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They comprise 38% of people interviewed on the basis of personal experience compared to 31% in 2005. North America has the highest percentage of women experts in the news (32%), followed by the Caribbean (29%) and Latin America (29%). In 2015, progress towards news representation that acknowledges women's participation in economic life remain elusive: While women in the real world hold at least 40% of paid employment globally, in the news world only 20% of the workers in the formal labor force are women, while 67% of the news world unemployed and stay-at-home parents are women.
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Portrayals of women as survivors of domestic violence have risen by more than four times across the period 2005 to 2015.Reporters and Presenters The 2015 GMMP detected what appears to be a global glass ceiling for female news reporters as far as they are visible in newspaper bylines and newscast reports. Women have consistently reported only 37% of the news over the past decade from 2005 to 2015. Women as news reporters are most present on radio, at 41%, and least in print news, at 35%.
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Younger presenters on screen are predominantly female, but the scales tip dramatically at 50 years old when men begin to dominate the news-anchoring scene. At 65 years and older, women disappear from the screen as reporters and presenters.News Content 9% of stories overall contain reference to legal, rights or policy frameworks, with social and legal stories making the highest contribution to the global average. A rights angle is barely present is political and economic stories.
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97% of political stories in Asia, 98% of economic stories in the Pacific region and the Middle East perform poorly on the rights-focus yardstick. 14% of stories by female reporters focus centrally on women, in contrast to 9% of stories by their male counterparts. 9% of stories evoke gender equality or inequality issues, more than double the percentage documented in 2005.
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Only 4% of stories clearly challenge gender stereotypes, a one percent change since 2005.Digital News Women's relative invisibility in traditional news media has crossed over into digital news delivery platforms: Only 26% of the people in internet news stories and media news tweets combined are women. Women report five percent more stories online than in the traditional mediums combined: 42% of online news are reported by women. Gender difference in source selection by female and male reporters becomes starker in online news: Women are 33% of sources in stories by online news female reporters, compared to 23% in stories by men. Only 4% of news media tweets clearly challenge gender stereotypes, exactly similar to the overall percentage of print, radio and television stories that challenge such stereotypes.
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The_Global_Media_Monitoring_Project
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The GMMP 1995 - 2015 findings paint a picture in which unequal gender power relations are entrenched and validated, and in which gender stereotypes are replicated and reinforced by the world's news media. That the patterns of underrepresentation, misrepresentation and invisibilization of women have continued into the digital news world show that the problem is deeply entrenched in the mainstream news media system irrespective of the platform through which news are channeled. == References ==
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The_Global_Media_Monitoring_Project
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Medical anthropology studies "human health and disease, health care systems, and biocultural adaptation". It views humans from multidimensional and ecological perspectives. It is one of the most highly developed areas of anthropology and applied anthropology, and is a subfield of social and cultural anthropology that examines the ways in which culture and society are organized around or influenced by issues of health, health care and related issues. The term "medical anthropology" has been used since 1963 as a label for empirical research and theoretical production by anthropologists into the social processes and cultural representations of health, illness and the nursing/care practices associated with these.Furthermore, in Europe the terms "anthropology of medicine", "anthropology of health" and "anthropology of illness" have also been used, and "medical anthropology", was also a translation of the 19th century Dutch term "medische anthropologie". This term was chosen by some authors during the 1940s to refer to philosophical studies on health and illness.
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The relationship between anthropology, medicine and medical practice is well documented. General anthropology occupied a notable position in the basic medical sciences (which correspond to those subjects commonly known as pre-clinical). However, medical education started to be restricted to the confines of the hospital as a consequence of the development of the clinical gaze and the confinement of patients in observational infirmaries. The hegemony of hospital clinical education and of experimental methodologies suggested by Claude Bernard relegate the value of the practitioners' everyday experience, which was previously seen as a source of knowledge represented by the reports called medical geographies and medical topographies both based on ethnographic, demographic, statistical and sometimes epidemiological data.
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After the development of hospital clinical training the basic source of knowledge in medicine was experimental medicine in the hospital and laboratory, and these factors together meant that over time mostly doctors abandoned ethnography as a tool of knowledge. Most, not all because ethnography remained during a large part of the 20th century as a tool of knowledge in primary health care, rural medicine, and in international public health. The abandonment of ethnography by medicine happened when social anthropology adopted ethnography as one of the markers of its professional identity and started to depart from the initial project of general anthropology.
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The divergence of professional anthropology from medicine was never a complete split. The relationships between the two disciplines remained constant during the 20th century, until the development of modern medical anthropology in the 1960s and 1970s.
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A large number of contributors to 20th Century medical anthropology had their primary training in medicine, nursing, psychology or psychiatry, including W. H. R. Rivers, Abram Kardiner, Robert I. Levy, Jean Benoist, Gonzalo Aguirre Beltrán and Arthur Kleinman. Some of them share clinical and anthropological roles. Others came from anthropology or social sciences, like George Foster, William Caudill, Byron Good, Tullio Seppilli, Gilles Bibeau, Lluis Mallart, Andràs Zempleni, Gilbert Lewis, Ronald Frankenberg, and Eduardo Menéndez. A recent book by Saillant & Genest describes a large international panorama of the development of medical anthropology, and some of the main theoretical and intellectual actual debates.Some popular topics that are covered by medical anthropology are mental health, sexual health, pregnancy and birth, aging, addiction, nutrition, disabilities, infectious disease, NCD's, global epidemics, disaster management and more.
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Peter Conrad notes that medical sociology studies some of the same phenomena as medical anthropology but argues that medical anthropology has different origins, originally studying medicine within non-western cultures and using different methodologies. : 91–92 He argues that there was some convergence between the disciplines, as medical sociology started to adopt some of the methodologies of anthropology such as qualitative research and began to focus more on the patient, and medical anthropology started to focus on western medicine. He argued that more interdisciplinary communication could improve both disciplines.
