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Theodosius will demand that the two emperors be bound together even closer than ever.
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Yes, Theodosius had his eye on the next generation and wanted to ensure a clear path for his own sons to inherit the Empire.
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But for now, he really would be the protector that Valentinian needed.
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In late 387 AD, the 12-year-old Emperor Valentinian II, his mother Justina, and the rest of the Milan court showed up in Thessalonica begging Theodosius for asylum.
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The Eastern Augustus, aware that his brother Emperor had been put to flight by the usurper Maximus, had traveled down to the port city in advance and received the exile court with open arms, promising to do everything he could to restore Valentinian to power. But not just out of the goodness of his heart.
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The price for Theodosius' help was the hand of Valentinian sister Gala in marriage.
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The Eastern Augustus's first wife, Elia Flacilla, mother of the two future emperors, Arcadius and Honorius, had died in 385, and Theodosius was looking for a marital alliance that would bind his clan to the Valentinians, forming a single intertwined dynasty.
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The price seemed reasonable enough to the Empress Justina, and the marriage was hastily arranged.
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Emerging from the wedding ceremony is a single political unit.
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The Theodosian-Valentinian dynasty, then prepared for war.
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Maximus had timed his attack on Italy perfectly, waiting until the last minute before Winner sent in to pounce.
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By the time Theodosius learned of the attack, it was too late in the year for the Eastern Augustus to do anything about it.
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He would have to wait until spring, which meant that Maximus had bought himself six months to get his house in order and ready his troops for an inevitable counterattack.
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The General had already laid the groundwork for defending Italy during his initial invasion, as it is assumed that bribery and induced defections had been the main reason he had penetrated the Alpine passes so easily.
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When these Italian forces were combined with his Gallic legions, Maximus's army was, at least on paper, equal to just about anything Theodosius would be able to put in the field.
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After all, we are still just a few years removed from the devastating gothic war. It's not like the legions of the middle empire had a lot of men to spare for a civil war.
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We saw last week how the peace treaty with the Sassanids freed up at least some Syrian border troops for the campaign.
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But the Eastern Augustus' main source of recruits for the coming Civil War would actually come from the ranks of the very barbarians he had spent his first few years in office fighting.
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In these turbulent times, alliances were formed, broken and reformed with dizzying speed.
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Theodosius had not stopped working after successfully bringing an end to the Gothic War with a combination of attrition and diplomacy.
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And throughout the mid-380s, he continued to focus his attention on winning over as many barbarians as he possibly could to his side.
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And that did not just mean Goths. That meant factions of Huns and Alans from beyond the Danube frontier who were more than willing to sell their cavalries into Imperial service, if the price was right.
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Nothing about the armed conflicts of late antiquity make them easy to paint in stark black and white terms.
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And the war that's about to break out between Theodosius and Maximus is a great example of why it's so hard.
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Theodosius' top field generals, Ricomeres, the general who would come east at the outset of the Gothic War, and Ricomeres' nephew, Arbogast, were both ethnic Franks from the lower Rhine.
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And hun and alon mercenaries who were paid to serve as Theodosius' cavalry arm.
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They would be fighting against Maximus, who hailed from the same region of Spain as Theodosius, but whose army consisted mostly of Gallic legionaries who were basically just ethnic Germans living on the west side of the Rhine,
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And Ala Manai Auxiliaries, who answered Maximus's call to arms after years of friendly patronage from the general.
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In other words, when looked at from a few miles up, this Roman Civil War resembles nothing so much as a giant squabble between rival barbarian tribes.
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Take out Maximus and Theodosius, and really, how many Romans in this Roman Civil War are left? Not many, I can tell you that.
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When spring came, Theodosius went on the offensive and ordered a two-pronged assault on the Italian peninsula.
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Ground forces would march west through the Alps, while a naval force would simultaneously sail up the Adriatic and attack by sea.
