Good Food Fund. Funding has also come from various USDA grants, as well as the Fair Food Network, Metabolic Lab, Capital Impact Partners, Detroit Economic Growth Corporation, City Connect and Whole Foods Market.
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There are three types of membership one can have in the DBCFSN, Organizational, Family, and Individual, though the difference between the three (besides the price) isn't clear. Anyone with a membership can vote. Members rely on multiple streams of funding such as grants and loans from members, and the purchase of shares to set the groundwork for the co-op; this ensures the just values and integrity of the co-op are in rooted in intentionality and maintenance. The goal of the project is to reach 1,200 member/owners by 2019.
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This program began in the crop season of 2006, but became officiated in 2008 with the acquisition of land in Rogue Park. The structures implemented on the seven-acre plot include several hoop houses, in-ground vegetable plots, composting sites, an apple orchard and a bee-keeping operation. During the 2010 growing season, they produced upwards of 37 crops, including acorn squash, zucchini, kale, collards, tomatoes, basil, green beans, cabbage, watermelon, pumpkins, beets, turnips, and radishes. The D-Town farm is operated by volunteer communal DBCFSN members who assist the farm in selling the crops to various farmers markets.
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This co-operative, operated by DBCFSN from 2008 to 2016, provided community members with an alternative place to buy household goods, bulk items, healthy foods and supplements for an affordable price. The word "Ujamaa" comes from the Swahili term for "collective economics". The Ujamaa Food Buying Club works with the Uprooting Racism, Planting Justice Program. in forming anti-racism dialogues in Detroit. There are currently 100 members of the Ujamaa Food Co-op in the Detroit metro area. This system alleviates the issue for these 100 members to shop primarily at fringe food retail stores.
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DBCFSN has been working since 2010 to launch the Detroit People's Food Co-operative in 2018, although the opening date has since been changed to 2019. The co-op intends to increase community ownership and food access among Detroit's Historic North End's residents. The co-op is expected to introduce over 20 jobs to the area, with aspirations of 1,200 community members joining the program.
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Malik Yakini and DBCFSN are currently working on a project named the Detroit Food Commons Project. It will be 30,000 square feet, and will feature the Detroit People's Food Co-op mentioned above, a local cafe, kitchen, and meeting rooms for DBCFSN and the local community. Because the project is so large in scale, there have been some difficulties getting it together. This project has been worked on for seven years.
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DBCFSN established the Food Warriors Youth Development Program as an African-centered program for young people between ages 5 and 12, that seeks to educate Detroit youth on food, where it comes from, and how to grow it locally and sustainably. It consists of an after-school program at Timbuktu Academy of Science and Technology and a Saturday Community Food Warriors Program at the Pan African Orthodox Christian Church. Children are provided with tools to develop their own sense of agency by learning how to plant, tend, and harvest a garden and how healthy eating is connected to the health of their overall community.
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The program also strives to de-stigmatize the connection many people have between agriculture and African Americans. What really sets the Food Warriors initiative apart is their seven principles of Nguzo Saba. This is a set of core values that signify the importance of strengthening the family, community and the African centered paradigm.
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The "What's For Dinner" lecture series is hosted by DBCFSN through the Charles H. Wright Museum of African American History annually during the months of April, June, August and October. The lectures are free and open to the public, and concentrate on issues within the food system with intentions of informing the Detroit public. Previous lecturers at these events include Dr. Jessica B. Harriss, Cashawn Meyers and Anthony Hatinger.
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The roots of DBCFSN trace back to the U.S. Civil Rights Movement and the Black Power Movement within Detroit. The organization operates under a food sovereignty policy framework, guided by principles including food as a human right, agrarian reform, protection of natural resources, reorganization of food trade, ending hunger, peace and democracy. In June 2006, chaired by JoAnn Watson, DBCFSN spoke before the Neighborhood and Community Service Standing Committee of the Detroit City Council to implement a food security policy for the city of Detroit.The Public Policy Committee of DBCFSN presented the draft at a public forum during their September 2007 Harvest Festival.
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The City Council of Detroit unanimously passed the Detroit Food Security Policy bill on March 25, 2008. The bill includes plans for developing a food system analysis database for Detroit, undertaking data collection on hunger and malnutrition, formulating recommendations for alternative food systems such as urban agriculture, creating citizen education guidelines, and producing an emergency response plan in the event of a natural disaster. == References ==
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The National Agricultural Library Thesaurus (NALT) Concept Space is a controlled vocabulary of terms related to agricultural, biological, physical and social sciences. NALT is used by the National Agricultural Library (NAL) to annotate peer reviewed journal articles for NAL’s bibliographic citation database, AGRICOLA, PubAg, and Ag Data Commons. The Food Safety Research Information Office (FSRIO) and Agriculture Network Information Center (AgNIC) also use the NALT as the indexing vocabulary for their information systems. In addition, the NALT is used as an aid for locating information at the Agricultural Research Service (ARS) and the Economic Research Service (ERS) web sites and databases.
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The NAL staff originally developed and funded NALT to meet the needs of the ARS of the United States Department of Agriculture (USDA). NALT referenced databases such as the AlgaeBase, BioTech life science dictionary, Cambridge dictionary, Index Fungorum, NCBI Taxonomy Database and Integrated Taxonomic Information System in its formation. The thesaurus was rigorously reviewed and tested by ARS scientists and specialists throughout its early developments.