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For much of the 20th century, the concept of popular medicine, or folk medicine, has been familiar to both doctors and anthropologists. Doctors, anthropologists, and medical anthropologists used these terms to describe the resources, other than the help of health professionals, which European or Latin American peasants used to resolve any health problems. The term was also used to describe the health practices of aborigines in different parts of the world, with particular emphasis on their ethnobotanical knowledge.
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This knowledge is fundamental for isolating alkaloids and active pharmacological principles. Furthermore, studying the rituals surrounding popular therapies served to challenge Western psychopathological categories, as well as the relationship in the West between science and religion. Doctors were not trying to turn popular medicine into an anthropological concept, rather they wanted to construct a scientifically based medical concept which they could use to establish the cultural limits of biomedicine.
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Biomedicine is the application of natural sciences and biology to the diagnosis of a disease. Often in the Western culture, this is ethnomedicine. Examples of this practice can be found in medical archives and oral history projects.The concept of folk medicine was taken up by professional anthropologists in the first half of the twentieth century to demarcate between magical practices, medicine and religion and to explore the role and the significance of popular healers and their self-medicating practices.
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For them, popular medicine was a specific cultural feature of some groups of humans which was distinct from the universal practices of biomedicine. If every culture had its own specific popular medicine based on its general cultural features, it would be possible to propose the existence of as many medical systems as there were cultures and, therefore, develop the comparative study of these systems. Those medical systems which showed none of the syncretic features of European popular medicine were called primitive or pretechnical medicine according to whether they referred to contemporary aboriginal cultures or to cultures predating Classical Greece.
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Those cultures with a documentary corpus, such as the Tibetan, traditional Chinese or Ayurvedic cultures, were sometimes called systematic medicines. The comparative study of medical systems is known as ethnomedicine, which is the way an illness or disease is treated in one's culture, or, if psychopathology is the object of study, ethnopsychiatry (Beneduce 2007, 2008), transcultural psychiatry (Bibeau, 1997) and anthropology of mental illness (Lézé, 2014).Under this concept, medical systems would be seen as the specific product of each ethnic group's cultural history. Scientific biomedicine would become another medical system and therefore a cultural form that could be studied as such.
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This position, which originated in the cultural relativism maintained by cultural anthropology, allowed the debate with medicine and psychiatry to revolve around some fundamental questions: The relative influence of genotypical and phenotypical factors in relation to personality and certain forms of pathology, especially psychiatric and psychosomatic pathologies. The influence of culture on what a society considers to be normal, pathological or abnormal. The verification in different cultures of the universality of the nosological categories of biomedicine and psychiatry.
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The identification and description of diseases belonging to specific cultures that have not been previously described by clinical medicine. These are known as ethnic disorders and, more recently, as culture-bound syndromes, and include the evil eye and tarantism among European peasants, being possessed or in a state of trance in many cultures, and nervous anorexia, nerves and premenstrual syndrome in Western societies.Since the end of the 20th century, medical anthropologists have had a much more sophisticated understanding of the problem of cultural representations and social practices related to health, disease and medical care and attention. These have been understood as being universal with very diverse local forms articulated in transactional processes. The link at the end of this page is included to offer a wide panorama of current positions in medical anthropology.
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In the United States, Canada, Mexico, and Brazil, collaboration between anthropology and medicine was initially concerned with implementing community health programs among ethnic and cultural minorities and with the qualitative and ethnographic evaluation of health institutions (hospitals and mental hospitals) and primary care services. Regarding the community health programs, the intention was to resolve the problems of establishing these services for a complex mosaic of ethnic groups. The ethnographic evaluation involved analyzing the interclass conflicts within the institutions which had an undesirable effect on their administrative reorganization and their institutional objectives, particularly those conflicts among the doctors, nurses, auxiliary staff and administrative staff. The ethnographic reports show that interclass crises directly affected therapeutic criteria and care of the ill.
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They also contributed new methodological criteria for evaluating the new institutions resulting from the reforms as well as experimental care techniques such as therapeutic communities. The ethnographic evidence supported the criticisms of the institutional custodialism and contributed decisively to policies of deinstitutionalizing psychiatric and social care in general and led to in some countries such as Italy, a rethink of the guidelines on education and promoting health. The empirical answers to these questions led to the anthropologists being involved in many areas.
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These include: developing international and community health programs in developing countries; evaluating the influence of social and cultural variables in the epidemiology of certain forms of psychiatric pathology (transcultural psychiatry); studying cultural resistance to innovation in therapeutic and care practices; analysing healing practices toward immigrants; and studying traditional healers, folk healers and empirical midwives who may be reinvented as health workers (the so-called barefoot doctors). Also, since the 1960s, biomedicine in developed countries has been faced by a series of problems which stipulate inspection of predisposing social or cultural factors, which have been reduced to variables in quantitative protocols and subordinated to causal biological or genetic interpretations. Among these the following are of particular note: a) The transition between a dominant system designed for acute infectious pathology to a system designed for chronic degenerative pathology without any specific etiological therapy.
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b) The emergence of the need to develop long term treatment mechanisms and strategies, as opposed to incisive therapeutic treatments. c) The influence of concepts such as quality of life in relation to classic biomedical therapeutic criteria.
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Added to these are the problems associated with implementing community health mechanisms. These problems are perceived initially as tools for fighting against unequal access to health services. However, once a comprehensive service is available to the public, new problems emerge from ethnic, cultural or religious differences, or from differences between age groups, genders or social classes.