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Maximus, using Aquileia as his base of operations, worked quickly to counter both threats, pulling a force down to deal with the naval invasion, while directing the bulk of his forces to block up the mountain passes.
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But unfortunately for Maximus, the winner had worked both ways, and he too had been forced to wait until spring to make many of these moves.
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So, when an advanced guard of his army occupied the small city of Siskija in what is now Slovenia,
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They were unable to complete the defensive fortifications necessary
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With the lightning fast Hun cavalry leading the way, Theodosius' land army made contact with Maximus' forces at Siskia and easily ran them off. But this was just the opening skirmish.
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The real test would come a hundred miles to the north, in the fortified city of Poetovio, where Maximus' main army, led in person by his brother, was stationed.
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Details are scarce, but it appears the two sides met in battle in midsummer 388, and after an intensely fought back and forth battle, Theodosius emerged victorious.
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With his armies guarding the mountains defeated and his southern flank failing in the face of the naval assault, Maximus called for reinforcements from the north and then fled back to Aquileia to await relief.
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But with Theodosius' forces breathing down Italy's neck, the powers that be in Aquileia decided that standing behind Maximus was suicide, whereas handing him over likely meant they would escape all this with their heads intact.
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So, they thawed it over for roughly 2 nanoseconds and put Maximus in chains.
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When Theodosius' forces arrived, Maximus was handed over, and on August 28th, 388 AD, General was beheaded.
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I'll never quite be sure what his official title was, but he did rule the western provinces for five years and by all accounts did a pretty good job. And now he's dead. So there you go.
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With Maximus dead, a Theodosius entered Milan unopposed and then called on Valentinian and the rest of his exile court to return.
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The war over, securing the peace was now the main task confronting the victorious Theodosius. And, as in his dealings with the Goths, the Eastern Augustus demonstrated that he found clemency and forgiveness far superior tools to work with than hostility and revenge.
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Almost no punitive action was taken against the men who had sided with Maximus.
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And even within the General's own family, only his eldest son, who had been named Maximus's official co-ruler and successor, paid the ultimate price for the General's transgressions.
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His wife and daughters were allowed to live out their lives in peace with their security guaranteed.
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As Julius Caesar had shown so many years before, this sort of habitual blanket clemency can sometimes come back to bite you.
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But Theodosius likely felt like the alternative would have been far worse.
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It's not like Maximus had been unpopular with either the people or the military.
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Going after his supporters would have meant, well, going after everyone, really.
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Better to risk some reignited revolt later on than guarantee one now by coming down too harshly.
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Aside from the people and the soldiers of the West, there was one other major player that Theodosius was keen to placate. The Bishop of Milan.
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Ambrose had stayed behind when the Imperial Court had abandoned the Italian capital, the Maximus, and his steadfast refusal to be pushed around had elevated his popularity, and he was already pretty popular, into the stratosphere.
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Not that staying took some immense amount of courage or anything. If Ambrose felt he had a thing to fear from the devoutly Nicene Maximus, he probably would have high-tailed it out of there. But he didn't, and so he didn't.
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Theodosius understood that the road to a secure western empire went right through the bishop's church, and so he reached out to Ambrose in an attempt to bring the influential clergyman over to his side.
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But Theodosius was about to discover that Ambrose was the kind of man who, while willing to make deals, was only willing to make them on his own terms.
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Thoroughly empowered and not at all impressed by Imperial displays of power, Ambrose had no intention of compromising with Theodosius on anything.
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The emperor was going to have to come to him.
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Theodosius caught his first whiff of Ambrose's willingness to go head to head with an imperial court.
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When news came that far in the east, some fanatical monks had talked themselves up into a righteous fury and then decided to go take that fury out on an ancient Jewish synagogue.
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Theodosius, you'll recall, usually reserved his own religious fanaticism for intra-Christian conflicts and skewed tolerant when other religions were involved.
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When he learned of the monks' crime, the emperor ordered them to pay to have the synagogue rebuilt.
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It seemed like this was a routine bit of law and order.