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The first edition was published by the National Agricultural Library on January 1, 2002. Since May 2007, NALT has been available in English and Spanish in cooperation with the Inter-American Institute for Cooperation on Agriculture (IICA), as well as other Latin American agricultural institutions belonging to the Agriculture Information and Documentation Service of the Americas (SIDALC).NALT is mapped to resources such as the Library of Congress Subject Headings, CAB Thesaurus, AGROVOC and Wikidata. NALT, along with the two other major agricultural thesauri, AGROVOC and CAB-Thesaurus, make up the Global Agricultural Concept Space (GACS), which was the first known concept space formed in March 2014. NALT has been endorsed by AGNIC, Research Data Alliance Wheat Data Interoperability Group (RDA WDI) and the Alliance on Agricultural Information and Documentation Services (SIDALC).
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The thesaurus was made available as Linked Open Data in 2010, assigning persistent URI labels for preferred label concepts to create meaningful relationships between different information resources (such as Web pages, datasets and research articles). These URIs are required for NALT concepts to be used as a global metadata reference, enabling aggregation of content so that related content could be located more efficiently. Its knowledge graph, a SKOS concept scheme, enables these data mappings. The “NALT For the Machine Age” (N4MA) initiative was launched in June 2020, transforming the thesaurus into a state-of-the-art multischeme “NALT Concept Space” which captures human conceptual knowledge in machine readable form.
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This data standard is inspired by GACS and expands on the preexisting hierarchical structure of a thesaurus by creating alternative hierarchical arrangements in sub-schemes within the overall hierarchy. The N4MA vision is to use NALT and other semantic innovations to normalize and connect agricultural data, allowing for machine integration and increased automation to manage and advance agricultural research. An alternative hierarchical arrangement has since been created though structural features “NALT Core” and “NALT Full”.
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The NALT Core is a trim NALT subscheme with 13,791 frequently used agricultural concepts, including 4,396 agriculturally important organisms (taxa) and structural updates. The NALT Full is a more granular knowledge base, containing the NALT Core in addition to 48,000 additional agricultural related organisms (taxa), in addition to several thousand less frequently used concepts for a total of 76,933 concepts. There are 11 concept types (Organism, Chemical, Product, Geographical, Topic) which express the most salient features of the concept space. Animals, Livestock, One Health Economics, Trade, Law, Business, Industry Farms, Agricultural Production Systems Fields of Study Forestry, Wildland Management Geographical Locations Human Nutrition, Food Safety and Quality Natural Resources, Conservation, Environment Plant Production, Gardening Research, Technology, Methods Rural Development, Communities, Education, Extension
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NALT schemes are available for download, as published and maintained by NAL. The Thesaurus and Glossary can be downloaded in three editions of SKOS: RDF-XML, RDF-Ntriples and RDF-Turtle. The U.S. Government waives copyright and related rights in this work worldwide through the CC0 1.0 Universal Public Domain Dedication, allowing for it to be in the nation’s public domain.
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Traffic in Towns is an influential report and popular book on urban and transport planning policy published 25 November 1963 for the UK Ministry of Transport by a team headed by the architect, civil engineer and planner Colin Buchanan. The report warned of the potential damage caused by the motor car, while offering ways to mitigate it. It gave planners a set of policy blueprints to deal with its effects on the urban environment, including traffic containment and segregation, which could be balanced against urban redevelopment, new corridor and distribution roads and precincts. These policies shaped the development of the urban landscape in the UK and some other countries for two or three decades. Unusually for a technical policy report, it was so much in demand that Penguin abridged it and republished it as a book in 1964.
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Buchanan's report was commissioned in 1960 by Ernest Marples, Transport Minister in Harold Macmillan's government, whose manifesto had promised to improve the existing road network and relieve congestion in the towns.Britain was still reconstructing itself after the devastation of World War II, and, although the economy was recovering, towns and cities still had large areas of bomb damage that needed rebuilding or re-use. New motorways were being planned and built across the country, and the motor car was already starting to fill up towns and villages. Wartime had seen the establishment of central planning, and the discipline of urban planning was looking for good patterns and policies to be implemented as they rebuilt.
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Although the government was looking to manage motor vehicle growth, potentially with a congestion charge as suggested by the Smeed Report, this was contrasted by a strong desire for dramatic cost-saving measures in nationalised public transport. Doctor Beeching's proposed closure of a third of the passenger railway lines, the withdrawal of tramways and trolleybuses and shunning of light rail, with bus services offering a partial replacement, all emphasised the widely held expectation that "progress" would see an increasing dependency on private motor cars. This represented a departure from the previous policies set by the Salter Report of 1933, which looked to balance the needs of railways against motor vehicles.
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At the time of the report, there were 10.5 million vehicles registered in Britain, but, at predicted growth rates, this number was expected to become 18 million by 1970, 27 million by 1980 and about 40 million vehicles in 2010, or 540 vehicles for every 1,000 population, equivalent to 1.3 cars per household. They expected growth in traffic to be uneven, with more congestion in South East England, and to incorporate a population that would reach 74 million. Buchanan declared: It is impossible to spend any time on the study of the future of traffic in towns without at once being appalled by the magnitude of the emergency that is coming upon us. We are nourishing at immense cost a monster of great potential destructiveness, and yet we love him dearly.