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If implementing community care mechanisms gives rise to one set of problems, then a whole new set of problems also arises when these same mechanisms are dismantled and the responsibilities which they once assumed are placed back on the shoulders of individual members of society. In all these fields, local and qualitative ethnographic research is indispensable for understanding the way patients and their social networks incorporate knowledge on health and illness when their experience is nuanced by complex cultural influences. These influences result from the nature of social relations in advanced societies and from the influence of social communication media, especially audiovisual media and advertising.
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Currently, research in medical anthropology is one of the main growth areas in the field of anthropology as a whole and important processes of internal specialization are taking place. For this reason, any agenda is always debatable. In general, we may consider the following six basic fields: the development of systems of medical knowledge and medical care the patient-physician relationship the integration of alternative medical systems in culturally diverse environments the interaction of social, environmental and biological factors which influence health and illness both in the individual and the community as a whole the critical analysis of interaction between psychiatric services and migrant populations ("critical ethnopsychiatry": Beneduce 2004, 2007) the impact of biomedicine and biomedical technologies in non-Western settingsOther subjects that have become central to the medical anthropology worldwide are violence and social suffering as well as other issues that involve physical and psychological harm and suffering that are not a result of illness. On the other hand, there are fields that intersect with medical anthropology in terms of research methodology and theoretical production, such as cultural psychiatry and transcultural psychiatry or ethnopsychiatry.
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All medical anthropologists are trained in anthropology as their main discipline. Many come from the health professions such as medicine or nursing, whereas others come from the other backgrounds such as psychology, social work, social education or sociology. Cultural and transcultural psychiatrists are trained as anthropologists and, naturally, psychiatric clinicians.
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Training in medical anthropology is normally acquired at a master's (M.A. or M.Sc.) and doctoral level.
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In Latin countries, there are specific masters' in medical anthropology, such as in México, Brazil, and Spain, while in the United States universities such as Brown University, Washington University in St. Louis, University of South Florida, UC Berkeley, UC San Francisco, University of Connecticut, Johns Hopkins University, the University of Arizona, the University of Alabama, the University of Washington, the University of Utah, and Southern Methodist University offer PhD programs focused on this subject. In Asia, the University of the Philippines Manila offers both the Master of Science and master's degrees in Medical Anthropology.
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The University of South Florida, the University of Arizona, the University of Connecticut, the University of Washington and others also offer a dual degree (MA/PhD) in applied anthropology with an MPH. In Canada, the University of British Columbia, the University of Toronto, and McGill University all offer masters' and PhD programs in medical anthropology.In Europe, MSc and PhD programs are offered in the UK at University College, London, the University of Oxford, the University of Edinburgh and Durham University, and the University of Amsterdam offers a Master of Medical Anthropology and Sociology. In Africa, a Master of Medical anthropology is offered at Gulu University in Uganda. A fairly comprehensive account of different postgraduate training courses in different countries can be found on the website of the Society of Medical Anthropology of the American Anthropological Association.
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The Alkmaarderhout is a football stadium in Alkmaarderhout, a city park in Alkmaar, North Holland, Netherlands. It was used from 1948 until 2006, when it was replaced by the AFAS Stadion. The Alkmaarderhout was the home ground of Eredivisie side AZ Alkmaar. The stadium had a capacity of 8,914 people.
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In 2006, it was replaced by the new, state-of-the-art AFAS Stadion (then known as the DSB Stadion) and it was knocked down later that year. The final game at the Alkmaarderhout was an exhibition game between two AZ sides, one captained by Michael Buskermolen and the other by Barry van Galen, both of whom retired after that game. == References ==
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Alkmaarderhout_(stadium)
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Managerial psychology is a sub-discipline of industrial and organizational psychology that focuses on the effectiveness of individuals and groups in the workplace, using behavioral science. The purpose of managerial psychology is to aid managers in gaining a better managerial and personal understanding of the psychological patterns common among these individuals and groups. Managers can use managerial psychology to predict and prevent harmful psychological patterns within the workplace and to control psychological patterns to benefit the organisation long term. Managerial psychologists help managers, through research in theory, practice, methods and tools, to achieve better decision-making, leadership practices and development, problem solving and improve overall human relations.
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In early years, managerial psychologists mainly studied fatigue, boredom, and other working conditions that could impede efficient work performance. More recently, their contributions have expanded to include learning, perception, personality, emotions, training, leadership, effectiveness, needs and motivational forces, job satisfaction, decision-making processes, performance appraisals, attitude measurement, employee-selection techniques, work design, and job stress.Managerial psychologists can also: study workplace productivity and morale, screen and train employees perform organizational development. perform consulting
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Herzberg et al.’s seminal two-factor theory of motivation theorized that satisfaction and dissatisfaction were not two opposite extremes of the same sequence, but two separate entities caused by quite different facets of work – these were labelled as “hygiene factors” and “motivators”.
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Hygiene factors are characterized as extrinsic components of job design that contribute to employee dissatisfaction if they are not met. Hygiene factors include: supervision working conditions company policies salary relations with co-workers
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Motivators are intrinsic to the job itself and include aspects such as achievement development responsibility recognitionIntrinsic factors have long been acknowledged as important determinants of motivation. There is a longstanding debate as to whether hygiene factors really contribute to job satisfaction. Most job satisfaction and motivation research literature is concerned with organisational or situational predictors (such as pay and supervision) while neglecting individual differences. It has also been discovered that individuals’ significantly differ in the way they perceive their jobs, even if the job description and the tasks they had to perform remained constant, thus suggesting that some individual differences must have an effect on work attitudes. Others also argued that individual disposition may have a profound influence over how the working world is perceived (i.e. what is important to the individual), and this is likely to affect the type of jobs that are sought.
