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If Augustus found the death of Lucius hard to take, the death of Gaius was absolutely devastating.
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His request to return from exile would have to be granted. The reality that he was now the only man alive who could succeed Augustus to the throne would have to be acknowledged.
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Tiberius was now once again the heir apparent.
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Now I suppose this is a good time to address a rumor that has been kicking around since the days of antiquity.
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I speak of course of the Livia killed everyone theory of Roman imperial history.
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In this theory, Olivia takes on the persona of the wicked stepmother, a familiar archetype that was well known to Roman dramatists, who, in her single-minded push to drive Tiberius into power, poisoned anyone who got in their way.
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First Markelus, or Marcellus depending on who you talk to. Then Lucius, then Gaius.
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She arranged the banishment of Julia and will soon enough arrange the banishment of young Agrippa posthumous and his sister Julia the younger.
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She was even accused of eliminating her own son, Jerusalem, who suspected of having Republican sympathies.
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These accusations have been around since it became clear that young Julian men in line for the throne had a habit of dying young and suddenly.
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But are of course given their fullest voice in the BBC mini-series, I, Claudius.
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Having somehow gone my entire life without ever actually seeing the show, I decided to right that particular wrong and have recently been watching it with the utmost enjoyment.
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iClaudius is of course awesome and anyone who's listening to this podcast will thoroughly enjoy it. But all I can say is Robert Graves really, really didn't like Livia.
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She is portrayed as evil and manipulative right down to the core. I don't think there is a sympathetic moment for her in the entire series.
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All I can say about this is that we should remain skeptical about such portrayals.
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Even the Latin historians, Suetonius especially, who specialized in gossip.
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Acknowledge that there is no proof of anything, and that the rumors were likely concocted by enemies of the regime, particularly enemies of Tiberius, who wished to discredit the entire Claudian half of the Julio-Claudian dynasty.
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We should also keep in mind that in the ancient world sudden death was not exactly unheard of.
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Disease ran rampant and medicine was barely out of its infancy.
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There is no need to concoct a tale about a diabolical woman secretly assassinating her son's rivals to explain the fact that Lucius got sick and died. Or that after being stabbed with a sword, Gaius's wound never healed properly and he died. This is all to say that basically, I'm not going to go there.
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To me, Livia will remain a staunch promoter of her son's interests and a ruthless defender of the new imperial regime, but I will not be portraying her as the embodiment of pure malevolence.
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He was quickly adopted by Augustus and his at-large powers, which had lapsed during his exile, were renewed and extended by the Senate.
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As a condition of his adoption though, Tiberius was required to adopt his now 20 year old nephew Germanicus.
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What your manic is having blood ties back to Augustus through his mother Antonia.
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The princeps hoped that after a temporary diversion through Tiberias, power would wind up back in the hands of a Julian.
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Doubly ensuring that in the future, power would remain in Julian hands. Germanicus was married to Augustus' granddaughter, Agrippina.
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When the princeps died, Tiberius would reign by necessity, but then the family of Germanicus would take their rightful places on the throne.
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It was lucky that Germanicus was turning out to be such a promising young man, because the rest of his family was a disaster.
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Agrippa Postumus, the last surviving son of Marcus Agrippa and Julia, had grown into a violent and cruel young man.
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In 7 AD, after numerous complaints and indiscretions, Augustus finally had to give up, and Posthumus was forced into exile.
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Banished to a tiny island that was little more than a rock.
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The next year, Julia, the younger followed in her mother's footsteps, first into a life of moral flexibility, carrying on her own series of infamous affairs and then exile at Augustus's orders.
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Rumors held though, that she was not banished simply for immorality.
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But she was also taking part in a plot against the Augustan regime.
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Her first husband had been executed on charges of treason, and some suppose that his wife had more than a little to do with the whole affair.
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Whenever his daughter or grandchildren popped up in conversation, Augustus was known to quote from the Iliad, ah, to have never married and childless died.
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Rounding out the Hall of Shame were Germanicus's sister Lovilla, who will eventually commit suicide after being implicated in the murder of Tiberius's son, and his brother Claudius, a stammering idiot who everyone knew would never amount to anything.
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While Augustus was dealing with his internal family dramas, an external disaster shook the regime right down to its core.
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Over the years, between the campaigns of Jerusalem and the subsequent campaigns of Tiberias, the Roman grip on Germania had slowly tightened.
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By 7 AD, the Romans were moving with relative impunity through the country and had established alliances with numerous Germanic tribes.
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Bases and forts had been erected on the far side of the Rhine, and by all accounts, it was looking like Germania would soon be formally annexed.
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The only problem was that despite the appearance of goodwill and friendship, the majority of German tribes had no love for Rome whatsoever, and were not going to sit by while their country was enveloped into the empire. Into this dynamic, step two men.
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Publius Quintilius Varus, then governor, assigned to the task of consolidating Roman control of the country.
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And a German chieftain known by his latinized name, Arminius.
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Arminius was well trusted by the Romans and played the part of a staunch Roman ally to the hilt.
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He had served in the legions, leading German auxiliary forces in numerous battles, and had even been granted citizenship for his service.
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Forest trusted the German leader implicitly and considered him a key to bring the Germans in line with Roman rule.
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But despite outward appearances, Arminius hated the Romans.
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His real dream was not helping Rome conquer Germania.
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But rather, uniting the independent German tribes under his single banner and leading them to victory against the legions. For two years.
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He ostensibly advised and aided Varus in his labors but secretly was organizing a massive resistance effort
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By 9 AD, Arminius had convinced enough of his countrymen to join him that he felt strong enough to strike.
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But being strong enough to strike did not mean simply declaring his break from Rome and attacking in a set piece battle. No, that would never work.