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To refuse to accept the challenge it presents would be an act of defeatism. The impact of the motor car was compared with that of a heavy goods vehicle which; given its head, would wreck our towns within a decade... The problems of traffic are crowding in upon us with desperate urgency. Unless steps are taken, the motor vehicle will defeat its own utility and bring about a disastrous degradation of the surroundings for living... Either the utility of vehicles in town will decline rapidly, or the pleasantness and safety of surroundings will deteriorate catastrophically – in all probability both will happen.
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Indeed it can be said in advance that the measures required to deal with the full potential amount of motor traffic in big cities are so formidable that society will have to ask itself seriously how far it is prepared to go with the motor vehicle. There was a need to limit vehicle access to some urban areas: Distasteful though we find the whole idea, we think that some deliberate limitation of the volume of motor traffic is quite unavoidable. The need for it just can't be escaped.
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Even when everything that it is possibly to do by way of building new roads and expanding public transport has been done, there would still be, in the absence of deliberate limitation, more cars trying to move into, or within our cities than could possibly be accommodated. Already the growth of vehicle ownership in America had not been held back by congestion in urban areas; they observed that congestion in Britain's smaller land mass might limit the use of cars but probably not affect people's desire for ownership as they became more affluent and hoped to try to use their cars. They saw the day coming when most adults would take the car "as much for granted as an overcoat", and value it as an "asset of the first order".
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There would also be pressure to house a growing population and disperse more population away from overcrowded cities. However, dispersing the population around the countryside would be synonymous with urban sprawl, and would defeat one of the reasons for car ownership, to get out into the countryside. Having examined the road network in Los Angeles and Fort Worth, Buchanan wished to avoid their dehumanising effects and their creation of pedestrian "no-go" areas.
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He also wished to ensure that the heritage within British towns was respected: The American policy of providing motorways for commuters can succeed, even in American conditions, only if there is a disregard for all considerations other than the free flow of traffic which seems sometimes to be almost ruthless. Our British cities are not only packed with buildings, they are also packed with history and to drive motorways through them on the American scale would inevitably destroy much that ought to be preserved. The rise of traffic congestion would waste people's time, who would soon have to spend time sitting in traffic, in addition to their time spent in sleep, work, and leisure.
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Already, the average speed in many cities had fallen to 11 miles per hour (18 km/h), and congestion was costing the British economy £250 million in wasted man hours. Yet the motor car was also inextricably linked to the economy, with 2,305,000 people working in the motor trade, or 10 percent of the labour force. It had already eclipsed the railway, and would become more prominent in the movement of goods and the workforce.
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The expansion of public transport would not provide an answer on its own. However, the noise, fumes, pollution and visual intrusion of the cars and ugly traffic paraphernalia would overwhelm town centres, while vehicles parked on streets would force new hazards onto children at play.
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Safety considerations should move to become foremost in the design of streets; three quarters of all injury accidents were occurring within towns (although most fatalities happened on open roads). They feared that future generations would think that they were careless and callous to mix people and moving vehicles on the same streets. The report warned against trying to find a single "solution": We have found it desirable to avoid the term 'solution' altogether for the traffic problem is not such much a problem waiting for a solution as a social situation requiring to be dealt with by policies patiently applied over a period and revised from time to time in light of events.
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The report signified some fundamental shifts in attitudes to roads, by recognising that there were environmental disbenefits from traffic, and that large increases in capacity can exacerbate congestion problems, not solve them. This awareness of environmental impact was ahead of its time, and not translated into policy for some years in other countries, such as Germany or the US, where the promotion of traffic flow remained paramount The scale of traffic growth envisaged would soon overtake any benefits that small-scale road improvement would offer, which would anyway divert attention from the large-scale solutions that would be needed. These solutions would be very expensive and could only be justified if they were comprehensively planned, including social as well as traffic needs. However, the report saw no turning back from people's new-found dependence on the car, and thought that there would be limits to how much traffic could be transferred to railways and buses.
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Towns should be worth living in, which meant more than just the ability to drive into the centre. Urban redevelopment should look to the long term, and avoid parsimonious short-termism. The report asked how bold the planners could be, when restricting access to town centres and controlling traffic flows: It is a difficult and dangerous thing in a democracy to prevent a substantial part of the population from doing things they do not regard as wrong.
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... The freedom with which a person can walk about and look around is a very useful guide to the civilized quality of an urban area ... judged against this standard, many of our towns now seem to leave a great deal to be desired ... there must be areas of good environment where people can live, work, shop, look about and move around on foot in reasonable freedom from the hazards of motor traffic. The report recommended that certain standards should always be met, including safety, visual intrusion, noise, and pollution limits. But if a city was both financially able and willing, it should rebuild itself with modern traffic in mind.
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However, if circumstances meant that this was not possible it would have to restrain traffic, perhaps severely. This was revolutionary and ran counter to the wisdom of economists, who assumed that environmental standards could be set off against other considerations once they had been priced.Planners should set a policy regarding the character being sought for each urban area, and the level of traffic should then be managed to produce the desired effect, in a safe manner. This would result in towns with a lattice of environmentally planned areas joined by a road hierarchy, a network of distribution roads, with longer-distance traffic being directed around and away from these areas, rather like an interior would be designed with corridors serving a multitude of rooms.