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The Ten Item Personality inventory was introduced in Gosling et al., (2003). The ten items of this measure are scored using a seven-point scale, with two statements (one reversed) used to measure each personality variable. The authors report extensive data showing good reliability and validity of this instrument.
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The WVQ was introduced in Furnham et al., (2005). It consists of 37 items and requires individuals to report the extent to which intrinsic (e.g. responsibility and personal growth) and extrinsic (e.g. pay and benefits) components are important to them on a six-point scale. The WVQ is a revised version of Mantech's (1983) questionnaire. Previous studies have indicated that between two and four factors tend to be extracted, and that these often correspond to Herzberg et al.’s hygiene and motivator factors.
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The Job Satisfaction scale introduced by Warr et al., (1979). It consists of 15 items, seven of which measure intrinsic satisfaction, whilst the remaining eight measure extrinsic job satisfaction. Responses are given on a seven-point scale and can be summed to create and overall satisfaction score as well as an intrinsic and extrinsic value.
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A 2009 issue of Journal of Managerial Psychology presents an experiment with 202 full-time employees (81 males, mean age=38.3 and 121 females, mean age= 28.4) working in very different jobs in the retail, manufacturing and healthcare to investigate the extent to which personality and demographic factors explain variance in motivation and job satisfaction as defined by Herzberg et al.’s two-factor theory.Every person was given three questionnaires ( the ten item personality inventory, work values questionnaire (WVQ), and job satisfaction scale) and had to complete them via a website. As predicted, personality and demographic variables were significant correlates of the extracted factors, accounting for between 9 and 15.2 per cent of the variance. Similarly, personality and demographic variables were also significantly related to all three job satisfaction scores and accounted for between 10.5 and 12.7 per cent of the variance. As expected, conscientiousness was a significant correlate of job satisfaction scores in both correlational and regressional analyses.
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Contrary to expectations, age, job tenure and years working full-time were not significantly related to job satisfaction scores; however, in line with predictions and the two-factor theory, job status was significantly associated with these scores.Negative relationships were observed between the security and conditions factor and job status, as well as years in full-time employment. These results suggest that individuals with low job status (e.g. graduate positions and non-managerial roles) are more concerned with working conditions and clarity in their work than those of a higher status and individuals who have been working for longer periods. These results further validate the contention that work attitudes are not the product of situational factors alone, and that both literature and organisations should further investigate the variables that contribute to these values with the intention of increasing job satisfaction and performance, through effective selection methods and pervasive job interventions.
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Abraham Maslow developed the Hierarchy of Needs model in the 1940-50s. Maslow's ideas surrounding the Hierarchy of Needs concern the responsibility of employers to provide a workplace environment that encourages and enables employees to fulfill their own unique potential (self-actualization). While Maslow referred to various additional aspects of motivation, he expressed the Hierarchy of Needs in these five clear stages: Biological and Physiological needs - air, food, drink, shelter, warmth, sex, sleep, etc. Safety needs - protection from elements, security, order, law, limits, stability, etc. Belongingness and Love needs - work group, family, affection, relationships, etc. Esteem needs - self-esteem, achievement, mastery, independence, status, dominance, prestige, managerial responsibility, etc. Self-Actualization needs - realising personal potential, self-fulfillment, seeking personal growth and peak experiences.
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Douglas McGregor proposed his X-Y theory in his 1960 book 'The Human Side Of Enterprise'. Theory X and Theory Y are still referred to commonly in the field of management and motivation. McGregor's ideas suggest that there are two fundamental approaches to managing people. Many managers tend towards theory x, and generally get poor results. Enlightened managers use theory y, which produces better performance and results, and allows people to grow and develop.
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The average person dislikes work and will avoid it he/she can. Therefore, most people must be forced with the threat of punishment to work towards organisational objectives. The average person prefers to be directed; to avoid responsibility; is relatively unambitious, and wants security above all else.
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Effort in work is as natural as work and play. People will apply self-control and self-direction in the pursuit of organisational objectives, without external control or the threat of punishment. Commitment to objectives is a function of rewards associated with their achievement. People usually accept and often seek responsibility. The capacity to use a high degree of imagination, ingenuity and creativity in solving organisational problems is widely, not narrowly, distributed in the population. In industry the intellectual potential of the average person is only partly utilised.
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See also Need theory David McClelland in his 1961 book, "The Achieving Society " identified three motivators that he believed we all have: a need for achievement a need for affiliation a need for powerPeople will have different characteristics depending on their dominant motivator. According to McClelland, these motivators are learned (which is why this theory is sometimes called the Learned Needs Theory). McClelland says that, regardless of our gender, culture, or age, we all have three motivating drivers, and one of these will be our dominant motivating driver. This dominant motivator is largely dependent on our culture and life experiences.
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People motivated by achievement need challenging, but not impossible, projects. They thrive on overcoming difficult problems or situations, so make sure you keep them engaged this way. People motivated by achievement work very effectively either alone or with other high achievers. When providing feedback, give achievers a fair and balanced appraisal. They want to know what they're doing right – and wrong – so that they can improve.
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People motivated by affiliation work best in a group environment, so try to integrate them with a team (versus working alone) whenever possible. They also don't like uncertainty and risk. Therefore, when assigning projects or tasks, save the risky ones for other people. When providing feedback to these people, be personal. It's still important to give balanced feedback, but if you start your appraisal by emphasizing their good working relationship and your trust in them, they'll likely be more open to what you say. Remember that these people often don't want to stand out, so it might be best to praise them in private rather than in front of others.