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The German chieftain knew from his years of serving in the legions that his fellow tribesmen were no match for Rome's armies, all things being equal.
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He devised a trap for the Romans and then leveraged his influence with Varus to make sure that the Roman leader walked right into it.
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Arminius was so trusted, in fact, that even when evidence of his intentions was brought to Varus's attention, the Roman general dismissed it as slander. But it wasn't slander. It was the truth.
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The trap was set for September just as the weather was turning sour and the Romans were thinking more about holing up for the winter than dealing with a massive Germanic uprising.
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Arminius brought word to Varus that a revolt had broken out northwest of the main Roman camp and that it would be best to go in with a show of force and remind the locals that their new rulers did not tolerate insurrection.
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So Varus led the three legions under his command, the 17th, 18th, and 19th, out of the camp, marching them northwest towards the alleged revolt. But of course, there was no uprising.
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Using the excuse that he was leaving to go raise more local soldiers to help Rome quell the unrest, Arminius left the Roman camp, met up with the massive army waiting to ambush the marching Romans in the Tudiburg forest.
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Completely unaware that anything was amiss, and believing himself far from any trouble, Varius marched his men in sloppy fashion.
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He declined to send out any advanced scouts and allowed thousands of camp followers with their slow moving baggage trains to travel alongside his forces. Believing his men to be in no danger, Varus also neglected to march in battle ready order.
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Arminius had pointed them down a narrow and muddy road, and with heavy rain starting up, the going was slow.
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At a location that archeologists have identified as just northeast of modern Osnabruck, the legions were forced to pass through a narrow strip of land, cutting between a sharp hill to the south and marshland to the north.
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I have a map posted of what the likely site looked like that was based on a map posted by YonaLendering of Livius.org.
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At the narrow pass, Arminius waited to ambush the Romans.
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The Germans had fortified a position along the slope of the southern hill, and after allowing a good portion of the Roman train to pass, launched an assault on the middle of the Roman army. Varus and his men were taken totally unaware. The army was cut in half and suffered heavy losses.
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An attempt was made to storm the fortified wall the Germans had erected, but to no avail.
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The lead group, with the Germans now behind them, either escaped or were themselves annihilated after being forced into the marshland.
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The other group with Varus still in command fought their way out of the trap and managed to build a camp just west of the ambush site.
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After spending a sleepless night holed up behind their hastily erected fortifications, the remaining Romans broke out the next morning and headed southwest. But having to fight their way through hordes of German tribesmen, the breakout caused significant casualties.
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Between the initial ambush and the morning breakout, the three legions of Varus were, by this time, essentially destroyed.
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No longer were they an army fighting a battle. Thieves were survivors fighting to escape.
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Forest led his men southwest, probably trying to make for a Roman base situated upon the Lipa River, but they would never make it.
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Between the heavy woods and the heavy rains, the Romans were unable to use their archers, unable to even hold up their waterlogged shields.
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Arminius sent a force ahead of Varus, and the confused Romans were ambushed for a second time.
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Surrounded, Avarice recognized the continued fighting was hopeless. The Roman governor, along with most of his remaining officers, committed suicide.
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Some Roman soldiers were able to slip away from these repeated ambushes and make their way to the fortress along the Lippa. But they were an insignificant minority of those who had set out with Varus in search of a non-existent revolt just days before.
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The 17th, 18th, and 19th legions, plus accompanying cavalry and auxiliary troops, all told accounting for some 20,000 men, had been slaughtered.
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The battle in the Tudibird Forest is widely recognized as one of those earth-shattering events that alters the course of history.
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Perhaps in constructing a narrative about why the Romans settled on the Rhine as their chosen frontier, historians have allowed the battle to take on outsized importance.
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But there is no doubt that it was a monumental disaster for Rome.
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The 17th, 18th, and 19th legions, for example, pass now from the historical record. Their numbers never again used by any future legions. Sort of like retiring the number of a beloved sports hero.
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Augustus was reported to have stopped shaving for months after news of the massacre reached Rome. A traditional step in the Roman mourning process
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For the rest of his life, Augustus is also reported to periodically and without warning shout, Quintilius Varus, give me back my legions.
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Whether there was a one-to-one relation between the battle and the session of permanent expansion into Germany or not,
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Nineteenth-century German nationalists made a hero of Arminius, calling him by his German name Hermann.
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They built statues to him and used the battle in the Tudorberg as proof of their racist superiority over the decadent Latins they had easily defeated.
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In concluding his article on the battle, Jona Lendering also points out that if the slaughter in the Tudelberg did indeed cause the Romans to abandon Germany.
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Then Arminius deserves credit for the remaining existence of both the German and English languages.
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Both of which would have been overwhelmed by Latin had the Romans successfully annexed Germania. Just as the local dialects in France and Spain were supplanted.
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Whether fully justified or not, the battle in the Tudiburg forest is one of those major mileposts along the road of Roman history, and it will definitely be on the test.
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Now, obviously, the Romans were not ones to simply tuck tail and run.
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So in the aftermath of the disaster, Augustus sent Tiberius to the Rhineland to execute punitive expeditions against the Germans.
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Tiberias would spend the next few years marauding around the countryside, laying waste to settlements, and enslaving the natives.
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But there was no more interest shown in establishing permanent outposts east of the Rhine.
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Tiberius himself, when he became emperor, never pushed for any substantial war making in Germania. Germanicus's campaign is notwithstanding.
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It is likely that in the final calculation, the Romans realized that the only thing capable of unifying the disparate German tribes into a force that could actually threaten the empire was the presence of the Romans on their land.
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By remaining west of the Rhine, the Romans gave the Germans no cause to abandon their eternal squabbling.
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In fact, the breakdown of German unity happened almost immediately after their greatest victory over Rome.
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