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It recommended the selective use of bypasses around small and medium-sized towns to alleviate congestion in the centres, even though local businesses might complain at the loss of through-trade; the predicted increase in traffic would become more than an unmitigated nuisance in the future. However, it rejected a slavish use of ring-roads around large towns. As the detailed plans of these schemes often demanded far more land for junctions and wide roads than would be acceptable, it would be better to place restrictions on the volume of traffic that could access the area in these cases.
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Where restrictions were needed, this could often be achieved through some combination of licences or permits, parking restrictions, or subsidised public transport. However it recommended that the road user should not be denied too much access, and that restricting through congestion charging would not normally be the right approach, unless and until every possible alternative had been tested: We think the public can justifiably demand to be fully informed about the possibilities of adapting towns to motor traffic before there is any question of applying restrictive measures. Innovatively, the report recommended that some areas should change their outlook; rather than facing onto the street, shops could face onto squares or pedestrianised streets, with roof top or multi-storey parking nearby.
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Urban areas need not consist of buildings set alongside vehicular streets, instead multiple levels could be used with traffic moving underneath a building deck, with snug pedestrian alleys and contrasting open squares containing fountains and artwork. Schemes would need to be carefully considered when they incorporated historic buildings, but such schemes could not be applied to small areas.
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However, obsolete street patterns were already becoming frozen for decades by piecemeal rebuilding. Whilst these grand schemes would be expensive, the income from vehicle taxes could represent a regular source of income to draw from. This approach differed from the shopping mall concept, which was designed for the car on greenfield or out of town sites, and did not address the development of the existing urban landscape.
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The report looked at a range of scenarios based on real towns, and suggested treatments that would balance the desire to enrich people's lives through car ownership while still maintain pleasant urban centres.
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Oxford Street, in London's West End "epitomizes the conflict between traffic and environment". The mixing of traffic and pedestrians had created "the most uncivilised street in Europe".The report had considered running car parks, through-traffic and access roads in shallow cuttings underground while raising the shop levels over four pedestrianised storeys 20 feet (6 metres) above it. However they concluded that this had already become impractical — for a generation at least — because of piecemeal redevelopment. Should this practice continue, the only choice would be ultimately to curtail vehicular access to the street.
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Leeds, as a large city, was too large to accommodate all the potential traffic, and it should instead attempt to curtail access, particularly private vehicles being used for commuting. Leeds embraced the approach and adopted the motto Motorway city of the 70s after it built an Outer Ring Road, a sunken part-motorway Inner Ring Road and a clockwise-only 'loop road' enclosing a part-pedestrianised city centre with several business and shopping centres. The protection and redevelopment of the city centre came at the cost of the large landtake required for the network of corridor roads and interchanges, predominantly at ground level, which required extensive demolition and severed the previous urban and suburban communities.
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Newbury was chosen as an example of a small town that could be redeveloped following this pattern, with vehicles easily integrating into the urban scenery. But the report warned that the commitment and scale of work required would be hitherto unheard of. The concept was mainly ignored for 25 years until the A34 Newbury bypass was proposed, alongside extensive pedestrianisation and road changes within the urban areas.
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The new roads dramatically reduced the impact of motor vehicles on the town, especially heavy goods vehicles, and accompanied the reinvigoration of Newbury which had managed to retain its historic core. When completed in 1998 the actual bypass followed approximately the same route as the original proposal, but encountered such protest from so many quarters that all other UK road schemes were soon stalled. As a result, the government and Highways Agency changed its policies and assessment criteria to evenly balance predictions of schemes' environmental impact with their economic, community and safety benefits
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Norwich, as an ancient town, could retain its historic areas but this would be at the cost of reduced vehicular access.
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The RAC recognised that some conclusions were unpalatable, and controversial, but overall they welcomed the approach. However, they thought that restrictions on vehicular traffic would be acceptable to the motorist if they could see the government determined to build capacity in urban areas. The Pedestrian Association cautioned that "the Judgment of Solomon" would be needed to decide how to implement the ideas in the report.The Parliamentary transport committee welcomed the report, as it offered an alternative to simply building more roads or providing more public transport. Thus it gained political currency, with the report forming the blueprint for UK urban planning for the next few decades.
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In doing so, it gave acceptability and confidence to a number of proposals and innovations that soon became common in the UK landscape: urban clearways, flyovers, and the widespread used of single yellow and double yellow lines to limit the intrusion of vehicles in town centres pedestrianised precincts pedestrian city centres flanked with multi-storey car parks one-way streets and traffic restrictions separation of pedestrians and traffic, with clearly defined kerbs and pedestrian barriersBuchanan later proposed a development for Bath using the same approach to reduce traffic in the historical city centre by way of underground routes; this provoked such a storm of local protest that "Buchanan's Tunnel" was never built.The recognition that road congestion could not be addressed just through new road programmes influenced the way that traffic problems would be addressed in future; there would now be a switch towards "transport studies" which should consider multi-modal solutions, i.e. both road and public transport options, including park and ride. However, in the absence of a central commitment to public transport the perspective was skewed in favour of road building for many years to come. By 1970 the government had committed to spend £4 bn on road schemes to "eliminate congestion" over the next 15 years.However, this switch to a multi-modal approach took some time to become widely accepted, and meanwhile many grand road schemes were being planned.