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Those with a high need for power work best when they're in charge. Because they enjoy competition, they do well with goal-oriented projects or tasks. They may also be very effective in negotiations or in situations in which another party must be convinced of an idea or goal. When providing feedback, be direct with these team members. And keep them motivated by helping them further their career goals == References ==
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Shamanic Music is ritualistic music used in religious and spiritual ceremonies associated with the practice of shamanism. korean shamanism has a special role in folk music. Shamanic music makes use of various means of producing music, with an emphasis on voice and rhythm.
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It can vary based on cultural, geographic, and religious influences. The hereditary mudang (one of the two basic kinds of shamans in korea) families have been long committed to music and created a traditional musician-priest proficiency since its origin,in the era of the three kingdoms Recently in Siberia, music groups drawing on knowledge of shamanic culture have emerged. In the West, shamanism has served as an imagined background to music meant to alter a listener's state of mind. Korea and Tibet are two cultures where the music of shamanic rituals has interacted closely with other traditions. In shamanism, the shaman has a more active musical role than the medium in spirit possession.
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Since a Shamanic ritual includes a spiritual purpose and motive, it cannot be regarded as a musical performance, even though shamans use music (singing, drumming, and other instruments) in their rituals. Several things follow the ritual. First, a shamanic ritual performance is, above all, a series of actions and not a series of musical sounds. Second, the shaman's attention is directed inwards towards her or his visualisation of the spirit world and communication with the spirits, and not outwards to any listeners who might be present.
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Third, it is important for the success of the ritual that it be given its own clearly defined context that is quite different from any kind of entertainment. Fourth, any theatrical elements that are added to impress an audience are of a type to make the contact with the spirits seem more real and not to suggest the performer's musical virtuosity. From a musical perspective, shamanic ritual performances have the distinctive feature of discontinuity.
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Breaks may happen because a spirit is proving difficult to communicate with, or the shaman needs to call a different spirit. Typically, phases of the performance are broken off abruptly, perhaps to be restarted after a gap, perhaps not. The rhythmic dimension of the music of shamans' rituals has been connected to the idea of both incorporating the rhythms of nature and magically re-articulating them.
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It has been argued that shamanism and spirit possession involve contrasting kinds of special states of mind. The shaman actively enters the spirit world, negotiates with her or his helper spirit and then with other spirits as necessary, and moves between different territories of the spirit world. The possessed medium, on the other hand, is the passive recipient of a powerful spirit or god. This reflects the different uses of music involved.
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Possession music is typically longer in duration, mesmeric, loud, and intense, with climaxes of rhythmic intensity and volume to which the medium has learned to respond by entering a trance state: the music is not played by the medium but by one or more musicians. In shamanism, the music is played by the shaman, confirms the shaman's power (in the words of the shaman's song), and is used actively by the shaman to modulate movements and changes of state as part of an active journey within the spirit world. In both cases, the connection between music and an altered state of mind depends on both psychoacoustic and cultural factors, and the music cannot be said to 'cause' trance-states.
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Sound is tactile; whereas visual information is experienced at the surface, auditory information seems to be both outside and inside the body. In oral cultures in which survival involves close contact with nature, sound often connects inner feelings to features of the natural environment. In many cases, this holds also for the music in shamanistic practice, including e.g. onomatopoeia, imitation of animal cries etc. The shaman's use of sound is to catalyse an imaginary inner environment which is experienced as a sacred space-time in which the shaman travels and encounters spirits. Sound, passing constantly between inner and outer, connects this imaginary space with the actual space of the ritual in which the shaman is moving and making ritual actions and gestures.
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It has been suggested that the sound material used by the shaman constitutes a system of sounds. This idea of semiotics of the sound material would imply a symbolic language shared between the shaman and the surrounding community. However, the evidence suggests that any symbolic language elements are understood only by the shaman and perhaps by other shamans initiated by this shaman.
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In other words, the symbolic language, if there is one, is more likely to be shared with the spirits than with a human community.A shaman may use different sounds for different ritual purposes: Setting up the sound space of the ritual A very important element in Siberian shamanism is the use of hanging metallic objects - possibly including small bells - attached to the shaman's ritual cloak and to the inside of the drum and also sometimes to the beater. This sets up a continuously moving sound field, heard as a single complex sound. A further element is the spatialisation of sound brought about not only by the shaman's movement but also by techniques of singing into the drum to create the illusion of the voice coming from elsewhere.
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Different individual shamans and different local traditions may use different sounds. For example, in the south of Tuva and in Mongolia the khomus, or jaw harp is commonly used in shamanising. Preparation Particular sounds, like bells, may be used for purifying the place in which the ritual is to be performed.
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This is because a ritual involving contact with the spirits is always potentially dangerous, and one of the dangers is that pollution. Calling and sending back spirits A bell may also be used for calling or sending back spirits. Shamans will also imitate the sounds of birds and animals in order to call spirits.
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Sami shamanic singing, called Joik, is also about summoning, for example, animal spirits, rather than singing about them or representing them: the spirit is experienced as being present. Healing Within shamanic ritual, sound can also be used as a healing power, conceived as a way of directing spiritual energy from the shaman into an afflicted person. In Tuva sick persons are said to have been healed by the sound of a stringed instrument made from a tree struck by lightning.
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The shaman's song - or algysh in Tuvan - is personal to the shaman and tells of her or his birthplace, initiation, ancestral pedigree, special gifts, and special connections to particular spirits. The melody and words are composed by the shaman and generally remain the same throughout the shaman's professional life. The algysh is often sung near the beginning of the ritual and accompanied by drumming on the dungur drum.
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It serves to remind the shaman of their shamanic identity and power. It proclaims the shaman's abilities and announces the shaman to the spirits. In some traditions, the shaman's song may be broken up into short sections, varied, and recombined in different performances.