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Private property had been destroyed, everyone knew who had done it, and so the Vandals, not that we can really call them that yet,
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So Theodosius was shocked when Ambrose took to his pulpit and denounced the emperor's decision in extremely harsh language.
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Taken aback by the assault, the emperor modified his decision, ordering the whole civic community in question to help rebuild the synagogue, rather than focusing solely on the monks. But Ambrose continued to take offense.
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Asking his congregation why a single public dollar should go toward building a temple for sacrilegious Jews.
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And then asking further, hey, you know, why aren't we giving that money to the monks as a reward for the good work that they've done?
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Theodosius was shocked by the bishop's demagoguing on the issue, but with the people of Milan raised up now into a mighty rabble, the emperor decided to just cut bait. The order to rebuild the synagogue was quietly dropped.
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Ambrose had once again stared down the imperial court and won. But his best was still to come.
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Despite the shot that Ambrose had just fired across his bow, Theodosius was not ready to become an anti-all other religions kind of Christian just yet.
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In June of 389, he traveled down to Rome to secure the support of the old Roman Senate. And flashing around a bunch of extremist Christian rhetoric wasn't going to get him anywhere.
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Instead, he engaged in a very low-key charm offensive, designed to set the senator's minds at ease.
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While in the city, he made a habit of dropping the most ostentatious bits of his imperial regalia and leave behind his military escorts when he called on senators at their homes.
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For a brief moment there, Theodosia seemed to return to the princeps model, and presented himself as a man, a leader, and an honorable soldier, rather than a warlord and a living god.
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The Charm Offensive did the trick, and the Senate fell over itself praising Theodosius and promising their complete support.
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The emperor's reasonable front was so comforting that the great senator Samakis even took the opportunity to ask that the sacred altar of victory be restored.
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But that went a little too far, and Theodosius firmly, though politely, refused.
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These happy times would not last, however, as events were about to overtake them all, giving Ambrose the leverage he needed to really bend the Emperor over the cross.
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The bishop had been chafing a little bit since Theodosius' arrival in Italy, because while the emperor clearly desired an alliance with the Church of Milan, he was not proving nearly as pliable as Gratian or Valentinian II.
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The young emperors had been more than willing to bring Ambrose in on their inner circle discussions of policy, making the bishop practically a minister of state.
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But Theodosius had his own inner circle of advisors, and ever since the defeat of Maximus, Ambrose had found himself on the outside looking in.
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Hence the need to take to the pulpit on the synagogue question, rather than just saying in a meeting, no, we won't be doing that.
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Sure, he had spies all over Theodosius' court and was kept fully briefed on what was going on.
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But he had lost the direct power he'd enjoyed for the last decade.
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The bishop didn't want to simply be an ally of the imperial court. He wanted to be indistinguishable from it.
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And so what he needed was a way to drive himself back into the center of the action.
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In 390, Theodosius' temper got the better of him, and Ambrose immediately recognized the resulting PR debacle as the opportunity he had been looking for.
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The citizens of the key port city of Thessalonica, like most of the citizens of the empire, loved chariot racing. And I mean, loved chariot racing.
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I'm not sure there's any modern sport, football included, that quite touches the salivating obsession exhibited by chariot racing fans in late antiquity.
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Part of it was because racing was essentially the only sport going.
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They didn't have dozens of options to choose from. So if you were the type of person who was into the thrill of competition, rooting for one team, hating another team, or had any interest at all in gambling,
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So one day, the biggest chariot racing star in Thessalonica gets arrested on what amounts to charges of homosexual rape.
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Locked up in a cell, he is now going to miss the big race, which causes the good citizens of Thessalonica to go a little crazy.
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Now, there was definitely more going on here than just the loss of a big star on race day.
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Since heading west, Theodosius had left the city garrisoned by a small contingent of allied gothic soldiers, which did not sit well with the public.
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Steven Williams and Gerald Friel point out that this meant there were really three factors behind the coming riots at Thessalonica.
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