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By 1970 there were plans to spend £1,700 million on multiple Ringways and elevated radial roads across London. Robert Vigars, the chairman of the Greater London Council's Planning committee, reported that the plan for a part-buried Ringway 2 to supersede the South Circular Road between the A2 and A23 would necessitate the destruction of several thousand houses, but it was: ...not just a traffic solution but a plan for the very people whose areas it passes through. It means creating living standards for them, so that they can live, breathe, shop and eat free from the menace of traffic congestion in their local streets. This was putting Buchanan into action ... We are satisfied that the total planning and environmental gains greatly outweigh the local difficulties.
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As towns were developed according to the Buchanan blueprint, several issues emerged. Some of the grand plans that were called for have had a poor reputation in their implementation; to be able to predict future trends, mix social development, transport skills, and economic regeneration while performing slum clearance has often been beyond the capability of the local planners. Public accountability required by local government officers was sometimes stretched, with accusations of corruption involving private sector developers and contractors who put the plans into action. The cost inflation of schemes conspired with fluctuation of the property market, and its subsequent collapse in the early 1970s, left many plans incomplete.
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When economic conditions improved conservation had once again become fashionable and confidence in the need for these centrally-controlled grand plans had evaporated.The courage needed to develop the schemes required a lot of political will, and that would sometimes falter. By failing to identify cheaper alternatives when the financial case weakened, "do-nothing" often became the default action. For example, the extensive plans to develop a series of orbital and distribution roads into central London resulted in the construction of the A40(M) Westway, the M41 cross route and A102(M) Blackwall tunnel.
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However, the wide impact of these schemes caused such controversy during the 1970s that many associated road schemes ran into concerted opposition. After the 1973 oil crisis, remaining schemes fell into limbo, casting a planning blight over the affected areas for a decade or more until they were finally laid to rest. The recognition of environmental factors was also lacking in the 1960s; the report's considerations were more about the human environment, rather than the natural issues which have tended to confound some subsequent road proposals.
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More latterly, the policy has been accused as being one of "predict and provide", or of building new roads in a congested network that generate even more traffic, rather than just meeting existing demand. This is to partly misrepresent the policy recommendations; although neither traffic generation and the deterrent effect of congestion, nor the mechanisms by which a business would choose to (re-)locate his premises was understood at the time, the report strove to strike a balance for situations when capacity demands could not or should not be met. Buchanan later claimed that radical urban surgery was almost the opposite of what he was proposing: ...in spite of all the effort, it was widely misinterpreted … the Report was a description of the choices open, from 'do nothing to whole hog', with the advantages and disadvantages set out.
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In some schemes, the separation of different types of road users would often be taken to extremes: by moving motor vehicles onto dedicated routes, their interaction with pedestrians or cycle routes might occur less often but would do so at higher speeds than before, thus creating an environment that was far more hazardous or intimidating for those not in cars. New towns like Milton Keynes could avoid this by placing motorists, cyclists, and pedestrians on separate levels and routes. However, their interaction would be a particular problem in established towns, especially in the transition to suburban areas where separation would be more ambiguous and inconsistent.
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In the search for low traffic casualty rates, urban planners now look to detailed road designs and traffic calming to counteract this effect, reducing vehicle speeds, or taking the more dramatic step of eliminating separation and mixing all road users together through shared space planning. At the heart of many of the new schemes was architecture of poor quality or poor design, and a poor understanding of the effects of the new road network. As warned by Buchanan, the detailed implementation of many of these schemes critically affected their success or failure.
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Subsequent research has shown that more is needed than a pedestrian centre with glass shop fronts, accompanied by a hope that people will come and social life flourish. One of the recommendations, that of integrating low-level roads with developments on top, has been largely ignored; the costs and commitments needed for multi-level developments have been prohibitive in old town centres, especially when cheaper alternatives or out of town sites have presented themselves. New developments were often made in a fashionable modernist or brutalist style which rapidly dated, while the planners had not fully considered the social or economic factors that could lead to urban decay.
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The corridor or distribution roads would often have minimal overpasses or grade separation, with communities separated, or blighted by noise and fumes. Drivers would refuse to be neatly compartmentalised into "travelling" along the corridor roads and "living" on the local roads, leading to businesses closing outside the prime sites.
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Actual traffic growth has not been as extreme as envisaged in the report (although Buchanan did warn that he had selecting the more pessimistic projections). In 1963 36% of households had a car, by 1998 this had grown to 72%, considerably less than predicted. This pattern of inaccuracy was a frequent problem with early transport schemes, which often overestimated vehicle ownership by about 20%, leading to a suspicion that the schemes were often motivated by a feeling that they were important for "modernisation" for their own sake.
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The design of modern town schemes has been informed by the earlier policy decisions – and mistakes – in Britain, Europe and further afield. Auckland, for example, commissioned a plan from Buchanan for its road policies.By the mid 1970s it was evident that the previous focus on road traffic element was not enough; transport schemes were forced to widen the study area to include land use changes, and the effects of public transport, which continued to decline in popularity. This came to a head in 1976 when Nottingham rejected plans for new urban highways in favour of another (later also rejected) scheme to place access restrictions on cars entering the city centre. Instead, authorities' efforts were put to work improving the forecasting models, adjust local traffic management to squeeze more out of the current road system, directing heavy lorries away from minor roads, or subsidising public transport, which was now carrying fewer passengers and becoming uneconomic.