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Korea is the only country where shamanism appears to have been a state religion practised by the literate classes, during the Three Kingdoms Period (57BC-668AD). Under successive dynasties, shamanism was gradually relegated to a popular or folk status with the arrival of Confucianism, Taoism, and Buddhism. The early official status of shamanism is the probable explanation for the fact that shamanic rituals in Korea developed highly complex and established forms. Correspondingly the music used in shamanic rituals is more elaborate in Korea than elsewhere.
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Furthermore, since the emergence of Korean contemporary nationalism, there has been a strong and sustained state intervention to preserve artistic traditions. All of these factors make it uniquely difficult in Korea to distinguish the 'pure' from hybrid and concert forms of shamanic ritual music. For example, Sinawi is a musical form that can be used in shamanic rituals or accompany folk dances, or for urban concert performances.
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In the ritual context Sinawi, is often performed by a small ensemble with the changgo hour-glass drum and two melodic instruments, often the taegum flute and the piri oboe. In concert the ensemble is augmented with stringed instruments Modern Sinawi is played in a minor mode in 12/8 time. The role of music in Korean shamanism seems intermediary between the possession trance model and the Siberian model: in the Kut ritual, the music, played by musicians, first calls on the god to possess the mudang (shaman), then accompanies the god during their time in the shaman's body, then sends back and placates the god at the end. However, the shaman is the singer and dancer and the shaman directs the musicians.
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Before Buddhism came to Tibet, the local form of shamanism was Bön. Bön developed into an organised religion. When Buddhism arrived, both religions began competing with each other and incorporated many of each other's practices.
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The Bön shaman's drum on a pole became part of Tibetan Buddhist ritual music ensembles. Also, the shang - a kind of bell cymbal - became incorporated into Buddhist rituals. It was formerly only used by shamans to clear away negative energy before shamanic rituals. The practice of giving a sonorous identity to deities, of calling them and sending them back by means of sounds, may well have entered Tibetan Buddhist ritual from Bön tradition.
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From the late 1980s with the loosening up of political restrictions several of Siberian native cultures underwent a cultural renaissance, shamans began to practice openly again, and musicians formed bands drawing on shamanic traditions. Cholbon and AiTal, in Sakha/Yakutsk, Biosyntes and early Yat-Kha in Tuva fall into this category. Nevertheless, the musicians involved, if sometimes unsure of their exact role, recognised an important difference between artists using shamanic themes and shamans themselves.
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In the West, bands began to apply the label 'shamanic' loosely to any music that might induce a trance state. This was partly due to the rarity of actual recordings of shamans' rituals. Meanwhile, the British-Tuvan group K-Space developed ways of combining improvisation, electronics, and experimental recording and montage techniques with the more shamanic side of Tuvan traditional music. In Hungary Vágtázó Halottkémek(in English: Galloping Coroners) later Vágtázó Csodaszarvas set out under the banner of shaman-punk to use ethnographic materials as manuals on how to reach and communicate ecstatic states. From 2005 Vágtázó Csodaszarvas (Galloping Wonder Stag) continued Vágtázó Halottkémek music philosophy turning it into a neotraditional music style closer to world music, replacing electronic guitars and drums with acoustic folk instruments.
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Mongolie Chamanes et Lamas, Ocora C560059 (1994) Shamanic and Narrative Songs from the Siberian Arctic, Sibérie 1, Musique du Monde, BUDA 92564-2 Musiche e sciamani, Musica del Mondo, Textus 001 (2000). Contains tracks assembled from the set of seven CDs of Siberian music on BUDA curated by Henri Lecomte. Sold with book (in Italian) Musiche e sciamani, ed Antonello Colimberti, Textus 2000. Kim Suk Chul / Kim Seok Chul Ensemble: Shamanistic Ceremonies of the Eastern Seaboard, JVC, VICG-5261 (1993) Trommeln der Schamanen, Tondokumente der Ausstellung, Völkerkundemuseum der Universität Zürich (2007) Tuva, Among the Spirits, Smithsonian Folkways SFW 40452 (1999) Stepanida Borisova, Vocal Evocations of Sakha-Yakutia (1) SOASIS 17 (2008) Chyskyyrai, Vocal Evocations of Sakha-Yakutia (2) SOASIS 18 (2008) Gendos Chamzyrzn, Kamlaniye, Long Arms (Russia) CDLA 04070 (2004) Tabuk, Contemporary Sakha Folk Music, Feelee LP (Russia) FL 3018/019 (1991)
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An Armenophile (Armenian: հայասեր, hayaser, lit. "Armenian-lover") is a non-Armenian person who expresses a strong interest in or appreciation for Armenian culture, Armenian history or the Armenian people. It may apply to both those who display an enthusiasm in Armenian culture and to those who support political or social causes associated with the Armenian people. During and after the First World War and simultaneous Armenian genocide, the term was applied to people like Henry Morgenthau who actively drew attention to the victims of massacre and deportation, and who raised aid for refugees. President Woodrow Wilson and Theodore Roosevelt have also been called Armenophiles, due in part to their support for the creation of Wilsonian Armenia.
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According to the 12th century Armenian historian Matthew of Edessa, the Georgian King David the Builder (r. 1089–1125) "received and loved the Armenian people." Armenian lords found warm welcome in his kingdom.
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English Romantic poet Lord Byron (1788–1824) showed appreciation of the Armenian people, and has been described as being an "early enthusiast who spoke for the Armenians." Byron lived in San Lazzaro degli Armeni, a small island in Venice home to an important Armenian Catholic monastery, from late 1816 to early 1817. He acquired enough Armenian to translate passages from Classical Armenian into English. He co-authored English Grammar and Armenian (published in 1817) and Armenian Grammar and English (published in 1819), where he included quotations from classical and modern Armenian.