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The roads programme was scaled back to half its previous size mainly because of poor public finances, and urban regeneration became much more locally driven through "Strategic Plans". Although many public policies and transport planners have promoted the creation of capacity-oriented solutions, organisations such as The Urban Motorways Committee (1972) adopted the need to respect the urban fabric.
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This movement has developed into a recognition of the need to effectively manage the demand for transport.Subsequent government planning policy on sustainable development adopted as consequence of the 1992 Earth Summit means that the concepts of vehicle restriction first mooted by Buchanan are slowly moving to the forefront of UK government policy. This has placed emphasis on alternatives to the private motor car, but has also embraced other techniques of restriction. Smeed's report of 1964 had proposed congestion charging as technically feasible, although Buchanan's recommendation had largely dismissed it.
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It took four decades for it to become politically acceptable in the UK, although this was not without controversy.Buchanan's concept of segregated zones or precincts, as pedestrian or local vehicular areas, was derived from Assistant Commissioner H. Alker Tripp of Scotland Yard's Traffic Division. Buchanan's articulation of this concept encouraged the planners of the Dutch towns of Emmen and Delft, who were developing the concept of the woonerf, or living street, and decades later this was fed back to Britain, as the "home zone".Cities in the USA slowly came round to respond to the problems that Buchanan identified in 1963. A notable example is the elevated freeway system built in the late 1950s to provide extra capacity for Boston's traffic, which, at enormous financial cost, was demolished and rebuilt underground many decades later thus creating road capacity, urban pedestrian space, and reuniting displaced communities.
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Buchanan, Colin (1963). Traffic in Towns: A Study of the Long Term Problems of Traffic in Urban Areas - Reports of the Steering Group and Working Group appointed by the Minister of Transport (Report). London: HMSO. Crowther, Geoffrey; Holford, William; Kerensky, Oleg; Pollard, Herbert; Smith, T Dan; Wells, Henry W (1963).
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Traffic in Towns. London: HMSO. Traffic in Towns The specially shortened edition of the Buchanan Report.
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Vol. S228. Harmondsworth: Penguin Books. 1964.
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Clove Lakes Park is a public park in the Sunnyside neighborhood of Staten Island in New York City.Clove Lakes Park has a rich natural history with valuable ecological assets and a few remnants of the past. Chief among them are the park's lakes and ponds, outcroppings of serpentine rocks, and Staten Island's largest living thing, a 119-foot-tall (36 m) tulip tree. Clove Lakes Park is home to many species of indigenous wildlife. Visitors can see fish such as black crappie, brown bullhead, bluegill, emerald shiner, pumpkinseed, largemouth bass, and carp; birds such as red-tailed hawk, belted kingfisher, double-crested cormorant, red-winged blackbird, Canada goose, heron, egret and mallard; as well as reptiles and amphibians, like the common snapping turtle, eastern painted turtle, red-eared slider, and occasionally even the red-backed salamander.
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The park is also home to mammals such as eastern gray squirrel, muskrat, eastern cottontail, and eastern chipmunk. The park is known for its cozy picnic accommodations and boating.
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Besides strolling down trails and paddling on its bodies of water, visitors can experience the park as a more modern recreation zone. Several baseball diamonds, a soccer field, basketball court, playgrounds, and a football field dot the park's landscape. The Staten Island World War II Veteran's Memorial Ice Skating Rink is an outdoor rink located in what could be called the "active" part of the park, close to its other fields and courts.
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The park also contains a restaurant overlooking Clove Lake, and the borough headquarters of the city's Department of Parks and Recreation. The park consists of three lakes: the main one is Clove Lake, which runs off to Martling Lake, and then to Brooks Lake. The Staten Island Expressway, part of Interstate 278, built in 1964, goes through a cleft just south of the park, connecting the then newly-built Verrazzano-Narrows Bridge in the east with the Goethals Bridge in the west. When first proposed, the expressway was to be named the Clove Lake Expressway.
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Clove_Lakes_Park
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Conceptual economy is a term describing the contribution of creativity, innovation, and design skills to economic competitiveness, especially in the global context.
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Conceptual_economy
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Alan Greenspan, former chairman of the Federal Reserve Board, recognized the role of conceptual output as early as 1997 in a speech at the University of Connecticut when he said "The growth of the conceptual component of output has brought with it accelerating demands for workers who are equipped not simply with technical know-how, but with the ability to create, analyze, and transform information and to interact effectively with others." By 2004, he had developed his views on the topic, referring to reductions in manufacturing in the United States, outsourcing to India and China, excess of supply and the global marketplace, all leading to the increasing conceptualization of economic output. In his book A Whole New Mind, Daniel H. Pink explains how the economy is now moving from the information age to the conceptual age. He describes how abundance (over-supply), Asia (outsourcing) and automation contribute to the need for business to concentrate on cognitive or creative assets such as design, storytelling, teamwork, empathy, play and meaning.
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He bases his approach on brain functions explaining how qualities dependent on the left hemisphere of the brain (logic, knowledge) now need to be complemented by those associated with right-brained processes (intuition and creative thinking). Other contributors to our understanding of the conceptual economy include Tom Friedman who describes the opportunities of globalization in his book The World Is Flat. He emphasizes the importance of the internet and personal computers for communications and software sharing across the globe.
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This explains how American companies are able to outsource a substantial portion of their business to India and China with no disruptions for the customer. Tom Kelley is also a key player in the field, both as general manager of IDEO, a highly successful design and innovation company, and the author of two widely acclaimed books: The Art of Innovation, highlighting the importance of brainstorming and teamwork in product creation; and The Ten Faces of Innovation, explaining the role of assets such as empathy, storytelling, individual experiences and stimulating work environments in fostering creative ideas. The key steps behind the conceptual economy fall into the following categories:
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Until quite recently, our understanding of the economy was based on the premise that the way forward would depend on traditional values and qualifications such as those for accountants, lawyers, engineers, mathematicians or computer programmers. With the new opportunities resulting from globalization and the internet, the accepted forms of success are losing ground to scenarios drawing on innovative ideas. Here there is an increasing need for artists, designers and creative authors to contribute not only to product design but also to business management and strategic planning. Areas deserving particular attention are related to three key developments:
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For the past 15 or 20 years, the Western economies (Europe, North America) have experienced a situation of fully dependable supply of basic goods, including round-the-year abundance of agricultural produce, with the result that a significant proportion of households have begun to look for more than just the basic necessities. Families now look for goods which extend beyond the basic norm such as organic foods or sophisticated digital television sets, mobile phones and cars with four-wheel drive, cruise control or integrated navigation systems.
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Given the low costs of labour in developing countries such as China, India and the Philippines, American and European companies are now outsourcing or offshoring an ever-increasing proportion of their production, manufacturing or service tasks to foreign countries. As a result, job opportunities in the West are slowly moving away from routine tasks such as accounting, telephone support services, computer programming and electronic component manufacturing. The efficiency of outsourcing has also been improving as the internet continues to provide increasingly reliable and ever faster global communications links.
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In industry too, the development of robotics and automated manufacturing facilities means that opportunities for traditional jobs in industries such as automobile manufacturing and food processing are also diminishing. Ever higher levels of qualification are now required to contribute to operations that are largely computerized.
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Partly a result of the above factors, a wide range of new facilities and opportunities has begun to emerge. These include: the development of appealing new internet-based facilities for sales and services, transportation logistics for better coordination of component supply and product distribution, customer-oriented interactive travel guides for more efficient and often cheaper travel abroad, value-added products combining a number of services, often into one small unit, computerized courseware to enhance on-the-job training, and sophisticated design tools for greater production efficiency.Virtually every area of industry can benefit from developments of this kind both to improve the products themselves and to offer better marketing opportunities and after-sales services. As a result, these factors are seen as major contributors to increased productivity and economic growth.
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Conceptual_economy
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Drivers behind the conceptual economy, can be categorised into the following areas:
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Educational institutions need to place more emphasis on creativity and the arts rather than on traditional qualifications in the areas of engineering and management. In particular, more attention needs to be devoted to basic literacy, analytical and critical thinking, synthesis and quantitative skills:
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Until now, information technology has had considerable impact on the economy. Increasingly, success will depend on how to make use of the knowledge and information that has emerged. Here qualities such as intuition, creativity and game-based approaches will become ever more important.
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Prosperity and competitiveness in the 21st century will depend on an understanding of diverse national cultures and how to draw on their ideas in order to assist the innovation process. Here too, there will be a need for more extensive teamwork, creativity and leading-edge thinking, all in the context of the global economy.
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Conceptual_economy
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Edward Flatau (27 December 1868, Płock – 7 June 1932, Warsaw) was a Polish neurologist and psychiatrist. He was a co-founder of the modern Polish neurology, an authority on the physiology and pathology of meningitis, co-founder of medical journals Neurologia Polska and Warszawskie Czasopismo Lekarskie, and member of the Polish Academy of Learning. His name in medicine is linked to Redlich-Flatau syndrome, Flatau-Sterling torsion dystonia (type 1), Flatau-Schilder disease, and Flatau's law. His publications greatly influenced the developing field of neurology. He published a human brain atlas (1894), wrote a fundamental book on migraine (1912), established the localization principle of long fibers in the spinal cord (1893), and with Sterling published an early paper (1911) on progressive torsion spasm in children and suggested that the disease has a genetic component.
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He was born in 1868 in Płock, the son of Anna and Ludwik Flatau of assimilated Jewish family. In 1886, he graduated from high school (gymnasium) in Płock (now Marshal Stanisław Małachowski High School, Płock, also known as "Małachowianka"). From 1886, Flatau attended medical school at the University of Moscow, where he graduated eximia cum laude. In Moscow, he was greatly influenced by the psychiatrist Sergei Sergeievich Korsakoff (1854–1900) and the neurologist Alexis Jakovlevich Kozhevnikof (1836–1902).
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Flatau became a medical doctor in 1892. He spent the years 1893–1899 in Berlin in the laboratories of Emanuel Mendel (1839–1907) and in the University of Berlin under Wilhelm von Waldeyer-Hartz (1836–1921). During that time, he worked together with Alfred Goldscheider (1858–1935), Ernst Viktor von Leyden (1832–1910), Hermann Oppenheim, Louis Jacobsohn, Ernst Remak, and Hugo Liepmann.