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Byron is considered the most prominent of all visitors of the island. The room where Byron studied now bears his name and is cherished by the monks.British academic, jurist, historian and Liberal politician James Bryce (1838–1922) visited Armenian lands twice (in 1876 and 1880). In 1876 he climbed Mount Ararat, Armenia's national symbol.
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During the Hamidian massacres and the Armenian genocide he was the leading Armenophile in Britain. His October 6, 1915 speech at the parliament about the genocide was included in Arnold J. Toynbee's book Armenian Atrocities: the Murder of a Nation. Toynbee's edited Bryce's documents (mostly testimonies of eyewitnesses) about the genocide, titled The Treatment of Armenians in the Ottoman Empire, 1915–1916. He wrote an article titled "The Future of Armenia" in The Contemporary Review in 1918.British Liberal Prime Minister William Ewart Gladstone (1809–1898), stated in a speech in 1895, during the Hamidian massacres, that "To serve Armenia is to serve civilization."
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Protestant missionary Johannes Lepsius (1858–1926) is described as the "German who knew the most about the Armenians for he had been supporting their cause vehemently since the massacres of the Armenians by Sultan Abdul Hamid at the end of the 19th century." One author describes U.S. President Theodore Roosevelt (1858–1919) as "an ardent, even hawkish Armenophile. "Fridtjof Nansen (1861-1930), a Norwegian explorer, has been described as a "friend of the Armenian nation" for his work in the 1920s to help Armenian refugees, many of them being genocide survivors.
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Nansen supported Armenian refugees in acquiring the Nansen passport, which allowed them to travel freely to various countries. Nansen wrote the book, Armenia and the Near East in 1923 which describes his sympathies to the plight of the Armenians in the wake of losing its independence to the Soviet Union. After visiting Armenia, Nansen wrote two additional books called "Gjennem Armenia" ("Across Armenia"), published in 1927 and "Gjennem Kaukasus til Volga" ("Through Caucasus to Volga").Osip Mandelstam (1891–1938), a Russian Jewish poet and essayist, has been described as an Armenophile.
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In the 21st century several politicians in the West have been described as pro-Armenian, mostly for their activism for the recognition of the Armenian genocide and support for Artsakh (Nagorno-Karabakh). They include Baroness Caroline Cox (born 1937), a member of the British House of Lords, Adam Schiff (born 1960), U.S. Congressman from California and a Democrat, Valérie Boyer (born 1962), member of the National Assembly of France from the center-right Republicans.
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Prominent Armenophile figures have been recognized in Armenia in several ways: a street in Yerevan and a school in Gyumri are named after Byron; a park, a school and a statue of Nansen in Yerevan; Bryce Street in Yerevan.
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Visual anthropology is a subfield of social anthropology that is concerned, in part, with the study and production of ethnographic photography, film and, since the mid-1990s, new media. More recently it has been used by historians of science and visual culture. Although sometimes wrongly conflated with ethnographic film, visual anthropology encompasses much more, including the anthropological study of all visual representations such as dance and other kinds of performance, museums and archiving, all visual arts, and the production and reception of mass media.
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Histories and analyses of representations from many cultures are part of visual anthropology: research topics include sandpaintings, tattoos, sculptures and reliefs, cave paintings, scrimshaw, jewelry, hieroglyphics, paintings and photographs. Also within the province of the subfield are studies of human vision, properties of media, the relationship of visual form and function, and applied, collaborative uses of visual representations. Multimodal anthropology describes the latest turn in the subfield, which considers how emerging technologies like immersive virtual reality, augmented reality, mobile apps, social networking, gaming along with film, photography and art is reshaping anthropological research, practice and teaching.
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Even before the emergence of anthropology as an academic discipline in the 1880s, ethnologists used photography as a tool of research. Anthropologists and non-anthropologists conducted much of this work in the spirit of salvage ethnography or attempts to record for posterity the ways-of-life of societies assumed doomed to extinction (see, for instance, the Native American photography of Edward Curtis)The history of anthropological filmmaking is intertwined with that of non-fiction and documentary filmmaking, although ethnofiction may be considered as a genuine subgenre of ethnographic film. Some of the first motion pictures of the ethnographic other were made with Lumière equipment (Promenades des Éléphants à Phnom Penh, 1901). Robert Flaherty, probably best known for his films chronicling the lives of Arctic peoples (Nanook of the North, 1922), became a filmmaker in 1913 when his supervisor suggested that he take a camera and equipment with him on an expedition north.
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Flaherty focused on "traditional" Inuit ways of life, omitting with few exceptions signs of modernity among his film subjects (even to the point of refusing to use a rifle to help kill a walrus his informants had harpooned as he filmed them, according to Barnouw; this scene made it into Nanook where it served as evidence of their "pristine" culture). This pattern would persist in many ethnographic films to follow (see as an example Robert Gardner's Dead Birds). By the 1940s and early 1950s, anthropologists such as Hortense Powdermaker, Gregory Bateson, Margaret Mead (Trance and Dance in Bali, 1952) and Mead and Rhoda Metraux, eds., (The Study of Culture at a Distance, 1953) were bringing anthropological perspectives to bear on mass media and visual representation.
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Karl G. Heider notes in his revised edition of Ethnographic Film (2006) that after Bateson and Mead, the history of visual anthropology is defined by "the seminal works of four men who were active for most of the second half of the twentieth century: Jean Rouch, John Marshall, Robert Gardner, and Tim Asch. By focusing on these four, we can see the shape of ethnographic film" (p. 15).
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Many, including Peter Loizos, would add the name of filmmaker/author David MacDougall to this select group. In 1966, filmmaker Sol Worth and anthropologist John Adair taught a group of Navajo Indians in Arizona how to capture 16mm film. The hypothesis was that artistic choices made by the Navajo would reflect the 'perceptual structure' of the Navajo world.
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The goals of this experiment were primarily ethnographic and theoretical. Decades later, however, the work has inspired a variety of participatory and applied anthropological initiatives - ranging from photovoice to virtual museum collections - in which cameras are given to local collaborators as a strategy for empowerment.In the United States, Visual Anthropology first found purchase in an academic setting in 1958 with the creation of the Film Study Center at Harvard's Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology. In the United Kingdom, The Granada Centre for Visual Anthropology at the University of Manchester was established in 1987 to offer training in anthropology and film-making to MA, MPhil and PhD students and whose graduates have produced over 300 films to date.
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John Collier, Jr. wrote the first standard textbook in the field in 1967, and many visual anthropologists of the 1970s relied on semiologists like Roland Barthes for essential critical perspectives.
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Contributions to the history of Visual Anthropology include those of Emilie de Brigard (1967), Fadwa El Guindi (2004), and Beate Engelbrecht, ed. (2007). A more recent history that understands visual anthropology in a broader sense, edited by Marcus Banks and Jay Ruby, is Made To Be Seen: Historical Perspectives on Visual Anthropology.
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Turning the anthropological lens on India provides a counterhistory of visual anthropology (Khanduri 2014). More broadly, visual anthropology recently involves a call to make visual culture central to the exploration of social and political experience; to give primacy to the visual, against a conventional approach in the social sciences that treats the visual as secondary to written sources and discourse (Pinney 2005; Kalantzis 2019). At present, the Society for Visual Anthropology (SVA) represents the subfield in the United States as a section of the American Anthropological Association, the AAA.
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In the United States, ethnographic films are shown each year at the Margaret Mead Film Festival as well as at the AAA's annual Film and Media Festival. In Europe, ethnographic films are shown at the Royal Anthropological Institute Film Festival in the UK, The Jean Rouch Film Festival in France, Ethnocineca in Austria and Ethnofest in Greece. Dozens of other international festivals are listed regularly in the Newsletter of the Nordic Anthropological Film Association .
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While art historians are clearly interested in some of the same objects and processes, visual anthropology places these artifacts within a holistic cultural context. Archaeologists, in particular, use phases of visual development to try to understand the spread of humans and their cultures across contiguous landscapes as well as over larger areas. By 10,000 BP, a system of well-developed pictographs was in use by boating peoples and was likely instrumental in the development of navigation and writing, as well as a medium of storytelling and artistic representation. Early visual representations often show the female form, with clothing appearing on the female body around 28,000 BP, which archaeologists know now corresponds with the invention of weaving in Old Europe. This is an example of the holistic nature of visual anthropology: a figurine depicting a woman wearing diaphanous clothing is not merely an object of art, but a window into the customs of dress at the time, household organization (where they are found), transfer of materials (where the clay came from) and processes (when did firing clay become common), when did weaving begin, what kind of weaving is depicted and what other evidence is there for weaving, and what kinds of cultural changes were occurring in other parts of human life at the time. Visual anthropology, by focusing on its own efforts to make and understand visual representations, is able to establish many principles and build theories about human visual representation in general.
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Aarhus University: Master in Visual Anthropology Australian National University: The Research School of Humanities and the Arts Centre for Visual Anthropology California State University, Chico: Home to the Advanced Laboratory for Visual Anthropology (ALVA) which offers students use of RED Digital Cinema cameras in its Masters of Anthropology program. Students receive a four-fields degree but complete an ethnographic film as partial fulfillment of their thesis requirement. A Certificate in Applied Anthropology is also available for students who would like to pursue Visual Anthropology, and make ethnographic films as Undergraduates. Facultad Latinoamericana de Ciencias Sociales Ecuador: offers a master program in visual anthropology.
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Free University of Berlin: - M.A. in Visual and Media Anthropology. Harvard University: Harvard offers a PhD in Social Anthropology with Media in conjunction with its Sensory Ethnography Lab Heidelberg University: The chair of Visual and Media Anthropology offers BA and MA courses in the field of visual and media anthropology.
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New York University: The Program in Culture and Media Pontifical Catholic University of Peru: The Social Sciences Department at PUCP offers a two-year MA program in Visual Anthropology. San Francisco State University: Visual Anthropology program and Peter Biella Tallinn University: MA in audiovisual ethnography. Towson University: Undergraduate track in Anthropology-Sociology, Matthew Durington, Samuel Collins and Harjant Gill Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana: Laboratorio de Antropología Visual (LAV) Universitat de Barcelona: Postgraduate and Master's programs in Visual Anthropology University of British Columbia: The Ethnographic Film Unit at UBC University College London: offers postgraduate courses that can be taken as part of a master's degree for credit or they can be audited with a certificate of completion provided.
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University of Kent: The Department of Anthropology offers a Masters in Visual Anthropology that explores traditional and experimental means of using visual images to produce/represent anthropological knowledge. Note (Nov 2020): this is no longer offered. Link is to web archive version.
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University of Leiden: offers the Bachelor course Visual Methods and Visual Ethnography as a Method as part the Master's programme. It teaches students how to use photography, digital video and sound recording both as research and reporting tools as part of ethnographic research. University of London, Goldsmiths College: The anthropology department offers a BA, an MA , and PhD in Visual Anthropology.
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University of Manchester: The Granada Centre for Visual Anthropology offers MA, MPhil and PhD courses that combine practical film training, editing and production, photography, sound recording, art and social activism. Established in 1987, the Granada Centre's postgraduate programme has produced over 300 documentary films. Its students have made films for numerous international broadcasters, including the BBC and Channel 4.
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