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Though he was offered a position of professorship of neurology in Buenos Aires, he returned to Poland and in 1899 settled in Warsaw. He was married twice. He had two daughters, Anna and Joanna Flatau. His first wife Zofia and daughter Anna are described in a book by Antoni Marianowicz. Some stories about his personal life are printed in reminiscences of Wacław Solski and Ludwik Krzywicki.
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Flatau dealt with the diagnosis and treatment of diseases of the brain, treatment of muscle diseases, child neurology, peripheral nerve surgery, anatomy of the nervous system, histopathology of the nerve tissue, experimental oncology, neurophysiology, and nervous system pathophysiology. His scientific career is described in number of works. The most comprehensive are biographies written in Polish by his pupil and subsequent professor of neurology in the postwar Poland, Eugeniusz Herman. Other Polish publications include Besides these contributions there are several written in English and German A good source of information is the Jubilee Book of Edward Flatau (written in German, French and Polish), published during his lifetime, which contains contributions from his scientific collaborators as well as a bibliography and biography written by his student Maurycy Bornsztajn. In 1937 Warszawskie Czasopismo Lekarskie published special edition devoted to Flatau contributed mostly by his pupils.
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In 1894 at the age of 26, he published the influential Atlas of the Human Brain and the Course of the Nerve-Fibres, which was published in German, English, French, Russian, and in 1896 in Polish. The Polish edition was dedicated "To the memory of a noble man and an eminent physician Profesor Tytus Chałubiński author dedicates this work." The atlas was based on long-exposure photographs of fresh brain sections (up to 10 minutes for flat and 30 minutes for uneven surfaces, by means of small diaphragms). These studies were done in Berlin under Professor Emanuel Mendel.
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In a review, Sigmund Freud wrote: "The plates with their clarity deserve to be called excellent educational material, suitable as an utterly reliable reference. A schematic plate in the beginning gives an overview of our knowledge on the fibre pathways in the CNS, incorporating the accounts of Mendel, Bechterew and Edinger and continuing with the differing views on the structure of nervous tissue of Camillio Golgi and Santiago Ramón y Cajal. The price of the work is minimal if one considers its completeness and beauty.
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The author and publisher deserve thanks from the medical community for this valuable work." In 1899, he published the second edition, which was extended and composed of two parts: an atlas and supplement. The preface to the second edition and supplement was written by Edward Flatau in Warsaw.
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In the second edition, Flatau added the description of his discovery on Das Gesetz der excentrischen Lagerung der langen Bahnen im Ruckenmark. Flatau's brain atlas was published two years before the work Das Menschenhirn of Gustaf Retzius, but the first publication of images of the brain was work of Jules Bernard Luys in 1873. Sigmund Freud and Edward Flatau were together editors of the magazine Annual report on progress in neurology and psychiatry in 1897. Both were at the time neurologists.
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His law played an important role in the initial studies of the spinal cord. With the Berlin neurobiologist Johannes Gad, Flatau performed experiments on dogs and criticized the Bastian-Bruns law concerning the loss of function following spinal cord injury (1893). On the basis of numerous clinical spinal cord surgeries, experiments, and subsequent observations, he discovered that the "greater the length of the fibres in the spinal cord the closer they are situated to the periphery" (Flatau's law). He provided evidence for the laminar arrangement of spinal pathways.
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He also described the fifth, seventh, and eighth cranial nerves, and carefully outlined their nuclei. The paper on this topic, Das Gesetz der excentrischen Lagerung der langen Bahnen im Rückenmark, was published in 1897. For this work he received a PhD in medical sciences in Moscow in 1899 (dissertation Zakon ekstsentricheskago raspolozheniia dlinnykh putei v spinnom mozgu) This work was presented in 1949, next to a portrait of the author, on display at the IV International Congress of Neurologists in Paris.
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Flatau began working at the Center for Anatomy of the Charité in Humboldt University of Berlin two years after the Wilhelm Waldeyer introduced the term neuron (Heinrich Waldeyer himself advocated and popularized the work of Ramón y Cajal). Thus, in 1895, Flatau became interested in neuron theory recently developed by Ramón y Cajal and Heinrich Waldeyer, and became one of its proponents. In several publications, he attempted to establish a unity between the physiology and anatomy of the neuron. Together with Alfred Goldscheider, he worked on the structure of nerve cells and their changes under mechanical, thermal, and toxic influences.
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They published results of their experiments in 1897 and 1898 in Fortschritte der Medizin and Polish Gazeta Lekarska, which were subsequently published as a special monograph. They state that the character of changes in neuron cells could provide information about the type of influences acting on them.
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This work, in which the normal and pathologic anatomy of the V, VII, and VIII (cochlear) cranial nerves was included, created much discussion and was adversely criticized by Franz Nissl, who opposed the neuron theory.He modified Golgi's method of tissue staining and on the basis of studies of physiological effects of transverse intersection of the spinal cord in dogs carried out together with Johannes Gad, he provided criticism of the Bastian–Bruns sign of disappearance Patellar reflex as a result of this treatment (1896). Together with his friend Louis Jacobsohn-Lask, he continued anatomy work. In 1895 and 1896, Flatau and Jacobsohn received 1500 marks from duchess Louise von Bose, probably to develop presentation for an international medical congress in Moscow in 1897.
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